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PUBLICATIONS 


OF  THE 


SCOTTISH    HISTORY   SOCIETY 

VOLUME   XXVI 


WARISTON  S  DIARY  AND  OTHER  PAPERS 


December  1896 


This  Volume  is  presented  to  the  members 

of  the  Scottish  History  Society  by 

T.  and  A.  Constable 

December  1896 


ARCHIBALD    JOHNSTON,    LORD    WARISTON 
from  tk*  portrait  by  Jamesone  in  the  possession  of  Sir  James  Gibson-Craig,  Bart. 


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O^nfai  to. 


A>     , *  /* 


DIARY    OF 

SIR    ARCHIBALD    JOHNSTON 

LORD    WARISTON 

1639 


THE   PRESERVATION   OF 
THE   HONOURS   OF   SCOTLAND 

1651-52 


LORD   MAR'S   LEGACIES 

1722-27 


LETTERS  CONCERNING  HIGHLAND 

AFFAIRS  IN  THE  18th  CENTURY 

BY  MRS.  GRANT  OF  LAGGAN 


*******  f 

i'^liiilij 


EDINBURGH 

Printed  at  the  University  Press  by  T.  and  A.  Constable 
for  the  Scottish  History  Society  / 
1896 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  MINUTES  OF  THE  COUNCIL 
OF  THE  SCOTTISH  HISTORY  SOCIETY 

February  1896 

'  The  Secretary  read  a  letter   .   .   .    making  offer  on  behalf 

'  of  Messrs.    T.    and    A.    Constable   to    print    at    their   own 

'  cost,  and   to   present   to   the   Society,  in    October   next,  a 

'  volume   of   Miscellanies,    in    commemoration    of  the  Tenth 

*  Anniversary    of  the    Society's    institution.       The    offer   was 

'  cordially   accepted,   and    the    Chairman    was    requested    to 

'  convey  to   Messrs.  Constable  the  Council's  appreciation  of 

'  the  generous  gift.1  T.  G.  L. 

Hon.  Sec. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

I.  FRAGMENT  OF  THE  DIARY  OF  SIR 
ARCHIBALD  JOHNSTON,  LORD  WARIS- 
TON,   1639,  Edited  by  George  M.  Paul  1 

II.  PAPERS  RELATIVE  TO  THE  PRESERVA- 
TION OF  THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND, 
in  Dunnottar  Castle,  1 65 1-1  652, 

Edited  by  Charles  R.  A.  Howden  99 

III.  THE  EARL  OF  MAR'S  LEGACIES  TO  SCOT- 
LAND, AND  TO  HIS  SON,  LORD  ERSKINE, 

1722-1727, 

Edited  by  The  Hon.  Stuart  Erskine         139 

IV.  LETTERS  WRITTEN  BY  MRS.  GRANT  OF 
LAGGAN  CONCERNING  HIGHLAND 
AFFAIRS  AND  PERSONS  CONNECTED 
WITH  THE  STUART  CAUSE  IN  THE 
EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY, 

Edited  by  J.  R.  N.  Macphail         249 


FRAGMENT     OF 

THE    DIARY    OF 
SIR  ARCHIBALD  JOHNSTON 

LORD     WARISTON 

MAY  2 1- JUNE  25 

1639 

Edited  from  the  Original  Manuscript  with 

Introduction  and  Notes  by 

GEORGE   MORISON   PAUL 

M.A.,  F.S.A.  SCOT. 


>, 


INTRODUCTION 

Wodrow  relates1  that  Mr.  Ridpath2  informed  him  that  he 
had  been  '  imployed  by  Secretary  Johnstoun  to  goe  throu  his 
'  father,  my  Lord  WaristoiVs  papers,  and  put  them  in  order ; 
'  which  he  spent  severall  dayes  and  weeks  upon.  That  amongst 
'  other  papers  of  the  greatest  value  to  the  Church  of  Scotland, 
'  he  fell  upon  my  Lord  WaristoiVs  Dyary,  which  he  sayes  he  read 
'  over.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  it,  and  all  bound  up  in  differ- 
'  ent  boundels.  It  conteans  many  valuable  passages  with 
'  relation  to  the  history  of  these  times,  noe  where  else  to  be 
6  found.''  Secretary  Johnston  lived  during  the  latter  years  of 
his  life  at  Twickenham,  and  died  in  May  1737.  What  became 
of  his  papers  after  his  death  is  not  known  ;  and  probably  his 
father's  Diary  is  irretrievably  lost.  A  fragment  has  fortunately 
been  preserved  in  a  separate  manuscript  volume.  It  covers 
the  short  period  of  thirty-six  days,  from  the  21st  of  May  to 
the  25th  of  June  1639,  and  contains  the  details  of  the  nego- 
tiations which  ended  in  the  pacification  of  Berwick,  and  the 
conclusion  of  the  first  Bishops''  War. 

The  manuscript  was  submitted  to  this  Society  by  its  owner, 
Mr.  Maxtone  Graham  of  Cultoquhey  and  Redgorton,  the 
nephew  and  heir  of  the  late  Mr.  Robert  Graham  of  Balgowan, 

1  Analecta,  ii.  218. 

2  Mr.  George  Ridpath  was  a  well-known  political  writer  in  the  reigns  of  King 
William  III.  and  Queen  Anne.  He  was  the  translator  from  the  Latin  MS.  of 
Sir  Thomas  Craig's  Treatise  against  the  Eight  of  the  Crown  of  England  to 
Homage  from  the  Kingdom  of  Scotland,  1695,  which  he  dedicated  to  Secretary 
Johnston  ;  and  he  was  the  author  of  an  Account  of  the  Rights  and  Powers  of 
the  Parliament  of  Scotland,  1705,  to  which  Secretary  Johnston  is  said  to  have 
written  the  Preface. — Atwood's  The  Scotch  Patriot  Unmasked,  1705  ;  Wodrow, 
Analecta,  ii.  267.     See  also  Carstares'  State  Papers,  216. 

A 


2  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

in  whose  library  it  was  found.    Nothing  is  known  of  its  history 
prior  to  its  discovery  in  Mr.  Graham's  library.     It  is  contained 
in  a  small  folio  which  is  bound  in  white  vellum,  eleven  and 
a  half  inches  long,  by  eight  and  three  quarters  broad,  and 
has  attached  to  it  the  roots  of  four  vellum  strings  or  ties. 
The   volume   is  written    from    both   ends — the   Diary  being 
written   from    one   end,   and   some   interesting    miscellaneous 
notes  and  papers  from  the  other.     On  the  front  page  of  this 
end  is  written  in  Wariston's  handwriting,  *  The  names  of  the 
books  qh.  I  taik  to  the  airmee  Avith  me.1      Then  follow :    1. 
'  Memorandum  of  paperis  takine  with  me  to  the  Campe  in 
'  July  1640."'      2.   '  The  new  and  constant  plote  of  planting 
'  the  whole  kirks  of  Scotland  penned  to  be  presented  to  the 
'  Kinge   and  the   estaits   in    anno    1596.''      This   extends   to 
eleven  and  a  half  closely  written  pages.     3.  '  Ane  schort  note 
'  of  the  decisiones  and  interloquitors  given  be  the  Lords  of 
*  Counsell  since  the  moneth  of  Januar  1619.1     The  latest  date 
is  30th  July  1646.     The  cases  are  arranged  in  alphabetical 
order  according  to  the  subjects,  and  are  reported  very  briefly. 
There  are  sundry  markings  on  the  margin  in  Wariston's  hand- 
writing.    This  digest  occupies  ninety-seven  pages.     4.  Notes 
from  'the   books   of  the   register   of  Session   beginning  4th 
February  1531,''  and  ending  on  1st  February  1545.        This 
occupies  sixteen  pages.      5.  Papers  relating  to  the  scheme  for 
'  the  erecting  of  a  comon  fishing '  for  England  and  Scotland  in 
1630.     They  contain  notes  upon  the  Fishery  Laws  of  some  of 
the  Continental  nations.     6.  Some  notes  entitled  '  Avisandum 
anent  the  Union.''      7.  Acts  and  orders  of  the  Commissioners 
for  administration  of  justice  in  Scotland,  27th  June  1655  to 
8th  November  1656. 

The  Diary,  which  is  the  only  writing  from  the  other  end  of 
the  book,  is  written  in  a  small  but  neat  and  legible  seventeenth 
century  hand.  It  is  not  that  of  Wariston,  but  it  is  abundantly 
clear  from  internal  evidence  that  the  Diary  was  his. 

During  the  whole  of  the  eventful  period,  from  the  uprising 


INTRODUCTION  3 

of  the  Scottish  people  against  the  Service  Book  and  the 
Bishops  in  1637  until  the  Restoration,  Sir  Archibald  John- 
ston of  Wariston  (Lord  Wariston)  was  in  the  very  front  rank 
of  the  Presbyterian  party.  He  was  perhaps  the  most  remark- 
able Scotsman  of  that  very  troubled  period  of  British  history. 

The  family  to  which  he  belonged  seems  to  have  been  an 
offshoot  from  the  noble  house  of  Annandale.1  He  has  been 
described  as  a  son  of  James  Johnston  of  Beirholm  in  Dumfries- 
shire, but  that  was  not  so.  In  1608  James  Johnestoun,  who  is 
described  as  '  of  Beirholme,"'  was  served  heir  of  Gavin  Johne- 
stoun '  in  1  (i.e.  tenant  of)  '  Kirkton  of  Kirkpatrick  Juxta '  in 
Dumfriesshire,  his  grandfather,  and  heir  of  his  father,  '  James 
Johnestoun,  in '  (i.e.  tenant  of)  '  Midilgill."1 2  Neither  grand- 
father nor  father  is  described  as  '  of  Beirholm.1  How  or  when 
James  Johnston  became  possessed  of  Beirholm  does  not  appear, 
but  it  seems  clear  that  he  did  not  inherit  it  from  either  of 
them.  And  from  what  follows  it  will  be  seen  that  he  was  not 
Wariston's  father,  although  he  may  have  been  a  relation. 

Archibald  Johnestoun  (Waristons  grandfather)  was  a  native 
of  Kirkpatrick  Juxta.  By  his  will 3  he  left  '  ane  hundreth 
'  merks  to  help  the  repairing  and  completing  of  ye  kirk  callit 
'  Kirkpatrick  Juxta,  where  my  predecessors''  bonis  lyes.-' 

This  Archibald  Johnestoun  was  an  eminent  merchant  and 
leading  citizen  of  Edinburgh  during  a  considerable  part  of  the 
reign  of  James  vi.  On  22nd  April  1589  the  King  wrote  to 
Archibald  Douglas,  thanking  him  '  for  his  services  in  behalf  of 
'  Archibald  Johnestoun,  son-in-law  of  the  Provost  of  Edin- 
8  burgh , ;  4  and  on  31st  May  1595,  he  wrote  to  Queen  Elizabeth 

1  He,  as  well  as  his  uncle  Johnston  of  Hilton  in  Berwickshire,  carried  the 
principal  arms  of  the  Annandale  family,  but  for  a  difference  engrailed  the 
saltier. — Xisbet,  i.  144  ;   The  British  Herald,  by  Robson,  vol.  ii.  voce  Johnston. 

The  Editor  unfortunately  did  not  see  The  Annandale  Family  Book,  by  Sir 
William  Fraser,  K.  C.B. ,  until  this  Introduction  was  written.  Portions  of 
Wariston's  family  history  which  follow,  and  which  have  been  collected  from  the 
original  sources,  will  be  found  in  that  work. 

2  Printed  Special  Retours,  Dumfriesshire,  28th  April  1608,  Nos.  51,  52. 

3  Register  of  Confd.  Test.,  Edinburgh,  28th  April  16 19. 

4  Historical  Ma?iuscripts,  Hatfield  Collection,  iii.  407. 


JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

soliciting  her  good  offices  with  reference  to  a  suit  in  which 
Archibald  Johnestoun  was  engaged  before  her  Council.1 
Bishop  Burnet,  his  great-grandson,  described  him  as  '  the 
greatest  merchant ,  of  his  time,  and  said  that  he  left  to  his 
wife  an  estate  of  o(?2000  a  year,  a  large  fortune  in  those  days, 
'  to  be  disposed  of  among  his  children  as  she  pleased.' 2  By  his 
will  he  bequeathed  a  legacy  to  the  University  of  Edinburgh, 
which  still  has  a  bursary  of  i?ll,  2s.  2d.  sterling,  a  year,  bearing 
his  name.3  His  wife  was  Rachel  Arnot,  a  daughter  of  Sir 
John  Arnot  of  Birswick,  who  was  Lord  Provost  of  Edinburgh 
from  1587  till  1589,  and  for  some  years  Treasurer-Depute,  and 
a  Privy  Councillor.  Sir  John  Arnot  is  said  by  Burnet  to  have 
been  '  a  man  in  great  favour.1  i  Rachel  Arnot  died  on  20th 
March  1626.5 

Archibald  Johnestoun  and  Rachel  Amot  had  three  sons  and 
two  daughters,  viz. :  1.  James,  a  merchant  burgess  of  Edin- 
burgh, who  married  Elizabeth  Craig,  second  daughter  of  Sir 
Thomas  Craig  of  Riccarton,  the  most  eminent  lawyer  of  his 
time,  and  author  of  the  very  learned  Latin  treatise  on  Feudal 
Law.6     2.    Samuel,   who   was  an  advocate,  succeeded   on   the 

1  Historical  Manuscripts,  Hatfield  Collection,  v.  223. 

2  Burnet's  History  of  his  own  Time,  8vo.  vol.  i.  p.  31. 

3  Register  of  Confd.  Test.,  ut  supra  ;  Edinburgh  University  Calendar,  1895-6, 
pp.  329-333.  4  Burnet,  ut  supra. 

5  Register  of  Confd.  Test.,  Edinburgh,  23rd  August  1626. 

6  Her  mother's  name  was  Helen  Heriot.  Tytler  and  others,  following  the 
Biography  of  Craig  prefixed  to  the  third  edition  of  theytt.r  Feudale,  have  errone- 
ously described  her  as  daughter  of  Heriot,  Laird  of  Trabroun.  She  was  second 
daughter  of  Robert  Heriot  of  Lumphoy  or  Lymphoy,  an  estate  in  the  parish 
of  Currie,  near  to  Craig's  estate  of  Riccarton.  The  mansion-house  of  the  old 
estate  is  now  in  ruins,  and  is  called  Lennox  Tower.  Robert  Heriot  was  also 
rentaller  under  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow  of  the  lands  of  Ramshorn,  Meadow- 
flat,  and  Cardarroch.  Helen  Swinton,  his  wife,  was  probably  the  eldest 
daughter  of  John  Swinton  of  that  Ilk  (Douglas  Baronage,  p.  130).  Heriot's  eldest 
daughter  and  heiress  was  Agnes,  wife  of  James  Foulis,  Baron  of  Colinton.  Helen 
Swinton,  after  Robert  Heriot's  death,  married  Edward  Henryson,  a  learned 
Doctor  of  Laws,  to  whom  she  had  a  son,  Sir  Thomas  Henryson,  Lord  Chesters 
in  the  Court  of  Session.  See  Reg.  Eccl.  Colleg.  Sancte.  Trinit.  Edinburgh,  pp. 
118-132;  New  Statist.  Account,  '  Currie,' 546  ;  also  Diocesan  Register  of  Glasgozv, 
Grampian  Club,  vol.  i.  pp.  161-172 ;  Brown's  Monumental  Inscriptions  in 
Greyfriars  Churchyard,  Edinburgh  (Henryson),  p.  76. 


INTRODUCTION  5 

death  of  his  mother  to  the  property  of  Sheens  (Sciennes),  now 
part  of  Edinburgh,  and  to  the  estate  of  Dunglass  in  Berwick- 
shire. 3.  Joseph,  who  succeeded  to  the  estate  of  Hilton  in 
Berwickshire,  was  founder  of  the  family  of  Johnston  of  Hilton 
in  that  county.1  4.  Rachel,  married  (first)  John  Jaksone,2 
and  (secondly)  Sir  William  Bruce  of  Stenhouse,  whom  she 
survived.3  5.  Jonet,  married  (first)  Sir  James  Skene  of  Currie- 
hill,  Lord  President  of  the  Court  of  Session  from  1626  till 
1633 ;  and  (secondly)  James  Inglis  of  Ingliston.4 

James  Johnston,  the  eldest  son,5  and  Elizabeth  Craig  had 
eight  children,  of  whom  four  seem  to  have  died  in  infancy. 
The  four  who  survived  their  grandfather  were :  one  son,  the 
celebrated  Archibald  Johnston  of  Wariston,  and  three 
daughters,6  of  whom  the  eldest,  Rachel,  married  Robert 
Burnet,  Advocate  (afterwards  Lord  Crimond  in  the  Court  of 
Session),  the  editor  of  the  first  edition  of  Craig's  Jus  Feudale ; 
and  Beatrix,  the  youngest,  married,  in  1639,  Patrick  Congal- 
ton  of  that  Ilk.7  Of  the  other  daughter,  Margaret,  nothing 
has  been  discovered. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  Edinburgh  was  a 
comparatively  small  town.  It  was  then  as  now  '  the  metropolis 
of  law,1  as  Jedediah  Cleishbotham  termed  it,  and  its  leading 
citizens  were,  consequently,  mostly  connected  with  the  Law 
Courts.  Waristons  grandfather  was  Sir  Thomas  Craig,  the 
eminent  feudal  lawyer ;  his  wife's  grandfather  was  Sir  John 
Skene  of  Curriehill,  who  had  been  one  of  the  Octavians,  Lord 
Clerk  Register,  and  a  Lord  of  Session ;  and  her  father  was  Sir 
Alexander  Hay,  Lord  Foresterseat,  also  a  Lord  of  Session.8 


1  There  was,  and  still  is,  another  family  of  Johnston  of  Hilton  in  Aberdeenshire. 

2  Register  Confd.  Test.,  Edinburgh,  28th  April  1619. 

3  Register  Great  Seal,  Printed  Abridg.,  5th  July  1627,  No.  HOI. 

4  Ibid.  13th  March  1637. 

5  Died  24th  April  1617.     Reg.  Confd.  Test.,  Edinburgh,  2nd  July  1618. 

6  Reg.  Confd.  Test.,  supra. 

7  Douglas  Baronage,  p.  523.     It  is  there  said  that  she  was  a  daughter  of  Wari- 
ston, but  that  is  obviously  a  mistake. 

8  Register  Great  Seal,  Abridg.,  1169,  nth  July  1642. 


6  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONT,S  DIARY 

Waristons  great-aunt,  Marion  Arnot,  was  the  wife  of  (first) 
James  Nisbet,  a  brother  of  Patrick  Nisbet,  Lord  Eastbank,  and 
uncle  of  Sir  John  Nisbet  of  Dirleton,  Lord  Advocate  and  a  Lord 
of  Session  in  the  time  of  Charles  u. ; x  and  (secondly)  Sir  Lewis 
Stewart,  the  famous  Advocate,  who  was  a  loyal  adherent  of 
Charles  i.,  and  legal  adviser  of  the  Royal  Commissioner  at  the 
General  Assembly  of  1638.  Margaret  Craig,  his  mother's  eldest 
sister,  was  the  wife  of  Sir  Alexander  Gibson,  the  first  Lord  Durie, 
and  mother  of  Sir  Alexander  Gibson,  the  second  Lord  Durie.2 
His  uncle,  Samuel  Johnston  of  Sheens,  married  Helen  Morison, 
a  sister  of  Lord  Prestongrange,3  and  granddaughter  of  John 
Preston  of  Fentonbarns,  Lord  President  of  the  Court  from 
1609  till  1616 ;  and  his  aunt,  Jonet  Johnstoun,  was,  as  has 
been  mentioned,  the  wife  of  Sir  James  Skene  of  Curriehill,  Lord 
President  of  the  Court.4  Wariston  was  thus  closely  related  to, 
and  from  his  childhood  must  have  been  intimately  acquainted 
with,  the  leading  men  of  Edinburgh. 

His  nearest  relations  were  probably  all  Presbyterians ;  some 
of  them  at  least  were  zealous  for  the  cause.  Of  his  grand- 
mother, Rachel  Arnot,  Burnet 5  wrote  that  being  a  very  rich 
woman,  and  much  engaged  to  the  Presbyterian  party,  she  was 
most  obsequiously  courted  by  them.  '  Bruce  lived  concealed 
'  in  her  house  for  some  years :  and  they  all  found  such  advan- 
'  tages  in  their  submissions  to  her,  that  she  was  counted  for 
'  many  years  the  chief  support  of  the  party.  .  .  .  My  father ' 
(Lord  Crimond),  '  marrying  her  eldest  grandchild,  saw  a  great 
'  way  into  all  the  methods  of  the  puritans.'1  She  was,  no  doubt, 
the  friend  referred  to  by  Kirkton,6  at  whose  house  at  Sheens, 
in  the  year  1621,  the  Presbyterian  ministers,  who  had  been 
ordered  to  depart  from  Edinburgh  for  refusing  to  observe  the 
Five  Articles  of  Perth,  met  to  spend  in  fasting  and  prayer  the 
day  on  which  these  Articles  were  to  be  ratified  by  Parliament 


1  Dirleton  Writs.  -  Tytler's  Life  of  Craig,  p.  323. 

3  Reg.  Confd.  Test.,  Edinburgh,  6th  March  1627. 

*  Ibid.  28th  April  1619.  5  Burnet,  vol.  i.  p.  31.  6  P.  16. 


INTRODUCTION  7 

— the  Black  Parliament  as  it  was  called.  When  Sir  James 
Skene,  President  of  the  Court,  failed,  notwithstanding  the 
King's  orders,  to  be  present  at  the  Kirk  of  Edinburgh  on 
Easter  Day  1619  to  receive  the  Communion  kneeling  as  pre- 
scribed by  one  of  the  Articles  of  Perth,  his  absence  was 
ascribed  by  some  '  not  to  conscience,  but  to  dissuasions  of  his 
mother-in-law '  (Rachel  Arnot)  '  and  her  daughter,  his  wife ' 
(Jonet  Johnstoun),  'a  religious  gentlewoman/1  The  other 
daughter,  Rachel,  was  no  doubt  of  the  same  way  of  thinking. 
Her  eldest  son,  Sir  William  Bruce  of  Stenhouse,  was  a  ruling 
elder  in  James  Guthrie's  separate  Presbytery,  which  was  com- 
posed of  the  most  extreme  or  Remonstrant  members  of  the 
party.2  And  Burnet  wrote  of  his  own  mother,  '  Guthry,  the 
'  chief  of  their  preachers,  was  hid  in  my  mother's  house,  who 
'  was  bred  to  her  brother  Waristoun's  principles,  and  could 
'  never  be  moved  from  them.1 3  The  steadfastness  of  some  of 
Wariston's  own  children  to  his  principles  will  be  afterwards 
noticed. 

Wariston  was  born  in  1611,  probably  in  the  month  of 
March,  as  he  was  baptized  on  the  28th  of  that  month.4 

He  was  educated  at  the  University  of  Glasgow,  and  received 
the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  from  that  University.  The  year 
when  he  went  to  College  is  nowhere  stated,  but  the  College  books 
note  the  receipt  '  fra  Archibald  Johnstoun  for  his  buird  for 
the  spaice  of  five  moneths  IIIXX  lib.,' 5  and  on  1st  March  1630 
he  was  matriculated  as  a  student  in  one  of  the  higher  classes.6 
The  muniments  of  the  University  contain  a  list  of  books, 
which  'Archibaldus  Jonstonus    laurea    donandus  Accademiae 


1  Calderwood's  Hist.  MSS.  viii.  838.  2  Baillie,  iii.  257. 

3  Burnet,  vol.  i.  p.  434. 

4  '161 1,  28  Martii,  James  Johnestoun,  Merchant,  Elizabeth  Craig  a  s(on) 
'  n(amed)  Archibald,  w(itnesses)  Archibald  Johnestoun,  David  Johnestoun.' 
Fyft  Register  of  Baptisme  Ministrat  in  the  Kirks  of  Edinburgh  after  the  First 
Reformation,  2nd  September  1610-ilth  December  1621,  General  Register 
House. 

5  Munimenta  Universitatis  Glasguensis,  iii.  530.  6  Ibid.  82, 


8  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON^  DIARY 

Glasguensi  donavit  in  evxapi(TTta<;  TeK/xtfpiov,'1  but  the  year  is 
unfortunately  not  stated.1  He  passed  through  his  College 
classes  under  Baillie  (afterwards  Principal  Baillie)  as  regent. 
Baillie,  whose  mother  was  one  of  the  Gibson  of  Durie  family 
(Letters  i.  xxn.),  was  connected  with  Wariston,  whose  aunt, 
Margaret  Craig,  married  Sir  Alexander  Gibson  of  Durie. 
They  maintained  a  close  friendship  for  many  years.  In  a 
letter  to  James  Sharp  (afterwards  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews) 
about  Wariston,  Baillie2  wrote  of  the  friendship  professed 
by  him  '  to  me  constantly  since  he  was  a  child  and  my 
scholler.1 

Wariston  passed  Advocate  at  the  Scottish  Bar  on  6th 
November  1633. 

His  marriage  with  Lord  Foresterseafs  eldest  daughter, 
Helen  Hay,  must  have  taken  place  soon  after  he  passed,  as 
at  least  one  child  had  been  born  to  them  before  1636.3 

They  had  a  large  family.  Lady  Wariston,  in  petitioning 
the  King,  in  1660,  for  a  pardon  for  her  husband,  stated  that 
she  'and  her  12  children  were  reduced  to  a  poore  and 
desolate  condition,1 4  and  at  least  two  of  her  daughters  were 
then  married.5  The  following  were  their  children,  but  pro- 
bably not  their  whole  family  : 

1.  Archibald,  the  eldest  son.  He  was  alive  in  1643,  but 
must  have  died  young.6 

2.  James,  first  of  that  name,  died  in  infancy.7 

3.  Alexander,  who,  in  1672,  was  '  eldest  son  and  apparent 
heir1  of  his  father.8     He  was,  at  least  at  one  time,  the  black 


1  Munimcnta  Universitatis  Glasgiunsis,  iii.  412.  -  Baillie,  iii.  336. 

3  See  p.  12.  4  British  Museum  Addl.  mss.  23,  114. 

5  Wariston  died  deeply  in  debt.  It  was  ascertained  after  his  death  that  his 
debts  exceeded  the  value  of  his  estate  by  12,361  merks  Scots. — Acts  of  Parlia- 
ment, vii.  621. 

After  his  death  Kirkton  wrote  of  him  :  '  He  left  his  lady  and  numerous  family 
'  in  mean  estate,  tho'  afterward  the  Lord  provided  better  for  many  of  them  than 
•  if  their  father  hade  stood  in  his  highest  grandeur,'  p.  174. 

6  Peg.  Great  Seal,  Abridg.,  20th  November  1643,  ^°-  327« 

7  YVodrow's  Analecta,  ii.  219.  8  Acts  of  Parliament,  ix.  213. 


INTRODUCTION  9 

sheep  of  the  family.  Brodie1  wrote  of  him,  '  1671,  Nov.  17th, 
'  I  heard  that  Alexander,  Waristoun's  son,  had  brok,  and 
'  through  cheating,  lying,  wrong  ways.  My  brother  and 
'  others  had  suffered  much  by  him.1  He  married  Francisca 
Cuninghame,  daughter  of  Captain  James  Cuninghame  of 
Ballichan,  in  Ireland,  son  of  Sir  James  Cuninghame  of  Glen- 
garnock  and  Lady  Catherine  Cuninghame,  daughter  of 
James  Earl  of  Glencairn.  Her  sister,  Penuel,  married  Sir 
James  Colquhoun  of  Balvie,  afterwards  of  Luss.2  Alexander 
seems  to  have  been  bred  a  lawyer,  but  for  some  time  he  made 
a  livelihood  by  buying  and  selling  tallies  at  the  Treasury, 
Exchequer,  etc.,  equivalent  to  Exchequer  bills.  This  he  after- 
wards gave  up,  and  devoted  himself  to  secret  service  under 
William  in.,  and  the  discovering  of  the  plots  which  were  then 
being  hatched  for  the  assassination  of  that  King  and  the 
return  of  King  James.3 

4.  James  (2nd)  born  9th  September  1655.4  His  father 
recorded  in  the  lost  Diary  that  this  '  was  to  be  the  stay  and 
support  of  his  family/ 5  After  his  father  s  death  he  was  sent 
to  Holland  where  he  was  educated.  '  He  had  the  character 
'  of  the  greatest  proficient  in  the  civil  law  that  ever  was  in 
'  Utrecht. ,6  He  was  introduced  into  political  life  through  his 
cousin-german  Bishop  Burnet,  and  was  from  time  to  time 
employed  on  important  political  missions.  He  was  Secretary  of 
State  for  Scotland  from  1692  till  1696.  In  the  latter  year  he 
married  as  his  second  wife,  Catherine,  daughter  of  John,  second 
Baron  Poulett."  In  writing  to  Carstares  he  spoke  of  his  first 
wife  as  having  been  related  to  Adam  Cockbum  of  Ormiston, 
the  Lord   Justice   Clerk,  but  who   she  was  has  not  been  dis- 


1  Diary,  p.  322. 

2  Printed  General  Retonrs,  29th  April  16S2,  No.  6385  ;  FountainhalFs  His- 
torical Notices,  vol.  ii.  pp.  77S-9  ;  Douglas  Baronage,  p.  26. 

3  See  Carstares'  State  Papers,  200-225.  4  Brodie's  Diary,  155. 

5  Wodrow's  Analecta,  ii.  218. 

6  Macky's  Memoirs,  204.     Macky  described  him  as  '  a  tall  fair  man. ; 

7  Collins's  Peerage,  iv.  12. 


10  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

covered.  He  had  a  son  by  that  former  marriage.1  He  was 
Lord  Clerk  Register  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne  1704-5. 
After  retiring  from  public  business  he  resided  at  Orleans 
House,  Twickenham.  Mr.  John  M'Claurin  said  of  him  to 
Wodrow  that  '  he  keeps  out  a  very  great  rank,  and  frequently 
'  has  Mr.  Walpool  and  the  greatest  courtiers  with  him  at  his 
'  country  house  near  London  ;  and  the  King  sometimes  does 
'  him  the  honour  to  dine  with  him.'1 2  He  was  a  great  favourite 
with  Queen  Caroline,  'who  was  much  entertained  with  his 
humour  and  pleasantry.'* 3  He  is  described  as  'a  person  of 
'  learning  and  virtue,  perfectly  sincere,  but,''  like  his  father, 
4  hot  and  eager,  too  soon  possessed  with  jealousy,  and  too 
'  vehement  in  all  he  proposed.1 4  '  The  freedom  of  his  manners 
'  was  rather  disgusting  to  King  William.1 5  He  died  at  Bath 
in  1737,  and  was  buried  at  Twickenham  on  the  11th  of  that 
month.6  The  Scots  Magazine  of  the  time  stated  that  he 
died  at  the  age  of  ninety-five,  but  that  is  impossible,  as  Brodie 
of  Brodie  who  was  present  at  his  baptism  has  noted  in  his 
Diary  that  he  was  born  on  9th  September  1655.7  His  son 
James  Johnston  was  served  as  heir-general  to  him  on  13th 
March  1744. 

5.  Elizabeth,  married  Thomas,  eldest  son  of  Sir  Adam 
Hepburn  of  Humbie8  to  whom  she  had  one  child  Helen, 
who  married  Walter  Scott  of  Highchester,  Earl  of  Tarras.9 
Elizabeth  married,  secondly,  General  William  Drummond 
of  Cromlix,  created  Viscount  Strathallan  in  1686.  She  died 
in  1679,  before  her  husband's  elevation  to  the  peerage,  and  was 
buried  in  St.  George's  Church,  Southwark.10 

6.  Rachel  married  the  noble  Robert  Baillie  of  Jerviswood — 


1  Carstares'  State  Papers,  155-6.  2  Wodrow's  Analecta,  iii.  206. 

3  Carstares,  93. 

4  The  Jerviswood  Correspondence,  Bannatyne  Club.     Preface. 

5  Carstares,  ut  supra. 

6  Lysons's  Environs  of  London,  vol.  iii.  pp.  563,  594.  7  Brodie's  Diary,  155. 

8  Act.  Par.  vii.  20-64;  General  Retours,  25th  Jan.  1659,  Nos.  4415,  16,  17. 

9  Douglas  Peerage,  vol.  ii.  p.  588.  10  Ibid.  552. 


INTRODUCTION  11 

the  Scottish  Sidney,  as  he  has  been  called — who  after  suffering 
cruel  imprisonment  by  order  of  the  King  and  Privy  Council, 
was  executed  on  24th  December  1684  on  the  groundless  charge 
of  compassing  the  death  of  the  King  and  his  brother  the  Duke 
of  York.     Rachel  died  before  18th  September  1707.1 

7.  Helen  married  George  Home  of  Graden,  in  the  parish 
of  Earlston.  Her  husband  and  she  were  both  warm  supporters 
of  the  principles  of  the  Covenanters.  In  the  last  days  of  her 
brother-in-law  Robert  Baillie,  when  his  wife,  owing  to  feeble 
health,  was  unable  to  attend  him,  she  devoted  herself  to  the 
alleviation  of  his  sufferings  in  prison,  where  she  remained  with 
him  in  close  confinement.  She  accompanied  him  to  the  place 
of  execution,  and  with  a  courage  truly  heroic  remained  on  the 
scaffold  '  till  all  his  body  was  cut  in  coupons,''  and  she  went 
with  the  hangman  to  '  see  them  oyled  and  tarred. ' 2  She  died 
before  11th  September  1707.3 

8.  Margaret  married  (first)  Sir  John  Wemyss  of  Bogie,4 
(secondly)  Benjamin  Bressey.5  During  her  fathers  close  confine- 
ment in  the  Tower  prior  to  his  being  brought  to  Edinburgh  for 
execution  in  1663,  she  was  on  her  petition  permitted  to  live 
with  him  there.6  She  was  imprisoned  by  the  Privy  Council 
for  taking  part  in  the  gathering  of  Presbyterian  ladies  in  the 
Parliament  Close  on  4th  and  11th  June  1674  to  present  a 
Petition  to  the  Council  for  liberty  to  their  ministers  to  perforin 
divine  service  according  to  the  Presbyterian  forms.7 

9.  Janet  married  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie  of  Coul,  Baronet.8 

10.  married  Mr.  Roderick  Mackenzie.9 


1  Register  of Cotifd.  Test,  Edinburgh,  iSth  Sept.  1707. 

2  Fountainhall's  Historical  Notices,  ii.  594.      See  an  interesting  account  of 
her  in  The  Ladies  of  the  Covenant,  by  the  Rev.  James  Anderson,  p.  373. 

3  Register  of  Cotifd.  Test.,  Edinburgh,  nth  Sept.  1707. 

4  Douglas  Baronage,  p.  562. 

5  Register  of  Cotifd.  Test.,  Edinburgh— Margaret  Johnston,  Lady  Bogie,  16th 
August  1707.  6  Historical  mss.,  Duke  of  Leeds,  6. 

7  Law's  Memorials,  p.  67  ;  Ladies  of  the  Covenant,  p.  221. 

8  Brodie's  Diary,  p.  397  ;  Burke"s  Peerage.  9  Brodie,  ut  supra. 


12  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTOVS  DIARY 

11.  Euphax  died  unmarried,  May  1T15.1 

In  the  year  1636  Archibald  Johnston  acquired  the  pro- 
perty of  Wariston  in  the  parish  of  Currie,  seven  miles  from 
Edinburgh,  and  adjoining  his  grandfather's  estate  of  Riccarton. 
Lord  Foresterseat,  his  father-in-law,  had  bought  it  in  1620 ;  2 
and  his  son  Alexander  Hay  sold  it  in  1636  '  to  Elizabeth  Craig, 
'  relict  of  the  late  James  Johnstoun,  merchant  burgess  of 
'  Edinburgh  in  liferent  and  Mr.  Archibald  Johnstoun  her  son, 
'  Advocate,  and  Helen  Hay  his  spouse,  and  the  longest  liver  of 
'  them  in  conjunct  fee,1  and  to  their  heirs  born  and  to  be  born.3 
Sir  John  Scot 4  says  that  its  annual  value  was  (in  Johnston's 
time)  1000  merks  Scots,  about  £oo  sterling.  The  farm  of 
Wariston,  which  now  belongs  to  the  Earl  of  Morton,  is  valued 
at  i?400  a  year.5 

Waristons  town  residence  was  situated  in  the  High  Street 
of  Edinburgh,  on  the  east  side  of  what  is  now  known  as 
Waristons  Close,  and  was  probably  entered  from  the  close. 
Here  on  the  night  before  the  first  sitting  of  each  General 
Assembly  the  leading  members  used  to  meet  to  consider  '  about 
'  the  choising  of  the  Moderator,  Committees,  and  cheife  points 
'  of  the  Assemblie.1 6  The  windows  of  the  house  looked  upon 
the  Market  Cross,  close  by  which,  amid  scenes  of  intense 
popular  excitement,  Wariston,  in  1638,  read  on  several  occa- 
sions from  extemporised  platforms  protestations  against  the 
Royal  Proclamations ;  and  where,  twenty-five  years  afterwards, 
he  was  himself  hanged  on  '  ane  gallous  of  extraordiner  heicht,'' 
surrounded  by  the  King's  Life  Guards  on  horseback,  '  with  thair 
'  carabynes  and  naikit  swords,  and  trumpettouris  and  kettill 
'  drum  and  ane  gaird  of  the  toun  of  Edinburgh  with  thair 
'  cullouris  displayed.1 7  It  is  narrated  that  when  Robert 
Baillie  of  Jerviswood  was  being  carried  to  the  place  of  execu- 

1  Register  of  Confd.  Test.,  Edinburgh,  nth  July  17 15. 

2  Reg.  Great  Seal,  Printed  Abridg.,  6th  July  1620,  No.  715. 

3  Ibid.  1636,  No.  511.  4  Staggering  State,  p.  127. 
5  Valuation  Roll,  Edinburgh,  1895.  6  Baillie's  Letters,  iii.  53. 

'   Nicoll's  Diary,  pp.  394-5. 


INTRODUCTION  13 

tion  at  the  Market  Cross,  accompanied  by  his  sister-in-law, 
Lady  Graden,  they  passed  the  house  of  her  father ;  and  *  in  pass- 
'  ing  it,  Baillie  looked  up  to  the  chamber  where  Lord  Wariston 
'  usually  sat,  and  a  multitude  of  associations  connected  with 
'  the  past  vividly  rushing  into  his  mind,  he  said  to  her,  "  Many 
'  "  a  sweet  day  and  night  with  God  had  your  now  glorified 
'  "  father  in  that  chamber."  "  Yes,1"  she  replied,  and  thinking 
'  of  his  cruel  death  she  added,  "  Now  he  is  beyond  the  reach 
'  "  of  all  suffering,  equally  free  from  sin  and  sorrow  ;  and  the 
'  "  same  grace  which  supported  him  is  able  to  support  you.11 ' l 

Wariston  was  a  man  of  great  energy  and  unwearied  appli- 
cation, with  an  extraordinary  memory  and  great  quickness  of 
thought.2  He  could  seldom  sleep  above  three  hours  in  the 
twenty-four.  He  was  very  learned  in  the  Law  of  Scotland, 
particularly  in  Constitutional  and  Church  law,  in  which  he 
had  become  proficient  at  an  early  period  of  life. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  he  was  a  young  man  during  the 
most  important  and  successful  period  of  his  career.  Between 
the  year  1637  when,  at  the  age  of  twenty-six,  he  first  appeared 
in  public  life  as  the  trusted  adviser  of  the  Covenanting  leaders,3 
and  the  year  1649  when,  still  a  comparatively  young  man,  he 
was  appointed  to  the  office  of  Lord  Clerk  Register,  then  the 
most  lucrative  and  highly  prized  office  under  the  Crown  in 
Scotland,  he  had  occupied  positions  of  the  highest  honour  and 
responsibility  in  Church  and  State ;  and  it  seems  clear  from  the 
way  Baillie  wrote  of  him  that  he  had  secured  the  entire  con- 
fidence of  his  friends.  He  was  Clerk  to  the  Tables  ; 4  he  was 
the  contriver,  and,  with  Alexander  Henderson,  the  framer  of  the 
National  Covenant  of  1638 ;  in  the  same  year  he  was  appointed 
clerk  and  legal  adviser  to  the  great  General  Assembly  held  at 
Glasgow  ;    in   1639  he  was  one  of  the   Scots  Commissioners 


1  See  Wodrow's  Analecta,  iii.  78-80.     Ladies  of  the  Covenant,  p.  3S8. 

2  Burnet,  vol.  i.  p.  49. 

3  Rothes'  Relation,  43  ;  Baillie,  i.  48. 

4  Large  Declaration,  239. 


14  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

who  arranged  with  the  king  the  pacification  of  Berwick  ;  in 
1640,  when  the  army  was  about  to  march  into  England,  he 
was  directed  by  Parliament,  as  the  person  '  best  acquaint,1 — 
who  had  a  greater  grasp  than  any  one  else  of  the  questions  in 
dispute  between  the  King  and  the  Scottish  nation, — to  attend 
the  General  and  the  Committee  and  advise  with  them  in  such 
matters  as  the  framing  of  treaties  and  public  declarations,1 
and  he  was  afterwards  one  of  the  Scots  Commissioners  who 
concluded  with  the  English  the  treaty  of  Ripon.  In  1641,  at 
the  age  of  thirty,  he  was  appointed  a  Lord  of  Session  by  the 
title  of  Lord  Wariston,  and  received  the  honour  of  knighthood  ; 
in  1643  he  was  sent  as  one  of  the  small  group  of  Scots  Com- 
missioners to  the  Assembly  of  Divines  at  Westminster,  where 
he  is  said  to  have  taken  part  in  the  debates  with  much  ability 
and  learning  against  the  most  distinguished  ecclesiastical 
lawyers  of  the  time  ;  in  1644  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  joint 
committee  of  both  nations  for  managing  the  war  against  the 
King;  in  1646  he  was  appointed  Lord  Advocate,  and  in  1649 
Lord  Clerk  Register.  Such  early  and  continuous  success  could 
only  have  been  achieved  by  a  man  of  conspicuous  ability  and 
eminent  business  habits.  In  writing  of  him  on  8th  July  1645 
Baillie  described  him  as  '  one  of  the  most  faithful,  and  diligent, 
*  and  able  servants  that  our  Church  and  Kingdom  has  had  all 
'  the  tymes  of  our  troubles/ 2 

As  regards  his  creed  in  the  affairs  of  Church  and  State,  he 
had  an  extraordinary  zeal  for  Presbyterianism.  It  '  was  to  him 
more  than  all  the  world,"'  .  .  .  *  he  looked  on  the  Covenant  as 
the  setting  Christ  on  His  throne.' 3  Presbyterianism,  he  firmly 
believed,  was  of  divine  institution,  therefore  the  nation  must 
be  soundly  Presbyterian  ;  no  other  form  of  church  government 
should  be  tolerated,  nor  any  doctrine  taught  except  what  was 
approved  by  the  General  Assembly.  Schismatics  and  heretics 
should  be  punished,  and  all  such  as  refused  to  take  the  Covenant 


1  Acts  of  Scots  Par,  v.  284  b.         -  Baillie,  ii.  297.         3  Burnet,  vol.  i.  p.  50. 


INTRODUCTION  15 

should  be  disqualified  from  places  of  profit  and  trust.1  He 
was  withal  a  sincere  upholder  of  the  monarchical  principle. 
On  24th  April  1646  Baillie  wrote,  '  All  the  Royalists  in  Scot- 
'  land  could  not  have  pleaded  so  much  for  the  Crowne  and  the 
'  King's  just  power,  as  the  Chancellour  and  Wariston  did  for 
4  many  dayes  together.1 2  And  according  to  an  informant  of 
Wodrow,  before  Wariston  went  up  to  Cromwell  he  was  a 
violent  Royalist  and  used  to  say  that,  sooner  than  submit  to 
the  English  'he  would  take  his  wife  and  ten  children  and 
begg."1 3  But  then  his  sovereign  must  be  a  Presbyterian  king, 
ruling  a  Presbyterian  people,  with  powers  greatly  restricted 
from  those  which  King  James  vi.,  in  his  later  years,  and  his 
son  Charles,  had  ventured  to  assume.  This  restriction  of  the 
prerogative,  he  maintained,  was  nothing  but  a  return  to  the 
ancient  constitution  of  Scotland — a  restoration  to  Parliament 
of  the  powers  which  of  right  belonged  to  it,  but  of  which  it 
had  been  deprived  through  recent  royal  encroachments.  This 
subject  of  the  powers  and  rights  of  Parliament  was  one  which 
he  had  deeply  studied,  and  it  was  without  doubt  he  who,  in 
1641,  submitted  the  constitutional  principle,  which  was  enforced 
in  Parliament  by  Argyll,  that  appointments  to  the  great  offices 
of  state  are  made  by  the  King  and  Parliament  jointly,  not 
by  the  King  alone,  as  was  maintained  by  Charles.  The  lost 
Diary  contained  an  interesting  passage  on  this  subject,  the 
purport  of  which  Wodrow  received  from  Mr.  Ridpath  and 
related  as  follows 4 :  4  After  the  treaty  of  Wilks  [?  Birks], 
4  when  the  King  came  a  litle  into  Scotland,  there  wer  many 
4  conferences  among  the  prime  of  the  Covenanters  and  the 
'  King,  at  all  which  Wariston  was.  The  Scots  Lords  insisted 
'  much  that  the  King  would  allou  them  the  liberty  of  chusing 
4  the  Officers  of  State  in  the  Parliament.  The  King  was 
4  very  peremptory  against  it.  They  pleaded  that  it  had 
'  been  anciently  alloued  by  the  Kings  of  Scotland,  and 
4  alledged   the    Records.      The   King    denyed   ther   was   any 

1  Principal  Lee's  Lectures,  ii.  303,  304.  2  Baillie,  ii.  368. 

3  Wodrow's  Analecta,  ii.  145.  4  Analecta,  ii.  219. 


16  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

such  thing,  and  told  them  he  kneu  in  his  father's  time,  any- 
thing with  relation  to  these  was  lost.     After  their  insisting, 
the  King  required  to  see  the  Records.     They  told  him  they 
wer  yet  extant,  though  not  among  the  Records  of  the  nation. 
After  the  King  had  given  his  oath  to  them  he  "would  not  call 
for  them  out  of  their  hands,  some  two  or  three  on  the  King's 
side,  and  as  many  on  the  other  side,  all  upon  oath,  wer  lett 
into  the  secret ;  and  the  King  and  they  went  over  to  Dum- 
fermline,    where    they    wer,    and    discovered    by   my    Lord 
Wariston.     It  seems  that  King  James  vi.,  throu  the  advice 
of  some  that  wer  for  inslaving  the  liberty  of  the  subject,  and 
it  may  be  to  please  England,  had  ordered  Hay  of  Dumferm- 
line,  in  whoes  hand  then  they  wer,  to  destroy  them.     It  seems 
he  laid  them  up  in  his  Charter  Chest,  which  was  not  opned 
till  Wariston  upon  some  civil  process  was  called  to  look  throu 
his  papers,  and  there  found  them.     The  King  had  them  laid 
before  him.     It  may  be  supposed  that  thir  papers  wer  the 
plan  of  many  things  the  Covenanting  Lords  then  did,  and 
gave  them  both  courage  and  light  hou  to  act."' x 
Wariston  was  not  merely  a  learned  Church  lawyer  and  theo- 
ogian,  he  was  moreover  deeply  religious.     Kirkton  2  wrote  of 
lim  that  he  spent  more  time  in  prayer,  reading,  meditations, 
and  observing  his  providences  than  any  man  he  ever  knew  in 
the  world.     He  continued  in  prayer  many  hours  a  day,3  and 
three  hours  at  a  stretch  was  pretty  frequent  with  him.4     On 
one  occasion,  which  has  been  recorded,  his  grace  after   meat 
lasted  for  an  hour.5     While   engaged   in   prayer   he   became 
entirely  absorbed  in  it,  and  lost  all  consciousness  of  what  was 
passing  around  him.     One  day,  intending  to  spend  an  hour  or 
two  in  prayer,  he  continued    his   devotions  from  six  in  the 


1  Wariston  had  unusual  good  fortune  in  discovering  lost  registers.  Three 
years  before  this  he  had  presented  to  the  General  Assembly  of  1638  five  volumes 
of  its  registers,  extending  from  1560  to  1590,  which  were  believed  to  have  been 
lost. — Peterkin's  Records  of  the  Kirk,  133  ;  Baillie,  i.  129. 

2  173.  3  Burnet,  vol.  i.  p.  49.  4  Wodrow's  Analecta,  ii.  159. 
5  Kirkton,  1 7 1.     Note  by  Mr.  Kirkpatrick  Sharpe. 


INTRODUCTION  17 

morning  till,  to  his  surprise,  the  bells  began  ringing  at  eight  in 
the  evening.  On  another  occasion,  while  he  was  engaged  in 
prayer,  Lady  Wariston,  who  was  at  the  time  in  delicate  health, 
swooned  away  beside  him,  but  he  went  on  to  the  end  un- 
conscious of  that  or  of  the  servants  raising  her  up  and  laying 
her  on  a  bed  in  the  room.1  In  those  days  they  used  to 
*  wrestle 1  in  prayer  as  Jacob  wrestled  with  the  angel  at  Peniel. 
Wariston,  on  the  baptism  of  his  son  James  (the  secretary), 
recorded  in  the  lost  Diary  the  great  lengths  he  had  win-to 2 
in  wrestling  anent  him.3  During  a  dangerous  illness  of 
Mr.  James  Guthrie,  some  of  his  friends  met  to  pray  for 
his  recovery.  Wodrow  quaintly  tells  the  story.4  '  All  that 
'  prayed  before  Wariston  wer  conditionall  in  their  petitions  for 
'  his  life.  When  he  came  to  pray,  he  was  mighty  peremptory, 
'  and  would  not  at  all  take  a  refusall,  and  said,  "Lord,  thou 
'  "  knouest  this  Church  cannot  want  him  ! "  He  had  the 
conviction  that  he  had  close  communion  with  God, — that  he 
saw  God  face  to  face.  Kirkton  has  recorded  of  him 5  that  on 
the  night  before  his  execution  Wariston  said  to  him  '  that  he 
'  could  never  doubt  of  his  own  salvation,  he  hade  so  often  seen 
'  God's  face  in  the  house  of  prayer.''  '  He  was  a  great  observer 
'  of  providences,  and,  according  to  the  rule,  mett  with  very 
'  many  remarkable  providences  himself.16  And  Ridpath  said 
to  Wodrow,  with  reference  to  the  lost  Diary,  '  as  to  his  souPs 
'  state,  it's  not  possible  to  conceive  what  atteanments,  what 
'  elevated  exercise,  that  man  has  been  under !  He  records  hou 
'  it 's  with  him  in  prayer,  and  the  answers  and  returns  made 
'  to  his  prayers,  which  are  astonishing.1 7 

He  possessed  in  a  high  degree  the  perfervidum  ingenium  of 
his  countrymen,  but  the  zeal  of  his  youth  for  the  cause  to 
which  the  nation  had  so  deeply  committed  itself  passed  in  the 
later  years  of  his  life  almost  into  fanaticism.     He  had  a  ready, 


1  Anakcta,  ii.  135.         -  Reached.         3  Analccta,  ii.  218.  4  Ibid.  ii.  158. 

5  Page  171.  6  Kirkton,  173.  7  Analecta,  ii.  218. 

B 


18  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

vehement  style  of  eloquence  characteristic  of  himself,1  but  by 
his  irritating  mode  of  speaking  he  seemed  to  have  the  mis- 
fortune to  make  his  political  opponents  his  personal  enemies.2 
Of  these  failings  he  was  himself  conscious.  In  his  dying  speech 
he  said,  '  My  natural  temper  (or  rather  distemper)  hath  been 
'  hasty  and  passionate,  and  in  my  manner  of  going  about  and 
'  prosecuting  of  the  best  pieces  of  work  and  service  to  the  Lord 
'  and  to  my  generation,  I  have  been  subject  to  many  excesses 
'  of  heat,  and  thereby  to  some  precipitations,  which  hath  no 
'  doubt  offended  standers-by  and  lookers-on,  and  hath  exposed 
'  both  me  and  the  work  to  their  mistakes."1 3  Kirkton 4  wrote, 
'  He  studied  Christ's  honour  more  than  man's,  and  was  a  man 
'  that  used  argument  more  than  complement."1  He  was  wanting 
in  tact  and  in  the  courtly  graces  which  find  favour  with  kings, 
and  his  manner  and  bearing  seem  to  have  excited  an  extra- 
ordinary antipathy  towards  him  in  the  Charleses  (father  and 
son)  and  their  adherents.  Charles  i.  cordially  disliked  him. 
Charles  n.  hated  him,  not  only  for  the  position  which,  as  leader 
of  the  Remonstrants,  he  took  up  against  him  and  his  party, 
but  also  for  personal  reasons.  Wariston,  with  apparently 
considerable  plain  speaking,  had  reproved  the  king  for  his  dis- 
solute conduct  while  in  Scotland.  Charles  seemed  to  take  it 
in  good  part  at  the  time,  but  he  never  forgave  Wariston,6  and 
this  personal  hatred  of  the  king  was  said  to  have  been  the  real 
cause  of  Wariston's  death.6 

But  he  must  have  had  many  qualities  which  commanded 
esteem  and  even  love  from  those  who  knew  him  well.  For 
many  years  the  kindly  and  genial  Baillie  had  a  sincere 
affection  for  him.  He  had  been  his  instructor  in  Glasgow 
University,  and  in  after-days  when  Wariston  was  a  great  man 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  write  unreservedly  to  him  as  to  the 
regulation  of  his  ambition  and  the  conduct  of  public  business. 


1  Burnet,  i.  50;  Kirkton,  172.  -  Baillie,  iii.  64. 

3  Scots  Worthies,  vol.  ii.  76.  *  P.  173. 

6  Wodrow,  Anakcta,  ii.  145.  6  Kirkton,  173. 


#  V       t 

«fpVl**'°  INTRODUCTION  19 

One  of  his  letters  began  formally  with  '  My  Lord,'  and  con- 
cluded '  My  service  to  my  Cumer  (gossip)  and  all  friends,  Your 
Master,  R.  BaiHie^1  He  also  referred  to  him  as  'the  good 
Advocate '  and  'Good  Wariston.12  Brodie3  and  Kirkton  4 
have  testified  to  the  love  which  his  friends  bore  to  him.  He 
was  closely  associated  with  Argyll  in  public  life  and  seems  to 
have  been  on  intimate  terms  with  him  privately.  In  1647  he 
bought  from  Argyll  the  Island  of  Suna  in  the  old  parish  of 
Kilchattan,5  and  in  the  following  year,  when  it  was  thought 
advisable  that  he  should  go  into  retirement  for  a  short  time 
he  withdrew  to  Kintyre  on  a  visit  to  Argyll.6  But  after  he 
joined  the  extreme  party  of  the  Protesters  many  of  his  old 
friends  withdrew  from  him,  and  some  even  of  those  who  were 
favourably  inclined  to  the  Protesters  thought  that  he  went  too 
far.7  In  writing  to  Spang  on  19th  July  1654,  Baillie  said, 
'  Wariston  lives  privilie,  in  a  hard  enough  condition,  much 
'  hated  by  the  most,  and  neglected  by  all,  except  the  Remon- 
'  strants  to  whom  he  is  guide.-1  s  Although  Baillie  and  he  had 
come  to  differ  widely  as  regarded  public  affairs,  Baillie  remained, 
throughout  his  distresses,  one  of  his  fastest  friends.9  His  old 
friends  did  not  forget  him  on  the  day  of  his  execution.  They 
attended  him  to  the  scaffold,  and  afterwards  to  his  '  buriall 
in  thair  murning  apperrell ' ; 10  and  Kirkton  wrote  that  '  he 
'  rendered  up  his  spirit  into  the  Lord's  hand,  with  much  com- 
'  fort  of  mind,  and  much  bemoaned  by  all  that  knew  him.'11 

The  crowning  error  in  his  career  was  his  acceptance  of 
employment  from  Cromwell.  He  was  regardless  about  money 
matters  and  spent  his  patrimony  in  the  promotion  of  his  views. 
Consequently,  upon  the  loss  of  his  office  when  Cromwell  came 
to  Scotland,  he  was  reduced  to  great  pecuniary  straits,  which 


1  Baillie,  ii.  106.  -  Baillie,  iii.  S3,  64.  3  Diary,  322. 

4  Kirkton,  172.  B  Great  Seal  Keg.,  Printed  Abridg.  1647,  No.  1863. 

6  Baillie,  iii.  64.  7  Brodie,  1655,  October  2,  160. 

8  Baillie,  iii.  249.  9  Baillie,  iii.  33S.  10  Nicoll's  Diary,  395. 

11  Kirkton,  172. 


20  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

were  aggravated  by  his  having  had  to  restore  considerable  sums 
which  certain  individuals  had  paid  to  him  or  his  wife  for  offices 
in  his  gift.1  His  inability  to  provide  for  his  large  family 
without  an  income  has  been  pleaded  in  extenuation  of  his 
ratting,  but  he  was  ever  after  '  afflicted  and  sad,  never  pro- 
sperous, because  he  hade  made  himself  a  trespasser,'' 2  and  he 
regretted  to  his  last  day  the  false  step  he  took  in  accepting 
office.  In  his  dying  speech  he  spoke  of  it  pathetically  as 
follows :  '  I  must  withal  confess,  that  it  doth  not  a  little 
'  trouble  me,  and  lie  heavy  upon  my  spirit,  and  will  bring  me 

*  down  with  sorrow  to  the  grave  that  I  suffered  myself  through 
'  the  power  of  temptations,  and  the  too  much  fear  anent  the 

*  straits  that  my  numerous  family  might  be  brought  into  to  be 
'  carried  unto  so  great  a  length  of  compliance  in  England  with 
'  the  late  usurpers,  which  did  much  grieve  the  hearts  of  the 
'  godly,  and  make  these  that  sought  God  ashamed  and  con- 
'  founded  for  my  sake,  and  did  give  no  small  occasion  to  the 
'  adversary  to  reproach  and  blaspheme.     And  my  turning  aside 

*  to  comply  with  these  men  was  the  more  aggravated  in  my 
'  person  that  I  had  so  frequently  and  seriously  made  profession  of 
'  my  adverseness  from,  and  abhorrence  of  that  way,  and  had 
'  shown  much  dissatisfaction  with  these  that  had  not  gone  so 
'  great  a  length ;  for  which,  as  I  seek  God's  mercy  in  Christ 
'  Jesus,   so    I    desire    that   all   the   Lord's    people,    from    my 

*  example,  may  be  more  stirred  up  to  watch  and  pray  that 
■  they  enter  not  into  temptation.'' 3 


The  occurrences  and,  in  particular,  the  discussions  on  eccle- 
siastical affairs,  related  in  the  Diary,  may  be  elucidated  by 
the  following  short  preliminary  statement. 

Since  his  accession  to  the  Crowns  of  England  and  Scotland  in 
1625,  Charles  i.  had  shown  himself  singularly  wanting  in  tact 

1  Scot's  Staggering  State,  p.  127.     See  also  Baillie,  iii.  249. 

2  Kirkton,  173.  3  Scots  Worthies,  vol.  ii.  76,  77. 


INTRODUCTION  21 

and  good  judgment  in  his  interference  with  ecclesiastical  affairs 
in  Scotland.  Like  his  father  he  had  exalted  notions  of  the 
kingly  office  and  the  Royal  Prerogative.  He  believed,  as  his 
father  had  done,  that  the  Episcopalian  form  of  church  govern- 
ment was,  in  its  nature,  better  suited  for  a  monarchical  estab- 
lishment than  the  more  republican  parity  of  Scottish  Pres- 
byterianism.  James  had  had  to  endure,  in  his  early  days, 
much  plain  speaking  in  the  pulpit  and  out  of  it — sometimes 
even  personal  indignities — from  the  Presbyterian  ministers  of 
Edinburgh,  and  such  treatment  must  to  him  and  his  family 
have  contrasted  unfavourably  with  the  courtly  manners  and 
pleasant  speeches  of  the  churchmen  of  England.  Moreover, 
the  imposing  services  of  the  Church  of  England  and  its  stately 
ritual  appealed  to  their  senses,  if  not  to  their  higher  natures, 
in  a  way  which  it  seemed  to  be  impossible  for  the  plain  and 
comparatively  rude  services  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  to  do. 
Charles  frankly  admitted  this  :  '  Our  father  of  blessed  memorie 
'  immediately  after  his  comming  into  England,  compared  the 
'  decencie  and  uniformitie  of  God's  worship  here,  especially  in 
'  the  Liturgie  of  the  Church,  with  that  diversitie,  nay  deformitie, 
'  which  was  used  in  Scotland,  where  no  set  or  publike  forme 
'  of  prayer  was  used,  but  Preachers  or  Readers  and  ignorant 
'  Schoolmasters  prayed  in  the  Church,  sometimes  so  ignorantly 
'  as  it  was  a  shame  to  all  Religion  to  have  the  Majestie  of  God 
'  so  barbarously  spoken  unto,  sometimes  so  seditiously  that 
'  their  prayers  were  plaine  Libels,  girding  at  Soveraigntie  and 
'  Authoritie ;  or  Lyes,  being  stuffed  with  all  the  false  reports 
'  in  the  Kingdome.1 1 

All  these  considerations  contributed  to  make  these  Sovereigns 
desire  to  impose  upon  Scotland  what  they  admired  so  much  in 
England,  that  is  to  say,  to  establish  Episcopacy  and  to  pro- 
vide for  the  Church  an  order  of  service  identical,  as  nearly  as 
might  be,  with  what  was  in  use  in  England.     '  As  became  a 


1  Large  Declaration,  15,  16. 


22  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

'  Religious  Prince,1  James  bethought  himself  seriously  '  how 
'  his  first  reformation  in  that  Kingdome  might  begin  at  the 
'  publike  worship  of  God,  which  hee  most  truely  conceived 
'  could  never  be  happily  effected,  untill  such  time  as  there 
'  should  be  an  unitie  and  uniformitie  in  the  publike  prayers, 
'  liturgie,  and  service  of  the  Church,  established  throughout 
'  the  whole  Kingdome.1  1 

James  had  made  a  considerable  advance  towards  the  attain- 
ment of  his  ends  although  his  methods  had  been  high-handed. 
He  had  obtained  the  introduction  into  the  Church  of  the  order 
of  Bishops,  and  was  gradually  vesting  them  with  the  powers  of 
government  which  the  Presbyterian  Church  Courts  had  pre- 
viously possessed.  The  preparation  of  a  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  which  it  should  be  obligatory  on  the  clergy  to  use  in 
the  public  worship  of  the  Church,  was  also  being  proceeded 
with,  and  certain  religious  observances  (known  as  the  Articles 
of  Perth)  had  been  enjoined.  But  these  innovations  were 
highly  unpopular,  and  many  refused  to  obey  the  King's  injunc- 
tions. Knowing  the  people  with  whom  he  had  to  deal,  and 
being  conscious  of  the  risk  of  pressing  his  reforms  further 
against  their  determined  objections,  he  thought  it  more 
prudent  to  allow  some  of  the  prescribed  observances  to  fall 
into  abeyance. 

But  James  died,  and  Charles  speedily  began  to  take  an 
active  personal  charge  of  the  administration  of  Scottish 
affairs.  He,  however,  had  not  lived  in  Scotland  since  his 
childhood — he  had  been  brought  up  amidst  widely  different 
surroundings  from  those  of  his  father  in  his  youth — and  neither 
he  nor  the  statesmen  and  churchmen  who  were  his  advisers 
seemed  able  to  understand  the  peculiar  temperament  of  the 
Scottish  people  or  to  comprehend  the  depth  and  pertinacity  of 
the  national  character. 

He  had  the  misfortune  to  make  himself  unpopular  with  one 

1  Large  Declaration,  16. 


INTRODUCTION  23 

class  or  another  of  the  community  by  everything  he  did,  even 
when  it  was  well  done.  He  excited  the  animosity  of  the  great 
nobles  by  his  threatened  revocation  of  all  his  fathers  grants  of 
Church  lands,  whereby  they  had  acquired  so  large  an  accession 
of  influence  and  power;  by  his  admirable  arrangement  for 
putting  a  stop  for  ever  to  the  intolerable  burden  of  the  drawn 
teind,  and  for  making  a  competent  provision  for  the  clergy  ;  and 
by  promoting  the  Prelates  to  high  offices  in  the  state,  which 
the  nobles  thought  belonged  rightly  and  almost  constitutionally 
to  their  class.  Many  petty  jealousies  also  seem  to  have  been 
aroused  by  the  manner  of  distribution  of  honours  at  his 
coronation.1  The  great  nobles  whom  he  might  have  counted 
upon  to  support  him  were  thus  alienated  and  driven  to  make 
common  cause  with  the  large  party  in  the  kingdom  who 
resented  his  interference  with  the  government  and  form  of 
worship  of  their  Church.  The  powerful  combination  thus 
formed  came  to  be  directed  wholly  against  the  king's  eccle- 
siastical policy. 

The  settlement  throughout  the  kingdom  of  one  common  form 
of  divine  service  and  church  government2  was  to  be  achieved 
by  introducing  into  the  Church  of  Scotland  the  mode  of  worship 
and  rules  of  government  which  were  established  in  England. 
This  was  to  be  done  by  an  exercise  of  the  Royal  Prerogative 
— the  Sovereign  was  to  command  and  his  subjects  were  to  obey. 
Charles  seemed  to  be  unaware  that  his  project  would  meet  with 
resistance,3  and  in  this  to  have  been  misled  mainly  by  the 
reports  as  to  the  state  of  the  national  feeling  which  he  received 
directly,  or  through  Laud,  from  the  younger  generation  of 
Bishops.  Of  these  men,  the  High  Treasurer  (Traquair)  wrote 
to  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton  on  27th  August  1637,  that  '  their 
'  rash  and  foolish  expressions,  and  sometimes  attempts,  both 
'  in  private  and  publick,  have  bred  such  a  fear  and  jealousie  in 
'  the  hearts  of  many,  that  I  am  confident,  if  His  Majesty  were 

1  Large  Declaration,  II.  2  Ibid.  44.  3  Ibid.  19. 


24  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

'  rightly  informed  thereof,  he  would  blame  them,  and  justly 
'  think,  that  from  this  and  the  like  proceedings  arises  the 
'  ground  of  many  mistakes  amongst  us.11  Experienced  men 
foresaw  the  troubles  that  would  arise.  On  2nd  January  1637, 
after  the  issue  of  the  Royal  Proclamation  commanding  the 
use  of  the  Service  Book,  Baillie  wrote,  '  I  am  affrayit  sore  that 
'  there  is  a  storme  raisit  which  Avill  not  calme  in  my  dayes. 
'  It 's  a  pitie  that  we  should  have  none  to  give  our  gratious 
'  Prince  deu  information.''2 

While  the  ferment  was  general  throughout  the  nation,  the 
first  overt  act  of  opposition  to  the  introduction  of  the  Service 
Book  was  the  riot  of  the  serving  maids  in  St.  Giles  Cathedral 
on  23rd  July  1637.  '  No  sooner  was  the  Book  opened  by  the 
'  Deane  of  Edinburgh,  but  a  number  of  the  meaner  sort,  who 
'  used  to  keep  places  for  the  better  sort,  most  of  them  women, 
'  with  clapping  of  their  hands,  cursings,  and  outcries,  raised 
'  such  a  barbarous  hubbub  in  that  sacred  place,  that  not 
'  any  one  could  either  heare  or  be  heard.'  The  Bishop  of 
Edinburgh,  in  an  attempt  to  appease  the  tumult,  '  was  enter- 
'  tained  with  as  much  irreverence  as  the  Deane,  and  with  more 
'  violence ;  insomuch,  that  if  a  stoole,  aimed  to  be  throwne  at 
1  him,  had  not  by  the  providence  of  God  beene  diverted  by  the 
1  hand  of  one  present,  the  life  of  that  Reverend  Bishop,  in  that 
'  holy  place,  and  in  the  Pulpit,  had  beene  indangered  if  not 

«  lost:3 

After  that  Sunday  the  new  Service  Book  was  never  read  in 
Edinburgh.  In  the  course  of  the  following  week  the  Privy 
Council  approved  of  a  report  by  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews 
on  behalf  of  the  Bishops  that  there  should  be  a  surcease  of  the 
Service  Book  till  the  King's  pleasure  was  known,  'and  that 
1  neither  the  old  Service  nor  the  new  established  Service  be 
'  used  in  this  interim.14     The  King,  in  an  angry  letter  to  his 


1  Burnet's  Memoires  of  the  Hamiltons,  p.  31.  2  Baillie,  i.  2. 

3  Large  Declaration,  23. 

4  The  Clergies'  Report  anent  the  Service  Booke. — Peterkin,  52. 


INTRODUCTION  25 

Council,  reproved  them  for  their  faint-hearted  conduct,  and 
commanded  that  every  Bishop  should  cause  the  Service  Book 
to  be  read  within  his  diocese,1  but  the  Council  did  not  dare  to 
put  this  order  in  force.  The  people  seemed  '  possessed  with  a 
bloody  devill."'2 

The  first  wild  and  unregulated  outbreaks  of  the  mob  gradu- 
ally gave  place  to  an  orderly  and,  to  the  King,  more  dangerous 
attack  upon  his  innovations,  led  by  the  greater  part  of  the 
nobility,  gentry,  and  other  influential  classes.  Four  men  stood 
out  conspicuous  as  their  leaders,  Rothes,  Loudoun,  Alexander 
Henderson  of  Leuchars,  and  the  youthful  Wariston — who 
fought  the  King  and  the  Prelates  with  remarkable  ability  and 
skill,  checkmating  every  move.  For  success  against  the  power- 
ful influences  which  the  King  and  his  adherents  could  bring  to 
bear  in  order  to  secure  their  ends,  it  was  essential  that  Scotsmen 
should  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder,  and  speak  with  one  voice. 
For  the  attainment  of  the  first  of  these  objects,  Wariston  is 
said  to  have  bethought  him  of  a  renewal  of  the  old  National 
Covenant  of  1580,  by  which  King  James  and  his  subjects  swore 
to  defend  against  Popery  the  true  reformed  religion  as  expressed 
in  the  Confession  of  Faith,  and  to  maintain  the  King's  Majesty, 
his  person  and  estates  ; — '  the  true  worship  of  God  and  the 
'  King's  authoritie  being  so  straitly  joyned,  as  that  they 
'  had  the  same  friends  and  common  enemies,  and  did  stand 
'  and  fall  together.13  Wariston's  suggestion  was  adopted  and 
the  famous  National  Covenant  of  1638  was  thereupon  framed 
by  him  and  Henderson  jointly.  To  suit  the  oath  of  1580  to 
the  altered  circumstances  of  the  time,  and  secure  united  action 
against  the  innovations  which  in  the  interval  had  been  intro- 
duced into  the  Church,  an  addition  was  made  to  it,  whereby  the 
subscribers  swore  to  adhere  to  and  defend  the  true  religion  and 
forbear  the  'practice  of  all  novations,  already  introduced  in 


1  Peterkin,  54.  2  Baillie,  i.  23. 

3  Preamble  to  National  Covenant  of  1638. 


26  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

'  the  matters  of  the  worship  of  God,  or  approbation  of  the 
'  corruptions  of  the  publick  government  of  the  Kirk,  or  civill 
'  places  and  power  of  Kirkmen,  till  they  bee  tryed  and  allowed 
'  in  free  Assemblies,  and  in  Parliaments.1  They  further  swore  to 
defend  the  King,  his  person  and  authority  in  the  defence  of 
the  true  religion ;  '  as  also  to  the  mutuall  defence  and  assist- 
'  ance  everie  one  of  us  of  another,  in  the  same  cause  of  main- 
'  taining  the  true  Religion,  and  his  Majestie's  Authoritie, 
'  against  all  sorts  of  persons  whatsoever,  so  that,  whatsoever 
'  shall  be  done  to  the  least  of  us  for  that  cause,  shall  be  taken 
'  as  done  to  us  all  in  generall,  and  to  everie  one  of  us  in  par- 
'  ticular.  And  that  we  shall,  neither  directly  nor  indirectly 
'  suffer  ourselves  to  be  divided  or  withdrawn,  by  whatsoever 
'  suggestion,  combination,  allurement,  or  terrour,  from  this 
'  blessed  and  loyall  Conjunction,  nor  shall  cast  in  any  let  or 
*  impediment  that  may  stay  or  hinder  any  such  resolution,  as 
'  by  common  consent  shall  be  found  to  conduce  for  so  good 
'  ends."1  x  This  Covenant  was  virtually  a  solemn  obligation  by 
the  individuals  composing  the  nation  that  they  would  faith- 
fully and  for  ever  stand  by  each  other  in  their  resistance  to  the 
hated  innovations.  The  circumstances  attending  its  subscrip- 
tion are  well  known.  It  was  acknowledged  by  the  King  that 
'  the  fire  of  this  seditious  Covenant  flamed  throughout  all 
'  the  corners  of  the  kingdome,  and  that  to  such  an  unexpected 
'  height  and  violence,  as  it  was  past  both  the  skill  and  power 
'  of  our  Councell  to  quench  it.'2  The  enormous  body  of 
people  so  banded  together  wras  represented  by  small  com- 
mittees selected  from  each  class  of  the  community,  and  these 
again  were  for  executive  purposes  represented  by  a  General 
Committee,  or  General  Table  as  it  was  called,  composed 
of  the  ablest  men  of  the  party,  which  sat  permanently 
in    Edinburgh   with    Wariston    as    Clerk.       'What    they    of 


1  National  Covenant  of  163S  ;  Large  Declaration,  64,  65. 

2  Large  Declaration,  75,  76. 


INTRODUCTION  27 

'  the  General  Table  resolved  on,  was  to  be  put  in  practice 
'  with  a  blinde  and  Jesuiticall  obedience.11  Charles  and  his 
advisers  at  once  saw  what  a  powerful  engine  had  been  devised 
and  perfected  to  baffle  their  schemes.  In  referring  to  it  in 
his  Declaration,  the  King  wrote,  '  And  now  began  the  most 
'  unnaturall,  causlesse,  and  horrible  rebellion  that  this  or 
'  perhaps  any  other  age  in  the  world  hath  been  acquainted 
'  with  :  for  now  these  Protesters  begin  to  invest  themselves 
'  with  the  supreme  Ensignes  and  Markes  of  Majestie  and 
4  Soveraigntie  by  erecting  publike  Tables  of  advice  and 
'  Councell,  for  ordering  the  affaires  of  the  Kingdome,  without 
'  our  Authoritie,  and  in  contempt  of  Us  and  our  Councell 
'  established  by  us  there,  and  by  entring  into  a  Covenant 
'  and  most  wicked  Band  and  combination  against  all  that 
'  shall  oppose  them,  not  excepting  Our  owne  Person,  directly 
'  against  the  law  of  God,  the  law  of  Nations,  and  the  munici- 
'  pall  lawes  of  that  Our  Kingdome/2  In  view  of  the  gravity 
of  the  situation,  the  King,  after  much  consultation  with  his 
advisers,  resolved  to  send  down  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton  as 
his  High  Commissioner  with  instructions  to  examine  into  the 
alleged  grievances,  and  to  calm  the  commotions  by  giving  the 
nation  all  just  satisfaction. 

The  line  of  action  taken  by  the  Covenanters  was  to  profess 
to  absolve  the  King  personally  from  all  responsibility  in  connec- 
tion with  the  innovations.  They  laid  before  the  Privy  Council 
a  formal  complaint  against  the  Bishops3  as  '  the  contryvers, 
introducers,  and  urgers  upone 1  the  nation  of  the  Service  Book 
and  book  of  Canons,  and  as  the  authors  of  the  other  innovations. 
For  this,  they  maintained,  the  Bishops  should  be  brought  to  trial 
and  should  not  be  allowed  to  sit  as  judges  till  the  matter  was 
determined.4  But  this  the  King  would  not  accept.  He  was 
proud  of  the  part  which  he  had  personally  taken  in  the  pre- 


1  Large  Declaration,  54.  2  Ibid.  53,  54. 

3  Relation,  49.  4  Declinator  ;  Rothes'  Relation,  51. 


28  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

paration  of  the  Service  Book,  and  at  once  stated  in  reply  that 
it  was  he  who  had  ordered  it  to  be  compiled,  and  that  he 
had  in  the  framing  of  it  taken  great  care  and  pains,  '  so  as 
'  nothing  passed  therein  but  what  was  seene  and  approved  by 
i  Us  before  the  same  was  either  divulged  or  printed. n 

In  all  the  numerous  long  and  able  papers  issued  by  the 
Covenanters,  one  desire  was  kept  prominently  in  the  front,  viz., 
that  the  King  should  call  a  free  General  Assembly  and  Parlia- 
ment as  the  only  means  by  which  the  great  disorders  of  Church 
and  State  could  be  redressed  :  '  All  the  Desires  of  the  Suppli- 
'  cants  resolves  on  ane  Generall  Assemblie  and  Parliament,  these 
'  being  the  meanes  to  cognosce  and  redresse  the  whole  parti - 
'  culars.1 2  A  mere  withdrawal  of  the  Service  Book,  Book  of 
Canons,  and  High  Commission  would  not  remedy  the  evils  nor 
prevent  their  recurrence.  The  Church,  they  urged,  must  be 
secured  in  time  to  come  against  any  alteration  in  points  of 
doctrine,  divine  worship,  and  church  government,  but  such  as 
should  be  agreed  on  in  lawful  free  General  Assemblies,3  i.e. 
such  assemblies  as  should  be  constituted  according  to  the  laws 
of  the  pure  reformed  Church  of  Scotland,  not  the  packed  and 
corrupt  assemblies  which  had  carried  out  the  commands  of 
King  James  in  the  later  years  of  his  reign. 

Much  discussion  took  place  between  the  Commissioner  and 


1  Proclamation. — Large  Declaration,  48. 
In  the  sale  catalogue  of  the  Duke  of  Hamilton's  library,  p.  25,  the  following 
entry  occurs  :  '316,  Booke  of  Common  Prayer,  R.  Barker  1637 — Psalmes  in 
Meeter,  with  music,"  1635,  black  letter,  Charles  the  First's  copy  with  numerous 
alterations  and  additions  in  his  autograph — small  4to.  Prefixed  to  the  Order 
for  Morning  Prayer,  Charles  1.  has  written  with  his  own  hand  :  "  Charles  R.  I 
"  gave  the  ArchbP  of  Canterbury  comand  to  make  the  alteracons  expressed 
"  in  this  book  and  to  fit  a  Liturgy  for  the  Church  of  Scotland  and  wheresoever 
"  they  shall  differ  from  another  booke  signed  by  us  at  Hamp1  Court,  Septemb1- 
"  28th,  1634,  our  pleasure  is  to  have  these  followed  rather  than  the  former  ; 
"  unless  the  ArchbP  of  St.  Andrews  and  his  Brethren  who  are  upon  the  place 
"  shall  see  apparent  reason  to  the  contrary.  At  Whitehall,  April  19th,  1636.'' 
The  above  note  proves  beyond  a  doubt  that  the  alterations  made  in  the  folio 
edition  of  1637,  usually  termed  Laud's  Scotch  Liturgy,  emanated  from  Charles  1. 
himself,  and  that  his  emendations  were  adopted  with  scarcely  a  variation.' 
2  Rothes  to  Hamilton,  Relation^  184.  s  Relation,  96. 


INTRODUCTION  29 

the  Covenanting  leaders.  Before  agreeing  to  indict  a  General 
Assembly,  the  Commissioner  demanded  that  the  Covenant 
should  be  abrogated.  This  the  Covenanters  rejected  without 
hesitation.  He  further  asked  for  an  undertaking  that  the 
Covenanters  should  not  at  the  Assembly  '  goe  about  to  deter- 
'  mine  of  things  established  by  Acts  of  Parliament,  otherwise 
'  than  by  remonstrance  or  petition  to  the  Parliament.11  But 
such  an  undertaking  they  declined  to  give.  The  introduction 
of  the  Service  Book,  although  the  immediate  cause  of  the  out- 
break, was  only  one  of  the  innovations  of  which  they  com- 
plained. Their  object  was  to  strike  at  what  they  conceived  to 
be  the  root  of  the  evil,  and  to  restore  the  Church  to  its  purity 
as  it  existed  at  the  end  of  the  previous  century  before  the 
introduction  of  Episcopacy  by  the  King  and  Parliament  against 
what  the  Covenanters  believed  was  the  will  of  the  people. 
They  insisted  that  the  Church,  acting  through  its  Supreme 
Court  legally  constituted,  had  alone  the  cognisance  of  matters 
of  doctrine,  church  government,  and  forms  of  worship.  The 
King  had  no  power  to  regulate  such  matters,  and  although 
Parliament  might,  for  the  fortification  of  the  resolutions  of  the 
Church  Courts,  give  them  formal  ratification,  its  power  to 
legislate  upon  ecclesiastical  subjects  went  no  further.  A 
ratifying  Act  of  Parliament  had  no  force,  independently  of  the 
resolution  of  the  Church  Court  which  it  confirmed,  but  at  once 
became  of  no  effect  on  the  abrogation  of  the  resolution  by  a 
subsequent  duly  constituted  Assembly.  An  Assembly  being 
supreme,  it  was  impossible,  they  urged,  that  private  indivi- 
duals could  bargain  on  its  behalf  that  certain  subjects  should 
be  excluded  from  its  consideration. 

The  other  point  upon  which  a  vital  difference  was  manifested 
was  the  constitution  of  General  Assemblies.  The  Commis- 
sioner, as  representing  the  King  and  the  Episcopal  party, 
maintained  that  the   practice  which  had  been  followed  since 


1  Large   Declaration,  123. 


30  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

the  introduction  of  Episcopacy  should  be  continued,  that 
is  that  Archbishops  and  Bishops,  and  constant  (perpetual) 
Moderators  of  Presbyteries,  should  be  members  by  virtue  of 
their  offices.  The  Covenanters  would  not  admit  this,  and 
contended  that  only  those  persons  could  lawfully  be  members 
who  were  sent  up  as  Commissioners  from  presbyteries  or 
burghs.  A  further  question  arose  as  to  the  rights  of  ruling 
elders,  or  lay  elders,1  as  the  Episcopalians  called  them,  to  be 
members  of  Church  Courts.  The  Episcopal  partv,  who  drew  a 
broad  distinction  between  clergy  and  laity,  denied  that  ruling 
elders  were  members  of  Church  Courts,  although  they  might 
be  called  in  by  presbyteries  '  for  their  assistance  in  discipline 
'  and  correction  of  manners,  at  such  occasions  as  they  stood  in 
'  need  of  their  godly  concurrence.'' 2  Not  being  members  they 
could  neither  vote  in  the  election  of  ministers  as  commis- 
sioners from  presbyteries  nor  be  sent  up  as  Commissioners 
themselves.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Covenanters  declared  that 
the  rule  of  the  Church  was  that  each  kirk-session  should  send 
up  to  its  presbytery,  as  constituent  members,  the  minister 
and  one  ruling  elder.  A  presbytery  would  thus  be  composed 
of  an  equal  number  of  ministers  and  ruling  elders.  As  to  the 
mode  of  election  of  Assembly  Commissioners  they  founded 
on  the  instructions  sent  down  to  presbyteries  by  the  Dundee 
Assembly  on  7th  March  1597,  whereby  three  ministers  and 
one  ruling  elder  were  directed  to  be  sent  up  by  each  Presby- 
tery as  Commissioners  to  each  Assembly.3 


1  '  Some  reproachfully,  and  others  ignorantly,  call  them  Lay  Elders.  But  the 
'  distinction  of  the  Clergie  and  Laity  is  Popish  and  Antichristian.  The  name  of 
'  Clergie,  appropriate  to  Ministers,  is  full  of  pride  and  vaine  glory,  and  hath 
'  made  the  holy  people  of  God  to  be  despised,  as  if  they  were  prophane  and 
'  uncleane  in  comparison  of  their  Ministers.' — Assertion  of  the  Government  of  the 
Church  of Scotland  in  the  Points  of  Ruling  Elders,  etc.,  Edinburgh,  1641,  p.  3. 

-  Bishop's  Declinator. — Large  Declaration,  252. 

3  'Elders  are  of  three  sorts  (1)  Preaching  Elders  or  Pastors,  (2)  Teaching 
Elders  or  Doctors,  (3)  Ruling  Elders.  All  these  are  elders,  because  they  have 
voice  in  Presbyteries  and  all  Assemblies  of  the  Church,  and  the  Government  of 
the  Church  is  incumbent  to  them  all.' — Assertion,  ut  supra,  p.  S. 


INTRODUCTION  31 

These  differences  were  not  arranged,  but  the  King,  never- 
theless, resolved  to  call  an  Assembly.  By  way  of  clearing  the 
ground,  and  as  a  substantial  bid  for  the  support  of  the  mass  of 
the  people,  who  might  be  supposed  not  to  care  much  about 
such  matters  as  the  Royal  Prerogative  and  theories  of  church 
government,  provided  the  recent  innovations  were  removed, 
Charles  issued  a  Proclamation  expressing  his  detestation  of 
Popery ;  virtually  sweeping  away  all  the  innovations  ;  declar- 
ing that  Bishops  who  had  abused  their  powers  should  be 
subject  to  trial  by  the  General  Assembly ;  and  directing  that  a 
free  Assembly  should  be  held  at  Glasgow  on  21st  November 
1638.1 

The  famous  Assembly  met  in  the  great  Cathedral  on  the 
appointed  day  amid  scenes  of  intense  excitement,  Baillie's 
vivid  description  of  which2  recalls  Macaulay's  well-known 
picture  of  the  opening  of  the  impeachment  of  Warren  Hast- 
ings in  Westminster  Hall.  The  ministers  and  elders  who 
had  been  sent  up  as  Commissioners  were,  almost  to  a  man, 
enthusiastic  Covenanters,  eager  to  condemn  the  innovations 
and  to  sit  in  judgment  on  the  Prelates.  Henderson  was  elected 
Moderator,  and  Wariston  Clerk3  and  afterwards  Procurator 
or  Legal  Adviser.  Hamilton  speedily  foresaw  what  the  result 
would  be  if  an  Assembly  so  constituted  were  allowed  to  pro- 
ceed to  business,  and  therefore,  on  the  plea  that  ruling  elders 
had  no  right  to  be  members,  he,  on  29th  November,4  declared 
the  Assembly  dissolved  and  departed.  The  Assembly,  how- 
ever, after  his  departure,  passed  a  formal  resolution  that  it 
was  a  lawful  Assembly,  and  might  continue  to  sit  till  its 
business  was  despatched.  It  accordingly  sat  till  20th  Decem- 
ber, and  in  the  interval  it  swept  away  the  whole  fabric  of 
Episcopacy,  rejected  and  condemned,  as  unlawful  innovations, 
the  changes  in  the  forms  of  church  government  and  worship 
introduced   by  the  King,  deposed  and  excommunicated   both 

1  Large  Declaration,  137.  "  Baillie,  i.  123  et  seq. 

3  'A  nonsuch  for  a  clerk. '—Baillie,  i.  122.  *  Peterkin,  44. 


32  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

the  Archbishops  and  six  of  the  Bishops,  and  deposed  without 
excommunicating  six  more  of  the  Bishops. 

The  cup  was  now  full.  Charles  felt  that  he  had  been  defied 
and  insulted  before  the  world,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  hasten 
on  the  preparations  which  he  had  for  some  time  been  quietly 
making1  for  punishing  his  rebellious  subjects.  On  26th 
January  1639  he  summoned  his  English  nobility  to  meet  him 
at  York  on  1st  April,  each  with  a  suitable  following,  on  the 
plea,  absolutely  without  foundation,  that  the  Scots  might 
invade  England.  His  real  intention  undoubtedly  was  to 
reduce  the  Scots  to  obedience  by  force  of  arms.  To  that 
end  he  had  planned  landings  of  troops  on  the  shores  of  the 
Clyde  and  the  coast  of  Argyllshire ;  the  north  was  to  be 
secured  by  the  Marquis  of  Huntly  ;  Hamilton  with  a  fleet  was 
to  enter  the  Firth  of  Forth  ;  and  the  King  with  his  army  was 
to  advance  to  the  Tweed.  While  at  York  he  published  a 
Proclamation  promising  to  grant  an  act  of  oblivion  to  all  such 
as  should  within  eight  days  lay  down  their  arms,  declaring 
such  as  should  not  obey  rebels,  and  ordering  their  vassals  and 
tenants  not  to  acknowledge  them,  nor  pay  them  any  rent,  but 
to  reserve  one  half  of  it  to  the  King's  use,  and  the  other  half 
to  their  own  use.  But  the  projected  landings  on  the  west 
coast  did  not  take  place ;  the  Earl  of  Montrose  disposed  of 
Huntly  and  the  town  of  Aberdeen ;  Hamilton's  fleet,  which 
entered  the  Forth  on  1st  May,  could  not  effect  anything 
beyond  the  taking  of  a  few  ships ;  and  the  Covenanters 
would  not  allow  the  Proclamation  to  be  read.  The  Royal 
army  was  assembled  at  the  Birks  near  Berwick  early  in  May, 
and  the  King  himself  arrived  there  about  30th  May,2  nine  days 
after  the  commencement  of  Waristons  Diary.  His  army  had 
no  heart  for  the  war.  Sir  Ralph  Verney  wrote  to  his  son  on 
1st  May,  'I  dare  say  ther  was  never  .  .  .  soe  unwilling  an 
army  brought  to  fight.1      And  on  5th  May  he  wrote,  '  This 

1  See  Letters,  the  King  to  Hamilton  :  Burnet's  Memoires,  pp.  55,  59. 

2  Verney  Papers,  241. 


INTRODUCTION  S3 

'  daye  I  spake  with  an  understanding  Scottishman,  and  one 
'  that  is  affected  the  moderate  waye.  Hee  is  confident  noe- 
'  thing  will  sattisfye  them  but  taking  awaye  all  bishopps,  and 
'  I  dare  saye  the  King  will  never  yeelde  to  that,  soe  wee  must 
'  bee  miserable.1  x 

The  Covenanters  were  determined  to  resist  to  the  utmost. 
They  composed  the  great  majority  of  the  nation,  and  were 
thoroughly  organised.  Alexander  Leslie,  the  hero  of  the 
defence  of  Stralsund,  who  had  learned  the  art  of  war  under 
the  great  Gustavus,  was  appointed  general  in  chief,  and  the 
Nobles  served  under  him  as  Colonels  of  their  respective  regi- 
ments. Large  supplies  of  arms  and  ammunition  had  been 
imported  from  the  Continent.  The  great  strongholds  of  the 
country  had  been  captured,  and  Leith  had  been  fortified.  A 
force  had  been  sent  under  the  command  of  Montrose  to  over- 
awe Aberdeen  and  the  north-east ;  and  considerable  bodies  of 
men  had  been  stationed  along  the  shores  of  the  Forth  to  watch 
the  English  fleet.  The  main  army  which  was  to  oppose 
directly  that  of  the  King  was  quartered  in  the  villages  of  East 
Lothian,  when  Leslie,  with  his  colonels,  set  out  to  take  the 
immediate  command  on  the  21st  of  May,  the  day  when  the 
Diary  was  begun. 

The  Society  desire  specially  to  express  their  acknowledg- 
ments to  Mr.  Maxton  Graham  for  his  kindness  in  placing  the 
manuscript  of  the  Diary  at  their  disposal,  and  to  Sir  James 
Gibson  Craig  of  Riccarton,  Baronet,  for  allowing  his  unique 
portrait  of  Wariston  by  Jamesone  to  be  photographed  as  a 
frontispiece. 

GEORGE  M.  PAUL. 


5  Verney  Papers,  228,  231. 


JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 

Upon  Tuesday  the  21  of  May  1639,  my  Lord  Generall  with 
sundrie  of  his  Colonells,  the  Earle  of  Rothes,  my  Lord  Lindsay, 
my  Lord  Loudon,  my  Lord  Yester,  my  Lord  Montgomerie, 
my  Lord  Dalhusie,  with  five  and  fourtie  peece  of  canon  marcht 
from  Edr  to  Haddingtoun  wher  my  Lord  Rothes  and  my  Lord 
Montgomeries  regiments  wer  lying.1 

Upon  Wednesday  the  22  May  the  Lord  Generall  went  to 
Dumbar  wher  my  Lord  Lindsay  and  my  Lord  Loudon,  my 
Lord  Yester,  and  my  Lord  Muntros  regiments  wer  lying  ther 
and  ther  abouts. 

This  night  eighteene  ships  which  wer  lying  above  Inchcome 
came  downe  to  the  rode  of  Leeth. 

This  day  ane  letter  from  the  noblemen,  with  sundrie  Articles 
was  taken  in  to  the  Comissioner  by  Mr.  Wm.  Cunynghame. 

Upon  Thursday  the  23  May x  twentie  of  the  English  ships 
went  from  the  rode  of  Leeth  to  the  May,  the  guards  of  both 
coasts  of  Louthian  and  Fyfe  following  them. 

The  Generall  went  from  Dumbar  to  see  Tantallan.2 

Ane  letter  sent  to  the  whole  Shy  res. 
'  Right    Honorable,    These   are   to    desire   the   Noblemen 
within  your  shyre  with  all  possible  diligence  to  send  hither  to 


1  42i  May  1639.  Twysday.  This  day  Generall  Leslie,  Erl  Rothes,  and 
Lord  Lyndsay,  tuik  journey  to  the  bound  rod.' 

'23  May  1639.  Item,  Mr.  Alexander  Henrysoun,  with  Mr.  Archibald  John- 
stoun,  raid  to  the  bound  Rod.' — Diary  of  Sir  Thomas  Hope  (Bannatyne  Club), 
97.  Henderson  and  Wariston  no  doubt  accompanied  the  army  as  the  official 
representatives  of  the  Church,  having  been  respectively  Moderator  and  Clerk 
of  the  last  General  Assembly. 

2  This  castle,  now  a  ruin,  was  then  a  place  of  great  strength.  It  was  taken 
by  Cromwell  in  1651,  'after  he  had  battred  at  the  for  wall  12  dayes  continually 
with  grate  canon.' — Balfour,  iv.  249. 


36  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY        [may 

the  borders  at  the  least  the  two  part  of  the  horses  and  horse- 
men both  of  Gentlemen  and  yeomans  who  will  readylier  come 
out  with  them  nor1  without  them,  conforme  to  Instructions 
befor  sent  to  Shyres  theranent,  if  they  be  not  already  come 
away  befor  this  advertisement.     The  king's  armie  especially  of 
horsemen  lying  now  close  upon  our  borders  in  despight  of  all 
foot  companies  may  and  will  assuredly  ravage  all  the  country, 
and   ryde   into   the  heart  of  the    kingdom  wch  our  footmen 
cannot  imped,  bot  we  both  remaine  useles  to  other  pairts  bot 
qr  they  are  guarding  and  be  in  hazard  of  the  enemies  horse 
in    the  feilds   except  the   horse  come  to  us  and  that  w*  all 
possible  expedition,  lest  they  mak  our  foot  armies  to  ly  still 
heere   spending   our  victuals,   qras   having   the   horsemen  we 
might   both  march  to  the   borders,  gett  assurance  either  of 
present  peace  or  warre  and  stay  the  enemie  from  spoyling  the 
countrie ;  let  not  any  man  now  either  linger  or  think  it  suffi- 
cient to  send  any  unworthy  body  or  a  bachling  naig 2  in  his 
stead,    seeing    our   enemies   strength    consists    in    ther   horse, 
Bot  as  they  love  the  standing  of  Gods  cause  and  liberties  of 
this  kirk  and  kingdome,  let  them  use  extraordinarie  diligence 
in  this  extraordinarie  exigent  to  come  themselves  and  hasten 
others  to  come,  either  w*  carrabeins,  hagbuts,  pistols,  or  jacks 
and  lances,  or  swords  and  lances,  or  any  other  fensible  weapon. 
Lykeas  we  most  earnestly  requyre  the  noblemen  and  gentlemen 
in  everie  paroch  that  whosoever  steales  away  from  this  armie 
home    w^ut   ane    passe    from    us    or   his    owne    Colonell    be 
presently  putt  in  yrons  and  sent  back  to  the  armies  to  suffer 
exemplary  punishment.  Your  affectionat  freinds 

Dumhar  24  of  May  1639. 

Upon  Fryday  the  24  May  ther  come  two  Comissioners  with 
ane  supplication  from  the  Colledg  of  Justice  to  my  Lord 
Generall,  desyring  not  to  be  tyed  to  march  all  on  foot  from 
Edr  presently,  wherunto  the  Generall  condescended  and  desyred 
them  to  make  up  ane  troup  of  horse,  and  to  report  this  his 
desyre  to  them  that  sent  them. 

This  night  Captaine  Winnercom  brought  alongs  with  him 
from  Edr  one  of  his  Maties  trumpeters  who   came   from    my 

1  than.  3  A  shambling  nag. 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  37 

Lord  Holland1  through  Kelso  with  one  letter  to  the  noble 
men  of  Scotland  and  with  one  to  the  Earle  of  Argyle. 

My  Lords — As  it  hath  beene  my  fortune  to  have  receaved 
great  expressions  from  yow  of  the  disposition  of  your  Loyalty 
and  dueties  to  his  Matie,  so  is  it  now  to  give  your  Lop  ane 
occasion  to  shew  it  by  your  obedience  to  this  his  Maties  pro- 
clamation which  asking  bot  civile  and  temporall  obedience 
from  his  naturall  kingdome  having  beene  borne  in  the  bowels 
of  it,  I  most  beleeve  by  the  earnest  professions  of  love  and 
duty  to  him  and  lykwyse  by  the  eminence  of  your  qualities, 
that  so  justly  ought  to  serve  what  created  them  : 

Your  Lops  will  most  joyfully  and  readily  submitt  to  that 
which  in  this  sacred  and  powerfull  way  is  thus  demanded 
from  you,  by  which  meanes  you  may  not  onlie  avoyd  that 
name  yow  professe  so  litle  to  deserve,  but  lykewyse  shunne 
in  all  your  particulars  the  inconveniences  of  it  with  those 
others  of  the  publick  threatned  in  the  distraction  of  these 
kingdomes  which  are  so  intressed  in  the  safety  and  prosperity 
of  each  other  as  their  differences  will  appeare  as  unnaturall 
toward  ourselves  as  it  may  prove  unfortunate.  The  fulness  of 
my  heart  upon  this  occasion  maks  me  say  more  then  is  propper 
for  me,  since  I  am  rather  to  obey  in  this  office  then  to  advyse. 
— My  Lords  I  am  your  Lops  humble  servant  Holland 

From  my  quarter  this 
20  of  May. 

My  Lord — I  have  receaved  a  civilitie  that  challenges  a 
reall  returne  of  it  unto  your  Lop,  and  truelie  I  can  in  nothing 
expresse  it  so  much  as  in  my  letter  and  freindlie  persuasions  to 
your  L*p  that  ye  wold  upon  this  occasion  advyse  as  you  pro- 
fesse that  your  religion  and  Lawes  being  safe  ther  is  no  un- 
dutiefulnes  or  violence  intended,  I  am  confident  neither  of 
them  will  justifie  the  disobeying  of  such  a  comand  as  the 
retiring  of  those  forces  that  hath  beene  raised  without  them, 
And  my  Lord  in  the  freedome  and  sinceritie  of  my  heart  and 
conscience  give  me  leave  to  say  It  most  appeare  strange  to  our 
Soveraigne  Lord  and  Master  thus  to  be  faced  with  ane  Armie 

1  The  Earl  of  Holland  was  General  of  the  Horse  in  the  King's  Army. 


38  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY       [may 

that  hath  covered  us  all  so  many  yeares  under  the  wings  of 
peace,  when  all  other  princes  have  beene  laid  open  to  the  rage 
and  calamities  of  warre;  if  this  deserve  not,  with  so  many  other 
blessings  of  his  personall  vertues,  the  retiring  to  such  a  distance 
as  the  least  motione  of  his  Ma/  j  ust  sword  may  not  fall  upon 
you  I  leave  it  to  your  conscience,  wch  can  never  enquire  to 
find  any  so  guilty  of  the  moving  of  any  thing  towards  such 
distractions  as  these  must  be,  that  may  with  ther  honour  and 
duety  thus  remove  to  preveine  them,  All  thus  my  Lord  wer  I 
your  brother  I  should  offer  unto  you,  which  is  the  best  and 
truest  expression  of  my  being  your  Lop  most  humble  servant 
From  my  quarter  Holland 

22  May. 

By  the  King  x 

Charles  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  Great  Britaine,2 
Scotland,  France  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith.  To  all 
our  loving  subjects  whom  it  shall  or  may  concerne ;  Greeting. 
Wheras  we  ar  thus  farr  advanced  in  our  Royall  person  with  our 
armie,  and  the  attendance  of  our  nobility  and  gentry  of  this 
kingdome,  and  intend  to  be  shortly  at  our  good  towne  of 
Banvicke,  with  purpose  to  give  our  good  people  of  Scotland  all 
just  satisfaction  in  Parliament,  as  soone  as  the  present  dis- 
orders, and  tumultuous  proceidings  of  some  there,  ar  quieted  : 
and  will  leave  us  a  faire  way  of  comming  lyke  a  gracious  king 
to  declare  our  good  meaning  to  them  :  But  finding  some  cause 
of  impediment  and  that  this  nation  doth  apprehend  (that  con- 
trarie  to  their  professions)  ther  is  ane  intention  to  invade  this 
our  kingdome  of  England,  We  doe  therfor  to  cleare  all  doubts, 
that  may  breed  scruples  in  the  mynds  of  our  good  subjects  of 
either  kingdome,  reiterate  this  our  just  and  reall  protestation  : 
That  if  all  civile  and  temporall  obedience  be  effectually  and 
tymely  given  and  shewen  unto  us  we  doe  not  intend  to  invade 
them  with  any  hostilitie,  But,  if  they  shall  without  our 
especiall  authority  and  command  raise  any  armed  troupes,  and 
draw  them  downe  within  ten  miles  of  our  border  of  England, 


1  This  Proclamation  was  issued  at  Newcastle  on  14th  May  1639.  An  original 
print  has  been  preserved  at  Queen's  College,  Oxford,  which  Mr.  Firth  has  been 
good  enough  to  collate  with  this  copy.  Peterkin's  copy  is  inaccurate  and  mis- 
leading. •  England  in  original  print. 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTOVS  DIARY  39 

zee  shall  then  interpret  that  as  an  invasion  of  our  said  Kingdome 
of  England?  and  in  that  case  doe  expressly  command  the 
Generall  of  our  armie  and  our  superiour  officers  of  the  same, 
respectively  to  proceede  against  them  as  Rebells,  and  Invaders 
of  this  our  kingdome  of  England,  and  to  the  outmost  of  their 
power  to  sett  upon  them  and  destroy  them,  In  which  they 
shall  doe  a  singular  service  both  to  our  honour  and  safety. 

Given  at  our  Court  at  Newcastle  the  fourteenth  day  of  Mav, 
in  the  fifteenth  yeare  of  our  raigne. 

God  Save  the  King. 

Imprinted  at  Newcastle  by  Robert  Barker  printer  to  the 
Kings  Most  Excellent  Majestie:  and  by  the  assignes  of  Jhon 
Bill  1639. 

Upon  the  25  May  being  Saturday  we  sent  away  with  the 
trumpeter  Sir  Jhon  Hume  of  Blacader  Knight  with  our  answer 
to  my  Lord  Holland  and  with  privat  instructions  to  himself. 

Our  Noble  Lord — As  nothing  can  be  more  acceptable  to  us 
then  to  heare  that  his  Matie  is  pleased  to  give  just  satisfaction 
unto  us  and  to  all  his  good  people,  so  shall  we  ever  be  willing 
with  all  due  respect  to  remember  and  honour  all  such  as  shal 
be  so  happie  as  to  be  mediators  to  procure  the  same,  wch  we 
acknowledg  to  be  yours  at  this  tyme,  And  for  our  part  shall 
to  the  outermost  of  our  power  render  all  civile  and  temporall 
obedience  unto  his  Ma/  as  tymely  and  effectually  as  may  be 
with  the  preservation  of  our  Ly ves  and  safety  of  the  Countrey, 
And  therfor  as  we  doe  humblie  intreat  and  certainely  expect 
that  his  Ma/  is  willing  to  cleare  all  doubts  that  may  bread 
scruples  in  the  mynds  of  the  good  subjects  of  either  king- 
dome,  will  in  his  justice  recall  all  his  forces  by  sea  which  are 
lying  heere  within  our  bosome  to  our  great  hinderance,  will 
release  our  Ships  arrested  in  his  Ma/  other  dominions,  will 
remove  his  armies  from  the  borders  for  our  securitie,  and  will 
be  graciouslie  pleased  to  give  signification  of  his  Ma/  will  for 
accomodation  of  affaires  in  such  a  peaceable  way  whether  by 
the  conference  of  some  pry  me  and  well  affected  men  of  both 

1  The  italics  were  omitted  in  the  Diary.     See  original  print. 


40  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY        [may 

nations  or  any  other  meane  (which  we  presume  not  to 
prescryve)  as  may  prove  more  powerfull  then  those  already 
assayed  hath  done,  So  doe  we  resolve  in  all  humilitie  presently 
to  doe  his  Ma/  will  in  keeping  our  armies  within  the  bounds  of 
his  Ma/  limitation,  and  to  performe  all  things  we  can  conceave 
may  conduce  for  our  common  peace,  The  speedy  effectuating  of 
this  on  both  sydes,  as  your  Lo/  knowes  to  be  his  Ma/  honour, 
So  doe  we  know  it  to  be  the  well  of  this  his  Ma/  kingdome  now 
in  armes  whose  present  condition  is  such  that  it  cannot  indure 
longer  delay,  and  all  men  who  looke  upon  us  will  perceave 
to  be  the  scattering  of  that  dark  clouds  which  hingeth  over 
the  two  kingdomes,  This  blessed  work  if  your  Lo/  who  hath 
begunne  so  happily  shall  bring  to  passe  which  from  the  know- 
ledg  of  his  Ma/  justice  and  goodnes  we  suppose  to  be  facible 
by  your  Lo/  and  others  who  hath  accesse  And  therfor  intrust 
this  Gentleman  Sir  Jhon  Hume  of  Blacader  Knight  with 
further  information,  Then  shall  we  yet  be  further  obliedged  to 
prove  Your  lo/  humble  servants 

Lochend  the  25  May  1639. 

Instructions 

Ye  shall  shew  my  Lord  Holland 

1.  The  true  estate  of  the  question  whether  we  shal  be 
governed  by  generall  assemblies  in  matters  ecclesiasticall  and 
by  parliament  in  matters  civile  unto  whose  decision  we  have 
ever  submitted  ourselves,  our  person  our  cause  and  our  pro- 
ceidings ;  albeit  proclamations  be  wrapt  up  in  generals  of 
religion  and  Law,  yet  the  grounds  of  both  ar  condemned  in 
particular,  as  our  covenant  with  God  and  the  generall 
assemblie  wherof  we  cannot  obtaine  ane  ratification  in 
parliament. 

2.  That  we  never  had  any  intention  either  to  diminish  his 
Ma/  authority  and  Monarchic  or  invade  our  neighbour  king- 
dome  bot  only  to  defend  ourselves  in  the  mantenance  of  our 
religion  and  liberties. 

3.  That  we  have  hitherto  used  all  possible  meanes  by  sup- 
plications, informations  etc  both  to  cleare  our  intentions  to 
his  Ma/  and  our  neighbour  nation. 

4.  That,  to    show   the    greatest    testimony   of    our    civile 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  41 

obedience  after  by  proclamation l  we  wer  declared  rebells  and 
traitours,  we  most  humblie  renewed  our  Supplications  wryte  to 
sundry  noblemen  of  England  and  most  heartily  consented  to 
the  prorogation  of  the  Parliament. 

5.  That  the  English  Navie  hes  now  lyen  this  fourthnight 
in  our  Firth  stopping  all  trade  and  commerce  betwixt  this 
and  any  other  natione,  taking  our  ships,  boats,  barks,  their 
victuals,  goods,  geire  and  moneyes  detaining  the  men  both 
mariners  and  passengers  or  forcing  them  to  sweare  oathes 
contrare  to  our  religion  and  lawes. 

6.  That  manifestoes  and  relations  of  our  foul  conspiracies 
(as  they  call  them)  ar  published  to  the  world  against  us  and 
yet  never  one  of  them  suffered  to  be  sent  home  to  lett  us  know 
our  accusations,  that  our  estates  be  disponed  to  our  tennents 
and  our  lyves  subjected  to  all  wold  be  rewarded  for  the  taking 
them. 

7.  That  albeit  it  be  strange  that  ane  forraigne  armie  after 
threatning  our  destruction  shall  march  to  our  borders  ready 
to  come  in  upon  us  at  their  pleasure,  and  we  who  intended 
and  professe  not  to  send  any  bot  defend  ourselves  should  be 
discharged  from  the  bounds  so  lyable  to  their  invasion,  yet 
to  give  full  satisfaction  in  everie  poynt,  we  ar  content  to  stay 
our  armies  upon  assurance  of  the  present  removing  of  the 
navie  from  our  firth  and  armies  from  the  borders. 

8.  That  it  is  not  lykely  that  matters  of  so  great  importance 
as  is  now  to  be  treated  upon  can  so  shortly  be  broght  to  a 
conclusion  as  necessitie  requyreth  by  interchange  of  letters 
and  intercourse  of  mesgres  etc.,  doth  therfor  seeme  convenient 
that  a  conference  wer  appointed  betwixt  some  of  the  nobility 
of  Ingland  and  some  of  our  nobilitie  in  some  convenient  place 
upon  the  march  so  speedily  as  may  be  which  doubtles  will 
prove  the  best  way  to  accommodat  bussines  shortlie. 

This  day  Mr.  Win,  Cunynghame  broght  back  the  Coniis- 
sioner  his  answere  and  tooke  a  new  letter  back  with  him. 

This  day  order  was  sent  to  Crowner  Muntroe 2  to  march 


1  York  Proclamation.     See  p.  32. 

2  Colonel  Munro  was  in  command  of  a  force  then  quartered  at  Dumfries. 


42  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY        [may 

hither  seeing  we  heard  the  troupes  of  Carleel  wer  come  towards 
Berwick. 

Upon  the  Sabboth  the  26  May  my  Lord  Generall  heard 
sermon  in  Dumbar  church  wher  Mr.  Alexr  Henderson  did 
beginne  to  preach  upon  the  fight  of  the  Israelites  with  Amalek. 

Afternoone  we  had  intelligence  by  one  come  from  the  armie 
that  the  Kings  Matie  with  his  armie  had  marcht  to  Gozik  x 
with  ten  regiments  twelve  colours  in  everie  regiment,  a 
hundreth  men  under  everie  colour,  and  of  the  blacknes  of  the 
bread  wherwith  they  wer  intertained. 

This  night  the  Kings  ships  chast  a  litle  barge  into  the 
Sketerraw,  and  my  Lord  Generall  rode  away  to  Kelso  to  order 
my  Lord  Louthian  and  my  Lord  Askins 2  regiments  and  the 
Shirreffe  of  Tividailes  horse  troupe. 

Upon  Munday  the  27  May  the  Laird  of  Blacader,  returning 
from  my  Lord  Holland,  desyred  ane  alteration  of  ane  mitigat- 
ing interpretation  of  the  letters  sent  to  my  Lord  which  we  sett 
downe  in  some  articles  and  sent  away  with  Blacader. 

'  The  noblemen  who  did  direct  and  subscryve  the  answer  to 
my  Lord  Hollands  letter  ar  not  heere  for  the  present  to  enter 
upon  any  new  deliberation,  neither  can  they  be  broght  together 
so  soone  as  that  the  bearer  may  keepe  the  dyet  appointed 
by  his  Lo/,  we  who  are  heere  understanding  the  right  and 
loyall  meaning  of  all  the  particulars  contained  in  the  same 
may  be  answerable  to  his  Lo/  and  to  those  of  our  owne  who 
ar  absent  for  saying  so  much  as  may  be  a  remedie  against  all 
mistaking. 

'  My  Lord  knoweth  how  great  reason  we  have  to  apprehend 
ane  invasion,  for  his  Maties  proclamations  threaten  no  lesse, 
all  preparations  for  warre  ar  used,  all  supplications  and  means 
assayed  by  us  ar  rejected :  Manifestoes  ar  published  against  us 
and  keeped  up  from  us,  our  lands  and  estates  disponed  to  our 
vassals  and  tennents,3  the  fleet  lyeth  heere  to  our  great  and 
dayly  hinderance,  the  armies  ar  now  come  to  the  borders ; 
matters   so    standing,    how    necessary   it   is   that   we    see    to 

1  Goswick  lay  nearly  opposite  the  north  point  of  Holy  Island. 

8  Erskine's.  3  York  Proclamation. 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  43 

ourselves,  and  doe  and  labour  for  all  things  conducing  for  our 
lawfull  defence  My  Lord  and  all  wyse  men  can  judge,  and 
more  then  defence  we  have  not  intended. 

'  His  Lo/  wold  be  pleasd  to  consider  that  we  have  under- 
taken to  give  present  obedience  to  his  Ma/  will  in  keeping  the 
distance  of  place  designed,  and  doe  not  capitulat  that  his  Ma/ 
should  remove  his  armies  to  the  lyke  distance,  bot  doe  earnstly 
begg  and  humblie  supplicat  that  his  Maties  armies  by  sea  and 
land  may  be  so  farr  removed  or  in  his  Maties  justice  so  disposed 
upon  that  we  may  be  secured  from  invasion  and  that  our  com- 
merce and  country  now  blocked  up  may  be  made  free,  What 
urgent  necessity  there  is  that  this  be  granted  althogh  cravd 
by  way  of  supplication  as  beseemeth  humble  subjects  we  desyre 
his  Lo/  will  take  to  consideration. 

'  The  earnst  desyre  we  have  of  pacification  and  to  give 
both  his  Matie  and  the  whole  nation  just  content  may  be  kent 
by  our  proposition  for  a  meeting  of  some  pryme  and  well 
affected  men,  and  by  our  readines  to  accept  any  the  lyke  meane 
which  shal  be  prescryved  to  us  and  serving  most  for  the  Kings 
honour  and  our  common  peace,  and  this  way  of  pacification  in 
the  generall  is  that  which  is  meant  in  our  answer  wher  we 
spake  of  a  speedy  effectuating,  and  qr  we  say  that  it  is  begunne 
happily  by  his  Lo/  who  knowth  that  both  for  his  Maties 
honour  and  for  the  estate  of  both  kino-domes  now  in  armes  a 
speedy  accomodation  is  most  necessaries 

This  day  the  pay  of  the  regiments  at  Dumbar  and  Had- 
dingtoun  was  changd  from  mony  unto  victual,  and  because 
sundry  souldiers  wer  not  content  with  their  quarters  my  Lord 
Lindsay  and  my  Lord  Loudon  quartered  them  in  the  feilds. 

Upon  Tuesday  the  28  of  May  upon  advertisement  that 
some  Englishmen  had  proclaimed  the  proclamation  at  Hay- 
mouth  and  Aytoun,  other  some  had  taken  in  Ethringtoun,  and 
others  had  slaine  some  scores  of  sheepe  pertaining  to  the  Laird 
of  Blacadder,  and  all  had  pitched  their  tents  up  and  downe  the 
water  of  Tweid,  there  was  ane  letter  writen  in  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Edr  with  ane  commoun  advertisement  for  the  whole 
shyres,  and  ane  other  letter  to  the  ministers  of  Edr  to  be  sent 
to  the  whole  presbyteries. 


44  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONT,S  DIARY        [may 

For  the  Committe  at  Edr  and  from  thence  to  be  sent  to  the 
zchole  Shy  res. 

Wheras  it  was  formerly  appointed  that  if  the  Kings  armie 
should  approach  to  the  border  with  any  great  force  that  upon 
warning  all  should  be  ready  upon  the  first  call  to  march  with 
what  armes  they  could  horse  and  foot,  this  is  therfor  to  warne 
all  that  loves  the  good  of  this  cause  and  their  owne  safetie  to 
come  in  all  haste  once  this  week,  and  bring  what  they  can  of 
a  months  provision,  and  let  the  rest  follow  them  :  for  if  ther 
come  a  competent  number  together  we  shal  be  able  to  hold 
them  up  from  breaking  in  unto  the  country,  which  if  once  they 
o-et  fittino- l  it  will  not  be  easie  to  brino;  them  to  a  stand,  and 
upon  the  guard  of  thir  parts  depends  the  safetie  of  the  whole 
kingdome,they  that  shal  be  found  wanting  now  ar  enemies  to  this 
cause  and  their  country,  Stirre  up  one  another  and  remember 
that  all  your  charter  kists  ar  lying  at  the  border :  We  shall 
beare  them  witnes,  bot  let  none  stay  at  home  when  strangers  ar 
hyred  for  three  shillings  a  week  to  make  us  all  slaves,  they  are 
not  worthy  to  be  freemen  that  will  stay  at  home  and  neglect 
their  country,  which  is  now  ready  to  bleed  for  their  neglect, 
some  of  the  enemies  ar  come  over  the  border,  Ethringtoun  is 
taken,  Haymouth  is  feared  to  be  taken  this  night,  wher  is  a 
great  magazin  of  victuals ;  if  horse  and  foot  haste  not  we  can 
hardly  here  hold  them  up  ;  be  not  wanting  to  yourselves,  and 
be  confident  God  will  send  ane  outgate  to  all  these  difficulties  : 
So  in  haste  looking  for  all  dispatch  at  your  hands  whom  it 
alyke  concernes  I  rest. 

My  Lord — Receave  the  generall  directions  to  call  up  all 
the  kingdome  in  armes,  take  the  gentlemen  of  several  shyres 
where  they  ar  in  towne  and  send  them  in  post  hast  through  all 
the  shyres  to  call  them  all  up  with  what  armes  they  gett,  The 
Kings  armie  is  about  Berwick,  places  ar  saised  upon  the 
borders  Haymouth  is  feared  to  be  taken  this  night  where  is 
the  magazin  of  our  victual,  if  they  see  not  speedy  help  the 
border  wil  be  lost,  we  have  no  horsmen  at  all,  ther  is  no 
provision  of  victuals  and  money ;  if  that  everie  one  set  not  up 

1  footing. 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  45 

his  rest  upon  this  and  come  presently  it  will  be  difficult  to  draw 
to  ane  head,  Let  everie  one  pray  to  God  and  putt  to  his  hand 
and  God  will  send  us  releife;  for  the  six  companies  about  Leeth  I 
have  sent  order  to  requyre  them  to  march  hither,  since  many  of 
the  souldiers  ar  out  of  the  ships  the  town  of  Edr  and  Leeth 
may  guard  the  shoare :  what  other  encouragments  ar  fitting 
to  be  given  to  all  I  doubt  not  bot  ye  will  make  use  of  them,  I 
will  wryte  to  Argyle  and  ye  must  doe  the  lyke  from  the  table 
that  he  bring  all  along  with  him,  They  that  comes  upon  this 
call  most  bring  provision  with  them  for  few  dayes  and  the  rest 
most  follow  of  the  months  provision. 

My  Lord  send  a  coppy  of  this  warning,  direct  to  you,  to  all 
the  Shyres ;  adde  a  letter  of  your  owne  to  enforce  the  same  from 
the  Table. 

Lochend  28  May  1639. 

Reverend  axd  Beloved  in  the  Lord — Yee  will  perceave 
by  the  warning  given  to  the  Shyres  what  great  need  ther  is  of 
assembling  all  forces  that  may  be  had  toward  the  borders ;  we 
neid  not  make  any  new  representation  of  the  present  danger 
unto  you,  We  will  only  intreat  you  as  ye  love  Christ  and 
your  own  peace,  and  as  ye  wish  that  yourselves  and  the  people 
committed  to  your  charge  may  be  saved  from  spirituall  and 
bodyly  slaverie,  that  ye  will  now  bestirre  yourselves  in  your 
severall  places  and  in  the  most  powerfull  way  ye  can  conceave ; 
stirre  up  all  betwixt  sixty  and  sixteen  both  horse  and  foot  to 
march  forward  to  the  border  neither  staying  upon  armes  bot 
bringing  such  weapons  with  them  as  they  have,  nor  one  com- 
pany staying  upon  another  bot  comming  as  they  themselves  ar 
in  readines  with  what  provision  they  can  have  in  haste  in 
victual  or  money  or  can  have  to  follow  them  upon  carriage 
horses,  for  ther  is  no  other  meane  left  unto  us  now  for  peace  or 
for  victory  under  God,  who  wold  be  entreated  by  fasting  and 
prayer  in  publick  and  private  by  all  who  ar  not  able  to  come 
on,  that  this  his  owne  cause  and  work,  to  which  his  Matie  hath 
called  us  and  which  he  hath  countenanced  and  carried  on  so 
farr  by  so  many  evidences  of  his  gracious  and  powerfull  pre- 
sence, be  not  now  when  it  is  come  to  the  shock  deserted  and 
forsaken  by  himself.     We  ar  yet  confident  in  our  Lord  that  if 


46  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY        [may 

the  people  at  home  be  exercised  in  prayer,  and  so  many  as  are 
able  to  come  on  linger  not,  the  event  shal  be  a  matter  of  praise 
to  our  God  and  of  Christian  and  civile  peace  to  this  land,  for 
which  we  also  who  ar  marching  on  shall  joyne  as  beecometh 
Your  loving  freinds  and  brethren  in  the  lord 
Dumbar  May  28. 

Let  the  first  to  whose  hands  these  shall  come  send  them 
presently  to  his  nearest  neighbour  and  see  y*  all  be  advertysed 
tymously. 

Ane  other  letter  to  the  Earle  of  Argyle  to  that  same  purpose, 
a  letter  to  the  Earle  of  Marshall  and  to  the  Earle  of  Muntrose 
to  stirre  up  the  North  to  that  same  purpose,  ane  letter  to  the 
Laird  of  Blacader  to  complaine  to  my  Lord  Holland  of  these 
wrongs  done  during  the  treatie. 

Ane  preceise  order  writen  to  Crowner  Muntroe  to  march  night 
and  day  to  Jedburgh,  ane  letter  to  my  Lord  Jhonstoun  to 
hasten  all  their  horsmen  and  what  foot  may  be  spared  hither, 
ane  letter  to  the  Earle  of  Louthian  my  Lord  Ker  and  Sheirife 
of  Tividaile  to  gather  ther  horse  and  foot  together  to  remove 
their  victual  and  cattels,  and  keep  themselves  in  the  feilds,  ane 
letter  to  the  Earle  of  Hume  to  draw  his  people  together  both 
horse  and  foot  at  Dunse  and  to  bring  away  all  victual  and 
cattels  from  the  border,  ane  letter  to  my  Lord  Dalhusie  to 
march  presently  to  Dumbar,  Many  other  letters  written  to 
sundrie  Noblemen  both  West  and  North  to  stirre  them  up. 

This  night  my  Lord  Generall  went  to  Coberspeth.1 

Upon  Wednesday  the  29  May  my  Lord  Muntros  and  my 
Lord  Lindsayes  regiments  marched  with  the  canon  to  the 
leaguer  a  little  bewest  Dunglas  and  encamped  there  wher  we 
learned  of  the  people  of  Haymouth  and  Aytoun  applauding 
to  the  proclamation  and  sent  them  the  warning  following  :  2 

Lykeas  finding  great  deficiency  of  victuals  and  appearance 
of  greater  in  tyme  comming  for  want  of  care  and  good  order 
in  the  Commissers  we  gave  many  orders  to  Dumbar,  Hadding- 
toun  for  continuall  baking  and   brewing  and  sending  to  the 

1  Cockburnspath.  2  See  next  page. 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  47 

camp,  we  wrote  sundry  advertisements  to  Edr  for  sending  the 
baken  briskatt  they  had,  for  baking  and  brewing  in  Dalceath, 
Mussilburgh  and  all  other  places  and  sending  it  by  shillops, 
boats  or  cariag  horses,  to  Haymouth,  Cauringhame,  Cold- 
streame,  Dunce  to  transport  all  ther  victuals  to  the  camp  toward 
Coberspeth,  we  used  all  meanes  and  yet  found  litle  supplie,  pray- 
ing God  to  give  us  greater  wisdome  to  direct,  and  men  greater 
diligence  to  execute,  and  be  his  providence  he  furnished  us  lest 
for  want  we  dissolved,  which  we  trust  in  God  he  will  prevent 
and  albeit  a  naturall  mind  might  presently  despaire  for  this 
want,  yea  the  want  of  all  the  necessares  of  warre,  men,  horses, 
victual,  money,  munition,  comanders,  order  and  dicipline,  yet 
we  know  in  qm  we  trust,  that  in  his  providence  as  he  lives  he 
will  most  certainly  crowne  this  work  with  his  grace  with  the 
capstone  of  a  glorious  successe 


Anc  learning  from  the  Armie  to  the  people  of  Haymouth  and 

Aytoune. 

1  We  cannot  wonder  enough  neither  ar  we  a  litle  greived  that 
ye  should  be  so  simple  as  to  suffer  yourselves  to  be  deceaved 
with  the  faire  promises  of  that  late  declaration  which  is  even 
now  published  amongst  you  :  have  ye  forgotten  for  what 
necessary  causes  we  have  taken  armes,  how  often  we  have 
petitioned  for  our  religion  and  liberties  and  all  in  vaine,  what 
meanes  have  been  assayed  against  us  to  work  division,  and  that 
this  is  the  last  temtation  for  the  same  end  ;  will  ye  be  perjured 
against  God,  losse  all  your  former  labours,  and  by  your  defec- 
tion or  wavering  now  losse  your  country,  religion,  liberties, 
and  lyves :  Ar  we  not  heere  in  armes  ready  to  take  part  with 
you  to  the  last  dropp  of  our  blood  ;  is  not  the  whole  kingdome 
obleiged  to  stand  for  yours  and  there  owne  defence,  shall  ye 
dreame  to  yourselves  to  be  free  of  invasion  of  both  hands. 
Our  Religion  and  Lawes  in  the  general  ar  promised,  Bot  when 
we  supplicat  for  them  in  particular  as  we  have  them  established 
they  ar  refused  Assure  yourselves  that  hopes  of  gaining  lands 
and  moneyes  this  way  will  but  deceave  you;  may  not  Aberdeene 
and  the  places  about  be  a  present  example  unto  you,  God 


48  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY        [may 

forbidd  that  so  base  and  unchristian  thoughts  as  we  heare  of 
you  should  harbour  in  true  Scottish  and  Christian  hearts.'' 

Upon  Thursday  the  30  May  ther  was  ane  order  and  warrant 
given  to  the  mariners  of  Fyfe  and  Louthian  to  help  and  defend 
all  boats  and  barks  from  the  invasion  of  the  English  ships  and 
catches  ;  order  also  given  to  Edr  and  Leeth  to  guard  by  three 
companies  Newheaven  and  Leeth,  and  to  lett  my  Lord  Foster's 
regiment,  the  Colledg  of  justice  and  other  companies  that  was 
guarding  that  coast  to  march. 

We  receaved  Blacaders  letter  anent  my  Lord  Hollands 
answer,  whereof  the  tenour  is  in  the  next  page. 

My  Noble  Lords — I  was  at  my  Lord  Holland  yesterday, 
and  this  morning  was  on  horseback  to  come  to  your  Lops,  bot 
befor  I  had  ridden  a  mile  I  tooke  such  a  pain  in  my  back  about 
my  eares  that  I  was  scarce  able  to  return  home  so  that  I  am 
constrained  to  write  to  your  Lops  my  Lord  Hollands  answer 
which  is  that  the  king  was  pleased  with  the  obedience  given 
to  his  Ma/  proclamation  of  keeping  the  armie  ten  myles  from 
the  borders,  bot  wheras  your  Lops  desyred  a  meiting  of  some 
Noblemen  on  both  sydes  for  a  treatie,  the  kings  Ma/  having 
now  come  this  farr  with  his  royall  armie  and  being  ingaged  in 
his  honour  and  reputation  by  taking  of  his  Castles  and  orna- 
ments of  his  Crowne,  and  having  the  eyes  of  all  men  upon  these 
actions,  his  Maties  will  was  that  his  Castles  and  crowne  should 
be  delivered  back  to  him  without  which  he  could  neither  keepe 
a  parliament,  nor  have  a  place  to  lodge  in  at  a  parliament 
which  as  it  was  ane  obedient  and  peaceable  way  so  it  was  the 
most  handsome  way  of  obedience ;  and  as  for  byegones  his  Ma/ 
wold  remitt  all ;  wch  in  effect  seemes  to  me  to  be  the  verie 
tenour  of  the  proclamation ;  my  Lord  said  also  that  the  King 
seeing  the  uncleanlines  of  the  places  of  divyne  worship  even 
on  the  borders  of  England  and  also  in  Scotland  wold  have 
helped  that  one  wold  have  wished  things  of  that  kynd  to  have 
beene  reformed  in  a  more  comelie  manner,  bot  seeing  this  nation 
so  willfully  bent  for  matters  of  religion  the  King  was  purposed 
to  give  them  their  will  in  these  things  y*  concernes  religion, 
and  if  his  Matie  wer  obeyed  he  wold  come  to  Edr  in  quyet 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  49 

and  peaceable  manner  and  hold  a  Parliament  for  setling  of  all 
disorders  ;  this  is  all  in  effect  yfc  I  could  conceave  or  remember 
of  my  Lord  Hollands  discourse  which  I  desyred  he  might 
wryte  and  give  me  to  carry  bot  he  refused  and  said  if  your 
Lop.  had  any  further  to  wryte  to  him  he  wold  answer  it  in 
wryte.  Concerning  the  lambs  taken  at  Fishwick  they  wer 
nyne  and  twentie  of  them  only  by  some  unruly  souldiers,  and 
their  commanders  sent  to  offer  satisfaction  either  in  punishment 
of  ther  bodyes  or  pryce  of  the  goods,  and  concerning  Ethring- 
touns  house  it  was  a  vaine  conceat  of  a  idle  man  young  West- 
nisbitt.  I  am  sorry  that  I  was  not  able  to  come  to  your  Lo/ 
and  if  your  Lo/  have  any  more  to  wryte  to  my  Lord  Holland 
send  it  to  me  if  your  Lo/  please  and  I  shall  either  goe  with  it 
if  I  be  able  or  send  my  sonne,  I  am  sorrie  of  my  unability  at 
this  tyme  wch  hes  hindered  to  speak  with  your  Lop,  for  the 
common  people  are  all  in  such  a  feare  y*  lyes  upon  the  border 
neare  the  Inglish  Camp  that  they  can  scarce  be  kept  from 
yeilding  and  some  ar  found  to  have  done  it  already — rests 
your  Lop.  humble  servant  Jhon  Hume. 

Blacader  30  May  1639. 

I  was  informed  by  a  man  [who]  told  the  colours  that  the 
first  night  the  English  encamped  ther  was  threescore  colours, 
and  sensyne  ther  is  some  moe  come  which  it  is  thoght  came 
out  of  the  ships  wch  some  calls  two  some  three  thousand  men. 

Upon  Friday  the  31  May  in  the  morning  we  had  ane  alarme 
by  sundrie  bearers  alledging  that  the  whole  English  armie  was 
marching  to  Dounce,  therafter  we  learned  the  truth  of  it  that 
ther  was  ane  thousand  English  horse  with  my  Lord  Holland 
who  came  to  Dounce  in  the  morning  to  preveene  the  Earle  of 
Humes  conveening  of  the  regiment  of  the  Merse  at  Dounce, 
did  ther  read  the  proclamation  and  tooke  away  the  Laird  of 
Rentons  charter  kist  out  of  the  Castle  of  Dounce  and  retired 
therafter  home  againe,  We  wer  advertised  that  sundrie  in 
the  Merse  had  yeelded  already  and  farr  moe  was  to  yeeld, 
wherupon  we  send  the  third  warning  or  summonds  to  raise 
the  country  betwixt  sixty  and  sixteen  and  sent  it  to  the 
Committee  of  Edr  to  be  sent  to  all  the  Shyres. 


50  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY        [may 

'  Right  Honourable  and  Loving  Freinds — We  have  done 
our  part  first  in  requyring  you  to  be  ready  upon  advertisement 
to  come  to  the  border  when  necessity  should  urge ;  we  have 
next  given  warning  that  the  necessity  presseth  sore  and  that 
ye  should  come  forward  horse  and  foot  without  staying  of  one 
company  upon  another  ;  and  now  we  tell  you  and  give  you  the 
third  summonds  that  as  ye  love  your  country,  your  conscience, 
your  lyves  and  liberties,  and  wold  be  delivered  from  the 
destruction  threatned  against  us  ye  wold  haste  haste  hither, 
and  be  not  deceavd  with  further  hopes  of  peace  except  by 
this  meane,  neither  be  ye  detained  any  longer  by  the  appre- 
hension of  the  particular  invasion  of  the  pairts  of  the  country 
wher  any  of  you  have  your  residence,  for  all  the  souldiers 
that  wer  in  the  ships  ar  landed  at  Barwick  to  help  the  armie 
there.  Shall  our  enemies  be  more  forward  for  invasion  against 
the  truth  and  for  our  slaverie,  then  we  for  our  defence,  for  the 
truth,  and  for  our  libertie  ?  In  end  they  have  neither  Christian 
nor  Scottish  hearts  who  will  expose  their  religion,  their  countrie, 
ther  neighbours  and  themselves  to  this  present  danger  without 
taking  part  with  them,  and  stand  out  for  any  respect  under 
Heaven  against  this  warning  of 

Your  assured  freinds. 

From  the  Camp  besyd 
Dunglas,  30  May. 

Since  the  wryting  of  this  the  Kings  horsmen  came  this 
morning  31  May  to  Dounse,  therfor  haste  haste  hither  with  q* 
provision  of  weapons  and  victual  ye  can  bring  and  let  the  rest 
of  your  months  provision  follow  you  with  all  diligence. 

My  Noble  Lord — These  ar  to  show  you  the  Kings  hors- 
men ar  this  morning  come  to  Dounse,  therfor  in  all  haste  haste 
send  away  this  letter  to  the  shy  res  with  ane  assured  bearer.  We 
have  neither  seene  your  horsemen,  nor  of  any  other  shyre,  so 
they  may  ryde  wher  they  please  without  any  possible  im- 
pediment from  us,  We  have  receaved  no  spades,  nor  howes, 
no  swyne  feathers  wherby  we  may  intrinch  ourselves.  Let  their 
danger  and  ours  both  stirre  up  greater  diligence  in  us  all  or 
we  will  all  repent  it ;  see  yesterday es  directions  anent  supplying 
us   with  bread  and   drmk,  obey   it  in   haste  or  else   we    will 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONTS  DIARY  51 

dissolve  for  want  of  baking  and  brueing,  and  if  the  few  people 
heere  be  cutt  of  for  want  of  materiall  to  intrinch  ourselves  or 
dissolve  for  want  of  intertainement,  or  the  horsmen  ryde  into 
yr  bounds  for  want  of  horsemen  it  is  not  our  fault  who  gives 
warning  on  warning  bot  the  fault  of  your  Lordships  in  Edr 
and  gentry  in  the  shyres. 

Sent  in  haste  haste.  ,•,'•  */ 


31  Mayjrom  the  Camp 


<-  % 

besyd  Dimglas.  ~      'Ql-J.    >q 

COnjauu. 

At  Dunglas  31  May. 

One  Jhon  Oliphant  a  youth  of  North  Berwick  was  taken  at 
the  passe,  being  a  servant  to  Sir  Henry  Vane. 

After  great  enquirie  he  told  us  at  last  that  his  Mr.  desyred 
that  he  should  try  wher  Generall  Leslie  lay  and  what  forces  he 
had  and  by  his  discourse. 

One  Mr  Tuesden  putt  him  on  this  imployment. 

Ther  was  ane  letter  writen  to  my  Lord  Hume  mentioning 
these  things  that  had  past  in  the  Merse  that  day  and  desyring 
his  Lo/  to  come  to  Dunglas  the  next  day  where  they  might 
advyse  concerning  the  safetie  of  the  country ;  this  letter  was 
given  to  Wetherburne  to  be  sent  to  him. 

Ther  came  letters  also  from  Kelso  from  my  Lord  Askin  to 
informe  of  their  estate.  Captain  Hume  was  sent  from  Munroe 
to  shew  the  regiments  comming  to  Jeddard  according  to  former 
orders. 

Upon  this  ther  was  order  sent  to  my  Lord  Louthian,  to 
Colonell  Munroe,  and  ane  order  to  my  Lord  Phleeming  that 
was  marching  thither  that  they  should  all  draw  together 
at  Kelso  and  ther  make  the  place  fast  against  the  English 
horsmen,  that  they  should  keep  diligent  watch  and  have  good 
intelligence  of  the  enemie  that  when  they  beganne  to  dislodge 
they  might  make  ready  also  and  come  and  march  towards  the 
armie  that  was  lying  besyd  Dunglas. 

Upon  Saturday  the  1  of  June  ther  came  a  letter  from  Sel- 
chrig  sent  by  my  Lord  Phleeming  telling  of  his  four  com- 
panies and  some  few   horse  that   wer  with   him,   and  of  the 


52  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONS  DIARY      [june 

hinderance  that  Lambingtoun  had  made  to  that  leavie,  and 
of  the  want  of  amunition  ;  his  order  was  renewed  to joyne  with 
the  rest  at  Kelso  and  ther  to  attend  ther  common  direction. 

Ther  was  another  letter  sent  to  the  Proveist  and  Bailzeis  of 
Edr,  ane  answer  that  they  requyred  of  the  guard  from  New- 
heaven  to  Cramont  that  Midlouthian  should  guard,  this  was 
recommended  to  my  Lord  Balmirrinoe  that  he  should  see  it 
performed,  in  which  letter  also  he  was  forwarnd  as  befor  of  all 
the  necessityes  of  the  armie. 

Ther  was  another  letter  written  to  the  Committee  of  warre 
in  Fyfe  by  the  Generall  subscryved  by  my  Lord  Rothes 
Lindsay  taxing  ther  negligence  in  sending  out  of  horsmen,  and 
suffering  so  many  to  stay  at  home  besydes  these  that  guarded 
the  coast,  when  the  necessity  was  so  great  at  the  border  they 
wer  ane  evill  example  to  others  in  sending  out  all  betwixt  sixty 
and  sixteen  that  had  amies. 

This  day  also  ther  come  letters  from  my  Lord  Kircubright 
and  others  and  a  petition  from  the  towne  of  Dumfrise  com- 
plaineing  of  the  taking  away  from  them  Colonel  Munroe  and 
his  regiment  and  of  laying  them  open  and  ther  country  to  the 
malice  of  their  enemies  the  Maxwells  and  their  adherents  at 
home  and  to  the  invasion  of  any  forces  from  England. 

This  dav  ane  English  catch  chased  in  the  ship  of  Kirkadie 
unto  the  Scatterraw,  shott  sundrie  peaces  at  her,  bot  was  im- 
peded from  taking  her.  She  had  twenty  carrabeins,  twentie 
paire  of  Franch  pistoles,  fourscore  muskett,  and  nyne  hundreth 
weght  of  pouder. 

This  day  ane  English  gentleman  either  really  or  fainedly  a 
foole  who  was  sent  back  as  he  came. 

This  day  the  Erie  of  Hume  came  to  the  camp  and  cleared 
himself  to  the  Generall  from  all  misreports. 

There  was  the  same  day  directions  given  to  Wauchton  and 
Sr  Patrik  Murray  That  Wauchton  and  Sr  Patrik  Murray 
conveane  the  gentlemen  of  East  Louthian  and  two  of  the 
most  understanding  yeomen  in  each  paroch,  who  may  by 
common  consent  appoint  in  each  paroch  a  gentleman  to  receave 
directions  and  oversee  the  carriages  and  other  bussines  of 
victuals    etc.  in  each  paroch  who  may  have  under  him  two 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY 


53 


yoemans  to  be  Constables  to  asist  the  execution  and  see 
directions  done,  and  to  represent  that  on  the  furnishing  of 
victuals  and  drawing  of  the  canons  consists  the  safetie  of  this 
land,  for  without  neither  can  we  stand  a  day.  And  therfor  to 
intimate  that  whosoever  disobeyes  the  ordinance,  it  shall  forfeit 
his  horse  at  least  and  hazard  his  lyfe  to  bring  all  our  lyves 
thus  in  hazard. 

Coberspeth  and  Allhamstoks  is  to  attend  the  ordinance  till 
Sunday,  on  which  day  Waughtone  and  Sr  Patrik  most  come 
hither  to  the  armie,  most  make  report  of  the  diligence  of  each 
paroch,  and  the  stent  be  made  according  to  the  number  con- 
tained in  this  list,  which  we  conjecture  to  be  just,  but  ye  may 
make  it  perfect  and  exact,  and  bring  then  the  fourth  pairt  of 
the  horse  of  ilk  paroch  to  releave  those  of  Coberspeth  and 
Auldhamstoks  on  Sunday  to  remaine  48  houres  till  you 
send  by  turnes  everie  forty  eight  houres  ane  fourth  part 
of  each  paroch  to  releive  another  fourth  part,  and  everie 
fourth  part  as  they  come  to  bring  the  provision  of  victuals 
with  them. 


The  Presbiterie  of  Dumbarr. 


Haddingtoun  Presbiterie. 


Horses. 

Quarter. 

Auldhamstoks, 

.     250 

60 

Norberwick, 

100 

Innerwick, 

.     250 

60 

Dirltoun,     . 

200 

Coberspeth, 

.     150 

40 

Elsinfoord, 

040 

Dumbarr,    . 

.     350 

80 

Norhame  [Morham], 

60 

Spott, 

.     040 

10 

Barra, 

50 

Stentoun,    . 

.     040 

10 

Boutin  [Bolton], 

50 

Whittingioun, 

.     100 

25 

Heddingtoun, 

350 

Tinninghame, 

.     080 

20 

Abberlady,  . 

80 

Whytekirk, 

.     040 

10 

Trenent, 

300 

Prestonkirk, 

.     200 

50 

Saltoune,     . 

100 



— 

Pencaitlen, 

100 

1500 

365 

Humbie, 
Bothens, 
Garvitt  [Garvald], 

150 
60 
50 

1690 


The  same  day  ther  came  ane  Petition  from  the  towne  of 
Dumfreis  to  my  Lord  Generall  desyring  that  Colonel  Munroe 
with  his  regiment  might  stay  still  there,  which  is  heere 
answered. 


54  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [june 

'  Right  Honorable  axd  Loving  Freixds — We  have  receaved 
your  letter  and  the  petition  of  the  toune  of  Dumfreis  shewing 
your  regraite  of  our  sending  for  Colonell  Munroes  regiment, 
and  desyring  their  returne  to  defend  you  against  threatned 
invasion,  and  perfect  your  begunne  work  in  Dumfreis  for  your 
defence,  ye  wold  consider  that  seeing  the  Kings  Matie  hes 
gathered  together  all  his  forces  both  of  sea  and  land  hither  to 
march  with  ane  royall  armie  through  the  heart  of  this  country, 
for  preservation  of  the  whole  we  ar  necessitat  to  conveane  all 
the  regiments  even  from  everie  particular  shyre  qlk  hes  their 
owne  feares  and  dangers  as  Fyfe,  Louthian,  the  west  coast, 
and  now  from  the  north,  because  being  divyded  we  can  defend 
no  part  sufficiently  bot  wold  losse  all,  bot  being  united  and 
making  head  to  the  Kings  maine  forces,  neither  is  it  lykely  they 
will  sett  on  any  other  part  lest  it  provoke  our  principall  armie, 
and  if  they  did  invade  any  particular  ye  might  defend  your- 
selves for  a  tyme  the  best  way  ye  could,  and  when  ye  ar  over- 
mastered stryve  by  all  meanes  to  joyne  yourselves  to  our 
armie,  and  we  might  soone  repaire  your  losses  ;  if  the  King 
prevaile  heere  none  will  be  saife,  if  God  make  us  to  prevaile  all 
may  be  safe  and  all  losses  soone  repaired,  especially  seeing  it  is 
declared  that  whatsoever  losse  or  prejudice  any  shyre  or  person 
shall  sustaine  in  this  cause  preferring  the  welfare  of  the  country 
to  the  safetie  of  their  owne  particular  shall  be  repute  and  re- 
paired by  the  whole  kingdome  as  being  the  common  interest 
and  losse  of  all ;  and  that  ye  may  perceave  sensibely  that  we  ar 
not  negligent  of  your  particular  interest,  we  have  appointed  the 
Earle  of  Galloway,  the  Lord  Kirkcubright,  the  Lord  Drum- 
landrick,  the  Lord  Jhonstoun,  James  Crechtoun,  Laird  Lag, 
Campsfeild,  Closeburne,  and  Aplegirth  and  remanent  gentle- 
men to  conveane  ther  whole  forces  and  freinds  in  armes  and 
to  joyne  together  and  ly  at  Dumfreis  for  defence  of  that 
country,  against  all  plotts  and  invasion  from  the  Erie  of  Nids- 
daile  or  any  other  be  his  instigation  and  how  soone  the  forces 
we  expect  from  the  rest  of  the  Kingdome  shortly  shall  come 
to  the  armie,  and  that  we  find  ourselves  of  sufficient  power  to 
oppose  the  maine  royall  armie,  upon  the  advertisement  of  your 
condition  and  danger  we  shall  send  (if  then  it  be  necessare) 
Colonel  Monroes  regiment  or  some  other  as  steadable  to  you, 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  55 

and  it  may  be  moe  as  ye  have  adoe  and  we  may  spare ;  in  the 
meanetyme  both  ye  will  be  carefull  to  have  ane  ey  upon  my 
Lord  Nidsdailes  waves,  and  give  proofe  of  your  valour  and 
affection  for  defence  of  your  covenant  with  God  which  tyes  you 
and  us  all  simplie,  and  we  shall  have  care  to  see  that  regiments 
charges  defrayed  to  the  towne  of  Dumfreis,  and  doe  desyre  you 
to  defend  the  Minister  of  Carlaveroke  from  the  violence  of 
those  who  ar  within  the  house,  as  also  to  gather  your  victuals 
into  Dumfreis  as  your  magazin  for  your  intertainement  ther/ 

Upon  Sunday  the  2  June  thir  orders  wer  given  : 

To  send  out  two  or  thrie  out  of  everie  regiment  to  the 
severall  quarters  of  the  country  to  asist  the  Commissars  in 
taking  up  of  victuall,  baiking  and  brueing  and  sending  it  in 
to  the  generall  proviant  master  that  he  may  charge  it  in  his 
bookes  and  distribute  the  same  conforme  to  the  proportions 
efter  specified  viz.  to  everie  souldier  two  pound  weght  of  aite 
bread  in  the  day  and  twentie  eight  ounce  of  wheat  bread  and 
ane  pynt  of  aile  in  the  day,  and  what  the  sojours  wints  in  one 
day  shall  be  payd  them  so  soone  as  it  comes  in  to  the 
magazin. 

Item  that  ane  list  of  the  number  of  everie  regiment  be  given 
to  the  generall  proviant  master  that  he  may  distribute  the 
bread  and  drink  accordingly  to  ane  quartermaster  in  everie 
regiment,  who  shall  keepe  compt  and  give  his  note  to  the  said 
generall  proviant  master. 

Item  that  the  souldiers  bring;  back  the  towne  barrels  and 
puncheons,  otherwyse  they  shall  pay  the  triple  of  the  pryce  of 
them,  and  deliver  them  to  the  sayd  proviant  master  at  the 
place  of  the  magazine. 

The  quarters  of  the  countrie  wher  the  regiments  shall  take 
paines  are  as  followes,  viz.  :  My  Lord  Lowdons  regiment  hes 
Tinninghame,  Whytekirk,  and  Prestonkirk  parochin. 

The  Erie  Muntrose  regiment  hes  North  Berwick,  Dirletoune, 
and  Abberladdie. 

The  Earle  of  Rothes  regiment  and  Lord  Sinclares  and  Lord 
Montgomeries  Prestonpans  and  Trenent. 

The  Erie  of  Dalhoussies  regiment,  Mussilburgh,  Fisherraw, 
and  Dalkeith. 


56  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [JUNE 

The  Lord  Yester  Saltoun,  Humbie,  Ormestoun,  Pencaitland, 
Bothans,  Barra,  Garvitt,  Norhame,  Stentoun  and  Whitting- 
hame. 

The  whole  provision  most  be  direct  to  the  general  proviant 
master  and  booked  in  his  bookes. 

To  wryte  in  to  Edr  to  the  Committee  there  and  towne  of  Edr 
for  money  to  be  sent  to  the  armie  with  all  haste,  And  in  the 
meane  tyme  everie  Colonell  shall  pay  his  whole  regiment  two 
shillings  in  the  day  everie  man  for  fyfeteene  days  qlk  most  be 
repay ed  be  the  Commissars  so  soone  as  money  comes  in,  or  be 
the  country  in  case  the  Commissars  doe  not  pay  it. 

That  everie  Colonell  or  gentleman  who  lies  charge  of  the 
horse  troupes  give  up  ane  list  of  the  number  of  everie  troupe 
that  they  may  be  quartered  and  corne  and  straw  provyded  for 
them. 

That  everie  horse  troupe  be  appointed  to  carry  their  owne 
corne  and  straw  from  such  places  as  the  Commissars  shall  desyne. 

It  is  thoght  fitt  that  everie  man  give  in  his  silver  and  gold 
work  to  the  coine  house  to  be  striken  in  money  for  supplying 
of  the  present  urgent  necessity  in  entertaining  the  armie. 

Item  that  Captaine  George  Phanles  be  adjoyned  to  the  present 
Mr  Conzier  to  asist  him  in  receaving  the  said  silver  work, 
weighing  it  and  causing  stryke  it  in  money,  and  delivering  it 
to  the  Commissars  or  to  the  Provest  of  Edr  or  these  whom 
the  estates  hes  secured  be  bond  and  these  who  getts  the  said 
bond  shall  give  their  notes  to  the  pairties  who  shall  give  in  the 
said  silver  work  for  repayment  so  soone  as  they  shall  receave 
the  same  be  vertue  of  the  said  band,  or  by  any  other  way  as 
may  best  be  found  out  for  payment  therof  from  the  saids 
estates. 

Item  that  any  who  hes  money  to  lend  be  dealt  withall  for  it 
upon  any  kynd  of  securitie  they  please.  And  if  they  refuse,  to 
be  reputed  as  men  careles  of  religion  and  liberties  of  the 
country  and  ther  moneyes  to  be  confiscate. 

It  is  recommended  to  the  Erie  of  Rothes  that  he  represent 
to  the  Committee  at  Ed1  and  Provest  and  Bailzeis  there  the 
extreme  necessity  to  have  money  answerd  for  payment  of  the 
armie,  and  therfor  to  use  all  possible  meanes  to  lift  it  and  coyne 
all  silver  work. 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  57 

Item  to  appoint  men  to  gett  reports  from  the  burghs  anent 
the  money  they  should  lend  to  the  comon  cause  with  all 
diligence. 

Item  to  advertise  all  noblemen,  gentlemen  and  burgesse  and 
others  to  send  in  their  whole  silver  work  to  the  coyne  house 
with  all  expeditione. 

Item  whatever  money  is  presently  ready  to  cause  send  it 
out  with  all  haste. 

Item  to  cause  send  ane  Comissare  to  Kelso  with  all  haste  for 
furnishing  the  regiments  who  are  there,  if  spades  and  howes 
be  not  sent  shortly  we  may  smart  for  want  of  them. 

The  performance  of  all  which  is  i-ecommended  to  the  Com- 
mittee at  Edr,  who  we  hope  will  enact  the  same  and  sie  it 
putt  in  executione  without  delay,  for  on  it  dependeth  the 
keeping  together  or  disbanding  of  the  armie. 

This  day  Sr  Jhon  Stewart  of  Caudinghame  came  to  Aytoun 
and  Caudinghame  to  read  the  proclamation  but  could  not  gett 
the  people  gathered  againe,  therafter  he  came  to  Haymouth, 
railed  upon  the  minister  who  had  red  in  the  kirk  to  the 
people  the  warning  from  the  armie,  and  against  the  Laird  of 
Wetherburne,  tooke  their  dinner  in  the  streete,  drank  their  fill 
of  wyne  and  aile  without  paying  anything  for  it,  brake  ane 
honest  man's  head  because  he  refused  to  bring  them  intelli- 
gence, threatned  to  returne  and  take  all  their  victuals,  to  hang 
ther  minister  over  the  jockstooles  if  he  did  not  preach  for 
the  proclamation. 

Upon  Munday  the  3  of  June  the  letters  direct  from  my  Lord 
Louthian  the  rest  of  the  noblemen  wer  together  at  Kelso  with 
Colonell  Munroe  wer  answered  they  should  stay  together 
make  the  place  fast  against  any  horsmen  ;  if  the  King's  armie 
of  foot  did  move  towards  them,  they  should  not  ingage  them- 
selves to  be  overmastered  bot  should  march  to  be  nearer  to  the 
rest  of  the  armie,  that  my  Lord  Louthian  should  give  orders 
whyle  they  wer  together  that  regiments  should  march  be 
turnes  and  that  my  Lord  Louthian  in  all  things  should  follow 
the  advyce  and  Counsell  of  Colonell  Munroe  in  all  things  who 
was  a  skild  and  experienced  man ;  that,  concerning  the  three 
cheife  mutinires  of  Colonel  Munroe's  regiment  whom  they  had 


58  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [JUNE 

declared  be  the  sentence  of  the  Counsell  of  warre  to  be  worthy 
of  death  and  had  deferred  the  execution  till  the  General's 
pleasure  was  knowne,  The  Generall  declared  by  his  Letters  that 
they  had  proceided  orderly  thogh  they  wer  worthy  of  death 
yet  he  had  the  solicitation  of  these  noble  men,  he  pardoned 
them  for  that  tyme  in  hope  that  no  such  thing  should  fall  out 
therafter  by  them  or  any  other,  besydes  this  the  provision  for 
their  victuals  was  recommended  to  my  Lord  Louthian,  my 
Lord  Ker  and  the  Shirreffe  of  Tividaile  in  the  interim  untill 
the  Commissars  came  from  Edr  and  order  was  sent  from  thence 
for  money  to  the  sojours ;  it  was  told  them  what  course  was 
taken  according  to  the  order  of  the  2  of  June. 

This  day  we  heard  that  some  English  gentlemen  had  offered 
and  casten  gold  amongst  the  people  of  Dunse. 

This  day  Mr  Alexr  Henderson,  Mr  David  Dickson,  Mr  Robert 
Meldrum x  and  Mr  Archibald  Jhonston  have  bethoght  and 
better  bethoght  the  whole  afternoone  upon  the  present  neces- 
sities of  the  armie  the  wants  of  money,  munition,  victual, 
order  and  discipline,  the  naturall  impossibilities  either  to  retire, 
remaine  or  goe  on,  the  manifold  perplexities  of  our  intentions 
qn  we  ar  at  the  borders ;  we  wer  forfoghten  with  the  considera- 
tion heerof  on  the  one  part  and  yet  considering  the  Lord's  pro- 
vidence casting  us  in  thir  straites  and  his  delivering  us  from  the 
lyke  befor,  in  a  despaire  of  all  the  secondary  causes  we  acknow- 
ledged ther  was  no  way  nor  meane  under  heaven  apparent  to 
naturall  reason  to  beare  through,  who  did  cast  the  cause  the 
present  straites  and  the  saincts  therin  over  upon  God  him- 
self, wherupon  Mr  David  Dickson  tooke  instruments  in  my 
hand  and  attested  befor  God  that  whensoever  God  should 
give  us  a  glorious  outegate,  none,  even  those  that  wer  thoght 
to  have  the  greatest  hand  in  the  work  should  or  could  claime 
any  part  of  it,  bot  as  now  we  ar  emptie  and  annihilated  all 
our  wits  and  judgments  and  broght  so  low  as  to  acknowledg 
ther  was  no  appearance  nor  possibilitie  under  heaven,  so 
heerafter  we  might  more  and  more  admire  and  adore  his 
wonderfull  manifestation  of  himself  in  building  so  hig-h  ane 
edifice  upon   so  low  ane  fundation  in  bringing  so  great  ane 


1  Meldrum  was  General  Leslie's  secretary. 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  59 

ebb  to  so  great  a  tyde,  and  drawing  so  great  aboundance  out 
of  so  great  want.  I  pray  God,  and  doe  certainely  expect  in 
despyte  of  the  devill  and  all  our  straites  yet  to  have  occasion 
really  to  give  out  ane  extract  of  this  instrument.1 

The  same  day  at  night  we  heard  that  the  English  was  come 
over  to  make  ane  trench  betwixt  Paxton  and  Huton  a  myle 
and  ane  halfe  from  Tweid  neare  unto  Quhitteter,  and  that 
they  had  sent  three  thousand  men  the  most  part  horse  towards 
Kelso  to  plant  their  canon  on  the  other  syde  of  Tweid  wherof 
we  advertised  the  Erie  of  Louthian. 

This  night  also  we  sent  a  party  of  two  hundreth  musketers 
and  two  hundreth  horsemen  to  Caudinghame  for  to  preveene 
Jhon  Stewarts  taking  away  of  the  victuals  there  bot  they  saw 
no  body,  as  upon  the  Fryday  at  night  befor  a  partie  had  gone 
out  and  broght  in  a  hundreth  bolles. 

This  night  we  receaved  letters  from  my  Lord  Balmirrinoe 
shewing  that  my  Lord  Durie  and  my  Lord  Naper  had  beene  in 
at  the  Commissionar  but  had  gotten  ane  harsh  answer  that  he 
would  not  leave  his  navie  for  such  generell  propositions,  shew- 
ing also  that  my  Lord  Argyle  was  to  be  at  Stirling  with  six 
hundreth  men  ;  with  this  letter  he  sent  us  the  coppies  of  the 
letters  following  wch  had  past  betwixt  the  King's  Commissionar 
and  Bruntiland. 

For  Captaine  Watsone 

Loving  Freind — Being  commanded  by  his  Maj/  to  signifie 
unto  the  port  Townes  his  grace  and  goodnes  to  all  merchants, 
and  seafaring  men,  yours  being  one  of  the  principall  I  have 
sent  my  boat  and  this  letter  to  them  which  I  as  his  Maj/ 
High  Commissioner  doe  require  yow  to  see  delivered  unto  them, 
that  both  you  and  they  may  see  his  tender  care  of  yow  which 
I  hope  wilbe  so  thankfulie  receaved,  as  befitt  obedient  subjects 
which  no  man  shall  joy  more  in  then  your  good  freind 

Hamiltoun. 
From  abord  the  Rainebow 
in  Leithroad  the  1  Junii  1639. 

For  the  Towne  of  Bruntiland 
Goon    Freixds — His    Maj/   being    full    of   compassion   and 

1  See  nole  p.  96. 


60  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [JUNE 

tender  care  of  his  good  and  loving  subjects  of  this  kingdome 
and  particulate  considering  the  great  dammage  wch  all  mer- 
chants and  seamen  suffer  by  their  stopp  of  trade  and  hinderance 
of  going  out  of  their  vessels,  and  not  intending  that  his  loyall 
subjects  (such  as  he  understands  many  of  you  ar)  should  be 
ruined  for  the  fault  of  others  Hath  beene  graciouslie  pleased 
to  command  me  to  signifie  his  pleasure  unto  you  and  the  rest 
of  the  port  Townes  that  such  of  you  as  ar  traffiqueris  by  sea 
(yeilding  such  obedience  as  is  fitting  for  loyall  subjects  to  his 
Maj/)  should  have  free  egresse  and  regresse  in  their  trade,  and 
to  that  effect  shall  have  a  passe  port  from  me  not  to  be 
molested  by  any  of  the  King's  fleet  or  officers,  this  I  thoght 
good  to  lett  you  know,  not  doubting  bot  ye  will  joyfully 
accept  of  this  his  Maj/  grace,  and  redeim  your  selfs  from  that 
miserie  wch  by  others  disobedience  you  ar  broght  unto. — So  I 
rest  your  good  freind  Hammiltoun. 

From  abord  the  Raineboxo 
in  Lcithroad.  the  1  Jimii  1639. 


A  Coppie  of  their  Answer 

Please  your  Grace — The  proofe  of  his  Maj/  royall  favour 
to  these  of  our  trade,  mentioned  in  the  letter  sent  unto  us  by 
your  Grace,  can  challenge  no  more  from  us  then  what  is  due 
from  his  most  loyall  subjects  sensible  of  his  fatherlie  compas- 
sions over  his  auncient  native  people  who  doe  heartily  pray 
for  his  Maj/  prosperitie  and  happie  reigne.  Bot  because  the 
proposition  concerneth  not  onlie  these  seafaring  men  in- 
dwellers  in  this  Towne,  bot  all  those  of  other  port  Townes  in 
this  kingdome,  and  hath  annexed  to  it  some  conditiones  which 
are  so  wrapped  up  in  generals  y*  they  transcend  our  reach, 
We  humblie  begg  your  Graces  favour  to  condescend  more 
speccallie  upon  these  conditiones  required  of  us,  and  to  grant 
us  some  short  competent  tyme  for  advysing  therupon,  that 
neither  we  may  trench  upon  our  oath  to  God  and  our  covenant 
or  be  pressed  with  oathes  contrarie  to  the  lawes  of  our  Kirk 
and  Kingdome,  nor  yet  ommitt  any  temporall  duety  of  civile 
obedience  which  we  most  heartily  will  deferr  to  our  Gracious 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  61 

Soveraigne,  wherin  we  humbly  begg  your  Graces  favor,  which 
we  shall  recompense  with  our  blessing  and  these  best  services 
which  may  proceid  from 

your  Graces  humble  servants. 

Upon  Tuesday  4  June  my  Lord  Louthians  letters  to  the 
Generall  did  shew  that  the  Erie  of  Holland  did  come  with  ane 
number  of  horsemen  and  foot,  y*  upon  their  approach  they 
drew  out  their  regiments  from  Kelso  and  finding  they  wer  lyke 
to  have  that  resistance  they  did  not  expect  from  these  in 
Kelso  they  reth'ed  in  great  disorder ;  while  they  wer  neare  one 
another  ane  Trumpetter  came  towards  Colonell  Munroe  qr  he 
was  standing  with  his  Regiment  and  cald  that  they  had  not 
obeyed  the  proclamation,  who  commanded  to  gett  him  back 
for  the  English  had  broken  first ;  amongst  other  advertisements 
that  had  past  that  Monday  befor,  my  Lord  Louthian  wrytes 
that  notwithstanding  any  other  information  had  been  made,  he 
beleived  he  should  be  forced  soone  either  to  retire  to  Jeddard 
or  to  join  with  the  Generall  if  it  wer  possible,  and  together 
with  this  the  Generall  was  informed  from  another  hand  that 
the  English  wer  marched  with  fyfteen  hundreth  horse,  four 
thousand  foot,  and  ten  peice  of  canon  towards  Kelso  to  repaire 
that  affront  they  had  gotten  the  day  befor,  upon  this  straite 
the  Generall  gave  present  order  to  my  Lord  Louthian  that  he 
should  come  and  joyne  with  the  rest  of  the  armie  at  Dunse 
whether  he  intended  to  march  that  nyght,  that  in  case  of  my 
Lord  Louthians  retiring  to  Jedburgh,  wch  he  did  not  expect 
because  that  had  beene  to  make  ther  meiting  more  doubtfull 
and  dangerous,  yet  in  that  case  he  should  retire  by  the  way  of 
Lader,  and  this  order  was  dispatcht  in  all  haste  upon  Tuesday 
afternoone  by  my  Lord  Phleemings  brother. 

This  fornoone  befor  we  receaved  Louthians  letters  Mr. 
Robert  Meldrum  and  I  being  with  my  Lord  Generall  dis- 
coursed two  houres  upon  the  present  difficulties  and  impossi- 
bilities wherwith  the  Generall  was  extreamly  perplexed,  was 
broght  low  befor  God  indeid,  and  acknowledged  ther  was  no 
appearance  of  any  naturall  meane  or  ordinarie  way  either  of 
our  conveening  or  subsisting  together  remaining  or  retiring 


62  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONT,S  DIARY      [june 

or  going  on  for  want  of  victuals,  money  and  horses  especially, 
and  that  we  had  no  ground  of  confidence  except  in  the  provi- 
dence of  our  God  who  had  led  us  in  thir  straites  and  certainlv 
contrare  to  all  appearance  was  to  lead  us  out  of  them,  thus 
the  Lord  was  emptying  everie  heart  and  annihilating  everie 
spirit,  for  to  prepare  us  as  we  hope  to  receave  some  greater 
subsequent  blinks  of  his  favour. 

This  afternoone  we  did  wryte  in  to  the  Committee  of  Edr 
and  other  shyres  ane  new  letter. 

Noble  Lords  and  worthie  Gentlemen* — We  found  it 
necessarie  to  tell  you  that  we  ar  to  remove  this  night  from  this 
place  toward  Dunse,  upon  information  of  the  march  of  the 
English  forces,  4000  foot  1500  horses  and  ten  peices  of  great 
ordinance,  to  Kelso  this  morning,  upon  the  repulse  they  received 
yesternight  there,  And  having  told  you  so  much  we  think 
not  onlie  your  selves  bot  all  others  who  shall  heare  and  beleive 
what  we  ar  now  doing  on  both  sydes,  will  easilie  determine 
what  is  incumbent  for  you  and  them  to  doe  in  this  extremitie  : 
All  possible  advertisements  have  beene  given  already :  The 
sword  was  drawne  befor,  now  it  is  at  the  throat  of  religion  and 
libertie  if  it  have  not  given  a  deepe  wound  already ;  we  might 
say,  upon  confidence  of  ane  extraordinarie  providence  in  this 
extraordinarie  exigent,  that  God  shall  provyde,  if  the  Lord  had 
not  putt  power  in  our  owne  hands  which  might  give  a  re-en- 
counter to  our  enemies.  Bot  our  unexcusable  fault  is  that  the 
power  committed  to  us  we  have  not  used  although  we  have 
sworne  and  subscryved  to  do  it.  It  wold  seeme  that  people 
ar  either  rewing  what  they  have  beene  doing  and  will  subject 
their  necks  to  spiritual  1  and  bodily  slaverie  that  they  and  their 
posterity  may  be  desperatly  miserable  heere  and  for  ever  (which 
we  ar  loath  to  conceave)  or  that  some  Spirit  of  slumber  hath 
overtaken  and  possessed  them,  which  maketh  them  to  think 
that  the  fyre  is  not  kindled  when  the  flame  may  be  seene  and 
all  is  in  a  burning :  We  can  say  no  more  bot  we  resolve  under 
the  conduct  of  our  God,  to  whom  we  have  sworne,  to  goe  on 
without  feare  and  in  a  lyvelie  hope,  if  our  countrie  men  and 
fellow  covenanters  equally  obleiged  with  us  shall  either  with- 
draw themselves,  or  come  too  late  it  may  be  to  the  burying  of 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  63 

our  bodies,1  which  with  the  cause  itself  might  be  safe  by  their 
speid  horse  and  foot,  Let  them  answer  for  it  to  God,  to  whose 
Grace  commending  both  ourselves  and  you  we  continue, 

Your  loving  fkeixds 

Dunglas  4  June  1639. 

Let  coppies  of  this  goe  to  all  places  with  your  advertise- 
ments 

Upon  Wedensday  the  5  of  June  the  armie  marched  from 
Dunglas,  when  the  canon  wer  drawne  over  the  passe,  the  armie 
was  drawne  up  in  the  moore  befor  Allhamstoks,  and  after 
prayers  said  through  all  the  regiments,  some  Troupes  of  horse 
four  hundreth  commanded  musketers,  four  peice  of  small 
Canon  wer  sent  out  in  a  partie  befor  and  the  Generall 
went  with  them  ;  as  he  was  upon  his  march  he  receaved  word 
from  my  Lord  Louthian  that  he  was  to  obey  the  orders,  that 
he  hoped  to  be  at  Dunse  that  fornoone  or  die  be  the  gate. 

About  one  afternoone  my  Lord  Generall  came  to  Dunse  and 
made  Dunse  Law  his  Leaguer  wherunto  the  regiments  of 
Kelso  came  also. 

This  day  the  Erie  of  Hume  and  Dumferling  spake  with 
the  Erie  of  Mortoun,  Sr  Patrik  Hammiltoun  and  Mr.  Adam 
Hebroun  spake  with  the  Erie  of  Haddingtoun,  and  about 
eight  a  clock  Robin  Leslie  came  to  the  Generall,  all  running  to 
one  purpose  that  we  wold  supplicat  the  King  to  appoint  ane 
present  conference  betwixt  some  of  the  English  and  some  of 
ours,  and  to  intreat  the  English  Councell  and  nobility  to  asist 
our  Supplication.2 

This  day,  as  we  had  learned  by  the  intercepting  of  my 
Lord     Southasks    letters,    so     by    Mr.    Borthrik     from     the 


1  '  We  returned  to  our  former  resolution  of  present  fighting ;  and  sent  posts 
athort  all  the  countrey,  to  haste  on  our  friends  for  that  end.  The  last  of  our 
advertisements  was  so  peremptor,  inviteing  to  come  to  the  buriall  of  these  who 
were  like  to  be  deserted,  that  the  hyperbolies  of  Meldrum,  the  Secretar,  did 
offend  manie.' — Baillie,  i.  210. 

2  Baillie's  account  was  somewhat  different.  He  wrote  that  the  fear  of  an 
attack  by  the  Scots  made  the  English  army  anxious  to  conclude  a  treaty.  '  The 
way  of  the  procedure  was  this  :  Robin  Leslie  one  of  the  old  pages,  being  come 
over  to  Dunce  Castle,  made,  as  it  were,  out  of  his  own  head,  ane  overture  that 
we  should  be  pleased  yet  to  supplicate.' — Letters,  i.  215. 


64  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [JUNE 

Commissionar  we  heard  that  the  King  yet  wold  never  quyte 
Bishops  with  limitation  bot  wold  quyte  his  Crowne  before 
he  quyte  them  all. 

Upon  Thursday  the  6  of  June  Robin  Lesly  returned  in  the 
morning  to  the  Camp  and  urged  the  supplication  wherupon  we 
sent  my  Lord  Dumferling  with  the  supplication  unto  the  Kings 
Matie,  and  ane  gentleman  with  ane  letter  to  the  Erie  of  Hol- 
land, the  Nobility  and  Councell  of  England,  for  to  asist  the 
said  Supplication. 

To  the  King's  most  Excellent  Mat!e  the  Supplication  of  His 
MatU's  Subjects  of  Scotland  humbly  Shelving — 

That  wher  the  former  meanes  used  by  us  have  not  beene 
effectuall  for  recovering  your  Matie1s  favour  and  the  peace  of 
this  your  Matie,s  native  kingdome,  we  fall  downe  againe  at  your 
Matie1s  feete,  most  humbly  supplicating  that  your  Malie  wold  be 
Graciously  pleased  to  appoint  some  few  of  the  many  worthy 
men  of  your  Matie1s  kingdome  of  England  who  ar  well  affected 
to  the  true  Religion  and  to  our  common  peace,  To  heare  by 
some  of  us  of  the  same  disposition  our  humble  desyres,  and 
to  make  knowne  to  us  your  Matei's  gracious  pleasure,  That  as 
by  the  providence  of  God  we  ar  joyned  in  one  Hand  under  one 
King,  so  by  your  Matie1s  great  wisdome  and  tender  care  all 
mistakings  may  be  speedily  removed,  and  the  two  Kingdom  es 
may  be  keept  in  peace  and  happynes  under  your  Matie,s  long 
and  prosperous  raigne,  for  which  we  shall  never  cease  to  pray 
as  it  becommeth  your  Matie1s  most  humble  subjects. 

Most  Noble  Lords — Although  we  have  beene  labouring 
this  long  tyme  past  by  our  Supplications,  Informations,  and 
Missives  to  some  of  your  LI//  to  make  knowne  to  his  Matie  and 
the  whole  Kingdome  of  England  the  loyalty  and  peacableness 
of  our  intentions  and  desyres  and  y*  we  never  meant  to  deny 
unto  his  Ma//  our  dread  Soveraigne  and  Native  King  any 
poynt  of  temporall  and  civile  obedience,  yet  contrarie  to  our 
expectation  and  hopes,  maters  to  this  day  growing  worse  and 
worse,   both    Kingdomes    ar   broght   to   this   dangerous   and 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  65 

deplorable  condition  wherin  they  now  stand  in  the  sight  of  the 
world.  In  this  Extremitie  we  have  sent  to  his  Maj/  our 
humble  supplication  (besyde  which  we  know  no  other  meane 
of  pacification),  and  doe  most  earnestly  entreat  that  it  may  be 
asisted  by  your  LI//  that,  if  it  be  possible  by  a  meeting  in 
some  convenient  place  of  some  pryme  and  well  affected  men  to 
the  reformed  religion  and  our  common  peace,  maters  may  be 
accomodate  in  a  faire  and  peacable  way  and  y*  so  speedily 
and  with  such  expedition  as  that  through  further  delayes, 
which  we  see  not  how  they  can  be  longer  endured,  our  evils 
become  not  uncurable,  We  take  God  and  the  world  to  witnesse 
that  we  have  left  no  meanes  unassayed  to  give  his  Maj  /  and  the 
whole  Kingdom  of  England  all  just  satisfaction  and  that 
we  desyre  nothing  but  the  preservation  of  our  religion  and 
lawes.  If  the  fearfull  consequents  shall  ensue  wch  must  be 
very  neare,  except  they  be  wysely  and  speedily  prevented  We 
trust  they  shall  not  be  imputed  unto  us  who  till  this  tyme 
have  beene  following  after  peace  and  who  doe  in  every  duety 
most  ardently  desyre  to  shew  ourselves  his  YTaties  faithfull 
subjects  and  Your  Ll//  humble  servants. 

My  Lord  Dumferling  was  broght  into  the  Kings  tent,  gott 
ane  kiss  of  his  hand  and  after  presenting  the  supplication  was 
removed  to  another  roume  till  the  Councell  of  England  had 
consulted  with  his  Matie  the  space  of  three  or  foure  homes, 
therafter  was  broght  in  againe,  gott  another  kiss  of  the  King's 
hand  who  declared  that  he  had  receaved  no  supplication  of  that 
kynd  befor,  and  that  he  wold  send  his  answer  w*  Sr  Edmond 
Yermar  Knight  Mershall  of  his  house.1  Sir  Edmond  came  to 
Dunse  w*  my  Lord  Dumferling  this  night  and  desyred  that  the 
noblemen  might  be  conveened  the  morrow  morning. 

About  eleven  a  clock  at  night  upon  some  watcher  shooting 
his  muskett  or  pistole  the  alarm  went  through  the  whole  armie 
and  the  whole  souldiers  in  an  instant  with  a  wonderfull  speed 
and  resolution  wer  in  armes  and  in  order,  some  dancing,  some 
singing  psalmes. 

1  Sir  Edmund  Verney  of  Middle  Claydon,  co.  Bucks,  Marshal  of  the  King's 
Palace  (  Verney  Papers,  Camden  Club) — '  A  gentleman  who  was  known  to  be  a 
lover  of  our  nation. — Baillie  i.  215. 

E 


66  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [JUNE 

Upon  Friday  the  7  of  June  in  the  morning  the  whole 
noblemen  and  pryme  Barrons  being  conveened  about  the 
Generall  Sr  Edmond  Vermar  delivered  his  commission 1  by 
word  and  therafter  shewed  his  memoer  and  warrant  in  wryte 
as  followes :  '  The  King's  Matie  having  redd  and  considered 
the  humble  supplication  presented  unto  him  by  the  Erie  of 
Dumferlins:  hath  commanded  me  to  returne  this  answer  :  "  That 
Wheras  his  Maj/  hath  published  a  gracious  proclamation  to 
all  his  subjects  of  Scotland,  wherby  he  hath  given  them  full 
assurance  of  the  free  enjoying  both  of  the  religion  and  lawes  of 
that  Kingdome,  as  lykewyse  a  free  pardon  upon  their  humble 
and  duetifull  obedience,  which  proclamation  hath  beene  hitherto 
hindered  to  be  published  to  most  of  his  Maties  said  subjects, 
therfor  his  Matie  requyres  for  the  full  information  and  satis- 
faction of  them  that  the  said  proclamation  be  publicly  redd  ; 
that  being  done  his  Maj/  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  heare 
any  humble  supplication  of  his  subjects." ' 

Wherunto  the  noblemen  after  sundrie  reasonings  to  and 
fro  gave  ther  direct  answer,  wherof  he  being  desvrous  to  have 
some  memorandums  gott  these  that  followes  ;  and  the  Erie  of 
Dumferling  was  sent  away  againe  with  the  former  supplication 
without  any  alteration  except  the  addition  of  the  word  Yet. 

'  His  Ma/  proclamation  which  I  desyred  in  his  Ma/  name  to  be 
published  was  called  for  by  the  noblemen  and  others  conveaned 
to  here  his  Ma/  gracious  desyre,  and  with  all  due  reverence  was 
redd  and  heard,  unto  which  as  I  conceave  these  answers  wer 
made : 

'That  they  ar  most  Avilling  in  all  humility  to  receave  his 
Ma/ just  commandement  as  becommeth  loyall  subjects,  that  the 
Estats  being  conveaned  for  holding  the  parliament  called  by 
his  Matle  had  receaved  from  the  Magistrats  of  the  Towne  of 
Edr  a  coppy  of  this  proclamation  wch  his  Ma/  High  Commis- 
sionar  had  commanded  them  to  publish ;  and  the  said  Estats 
considering  therof  seriouslie,  had  returned  ther  reasons  to  his 


1  '  Upon  theyr  petition  to  the  Kinge  I  was  sent  by  his  Majesty  with  a  message 
to  them,  wherin,  thoughe  I  had  a  hard  parte  to  playe,  yett  I  dare  bouldly  say  I 
handled  the  business  soe  that  I  begatt  this  treaty. — Sir  Edmund  Verney  to  Ralph 
Verney.  —  Verney  Papers,  249. 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  67 

Ma/  Commissionar  why  it  could  not  be  published,  which  they 
doe  conceave  war  represented  to  his  Maj/  by  his  Commissionar 
and  wherunto  they  still  adhere. 

'  Ane  of  the  reasones  which  I  did  heare  from  them  was  that 
this  proclamation  did  not  come  in  the  ordinarie  and  legall  way 
by  his  Maj  Councell,  qch  both  is  the  law  and  hath  beene  the 
perpetuall  custome  of  this  kingdome  as  was  acknowledged  by 
the  whole  Councell  since  the  beginning  of  this  commotion  in 
presence  of  his  Maj/  Commissioner.  It  was  remembered  also 
that  both  his  Matie  Councell  and  Senatours  of  the  Colledg  of 
Justice  being  divers  tymes  since  conveened  had  testified  their 
dislyke  therof. 

'Another  reason  was  that  they  found  it  to  be  most  prejudiciall 
to  his  Ma/  honour  whose  desyre  is  to  governe  according  to  law. 

'  A  third  was,  that  it  was  destructive  of  all  ther  former  pro- 
ceidings  as  traiterous  and  rebellious  which  notwithstanding 
they  maintain  to  be  religious  and  loyall. 

'  A  fourth  was  that  wheras  the  meanest  subject  cannot  be 
declared  a  traitour  by  proclamation,  nor  his  estate  forfault  but 
after  citation  and  conviction  in  parliament,  or  the  Supreme 
Justice  Court,  yet  heerin  the  whole  body  of  the  Kingdome, 
without  any  citation  or  conviction,  are  declared  rebels  and 
traitours,  and  ther  estats  disponed  to  their  vassals  and  tennents. 

'  A  fyfth  was  that  they  wer  persuaded  this  did  not  flow  from 
his  Ma/  royall  disposition,  bot  from  men  evill  affected  to  the 
peace  of  the  Kingdome,  and  that  this  was  so  farr  from  giving 
satisfaction  to  his  Ma/  subjects  that  it  so  dissolved  all  the 
bonds  of  union  betwixt  his  Ma;  and  this  his  native  Kingdome 
that  ther  could  be  no  hope  of  accomodation  of  affaires  ther- 
after  in  a  peacable  way,  which  hath  ever  been  ther  desyre, 
and  that  they  wer  confident  that  his  Ma  wold  take  to  his 
royall  consideration,  how  illegal  in  manners  and  prejudiciall  in 
matters  this  is  both  to  his  Ma/  honour  and  the  well  of  this 
Kingdome,  and  especially  to  the  intended  pacification.  And 
that  his  Maj  will  now  be  pleased  to  send  a  gracious  answer  to 
ther  humble  Supplication  sent  by  my  Lord  Dumferling.'' 

Upon  Saturday  the  8  of  June  my  Lord  Dumferling  returned 
with  this  answer  to  our  petition. 


68  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONS  DIARY      [june 

1  At  his  MaJ  Campe  the  eight  of  June  1639 

'  His  M/ having  understood  of  the  obedience  of  the  Petitioners 
in  reading  his  proclamation  as  was  comanded  them  is  gra- 
ciously pleased  so  farr  to  condescend  unto  ther  petition,  as  to 
admitt  some  of  them  to  repaire  to  his  M/  campe  upon  Munday 
next  at  8  a  clock  in  the  morning  at  the  Lord  General's  Tent ; 
wher  they  shall  find  six  persons  of  honour  and  trust  appointed 
by  his  Ma/  to  heare  ther  humble  desyres. 

'  Ihon  Cooke. 

And  did  shew  us  that  in  his  judgment  Sr  Edmond  Vermar  had 
not  showne  our  memoers  unto  the  Kings  Ma/ ;  we  had  long 
reasounings  against  the  narrative  of  the  answere  and  sent  back 
againe  my  Lord  Dumferling  with  sundrie  copies  of  our  memoers 
to  be  spred  amongst  the  English  Noblemen  for  clearing  of 
ourselves  y*  we  had  neither  published  nor  acknowledged  the 
proclamation  and  w*  the  draught  of  ane  safe  conduct  to  those 
qm  we  should  send. 

'  Wheras  the  subjects  of  our  Kingdome  of  Scotland  have 
humbly  supplicated  that  we  may  be  graciously  pleased  to 
appoint  some  of  this  our  kingdome  to  heare,  by  such  as  shall 
be  sent  from  them,  ther  humble  desyres  and  to  make  knowne  to 
them  our  gracious  pleasure,  unto  which  supplication  we  con- 
descend so  farr  as  to  admit  some  of  them  to  repaire  to  our 
campe  upon  Munday  at  eight  houres  in  the  morning  and 
because  they  may  apprehend  danger  in  ther  comming,  abode 
or  returning,  we  doe  offer  them  upon  the  word  of  a  Prince  that 
the  persons  sent  from  them  shall  be  safe  and  free  from  all 
trouble  and  restraint,  wherof  these  shall  be  a  sufficient  warrant."' 


This  day  we  intercepted  ane  letter  of  the  Marques  of  Hamil- 
tons  to  my  Lord  Oggilvie. 

'  My  Lord, — Would  God  I  had  receaved  your  letter  a  few 
dayes  sooner  and  then  I  wold  have  beene  the  messenger  myself, 
for  not  having  any  hopes  of  a  partie  in  those  quarters  I  had 
sent  3500  of  my  best  men  to  Barwick  for  a  present  desine  that 
is  intendet  by  his  Ma/,  so  it  will  be  now  some  dayes  before 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONT,S  DIARY  69 

these  troupes  returne  to  me.  In  the  interim  if  ye  cannot  secure 
yourself  wher  ye  ar,  ye  shall  be  welcome  to  me,  Bot  for  the 
sending  of  any  ships  to  you  at  this  present  I  cannot,  thogh 
shortly  it  may  be  you  sie  some  in  those  quarters  ;  I  darr  not 
write  what  I  would  for  feare  it  should  not  come  safe  to  your 
hands,  only  this,  Rest  assured  that  it  will  not  be  long  before 
his  Ma/  himself  declare  himself  in  that  way  wch  will  not  please 
the  Covenanters,  and  power  he  hath  to  crubb  their  insolencies 
if  they  continue  in  them,  your  Mr  hath  been  such  that  you 
mav  expect  that  reward  wch  a  deserving  servant  and  a  loyall 
subject  justly  deserves  and  merits,  q*  I  can  contribute  therto 
looke  for  it  from  your  L/  faithfull  freind  and  servant, 

'  Hammiltoun.' 

Upon  Sunday  the  9  June  my  Lord  Dumferling  returned 
with  ane  refusal  of  a  safe  conduct  unto  us  qrupon  after  long 
reasoning  we  resolved  to  send  none  bot  sent  back  this 
answer : 

'  "We  trust  his  Matie  will  favorably  construct  this  our  humble 
requyring  a  safe  conduct  since  upon  our  confidence  in  his 
gracious  Ma/  we  desyre  no  further  bot  assurance  under  his 
royall  hand,  albeit  by  the  statutes  of  England  wch  wer  befor 
cited  to  the  Lord  of  Dalzell  all  assurances  and  conducts  ar 
declared  to  be  null  if  they  have  not  passed  the  Great  Seale  of 
England. 

'  The  proclamation  published  throughout  the  paroch  churches 
of  England  and  these  later  sent  to  be  published  in  Scotland, 
declaring  us  his  Ma/  subjects  to  be  rebells  and  our  proceid- 
ings  to  be  treacherous,  forfaulting  our  estates  and  threatning 
to  destroy  us,  lay  a  necessitie  upon  us,  who  desyre  to  cleare 
ourselves,  to  crave  ane  safe  conduct  of  his  Matie. 

'  The  former  refusall  of  safe  conduct  to  his  Maties  Councell 
and  Session  when  they  craved  libertie  to  goe  up  to  informe 
his  Ma/  of  the  true  estate  of  our  bussines,  and  to  ourselves 
when  we  desyred  libertie  to  cleare  our  proceidings  and  inten- 
tions to  his  Ma/,  showes  the  greater  necessitie  of  our  craving 
the  same,  for  to  give  ane  full  and  free  information  of  our 
affaires. 

'This  refusing;  of  ane  safe  conduct  being;  knowne  to  the 


70  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONT,S  DIARY      [JUNE 

armie  maks  them  more  unwilling  then  befor,  that  any  should 
goe  there."1 

Upon  Mundav  the  10  June  the  Erie  of  Dumferling  broght 
back  the  former  answer  which  was  subscryved  by  Cooke,  now 
subscryved  by  the  King  himself  with  ane  verbal  assurance  of 
the  King  befor  his  Councell  that  he  wold  never  wrong  any 
that  is  sent,  he  wold  rather  quyte  his  Crowne  and  wer  worse 
then  ane  infidell  and  ther  armie  might  fall  on  them  without 
mercie,  and  therupon  delayed  the  meiting  till  Tuesday.  We 
chused  my  Lord  Rothes  my  Lord  Loudon  and  the  Shirreffe 
of  Tividaile  to  go  there  to  present  our  humble  desyres  qrof 
we  drew  up  this  draught. 

'  The  hwjible  desyres  of  his  Matits  subjects  of  Scotland 

'First,  it  is  our  humble  desyre  that  his  Matie  wold  be  graciously 
pleased  to  assure  us  that  the  acts  of  the  late  assemblie  at 
Glasgow  shall  be  ratified  by  his  Matie  in  the  ensewing  Parlia- 
ment to  be  holden  at  Edr  July  23  since  the  peace  of  the  kirk 
and  kingdome  cannot  endure  further  prorogation. 

'  Secondly,  That  his  Matie  from  his  tender  care  of  the  preserva- 
tion of  our  religion  and  lawes  will  be  graciously  pleased  to 
declare  and  assure  that  it  is  his  royall  will  that  all  maters 
ecclesiasticall  be  determined  by  the  Assemblies  of  the  Kirk,  and 
maters  civile  bv  Parliament,  which  wil  be  for  his  Maties  honor 
and  keiping  peace  and  order  amongst  the  subjects  in  the  time 
of  his  Maties  personall  absence. 

'  Thirdlv  that  a  blessed  pacification  may  be  speedlie  broght 
about  and  his  Maties  subjects  may  be  secured,  our  humble 
desyre  is  that  his  Ma/  ships  and  forces  by  land  be  recalled,  that 
all  persons  ships  and  goods  arrested  may  be  restored,  the 
losses  which  we  have  sustained  by  the  stopping  of  our  trade 
and  negotiating  be  repaired  and  we  made  safe  from  violence 
and  invasion,  and  that  all  excomunicate  persons,  all  incendi- 
aries and  informers  against  the  kingdome  who  have  out  of 
malice  caused  these  commotions  for  ther  owne  private  ends, 
mav  be  returned  to  suffer  ther  deserved  punishment,  and  the 
proclamations  and  manifestoes  sent  abroad  by  them  under  his 
Maties  name  to  the  dishonouring  of  the  King  and  defaming  of 
the  Kingdome  may  be  suppressed. 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  71 

'  As  these  ar  our  humble  desyres,  so  is  it  our  greife  that  his 
Matie  should  have  been  provoked  to  wrath  against  us  his  most 
humble  and  loving  subjects,  and  shall  be  our  delight  upon  his 
Matie1s  assurance  of  the  preservation  of  our  religion  and  lawes 
to  give  example  to  others  of  all  civile  and  temporall  obedience 
which  can  be  requyred  or  expected  of  loyall  subjects.' 

This  morning  I  gott  ane  sight  of  the  Kings  manifestoes 1  the 
most  bitter  invective  false  peice  that  can  be  against  the  whole 
proceidings  and  blasphemous  against  our  covenant  with  God 
which  God  will  revenge  in  his  own  tyme  on  the  informers  and 
wryters. 

Upon  Tuesday  the  11  of  June  in  the  morning  our  Comis- 
sioners  wer  conveyed  to  the  English  camp  wt  ane  hundredth 
horse  and  went  to  the  Erie  of  Arundels 2  tent  qr  qn  they  had 
begunne  to  clear  ther  proceidings  to  the  English  Lords  the 
King's  Matie  himself  came  in  without  giving  them  ane  kiss  of 
his  hands  bade  them  proceid  and  told  them  he  had  come  on 
suddenty  because  he  was  calumniated  never  to  heare  ther  desyres, 
and  q11  they  begouth  to  justifie  ymselves  in  ther  proceidings,  he 
had  no  will  of  that  but  bade  them  propone  their  desyres,  my 
Lord  Loudon  in  repetition  of  the  state  of  the  bussines  justified 
all  our  proceidings  and  shew  that  all  our  desyres  wer  to  enjoy 
our  religion  and  liberties  qrupon  the  King  taking  hold  bade 
them  tell  ther  desyres  which  they  gave  in  as  is  befor  said  with 
only  this  alteration  in  generall  termes  of  meanes  of  accomoda- 
tion in  stead  of  the  reparation  of  losses  and  recalling  of  mani- 
festoes which  the  King  receaved  dyted  unto  them  this  direction 
following. 

That  our  desyres  are  only  the  enjoying  of  our  religion  and 
liberties  according  to  the  ecclesiasticall  and  civile  lawes  of  this 
his  Maties  Kino-dome. 


1  '  A  Large  Declaration  concerning  the  late  tumults  in  Scotland  from  their  first 
originalls  :  together  with  a  particular  deduction  of  the  seditious  practices  of  the 
Prime  Leaders  of  the  Covenanters,  collected  out  of  their  owne  foule  Acts  and 
Writings.  By  the  King.' 

It  was  written  for  the  King  by  Dr.  Balcanqual,  Dean  of  Durham. 

2  Thomas  Lord  Howard,  Earl  of  Arundel  and  Surrey,  premier  Earl  and  Lord 
Marshal  of  England,  was  Commander-in-Chief  under  the  King  of  the  Royal 
Army.     He  was  a  Roman  Catholic. 


72  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON,S  DIARY      [JUNE 

To  cleare  by  sufficient  grounds  y*  the  particulars  wch  we 
humbly  crave  ar  such,  and  shall  not  insist  to  crave  any  poynt 
wh  is  not  so  warranted,  and  y*  we  humbly  offer  all  civile  and 
temporall  obedience  to  his  Ma/  wch  can  be  requyred  or  ex- 
pected of  loyall  subjects.1 

This  day  I  had  sent  some  memorandums  both  anent  our  desyres 
and  anent  yr  cariage  with  my  Lord  Rothes  and  my  Lord  Loudon. 

In  generall  to  urge  that  this  Kirk  may  be  governed  by 
generall  and  subordinate  assemblies  in  all  ecclesiasticall  maters, 
and  by  Parliaments  and  other  subordinate  judicatories  in 
maters  civile  under  his  Ma/  authoritie. 

In  speciall  to  desyre  first  that  the  late  generall  assemblie 
holden  at  Glasgow  be  approven  in  the  next  parliament,  and  all 
the  generall  printed  acts  therof  ratified  expreslie  et  specifice. 

2.  That  all  the  censures  of  the  late  generall  assemblie  be 
followed  with  the  civile  punishments  according  to  law,  and  all 
excomunicat  persons  may  not  only  be  declared  Rebels,  Bot 
also  in  respect  of  their  obstinacie  be  banished  his  M/  dominions, 
and,  in  respect  of  their  treason  against  this  kirk  their  king  and 
countrey,  they  may  be  punished  exemplarie  and  extremelie. 

3.  For  the  stabilitie  of  maters  of  religion  y*  the  King's  Ma/ 
and  Councell  now  declare  and  yrafter  the  Parliament,  that  the 
King  and  his  Councell  shall  not  heerafter  meddle  with  any 
maters  of  religion  in  their  proclamations  (wch  hath  beene  the 
cause  of  all  this  combustion)  bot  leave  the  samine  to  the  yearly 
generall  assemblies,  qlk  for  y*  end  must  be  holden  without  faile. 

4.  That  as  we  tooke  not  up  first  armes  and  now  hes  them 
but  only  for  our  owne  defence  so  not  onlie  they  who  threatned 
invasion  most  lay  them  first  doune,  Bot  also  both  the  King 
and  the  English  must  give  us  assurance  that  heerafter  they 
will  not  invade  or  wrong  us  any  maner  of  way. 

5.  That  seeing  the  countrie,  what  by  the  treacheries  of  some 
of  our  owne  nation  stirring  up  the  King  and  the  English  to 
this  warr,  what  by  the  English  navies  stopping  of  all  trade, 
is  extremelie  poverished,  that  if  the  Englishe  refund  not  our 
losse    suffered   from    them,  yet  y*  the   estats  of  papists  and 

1  A  full  note  of  the  first  day's  proceedings  will  be  found  in  the  Hardwicke 
State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  130. 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  73 

other  traiterous  incendiaries  be  disponed  to  the  publick  use,  at 
leist  that  Bishopricks  (the  cause  of  all  this  trouble)  be  disponed 
to  comon  and  pious  uses  for  releife  of  the  poore,  maintenance 
of  ministers  and  schollers  and  other  such  lyke  publick  uses. 

6.  That  the  only  way  both  of  preserving  the  Kings  honour 
and  for  assuring  the  people  of  his  reall  intentions  of  peace  is 
to  punish  jgnominiouslie  and  exemplarlie  those  firebrands  who 
by  their  misinformations  hes  broght  him  to  this  extremitie 
against  his  people,  doe  declare  his  former  manifestoes  and 
proclamations  to  have  proceided  from  their  misinformation  And 
therfor  to  recall  and  repeale  and  punish  the  misinformers. 

7.  To  render  all  persons,  ships,  goods  and  geare  taken  from 
us  and  to  assure  all  those  in  England  who  have  beene  favourers 
to  Christs  cause  in  our  hands  and  to  restore  them  in  safetie 
to  ther  families  and  estats,  as  also  to  declare  y*  none 
heerafter  in  England  for  their  conformitie  with  us  either  in 
judgment  or  practise  anent  religion  either  in  doctrine  or 
discipline  shall  be  troubled  or  molested,  wherby  Christs 
governement  and  puritie  of  worship  will  be  enlarged. 

8.  That  the  King's  Ma/  may  show  himself  reconciled  even 
to  those  whom  he  thoght  by  misinformation  to  be  most 
rebellious,  That  the  King's  Ma/  being  fullie  assured  that 
there  is  no  intention  to  change  his  monarchicall  governement, 
he  will  assure  to  heare  and  redresse  the  greivances  of  the 
countrie  in  parliament,  And  seeing  in  his  owne  absence  by 
his  under  officers  many  disorders  ar  comitted,  for  remedie 
stata  parliamenta  once  in  two  or  three  yeares  be  keiped. 

9.  That  the  King  giving  assurance  now  to  doe  thir  or  such 
lyke  things  in  parliament  and  making  some  declaration  in 
that  kynd,  both  the  armies  may  be  dismissed,  the  castles  put 
in  some  moderate  mans  hand  in  keiping  till  the  parliament 
have  ended  all,  and  then  the  King  with  honour  and  safetie  may 
come  in  a  peacable  way. 

10.  That  heerafter  the  castles  may  be  putt  in  the  custodie 
of  any  the  King  and  Estates  shall  name  according  to  the  old 
custome  of  this  Kingdome.1 

11.  And  because  all  mischeifes  and  abuses  hes  flowed  (next 


1  See  Introduction,  p.  15. 


74  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [june 

unto  the  prelats)  from  the  corruptions  of  Councell  and  Session, 
qrin  men  are  placed  at  everie  courtiers  desyre,  only  to  serve 
the  courts  pleasure  without  regaird  to  kirk  or  kingdome, 
Therfor  as  it  was  of  old  ye  Councellors  and  Sessioners  be 
chosen  by  the  Kings  Ma/  and  Estates  in  statis  parliaments 
and  by  themselves  in  the  interim  betwixt  those.1 

12.  That  no  stranger  lest  of  all  any  forraigne  prelate 
meddle  with  the  affaires  of  our  Kirk,  nor  forraigne  statesman 
with  the  affaires  of  our  estate,  bot  that  we  may  be  governed 
by  our  owne  church  men  and  statesmen  in  lawfull  judicatories 
ecclesiasticall  and  civile  respective. 

To  remember  first  to  cleare  the  mistaking  of  the  English 
That  ye  have  neither  published  nor  acknowledged  the  proclama- 
tion, And  if  they  ground  their  treatie  upon  that  proclamation 
and  your  acknowledgment  yrof,  to  carrie  yourself  as  becommes 
your  cause  and  covenant  for  religion  croune  and  country. 

To  present  the  printed  Acts  of  the  generall  assemblie  that 
the  King's  Ma/  may  declare  his  resolution  to  ratifie  the  samine 
in  the  subsequent  pari,  specifice  and  expreslie. 

To  cleare  the  great  mistaking  of  the  English  from  their  not 
considering  the  differences  of  our  reformation  contradicente 
magistratu,  and  of  theirs  by  the  Magistrats  concurse,  of  ours 
restoring  Christ  unto  his  owne  place,  and  of  theirs  changing 
papam  sed  non  papatum  seing  they  put  the  King  in  the 
Popes  place,  and  from  not  considering  the  differences  betwixt 
our  assemblies  and  their  convocations,  betwixt  our  lawes  and 
their  statutes. 

To  show  that  this  church  is  als  free  and  als  independent 
as  any  other  and  is  no  more  lyable  to  give  ane  account  of 
our  actions  to  them  nor  they  unto  us,  Yet  of  super- 
abundance we  offer  them  all  satisfaction  in  reason. 

To  show  that  nationall  commotions  either  in  Church  or 
State  can  only  be  tryed  in  nationall  judicatories  of  kirk  and 
kingdome,  as  in  generall  assemblies  and  parliaments,  so  that 
heere  this  bussines  cannot  be  decided. 

Let  your  discourse  be  ay  relative  to  your  former  actions,  as 
your  supplica°ns   to   his  Matie   informa°ns  and  remonstrances 


See  p.  15  of  Introduction. 


1639J       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  75 

unto  England,  wherby  may  cleared  your  former  actions  and 
present  intentions. 

To  show  that  no  proclama°n  can  be  a  suretie  to  the  Leiges, 
far  lesse  a  proclama°n  in  generall  termes  of  maintaining  reli- 
gion and  law,  seeing  in  the  same  proclama°ns  the  essentiall 
particulars  of  both,  as  your  covenant,  assemblie,  abjura°n  of 
Episcopacie,  reception  of  ruling  elders,  defence  of  your  selves 
ar  condemned  as  irreligious  and  rebellious. 

Take  heede  no  wayes  either  to  exclude  the  civile  greivances 
of  any  other  his  Maties  subjects,  or  shyres,  who  are  neither  heere 
nor  lies  given  cofnisson  for  the  particulars  of  a  treatie,  neither 
prelimitate  the  parliament,  whose  freedome  in  civile  bussines 
should  be  preserved  als  well  as  the  libertie  of  assemblies  from 
prelimitation  either  of  members  or  maters  ecclesiasticall ;  desyre 
what  ye  will,  but  doe  not  exclude  any  other  petitions. 

Eschew  all  questions  wherof  the  answere  wold  either  be 
unpleasant  to  them  or  prejudiciall  to  us  (as  anent  the  King's 
negative  voyce)1  upon  pretext  yt  they  ar  not  in  your  comission, 
and  y*  the  parliament  can  only  judge  such  questions,  bot  what- 
soever they  propone  to  you  tell  ye  must  only  heare  and  report 
and  therfor  in  q^oever  overture  they  propone  albeit  it  please 
your  judgment  at  the  first  glance,  neither  declare  unto  them 
your  approbation  yrof,  neither  ingadge  your  promise  of  your 
endeavour  to  obtain  the  samine,  bot  both  keepe  your  owne 
mynd  free  from  prejudice  and  leave  that  freedome  to  the  rest 


1  This  seems  to  have  been  an  unsettled  point.  James  VI.,  in  a  characteristic 
speech  upon  the  question  of  Union  with  Scotland  made  on  the  adjournment  of 
the  English  Parliament  on  31st  March  1607,  explained  how  he  cut  that  knot: 
'  It  hath  likewise  beene  objected  as  an  other  impediment,  that  in  the  Parliament 
'  of  Scotland  the  King  hath  not  a  negative  voice,  but  must  passe  all  the  Lawes 
'  agreed  on  by  the  Lords  and  Commons.  ...  I  can  assure  you,  that  the  forme 
'  of  Parliament  there  is  nothing  inclined  to  popularitie.  .  .  .  Onely  such  Bills  as 
'  I  allow  of  are  put  into  the  Chancellor's  hands  to  bee  propounded  to  the  Parlia- 
'  ment,  and  none  others  ;  and  if  any  man  in  Parliament  speake  of  any  other  matter 
'  ihen  is  in  this  forme  first  allowed  by  me,  The  Cnancellor  tells  him  there  is  no  such 
'  Bill  allowed  by  the  King.  Besides,  when  they  have  passed  them  for  Lawes, 
'  they  are  presented  unto  mee,  and  I,  with  my  Scepter  put  into  my  hand  by  the 
'  Chancellor,  must  say,  /  ratifie  and  approove  all  things  done  in  this  present 
'  Parliament.  And  if  there  bee  anything  that  I  dislike,  they  rase  it  out  before. 
•  If  this  may  bee  called  a  negative  voyce,  then  I  have  one,  I  am  sure,  in  that 
'  Parliament.' — His  Majesties  Speech,  etc.,  1607.     London:  Robert  Barker. 


76  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [june 

of  your  number,  that  without  partialitie  the  expediencie  or 
inexpediencie  of  the  overture  may  be  agitate  heere,  and  ye  not 
be  forced  to  plead  heere  for  what  ye  have  consented  there,  or 
to  be  offended  qn  it  is  refused.  Insinuate  to  the  English 
the  substance  of  that  remonstrance  qlk  ye  have  already  prefaced 
in  some  articles  to  your  owne  shyres,  and  qlk  ye  intend  to 
manifest  to  England  at  an  up  giving. 

Remember  whether  warre  or  peace  follow,  your  cariage  in 
this  act  will  be  remarkable  in  historie,  and  let  it  never  be  said 
of  you  as  yourselves  hes  many  tymes  said  of  some  nobles  in 
the  land,  and  that  when  the[y]  parlied  anent  the  tithes  and  the 
revocation  that  everie  one  looked  so  to  his  owne  particular 
accomodation  of  the  King  as  everie  one  betrayed  another  and 
all  betrayed  the  publick. 

Upon  Wednesday  the  12  of  June  after  ther  reports  we 
drew  up  the  grounds  of  our  desyres  and  appointed  Mr  Alex1- 
Henderson  and  Mr.  Archibald  Jhonston  to  ther  former  CoiTiis- 
sioners  to  goe  over  to  the  King  and  with  these  grounds  of  our 

o  o  o 

former  desyres  to  seeke  the  totall  abolition  of  Bishops  both 
from  Kirk  and  State  both  for  benefites  and  office,  after  long 
reasoning  betwixt  my  Lord  Argyle  and  my  Lord  Durie  Sr 
Thomas  Nicholson  and  me  in  law. 

Reasons  and  grounds  of  our  humble  desyres 

We  did  first  humbly  desyre  a  ratification  of  the  acts  of  the 
late  assemblie  in  the  ensuing  parliament,  first  because  the  civile 
power  is  keiper  of  both  Tables  and  qras  the  kirk  and  king- 
dome  are  one  body  consisting  of  the  same  members,  ther  can 
be  no  firme  peace  nor  stabilitie  of  order,  unles  the  ministers  of 
the  kirk  in  their  way  presse  the  obedience  of  the  civile  lawes 
and  magistrate,  and  the  civile  power  add  ther  sanction  and 
authoritie  to  the  constitutions  of  the  kirk.  Secondly  because 
the  late  generall  assemblie  indicted  by  his  M/  was  lawfully 
constitute  in  all  the  members  yrof  according  to  the  institu- 
tions and  order  prescryved  by  acts  of  former  assemblies. 
Thirdly  because  no  particular  is  enacted  in  the  late  assemblie, 
wch  is  not  grounded  upon  the  acts  of  preceiding  assemblies 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  77 

and  is  either  expresly  contained  in  them  or  by  necessarie 
consequence  may  be  deduced  from  them.  That  the  parliament 
be  keiped  without  proroga°n  his  M/  knowes  how  necessarie  it 
is,  since  the  peace  of  the  kirk  and  kingdome  call  for  it  without 
further  delay. 

We  did  secondly  desyre  that  his  Ma/  wold  be  pleased  to 
declare  and  assure  that  it  is  his  royall  will  that  all  maters 
ecclesiasticall  be  determined  be  the  assemblies  of  the  kirk,  and 
maters  civile  by  the  Parliament  and  other  inferiour  judicatories 
established  by  law,  because  we  know  no  other  way  for  the 
preservation  of  our  religion  and  lawes  and  because  maters  so 
different  in  ther  nature  ought  to  be  treated  respective  in  ther 
owne  proper  j  udicatories.  It  was  also  desyred  that  Parliaments 
might  be  holden  at  sett  tymes  as  once  in  two  or  thrie  yeares, 
by  reason  of  his  M/  p'sonall  absence  qch  hindereth  his  sub- 
jects in  ther  complaints  and  greivances  to  have  immediate 
accesse  unto  his  Ma/  presence. 

And  wher  his  M/  requyres  us  to  limite  our  desyres  to  the 
enjoying  of  our  religion  and  liberties  according  to  the  ecclesi- 
asticall and  civile  lawes  respective,  we  are  heartily  content  to 
have  the  occasion  to  declare  that  we  never  intended  further 
then  the  enjoying  of  our  religion  and  liberties,  and  that  all  this 
tyme  past  it  was  farr  from  our  thoghts  or  desyres  to  diminish 
the  royall  authoritie  of  our  native  King  and  dread  Soveraigne 
or  to  make  any  invasion  upon  the  Kingdome  of  England  qch 
ar  the  calumnies  forged  and  spred  against  us  by  the  malice  of 
our  adversaries  and  for  which  we  humbly  desyre  that  in  his 
Ma/  justice  they  may  have  ther  owne  censure  and  punishment. 
Thirdly,  we  desyred  a  blessed  pacification  and  did  expresse  the 
most  readie  and  powerfull  meanes  qch  we  could  conceive  for 
bringing  the  same  speedily  to  passe,  leaving  other  meanes 
serving  for  that  end  to  his  Ma/  royall  consideration  and  greater 
wisdome. 

Upon  Thursday  the  13  of  June  in  the  morning  we  went 
over  to  the  English  Camp,  to  the  Lord  Arundel's  tent  pre- 
sented unto  the  King  the  grounds  of  our  desyres.  The  Kings 
Ma/  craved  yl  my  Lord  Rothes  wold  condescend  what  petitions 
of  the  subjects  were  concealed  from  him  as  he  had  affirmed  the 


78  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [june 

day  befor,  qlk  poynt  the  Marqueisse  of  Hamiltoun  pressed 
hard  for  his  exoneration.  My  lord  Loudon  remembered  the 
petitions  wch  wer  refused  by  the  Councell  and  y*  no  petitions 
wer  formerly  answered  bot  by  way  of  proclamation.  The 
King  urged  his  proclama°n  was  satisfactorie,  especially  yl 
given  to  the  Assemblie,  wherupon  I  redd  those  passages  of 
the  protestation  Decemb.  18  clearing  y*  it  was  no  wayes  satis- 
factorie, neither  in  maner  or  matter.1 

The  King's  Ma/  proponed  and  urged  y*  no  assemblie  could 
meddle  with  y*  wch  once  was  established  by  law,  qrunto  we 
gave  many  answers,  especiallie  yfc  as  ane  parliament  could  not 
make  ecclesiastick  constitutions  originallie  bot  only  added  ane 
civile  sanction  therunto  to  give  obedience  to  the  ecclesiastick 
constitution,  which  being  taken  away  cannot  be  obeyed,  so  that 
the  ratificatorie  act  must  fall  cum  principali,  especiallie  seing 
the  parliament  cannot  judge,  bot  only  the  subsequent  assem- 
blie, whether  the  former  assemblie  was  lawfull  or  not,  and  if 
the  former  be  declared  to  have  been  null  ab  initio,  the  act  of 
Parliament  can  no  more  subsist  nor  [than]  if  it  had  made 
an  ecclesiastick  constitution  of  itself,  even  as  the  parliaments 
confirmation  of  a  false  charter  does  fall  when  the  charter  is 
reduced  or  declared  null. 

Thereafter  we  fell  under  dispute  of  the  independancie  of  the 
assemblie  from  the  pari,  in  maters  ecclesiasticall,  as  of  the 
pari,  from  the  assemblie  in  maters  civile,  with  this  difference 
only,  that  the  King  or  pari,  might  call  the  assemblie,  bot  the 
assemblie  could  not  call  the  parliament. 

The  King  urged  that  no  ecclesiastick  constitution  could 
have  force  till  it  was  ratified  in  pari :  AVe  cleared  y*  it 
had  ane  ecclesiasticall  force  of  the  censure  of  the  Kirk  even 
to  excomunication  albeit  not  of  civile  punishments  whilk  be- 
hoved to  be  added  by  the  civile  law.  Thereafter  the  King 
alleadged  the  passage  Soli  Deo  peccavi,  and  y*  the  assemblie 
could  not  judge  him,  the  Erie  of  Rothes  answered  y4  if  he 
wer  king  and  had  comitted  David's  fault  y4  the  kirk  might 
excomunicate  him,  bot  that  he  knew  the  King's  Ma/  wold 
never  fall  in  such  transgressions. 


1  See  Protestation  in  Large  Declaration,  3S7  et  seq. 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONS  DIARY  79 

At  this  time  we  gave  the  king  one  of  the  Acts  of  Assemblie, 
one  of  the  Remonstrances,  and  one  of  our  answers  to  the 
declinatour. 

The  Marquess  of  Hamiltoun  his  declaration  was  produced  and 
the  Bishops  declinatour,  the  one  shewing  that  Bishops  ar  of  apo- 
stolick  Institution  the  other  that  they  are  of  Christs  Institution. 

In  this  conference  the  king  allowed  his  manifestoe  and  said 
y*  it  was  against  his  will  y*  it  was  not  published  to  the  leiges. 
He  declared  also  that  nothing  could  be  said  against  the 
Service  booke  of  Scotland  bot  it  behoved  to  reflect  against  yt 
of  England  for  thev  wer  all  one,  y*  he  had  hand  himself  in 
the  differences  betwixt  them,1  yl  he  wold  not  suffer  any  to  be 
punished  albeit  they  had  broght  in  the  Alcoran. 

Mr.  Alexr  Henderson  told  the  king  of  three  things  y* 
stirred  up  the  peoples  hearts,  first  the  pressing  of  such  books 
so  full  of  innovations  of  religione  and  superstitions.  2.  Their 
hearing  of  the  prelats  and  their  adherents  at  home  to  man- 
taine  in  schooles  and  preach  in  pulpits  many  Armenian  and 
popish  tenets.  3.  The  reading  of  manyfold  bookes  printed  in 
England  cum  privilegio,  all  full  of  poperie  and  Armenianisme. 

The  king  fell  on  upon  his  authoritie  to  change  all  things 
y*  wer  not  de  fide  as  maters  of  discipline  and  government. 
Mr.  Alexr.  cleared  yl  albeit  they  wer  not  de  fide  as  articles 
of  the  creede  yet  they  wer  de  fide  as  credenda  being  warranted 
by  the  word  of  God,  and  as  in  fundamentall  poynts  ignorantia 
in  supeyfi'undamenta  error  in  circafundamenta,  obstinacia  against 
the  light  of  the  word  is  a  great  sinne,2  and  as  my  Lord 
Rothes  instanced  the  denyall  of  David's  cutting  of  Goliaths 
head  and  we  shew  y*  by  the  booke  of  discipline  and  acts  of 
assemblie  the  government  of  this  kirk  by  pastors,  doctors,  elders, 
and  deacons  was  grounded  on  Gods  word  and  unchangable. 

After  that  we  wer  removed  a  whyle  the  King's  Ma/  gave  us 
this  generall  answere  : 


1  See  note,  p.  28  (Hamilton  Library). 

2  This  seems  to  have  been  a  favourite  subject  with  Henderson.  He  discussed 
it  in  answering  Dr.  Balcanqual  at  the  Glasgow  Assembly.  See  Peterkin's  Records, 
142  :  'I  thought  the  moderator  took  too  much  libertie  to  discourse  (of  that  he 
professed  had  been  his  late  studie)  of  poynts  fundamentall  and  preter-funda- 
mentall.'     Baillie  I.  140.     See  also  Large  Declaration,  274. 


80  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [june 

'  That  wheras  his  Ma/  the  11  of  June  received  a  short  paper 
of  the  generall  grounds  and  limites  of  ther  humble  desyres  his 
Ma/  is  graciously  pleased  to  make  this  answere : 

'  That  if  their  desyres  be  only  the  enjoying  of  their  religion 
and  libertie  according  to  the  ecclesiasticall  and  civile  lawes  of 
his  Ma/  kingdome  of  Scotland,  his  M/  doth  not  only  agree  to 
the  same,  but  shall  alwayes  protect  them  to  the  outermost  of 
his  power.  And  if  they  shall  not  insist  upon  anything  but 
that  wch  is  so  warranted,  his  Ma/  will  most  willingly  and  readily 
condescend  therunto,  So  that  in  the  meane  tyme  they  pay  unto 
him  that  civile  and  temporall  obedience  which  can  be  justly 
requyred  and  expected  of  loyall  subjects. 

'  At  his  Ma/  Camp,  the  13  of  June  1639: 

The  king  delayed  his  particular  answers  unto  the  particulars 
of  our  petition  till  Saturday. 

He  proponed  three  querees  unto  us  and  craved  our  present 
answer  and  therafter  ane  answere  in  wryte  against  Saturday. 
The  first  of  the  querees  whether  we  acknowledge  the  Kings 
Matie  to  have  the  sole  indiction  of  the  Assemblies,  we  answered 
y*  he  had  the  indiction  cumulative  sed  non  privative,  and 
answered  the  objections  from  the  Act  of  Pari :  1612  according 
as  it  is  in  our  printed  reasons  for  a  generall  assemblie. 

The  second  queeree  was  whether  he  had  a  negative  voyce  at 
assemblie,  and  we  having  cleared  yt  he  had  not,  yea  not  so 
much  as  ane  affirmative  for  40  assemblies,  he  urged  the  voyce 
of  his  assessors,  wch  we  answered  as  in  the  protestation 
decemb.  18.1 

The  third  queree  was  whether  he  had  the  power  of  raising 
the  assemblie,  wch  we  answered  as  in  the  sd  protestation. 

Upon  Friday  the  14  of  June  we  drew  up  an  answer  in  write 
to  the  said  querees,  to  be  presented  to  the  King  the  day 
following. 

Answer  to  the  Querees 

The  querees  proponed  by  his  M/  ar  first  whether  his  M/ 
hath  the  sole  indiction  of  the  Generall  Assemblie,  Secondly, 


1  Protestation  and  Large  Declaration,  386-7. 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONT,S  DIARY  81 

whether  his  M/  hes  a  negative  voyce  in  assemblies,  The  third, 
whether  the  assembly  may  sitt  after  his  M/  by  his  authority 
hes  discharged  them  to  sitt. 

To  all  which  we  answer  first  that  it  is  proper  for  the  generall 
assemblie  itself  to  determine  questions  of  this  kynd,  and  it 
wer  usurpation  in  us,  which  might  bring  upon  us  the  just 
censure  of  the  general]  assemblie,  to  give  out  a  determina- 
tion. 

2.  The  answering  of  one  of  those  thrie  demands  is  the 
answering  of  all,  for  if  the  sole  indiction  belong  to  his  M/ 
there  neideth  no  question  about  the  negative  voyce  and  dis- 
solving of  assemblies,  next  if  his  M/  hatli  a  negative  voyce 
there  neideth  no  question  anent  the  indiction  and  dissolving, 
and  if  his  M/  may  discharge  the  assembly  their  neids  no 
question  anent  the  other  two. 

For  our  parts  we  humbly  acknowledg  that  the  Kings  Ma/ 
hath  power  to  indict  the  assemblies  of  the  Kirk,  and  when  in 
his  wisdome  he  thinks  convenient  he  may  use  his  authoritie  in 
conveining  assemblies  of  all  sorts  whether  generall  or  particular. 
We  acknowledg  also  that  the  solemne  and  publick  indiction  by 
way  of  proclamation  and  compulsion  belongeth  properly  to  the 
Magistrate  and  can  neither  be  given  to  the  Pope  nor  to  any 
forraigne  power,  nor  can  it  without  usurpa°n  be  claimed  by 
any  of  his  Ma/  subjects.  Bot  we  will  never  think  that  his 
M/  meanes  that  in  the  case  of  extreme  or  urgent  necessitie  the 
Kirk  may  not  by  her  self  conveine  continue  and  give  out  her 
owne  constitu°ns  for  the  preservation  of  religion. 

1.  Because  God  hath  given  power  to  the  Kirk  to  conveine, 
The  Sonne  of  God  hath  promised  his  assistance  to  them  being 
conveined,  and  the  Christian  Kirk  hath  in  all  ages  used  this  as 
the  ordinarie  and  necessarie  meane  for  uniforme  establishing 
of  religion  and  pietie,  and  for  removing  the  evils  of  heresie, 
scandals  and  others  of  that  kynd  which  must  be,  and  wold 
bring  the  Kirk  to  be  no  more,  if  by  this  powerful  remedie  they 
wer  not  cured  and  prevented. 

2.  According  to  this  divyne  right  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  hath 
keiped  her  generall  assemblies  with  a  blessing  from  heaven, 
for  while  our  assemblies  continued  in  strength  in  the  doctrine, 
the  worship  and  discipline,  the  unitie  and  peace  of  the  Kirk 


82  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONT,S  DIARY      [june 

continued  in  vigour,  pietie  and  learning  wer  advanced    and 
profanity  and  idlenes  censured. 

3.  The  Kirk  of  Scotland  hath  declared  that  all  ecclesiasticall 
assemblies  have  power  to  conveine  lawfully  together  for  treating 
of  things  concerning  the  Kirk  and  pertaining  to  their  charge 
and  to  appoint  tymes  and  places  to  that  effect. 

4.  The  libertie  of  this  Kirk  for  holding  assemblies  is  also 
acknowledged  by  parliament  and  ratified  by  Acts  therof, 
wch  is  manifest  by  the  Act  of  Pari,  holden  in  anno  1592 
and  y*  upon  the  ground  of  perpetuall  reason. 

5.  Because  there  is  no  ground  either  by  Act  of  Assemblie 
or  parliament,  or  any  preceiding  practise,  whether  in  the 
Christian  Kirk  of  old  or  in  our  Kirk  since  the  reformation, 
wherby  the  Kings  Ma/  may  dissolve  the  generall  assemblie,  or 
assume  unto  himself  a  negative  voyce ;  bot  upon  the  contrarie 
his  M/  prerogative  is  declared  by  act  of  parliament  to  be  no 
wayes  prejudiciall  to  the  priviledges  and  liberties  which  God 
hath  granted  to  the  spirituall  office  bearers  of  his  Kirk  which 
ar  most  frequently  ratified  in  parliament  and  especiallie  in  the 
parliament  last  holden  by  his  Matie. 

6.  By  this  meane  the  whole  frame  of  religion  and  Kirk 
jurisdiction  shall  depend  absolutely  upon  the  pleasure  of  the 
Prince,  wheras  his  Ma/  hath  declared  by  publick  proclamation 
in  England  that  the  jurisdiction  of  Kirk  men  in  their  mei tings 
and  courts  holden  by  them  doe  not  flow  from  his  Ma/ 
authoritie  notwithstanding  any  act  of  parliament  wch  hath 
beene  made  to  the  contrarie,  bot  from  themselves  and  their 
owne  power,  and  y*  they  hold  ther  courts  and  meltings  in 
their  owne  name. 

Upon  Saturday  the  15  of  June  we  went  over  againe  and 
received  from  the  Kings  Matie  as  the  particular  answer  of  our 
desyres  the  answere  following  : 

'We  having  considered  the  papers  and  humble  petitions 
presented  to  us  by  those  of  our  subjects  of  Scotland  who  wer 
admitted  to  attend  our  pleasure  in  the  camp,  and  after  a  full 
hearing  by  our  self  of  all  that  they  could  say  or  alleadge 
therupon,  having  comunicated  the  same  to  our  Councell 
of   both   Kingdomes,   upon    mature   deliberation   with    their 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  83 

unanimous  advyce,  we  have  thoght  fltt  to  give  this  just  and 
gracious  answere  : 

'  That  thogh  we  cannot  condescend  to  ratifie  and  approve  the 
acts  of  the  pretended  generall  assembly  at  Glasgow,  for  the 
reasons  contained  in  our  severall  proclamations,  and  for  many 
other  grave  and  weightie  considerations  which  have  hapened 
both  befor  and  since,  much  importing  the  honour  and  securitie 
of  that  true  monarchicall  governement  lineally  descended  upon 
us  from  so  many  of  our  ancestors,  yet  such  is  our  gracious 
pleasure  that  notwithstanding  the  many  disorders  comitted  of 
late,  We  are  pleased  not  only  to  confirme  and  approve  our 
comissioners  declaration  given  under  his  hand,  and  by  our 
command,  in  the  pretended  generall  assemblie  at  Glasgow  anent 
the  way  taking  of  the  service  booke,  booke  of  Canons,  high 
Comission,  and  dispensing  with  the  five  articles  of  Perth, 
and  y*  no  other  oath  be  administred  to  ministers  at  their 
admission  then  that  which  is  prescribed  by  Act  of  Parliament, 
and  that  all  and  everie  one  of  the  present  Bishops  and  their 
successors  may  be  answerable  and  accordingly  from  tyme  to 
tyme  censurable  according  to  their  merits  by  the  generall 
assemblie,  bot  also  are  further  graciously  pleased  to  declare 
and  assure  that  according  to  the  petitioners  humble  desyres 
all  maters  ecclesiasticall  shall  be  determined  by  the  Assemblies 
of  the  Kirk  and  maters  civile  by  the  Parliament  and  other 
inferior  judicatories  established  by  law  which  accordingly  shalbe 
keept  once  a  yeare  or  so  oft  as  the  affaires  of  the  Kirk  and 
Kingdome  shall  requyre.  And  for  settling  the  present  dis- 
tractions of  that  our  ancient  Kingdome  our  will  and  pleasure 
is  that  a  free  generall  assemblie  be  keept  at  Edr  the  day  of 
next  ensuing  wher  we  intend  God  willing  to  be 
personally  present,  and  for  the  legall  indiction  wherof  we  have 
given  order  and  command  to  our  Councell,  and  therafter  a 
pari,   to  be  holden  at  Edr  the  day  of  next 

ensuing  for  ratifying  of  what  shalbe  concluded  in  the  said 
assemblie,  and  settling  such  other  things  as  may  conduce  to 
the  peace  and  good  of  our  native  Kingdome  and  therin  ane 
act  of  pardon  and  oblivion  to  be  passed. 

*  And  wheras  we  are  further  humbly  desyred  that  our  ships 
and  forces  by  land  be  recalled  and  all  persons,  goods  and  ships 


84  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [june 

restored  and  they  made  safe  from  invasion,  we  are  graciously 
pleased  to  declare  That  upon  their  disarming  and  disbanding  of 
their  forces,  dissolving  and  discharging  all  their  pretended 
Tables  and  Conventicles  and  restoring  unto  us  all  our  Castles, 
forts  and  amunitions  of  all  sorts  as  lykewyse  our  royall  honours, 
and  to  everie  one  of  our  good  subjects  their  libertie,  lands,  houses, 
goods  and  meanes  whatsoever  taken  and  detained  from  them 
since  the  late  pretended  generall  assemblie,  we  will  presently 
therafter  recall  our  fleet,  and  retire  our  land  forces,  and  cause 
restitution  to  be  made  to  all  persons  of  their  ships,  goods, 
detained  and  arrested  since  the  forsd  tyme,  wherby  it  may 
appeare  y1  our  intention  in  taking  up  of  armes  was  no 
wayes  for  invading  of  our  native  Kingdome  or  to  innovate 
the  religion  and  lawes  bot  meerly  for  the  maintaining  and 
vindicating  of  our  royall  authoritie. 

'  And  since  that  heerby  it  doth  clearly  appeare  that  we  neither 
have  nor  doe  intend  any  alteration  in  religion  or  lawes  bot 
that  both  shalbe  maintained  by  us  in  their  full  integritie,  we 
expect  the  performance  of  that  humble  and  duetifull  obedience 
wch  becometh  loyall  and  duetifull  subjects  and  as  in  their 
severall  petitions  they  have  often  professed. 

i  And  as  we  have  just  reason  to  beleive  that  to  our  peacable 
and  well  affected  subjects  this  wilbe  satisfactorie,  So  we  take 
God  and  the  World  to  witnesse  that  whatsoever  calamities 
shall  ensue  by  our  necessitated  suppressing  the  insolencies  of 
such  as  shall  still  continue  in  their  disobedient  courses,  it  is 
not  occasioned  by  us  bot  by  their  own  procurement.-' 

The  king  prefaced  this  answer  with  a  declaration  that  was 
done  with  the  unanimous  advyce  of  both  Councels,  and  albeit 
he  might  cleare  some  expressions  he  could  change  nothing  of 
the  mater. 

After  we  had  privatly  advysed,  we  objected  against  the 
narrative  and  against  the  conclusion  whilk  after  long  dispute 
the  king  would  not  change. 

I  urged  that  the  kings  declaring  y*  he  could  not  approve 
the  acts  of  the  pretended  generall  assemblie  at  Glasgow  for 
the  reasons  contained  in  his  severall  proclamations  was  a  direct 
prelimitating  of  the  subsequent  assemblie,  and  a  declaring  y4. 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTOiVS  DIARY  85 

if  the  subsequent  assemblie  wer  constitute  of  elders,  as  the 
former  was,  and  made  the  same  Acts  againe  which  wer  made 
in  the  former  yt  then  his  Ma/  would  either  raise  it  or  not 
ratifie  it  because  these  wer  the  reasons  of  his  former  proclama- 
tions. The  king  answered  that  the  devill  himself  could  not 
make  a  more  uncharitable  construction  or  give  a  more  bitter 
expression. 

When  I  urged  yfc  the  oath  of  ministers  according  to  the 
Act  of  Parliament  contained  canonicall  obedience  to  Bishops, 
and  so  did  declare  the  kings  judgment  and  prelimite  the 
assemblie,  the  king  commanded  me  silence,  and  said  he  would 
speake  to  more  reasonable  men  ;  when  yet  I  continued  shewing 
his  Ma/  yt  I  was  sent  for  to  speake,  and  urging  y*  clause  anent 
the  present  Bishops  and  their  successors  censurable  in  their 
persons  as  presupponing  the  nullitie  of  our  former  excomunica- 
tion  and  the  perpetuitie  of  their  office  he  comanded  me  againe 
silence,  and  said  y*  still  when  I  spake  I  opened  my  mouth. 

And  the  king  urged  us  to  take  this  proclama°n  to  the 
Camp  and  read  it  their ;  we  assured  him  it  wold  not  be 
acceptable  except  his  Ma/  declared  y*  he  would  quyte  Bishops, 
and  finding;  him  a  litle  in  a  good  moode  we  fell  all  downe  on 
our  knees  and  craved  the  same  most  earnestly  that  the  morrow 
being  a  Sabboth  day  might  be  a  day  of  thanksgiving  for  we 
assured  him  y*  as  long  as  he  keiped  them  up  against  our 
confession  of  faith  and  acts  of  Assemblie  he  wold  never  winne  the 
hearts,  nor  keepe  peace  in  this  kingdome,  bot  if  he  would  quyte 
them  he  would  have  the  most  obedient  subjects  in  the  world  ; 
and  when  we  demanded  what  good  newes  he  reported  to  the 
rest  of  our  numbers  he  smiled  and  bade  us  assure  them  ther 
was  good  hopes  of  accomodation  and  that  he  did  not  deny 
q*  we  craved  bot  only  delayed  till  Munday. 

When  we  rose,  he  gave  to  everie  one  of  us  a  kisse  of  his 
hand  bidding  me  walk  more  circumspectly  in  tyme  comming.1 

Upon  his  saying  he  would  send  some  to  the  Camp  to  see  his 
declaration  redd  I  went  away  and  advertised  them  therof,  who 
wer  no  wayes  well  pleased  with  his  declara°n. 


1  'The  King  was  much  delighted  with  Henderson's  discourse,  but  not  so 
much  with  Johnston's.  .  .  .  He  likewise  was  the  more  enamoured  with  us, 
especialie  with  Henderson  and  Lowdoun.' — Baillie  i.  217. 


86  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [JUNE 

Upon  Sunday  the  16  of  June  at  sermon  both  thanksgiving 
was  made  for  the  beginning  and  appearance  of  peace  and  prayer 
sent  up  to  God  for  perfecting  yrof,  and  for  moving  further  of 
the  king's  heart. 

After  sermon  we  drew  up  ane  draught  of  the  declara°n  as 
would  satisfie  us  wanting  those  things  which  did  offend  us. 

'  We  having  considered  the  papers  and  humble  petitions  pre- 
sented unto  us  by  those  of  our  subjects  of  Scotland,  who  wer 
admitted  to  attend  our  pleasure  in  the  Camp ;  and  after  a  full 
hearing  by  our  self  of  what  was  offered  to  our  royall  considera- 
tion by  them,  having  communicated  the  same  to  our  Councell 
of  both  kingdomes,  upon  mature  deliberation  with  their 
unanimous  advyce,  we  have  thoght  fitt  to  give  this  just  and 
gracious  answere  : 

'  That  it  is  our  gracious  pleasure  to  declare  and  assure 
That  according  to  the  petitioners  humble  desyres  all  maters 
ecclesiasticall  shalbe  determined  by  the  generall  assemblie  and 
other  inferiour  assemblies  of  the  kirk,  which  generall  assemblie 
shall  be  keiped  once  a  yeare  and  oftner  as  the  affaires  of  the 
kirk  shall  requyre  and  maters  civile  by  the  parliament  and 
other  inferiour  judicatories  established  by  law,  And  the  parlia- 
ment to  be  called  once  in  three  yeares  or  oftner  as  the  affaires 
of  the  kingdome  shall  require. 

1  And  for  setling  the  present  distractions  of  that  our  ancient 
kingdome  our  will  and  pleasure  is  that  a  generall  assemblie  be 
indicted  and  keiped  at  Edr,  the       day  of  next  ensuing, 

wher  we  intend  God  willing  to  be  personally  present,  which 
according  to  the  order  of  that  kirk  shall  be  lawfullie  constitute 
of  ministers  and  elders  having  comission  from  ther  severall 
presbiteries  and  burrowes  and  shall  be  free  both  in  the  maters 
to  be  treated  as  doctrine,  worship,  sacraments,  government  and 
jurisdiction  of  the  kirk,  the  places  and  power  of  kirkmen  and 
all  other  maters  proper  for  a  generall  assemblie,  as  lykewyse  in 
the  maner  of  proceiding  and  in  the  tyme  and  dayes  of  ther 
sitting  till  maters  be  broght  to  a  conclusion.  And  for  the 
tymous  indiction  of  the  said  intended  assemblie,  we  have  given 
order  and  command  to  our  Councell  as  also  it  is  our  will  and 
pleasure  that  therafter  a  parliament  be  h olden  at  Edr  the 
day  of  next  ensuing  for  ratifying  of  q*  shall  be 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTO.VS  DIARY  87 

concluded  in  the  said  assemblie  and  setling  such  other  things  as 
may  conduce  to  the  peace  and  good  of  our  native  kingdome, 
and  therin  ane  act  of  oblivion  to  be  passed. 

'  And  since  that  therby  it  doth  clearly  appeare  that  we  neither 
have  nor  doe  intend  any  alteration  in  religion  or  lawes  bot  that 
both  shall  be  mantained  by  us  in  ther  full  integritie,  we  expect 
the  performance  of  that  humble  and  duetifull  obedience  wch 
becommeth  loyall  and  duetifull  subjects  and  as  in  their  severall 
petitions  they  have  often  professed.' 

Upon  the  Munday  IT  of  June  having  returned  to  the  Camp 
we  shew  his  M/  that  they  wer  no  wayes  satisfied  with  it 
except  his  Matie  declared  that  he  should  be  content  to  quyte 
Bishops  if  the  subsequent  assemblie  did  condemne  them  againe, 
and  y*  he  expressed  in  his  declaration  the  fredome  of  the 
assemblie  in  the  constitution  or  members  yrof,  in  the  maters 
and  maner  of  proceiding  and  therupon  gave  him  the  forsaid 
draught  wcb  the  king  would  not  use  bot  adhere  to  his  owne 
draught,  and  told  y*  as  for  episcopacie  he  wold  not  prelimite 
his  voyce,  bade  us  propone  our  objections.  We  insisted  long 
as  befor  against  the  two  clauses  of  the  narrative  and  conclusion 
wch  all  the  fornoone  he  refused  to  change. 

When  we  insisted  upon  the  expressing  the  friedome  of  the 
assemblie,  and  of  his  consenting  to  whatsoever  they  should 
determine,  he  wrote  downe  thir  two  lynes  (we  shall  give  way  to 
the  determinations  of  the  generall  Assemblie  wch  we  shall  find 
agreeable  to  the  lawes  of  Kirk  and  State).  This  we  refused  as 
importing  both  his  negative  voyce  and  y*  the  assemblie  might 
not  meddle  with  episcopacie  or  any  other  thing  the  king 
alleadged  was  established  by  law. 

This  fornoone  at  two  severall  tymes  qn  I  begouth  to  speake 
the  king  absolutely  commanded  me  silence. 

When  we  urged  y*  the  clause  anent  yearly  generall  assem- 
blies or  so  often  as  the  affaires  of  the  kirk  required  may  be 
changed  that  absolutely  we  should  have  yearly  generall  assem- 
blies and  oftener  as  the  affaires  required,  The  king  went  to  a 
privat  avisandum  with  both  the  Scots  and  English  Councell 
wher  through  the  tent  we  heard  the  Marqueis  of  Hamiltoun 
atfirme  y*  if  he  consented  to    yearly   generall    assemblies   he 


88  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [june 

might  quyte  his  three  crounes  for  they  wold  trample  over 
them  all,  and  if  he  would  follow  his  way  he  should  free  the 
assemblie  of  ruling  elders,  and  if  the  assemblie  wer  constitute 
onlie  of  ministers  he  would  paune  his  lyfe,  honor  and  estate  to 
gett  his  Bishops  therin  established  and  any  other  thing  he 
wold  desyre.  AVe  heard  the  Lord  Chamerlaine  say  that  this 
was  the  true  state  of  the  question,  whether  the  two  kingdomes 
should  presently  yock  and  by  their  yocking  the  king  hasard  the 
losse  of  both. 

When  we  wer  called  in  the  clause  was  conceived  y*  we  should 
have  yearly  generall  assemblies  and  oftner,  the  affaires  of  the 
kirk  and  kingdome  so  requiring,  wherof  when  some  of  us  had 
conceived  the  sophistrie  and  demanded  if  the  last  words  was 
relative  to  both  termes  of  yearly  assemblies  and  of  oftner,  and 
so  whether  we  should  want  yearly  assemblies  if  the  king  judged 
the  affaires  of  the  kirk  not  to  require,  The  king  shew  then  y*  he 
would  not  grant  it  bot  putt  it  over  to  the  generall  assemblie. 

After  dinner  we  renewed  our  objections  against  the  two 
clauses  qlk  wer  remitted  till  we  had  ended  the  articles  of 
pacification  qlk  imediately  one  after  one  wer  condescended 
upon  having  reasoned  y*  our  meitings  wer  warrantable  accord- 
ing to  King  James1  maxime,  pro  arisjbcis  et  patre  patrice. 

The  King  having  gotten  his  will  in  all  the  articles  at  the 
last  he  condescended  to  hold  out  those  words,  '  for  the  reasons 
contained  in  his  former  proclamations,'  and  instead  of  express- 
ing his  whole  declaration  given  in  to  the  assemblie  to  continue 
In  generall  '  what  his  Comissioner  had  promised  in  his  name.1 

And  albeit  he  had  once  condescended  to  hold  out  the  con- 
clusion, yet  fra  once  the  Scots  Councellors  came  in  he  would 
no  wayes  condescend,  bot  as  for  the  legall  indiction  of  the 
assemblie,  after  he  was  told  yt  if  Bishops  wer  warned  it  wold 
be  protested  against  he  remitted  it  to  the  Councell,  qrupon 
the  Marqueis  of  Hamiltoun  and  my  Lord  Treasurer  declared 
y'  they  would  call  in  generall  termes  all  parties  necessarie. 

Upon  Tuesday  the  18  of  June  in  the  morning  amongst  our- 
selves when  we  wer  advysing  anent  the  declara°n  and  articles  of 
pacifica°n  we  resolved  upon  an  act  amongst  ourselves  to  declare 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  89 

our  not  passing  from  the  assemblie  wch  the  king  professed  he 
desyred  not  of  us,  even  as  he  desyred  us  not  to  urge  him  to 
ratifie  it,  and  wlk  we  required  our  Comissioners  to  intimate  to 
the  king. 

Information  against  all  mistaking  qfJiis  Maj  declaration. 

Lest  his  Ma/  declaration  of  the  date  15  June  containing 
an  answer  to  our  humble  desyres  presented  by  our  Comissioners 
should  be  eather  mistaken  by  the  well  affected  or  willfully  mis- 
construed by  the  malicious,  qrby  his  Ma/  justice  and  good- 
nes  may  be  concealed,  or  his  Ma/  good  subjects  may  appeare  to 
have  done  or  admitted  any  poynt  contrarie  to  their  solemne 
oath  and  covenant  The  Generall,  Noblemen,  Barrons,  Bur- 
gesses, ministers  and  officers  conveined  at  Dunse  before  the 
dissolving  of  the  armie  have  thoght  necessarie  to  putt  in  wryte 
q1  was  related  to  them  by  their  Commissioners  from  his  Ma/, 
to  witt  that  as  his  Ma/  declared  that  he  could  not  acknowledg 
nor  approve  the  late  generall  assemblie  holden  at  Glasgow,  for 
which  cause  it  is  called  in  his  Ma/  declaration  a  pretended 
assemblie,  So  was  it  not  his  Ma/  mynd  yt  any  of  the  peti- 
tioners by  their  acceptance  of  the  said  declaration  should  be 
thoght  to  disapprove  or  part  from  the  same  or  condemne  their 
owne  proceidings  as  disorders  and  disobedient  courses,  and 
therfor  as  they  doe  intreat  all  his  Ma/  good  subjects  with 
most  submissive  and  heartie  thanksgiving  to  acknowledg  and 
confesse  his  Ma/  favour  in  indicting  a  frie  assembly  to  be 
keiped  August  6  and  a  parliament  August  20  for  ratifying  of 
what  shall  be  concluded  in  the  assemblie,  as  the  proper  and 
most  powerfull  meanes  to  setle  this  kirk  and  kingdome,  so 
wold  they  have  all  his  Ma/  subjects  to  know  that  by  accepting 
the  said  declaration  and  articles  of  pacification  joyned  ther- 
with,  they  doe  not  in  any  sort  or  degree  disclaime  or  disavow 
the  said  assemblie  Bot  that  they  still  stand  obleiged  to  adhere 
yrunto,  and  to  obey  and  mantaine  the  same,  and  for  pre- 
venting all  mistaking  and  misconstruction  that  so  much  be 
made  knowne  to  all  persons  and  in  all  places  wher  his  Ma/ 
declaration  shalbe  published,  which  as  it  is  his  Ma/  owne  mynd 
expressed  diverse  tymes  to  our  Comissioners,  so  are  we  assured 
that  it  will  serve  much  for  his  Ma/  honour,  for  the  satisfaction 


90  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTONT,S  DIARY      [june 

of  the  godly,  and  for  the  promoting  of  this  blessed  pacification, 
for  which  all  of  us  ought  earnestly  to  pray  to  God,  to  remember 
also  our  late  oath  and  covenant,  and  to  walk  worthie  of  it,  and  to 
beseich  the  Lord  that,  by  the  approaching  assemblie  and  parlia- 
ment, religion  and  righteousnes  may  be  established  in  the  land. 

Afternoone  we  went  to  the  king  in  his  owne  tent  wher  the 
king  superscryved  the  declaration,  made  his  secretaries  and  our 
Comissionars  to  subscryve  the  articles  of  pacification,  and  made 
our  Commissioners  subscryve  two  lynes  following : 

'  We  having  considered  the  papers  and  humble  petitions  pre- 
sented to  us  by  those  of  our  subjects  of  Scotland  who  wer 
admitted  to  attend  our  pleasure  in  the  Camp,  and  after  a  full 
hearing  by  our  self  of  all  that  they  could  say  or  alleadg  yr- 
upon,  having  communicated  the  same  to  our  Councell  of  both 
kingdomes,  upon  mature  deliberation  with  their  unanimous 
advyce,  we  have  thoght  fitt  to  give  this  just  and  gracious 
answere  : 

'  That  thogh  we  cannot  condescend  to  ratifie  and  approve 
the  acts  of  the  pretended  generall  assembly  at  Glasgow,  for 
many  grave  and  weightie  considerations  which  have  hapned 
both  befor  and  since,  much  importing  the  honour  and  securitie 
of  that  true  monarchicall  governement  lineallie  descended  upon 
us  from  so  many  of  our  ancestors,  yet  such  is  our  gracious 
pleasure  that  notwithstanding  the  many  disorders  committed  of 
late,  We  are  pleased  not  only  to  confirme  and  make  good  q^o- 
ever  our  Commissioner  hath  granted  or  promised  in  our  name, 
bot  also  ar  further  graciously  pleased  to  declare  and  assure 
that  according  to  the  petitioners  humble  desyres  all  maters 
ecclesiasticall  shall  be  determined  by  the  assemblies  of  the 
kirk  and  maters  civile  by  the  parliament  and  other  inferiour 
judicatories  established  by  law  which  assembly  accordingly 
shall  be  keipt  once  a  yeare  or  as  shall  be  agreed  upon  at  the 
generall  assemblie. 

'  And  for  setling  the  present  distractions  of  that  our  ancient 
kingdome  our  will  and  pleasure  is  that  a  frie  generall  assemblie 
be  keipt  at  Edr  the  sixth  day  of  August  next  ensuing  wher 
we  intend  (God  willing)  to  be  personally  present,  and  for  the 
legall  indiction  wherof  we  have  given  order  and  command  to 


1639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  91 

our  Councell,  and  therafter  a  parliament  to  be  holden  at  Edr 
the  twentieth  day  of  August  next  ensuing  for  ratifying  of 
q*  shall  be  concluded  in  the  said  assembly,  and  setling  such 
other  things  as  may  conduce  to  the  peace  and  good  of  our 
native  kingdome,  and  therin  an  act  of  oblivion  to  be 
passed. 

'And  wheras  we  are  further  humbly  desyred  that  our  ships 
and  forces  by  land  be  recalled  and  all  persons,  goods  and  ships 
restored,  and  they  made  safe  from  invasion,  we  are  graciously 
pleased  to  declare  that  upon  their  disarming  and  disbanding 
of  their  forces,  dissolving  and  discharging  all  their  pretended 
Tables  and  Conventicles  and  restoring  unto  us  all  our  Castles, 
forts  and  amunitions  of  all  sorts  as  lykwise  our  rovall 
honours,  and  to  everie  one  of  our  good  subjects  their  liber  tie, 
lands,  houses,  goods  and  meanes  q^oever  taken  and  detained 
from  them  since  the  late  pretended  assemblie,  we  will  presently 
therafter  recall  our  fleet,  and  retire  our  land  forces,  and  cause 
restitution  to  be  made  to  all  persons  of  their  ships  and  goods 
detained  and  arrested  since  the  aforsaid  tyme,  wherby  it  may 
appeare  that  our  intention  in  taking  up  of  amies  was  no  waves 
for  invading;  of  our  native  Kingdome,  or  to  innovate  the 
religion  and  Lawes,  but  meerly  for  the  mantaining  and  vindi- 
cating of  our  rovall  authoritie. 

'  And  since  heirby  it  doth  clearly  appeare  that  we  neither 
have  nor  doe  intend  any  alteration  in  Religion  or  Lawes,  bot 
that  both  shall  be  mantained  by  us  in  their  full  integritie,  we 
expect  the  performance  of  that  humble  and  duetifull  obedience 
which  becommeth  Loyall  and  duetifull  subjects,  and  as  in  their 
severall  petitions  they  have  often  professed. 

'And  as  we  have  just  reason  to  beleive  that  to  our  peacable 
and  well  affected  subjects  this  will  be  satisfactorie,  So  we  take 
God  and  the  World  to  witnesse  that  whatsoever  calamities 
shall  ensue  by  our  necessitated  suppressing  the  insolencies  of 
such  as  shall  still  continue  in  their  disobedient  courses,  it  is 
not  occasioned  by  us  bot  by  their  owne  procurement. 

'  1.  The  forces  of  Scotland  to  be  disbanded  and  dissolved 
within  fourtie  eight  houres  after  the  publication  of  his  Ma/ 
declaration  being  agreed  upon. 

'  2.  His  Ma    Castles,  forts  and  amunitions  of  all  sorts,  and 


92  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTOiYS  DIARY      [june 

royall  honour  to  be  delivered  after  the  said  publication,  so 
soone  as  his  Ma/  can  send  to  receive  them. 

'  3.  His  Ma/  ships  to  depart  presently  after  the  deliverie  of 
the  Castles  and  with  the  first  faire  wind  And  in  the  meane 
tyme  no  interruption  of  trade  or  fishing. 

'  4.  His  Ma/  is  graciouslie  pleased  to  cause  to  be  restored  all 
persons  goods  and  ships  detained  or  arrested  since  the  first  of 
februar  last  bypast. 

'  5.  Ther  shall  be  no  meitings,  treatings,  convocations  or 
consultations  of  our  Leiges,  Bot  such  as  ar  warrantable  by  Act 
of  Parliament. 

'  6.  All  fortifications  to  desist  and  no  further  working 
yron  and  they  to  be  remitted  to  his  Ma/  pleasure. 

'  7.  To  restore  to  everie  one  of  our  good  subjects  their 
libertie,  lands,  houses  goods  and  meanes  qtsoever  detained  from 
them  by  q^oever  meanes  since  the  aforsaid  tyme.'' 

This  day  also  the  king  refused  to  come  and  see  our  armie 
mustered  as  he  had  condescended  the  day  before. 

He  condescended  that  the  fortifications  of  Leith  should  be 
disponed  by  the  towne  of  Edr  at  their  pleasure,  and  to  write 
a  letter  to  the  said  towne  for  preparing  a  place  to  the 
assemblie. 

Upon  Wednesday  the  19  of  June  we  had  sundrie  disputs 
anent  our  making  or  not  making  our  declaration  q11  the  king 
published  his. 

We  wrote  letters  to  the  Erie  of  Montrose  as  the  king  did 
to  my  lord  of  Boyne  y*  we  advertising  them  how  all  maters 
wer  setled  in  peace  and  desyring  them  hbic  et  inde  to  abstaine 
from  violence  and  hostilitie. 

Lykwyse  we  wrote  to  the  Lord  Kirkcubright  to  loose  his 
Seio-e  on  the  Kings  Castle  of  Threve. 

Upon  Thursday  the  20  of  June  we  sent  to  the  King  the 
Erie  of  Rothes  and  Lord  Loudoun  to  remonstrate  against  the 
keiping  of  any  garizons  at  Barwick  or  fortifying  of  the  Castle 
of  Edr  whilk  breed  great  jealousie  in  the  mynds  of  the  people, 
as  also  to  shew  unto  the  English  lords  those  conditions  qlk 
had  past  in  word  betwixt  the  King  and  us  with  our  modest 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  93 

information  against  mistaking  and  to  give  an  coppie  of  both 
unto  sundrie  of  them  qlk  indeid  my  lord  Chamerlaine  and  my 
Lord  Holland  after  they  had  all  acknowledged  the  truth 
therof  and  professed  themselves  fully  cleared  of  the  calumnies 
spred  against  us  and  yfc  they  should  not  be  so  readie  to 
come  against  us  in  tyme  coming,  bot  craved  to  be  advertised 
from  our  selves  of  all  that  passed  heere. 

'  Some  heads  of  his  Ma/  treatie  with  his  subjects  in  Scotland 
befor  the  English  nobilitie  ar  sett  downe  heire  for  remem- 
brance. 

'  1.  For  the  preface  and  conclusion  of  his  Ma/  last  declara- 
tion althogh  it  contained  hard  expressions  of  the  subjects  in 
Scotland  yet  his  Ma/  declared  y*  he  had  no  such  opinion  of 
them  but  required  the  paper  to  stand  for  his  credite  and  for 
a  point  of  honour  with  forraigne  nations,  and  required  they 
should  not  stand  with  him  for  words  and  expressions  so  they 
obtained  the  mater. 

'  2.  For  calling  of  the  late  Assemblie  pretended  Seing  the 
subjects  of  Scotland  professed  they  wold  never  passe  from  the 
said  assemblie  and  decrees  therof,  His  M/  professed  he  did  not 
acknowledg  y*  assemblie  further  then  as  it  had  registrate  his 
declaration  so  wold  he  not  desire  the  subjects  to  passe  from 
the  samine. 

'3.  Concerning  the  constitution  of  the  Assemblie,  It  was 
showne  his  Ma/  that  none  could  be  members  of  the  assemblie 
bot  such  as  had  a  Comission,  viz.,  two  or  thrie  Ministers  from 
everie  presbiterie  with  a  ruling  elder,  one  from  each  burgh  and 
universitie  and  his  Ma/  Comissionar,  his  Ma/  contended  that 
his  assessors  had  vote,  and  upon  an  expression  in  his  Ma/ 
declaration  that  referred  to  some  reason  contained  in  former 
proclamations,  which  wer  totallie  against  the  lawfulnes  of 
ruling  elders,  It  was  desired  y*  according  to  the  custome  of 
this  Kirk  all  controversies  arysing  should  be  remitted  to  the 
assemblie  itself.  His  Ma/  had  some  expressions  craving  these 
to  be  remitted  to  himself,  Bot  being  told  y*  it  was  against  the 
constitutions  of  the  Kirk  to  have  any  other  judge  bot  the 
voyces  of  the  assemblie  wher  his  Ma/  or  his  Comissioner 
should  be  present  and  give  the  first  voyce,  It  was  concluded 


94  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [june 

that  the  word  fr'ic  assemblie  in  his  Ma/  declaration  did  import 
the  freedome  in  judging  all  questions  arysing  ther  concerning 
constitution,  members,  or  mater. 

'4.  Concerning  the  restitution  of  the  Castles,  as  the  subjects 
did  it  freelie,  so  did  they  expresse  y*  wch  might  concerne 
the  safetie  of  the  countrie,  they  referred  that  to  the  tyme 
of  the  parliament,  at  which  tyme  they  should  signifie  their 
desires  by  petition  to  his  Ma/.  As  also  they  told  it  had  cost 
much  charges  in  fortifying  and  keiping  therof,  the  repre- 
sentation qrof  to  his  Ma/  they  referred  to  that  tyme. 

*  5.  Concerning  the  restitution  of  persons,  houses  and  goods 
required  by  his  Ma/,  It  was  promised  provyding  the  great 
sowmes  contracted  for  the  publick  wer  repayed  in  an  equall  way 
by  all  which  behoved  to  be  done  either  by  commission  from 
his  Ma/  or  by  parliament ;  and  when  it  was  objected  that 
much  goods  wer  alreadie  spent,  the  King  answered  that  as  for 
goods  or  ammunition  that  was  spent  they  could  not  be  restored 
bot  those  that  ar  extant  must  be. 

'  6.  His  Ma/  not  allowing  of  the  late  assemblie  for  the 
reasons  contained  in  his  severall  proclamations  being  excepted 
against  as  a  declaration  of  his  Ma/ judgment  against  ruling 
elders  wch  prejudged  the  right  constitution  of  a  frie  assemblie, 
his  Ma/  after  full  hearing  deleted  yt  clause. 

'  7.  That  part  of  his  Ma/  declaration  which  beares  y*  no 
other  oath  be  exacted  of  Intrants  then  that  which  is  contained 
in  the  Act  of  Parliament,  as  also  y*  clause  bearing  that  the 
pretendit  Bishops,  etc.,  shalbe  censurable  be  the  generall 
assemblie,  being  excepted  against  as  presupponing  and  importing 
the  continuance  of  episcopacie  wch  we  could  not  acknowledg 
as  being  incompatible  with  the  confession  of  faith  and  con- 
stitution of  the  Kirk,  his  Ma;'  was  pleased  to  delete  both  those 
clauses. 

'  8.  And  it  being  with  all  instancie  and  humilitie  prest 
Saturday  June  15  That  his  Ma/  wold  satisfie  that  maine 
desire  of  the  subjects  by  declaring  that  his  Ma/  wold  quyte 
episcopacie,  did  answere  that  it  was  not  soght  in  our  desires, 
and  qn  it  was  replyed  that  our  first  desyre  to  have  the  acts 
of  the  Generall  Assemblie  ratified  imported  the  same,  His  Ma/ 
acknowledged  it  to  be  so  and  averred  that  he  did  not  refuse 


1 639]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  95 

it  bot  wold  advyse  till  Munday  the  17,  at  which  tyme  his 
Ma/  being  prest  to  give  some  signification  of  his  quyting 
Episcopacie,  and  it  being  plainly  showne  to  his  Ma/  that  if  he 
wold  labour  to  mantain  Episcopacie  it  wold  breid  a  miserable 
schisme  in  this  Kirk,  and  make  such  a  rupture  and  division  in 
this  Kingdome  as  wold  prove  uncurable  and  if  his  Ma  wold 
lett  the  Kirk  and  countriej  be  freed  of  them,  his  Ma/  wold  re- 
ceave  als  heartie  and  duetifull  obedience  as  ever  Prince  received 
of  a  people,  his  Ma/  answered  that  he  could  not  prelimite 
and  forstall  his  voyce  but  had  appointed  a  frie  assemblie 
which  might  judge  of  all  ecclesiasticall  maters,  the  constitu- 
tions qrof  he  promised  to  ratifie  in  the  ensuing  parliament.1 

The  same  morning  after  y*  the  armie  wer  dismissed  to  goe 
to  Dunglas  the  Erles  of  Mortoun  and  Kinnoule  came  to 
publish  the  King's  declaration. 

We  had  a  long  dispute  if  either  verbo  or  scripto  we  should 
testifie  our  accepting  therof  to  be  not  passing  from  the  assemblie, 
at  length  the  Erie  of  Cassils  was  appointed  who  after  the  Kings 
declara°n  was  redd  befor  Colonel  Munroes  regiment  declared  y* 
we  adhered  to  the  assemblie  and  offered  our  information  against 
mistakings  unto  the  herauld  in  testimonie  of  our  adherance 
therto,  wherunto  all  the  people  applauded  y*  they  did  adhere 
to  the  assemblie,  and  bade  hang  the  Bishops. 

This  night  we  came  to  Dunglas  and  heard  from  my  Lord 
Rothes  y*  generall  Rivan  was  to  be  made  Captaine  of  the 
Castle  of  Edr,  and  that  the  English  men  themselves  dealt  for 
to  have  a  garizon  in  Barwick  and  Carleel  wherat  sundrie  was 
offended,  because  they  had  been  informed  on  the  Tuesday 
befor  that  the  King  continued  all  his  intentions  for  the 
establishing  of  Bishops,  and  they  thoght  thir  wer  meanes  used 
for  yl  end. 

Upon  Friday  the  21  of  June  we  came  to  Edr  wher  we  found 
many  greived  with  our  proceidings. 

We  heard  from  the  North  how  the  Erie  of  Muntrose  having 
but  twelve  hundreth  men  at  Stonehyve  had  derouted  after  the 
shott  of  some  canon  my  Lord  Boine  and  Colonell  Gunne  and 
five  and  twentie  hundreth  men  with  them  who  wer  affrighted 


96  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY      [june 

by  a  barrell  of  powder  blowing  up  some  of  them  and  blind- 
folding others,  and  so  he  chased  them  back  to  Aberdeine. 

Upon  Saturday  the  22  of  June  afternoone  the  Castle  of  Edr 
was  redelivered  with  the  honours  and  the  Marqueis  of  Huntlie 
unto  the  Marqueis  of  Hamiltoun  and  to  Generall  Rivan,  after 
sundrie  shott  of  Canon  off  the  Castle  and  off  the  fleet. 

Upon  Munday  the  24  of  June  befornoone  after  the  Lyon 
had  redd  the  King's  declaration,  The  Lord  Lindsay  in  name 
of  the  Noblemen  Barons  Ministers  and  Burgesses,  qrof  many 
wer  upon  the  crosse  with  him  declared  that  our  acceptance 
therof  was  without  prej  udice  to  our  generall  assemblie  wherfra 
the  King  did  not  desyre  us  to  passe  and  qrunto  we  do  con- 
stantly adhere  according  to  our  oatlrand  offered  unto  the 
Lyon  a  coppie  of  our  informa°n  against  mistakings  in  token 
therof,  wherupon  Mr.  Harie  Rollock  tooke  Instruments  in  my 
hands.1 

This  day  we  heard  from  the  Erie  of  Muntrose  yl  he  had 
sundrie  skirmishes  at  the  Bridge  of  Die,  and  after  sundrie  wer 
killed  and  hurt  had  taken  the  same  and  gone  into  Aberdeine 
wher  his  receiving;  of  the  King's  Ires  and  of  ours  anent  the 
peace  made  him  stay  his  persute. 

This  day  it  was  ordained  that  conforme  to  this  ordnance,  as 
the  Erie  of  Cassils  in  the  Camp  the  Lord  Lindsay  on  the 
Crosse  of  Edr,  so  in  everie  burgh  after  the  King's  declaration 
is  proclaimed,  some  noblemen  or  gentlemen  in  name  of  all  the 
rest  should  give  heartie  thanks  to  his  Ma  for  his  favour,  bot 
withall  declare  by  word  that  this  baire  acceptance  of  this 
declaration  shall  no  wayes  be  prejudiciall  to  the  late  generall 
assemblie  holden  at  Glasgow,  qrfra  the   King's   Ma/  did  not 

1  To  ask  instruments  seems  a  more  correct  expression  than  to  take  instru- 
ments. '  Instruments '  are  the  formal  and  duly  authenticated  narrative  by  a 
Notary  Public  of  res  gestce  of  which  a  person  interested  desires  to  preserve  a 
record.  The  practice  of  taking  instruments  is  now  confined  for  the  most  part  to 
Church  Courts  in  Scotland,  as  in  the  case  where  a  member,  who  protests  against 
a  resolution  of  the  majority  of  the  Court,  wishes  to  preserve  evidence  of  his  pro- 
test by  obtaining  from  the  clerk  of  the  Court  an  authoritative  extract  of  the 
Court's  minute  embodying  it.  He  '  takes  instruments'  by  handing  to  the  clerk 
a  coin  (usually  a  shilling),  in  token  probably  of  his  readiness  to  pay  the  cost  of 
the  extract  of  the  minute  which  he  asks  the  Court  to  grant  him. 


1640]       JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY  97 

desire  us  to  passe,  and  qrunto  we  doe  constantly  adhere 
according  to  our  oath,  and  therupon  offer  the  coppie  of  the 
above  written  information  to  the  Herauld. 

Upon   Tuesday  the  25    of  June  we   sent  away  my  Lord 

Loudoun  with  some  instructions  to  the  King's  Matie  as  follows  : 

[Here  the  diary  of  1639  ends  abruptly.     What 

follows  seems  to  refer  to  the  next  year,  1640.] 

To  remember — the  Lord  Generall  his  Excellencie  came  out 
of  Edgr  towards  the  armie  upon  the  25  of  July  the  Leive- 
tennant  Generall  upon  the  30  of  July.  The  armie  was  lying  in 
Choulslie  wood  full  of  all  sort  of  vans  of  meitt,  drink,  money, 
horsemen,  baggage  horse,  canone  horse  etc. 

Upon  the  3  of  August  at  a  frequent  meitting  of  the  Comittie 
Nobilitie  Barrones  and  officers  of  the  armie  after  prayer  and 
reassoneing  our  voyage  to  England  was  unanimouslie  resolved, 
and  the  intentiones  of  the  army  redd  approvine  and  divulget 
and  some  sent  away  both  for  intelligence  and  spreading  of 
same.     The  tennor  of  the  lfe  followis : 

Upon  the  5  of  August  My  Lord  Balmerinoch  and  Lord 
Naper  was  sent  to  Lauthiane  to  hasten  up  the  "canone  horse 
and  that  night  was  the  busines  anent  the  Comission  of 
Perth 

Upon  the  6  of  August  Sir  Harie  Gib  came  to  Dunse. 

Upon  the  7  of  August  the  Erie  of  Rothes  Lord  Loudoun 
Jon  Smyth  and  Mr.  Ard  Jonstoun  was  sent  to  Edgr  for  to 
find  out  the  wayes  of  getting  of  money  and  provyding  of  tents 
to  the  souldears,  both  qlk  seemed  unpossible  for  the  tyme. 

Upon  the  8  they  mett  with  the  baillies  of  Edgr  and  sent 
the  elders  and  the  deacons  through  the  bruche,  who  on  that 
day  and  Monoday  following  gottine  thrie  thousand  pair  of 
scheits  to  the  souldears  tents. 

Upon  Sunday  9  of  August  thair  was  keiped  ane  solemne  fast 

G 


98  JOHNSTON  OF  WARISTON'S  DIARY       [aug. 

throw  the  haill  army  and  in  the  City  of  Edgr  qlk  did  con- 
tribute much  to  furder  the  money  and  tents. 

Upon  Monoday  the  10  of  August  all  the  neighbours  being 
6olemnely  conveined  in  the  parliat  house  of  Edgr,  after  prayer 
and  exhortatione  they  offere  willinglie  so  many  particular  sums 
as  amounted  to  ane  hundredth  thousand  punds.  This  is  Gods 
work  and  wonderfull  in  our  eyes  qlk  requires  remembrance, 
thankfulness,  and  dependence  on  God  in  new  difficulties. 

This  day  the  Erie  of  Argyle  returned  to  Edgr  and  the  Erie 
of  Rothes  to  the  Camp  wheron  the  haill  army  was  mustered 
and  sworne  to  the  military  Articles,  to  the  great  contentment 
of  the  generall  officeris. 


PAPERS  RELATIVE  TO  THE 
PRESERVATION  OF  THE 

HONOURS    OF   SCOTLAND 

IN  DUNNOTTAR  CASTLE 
1651-52 

Edited,  with  Introduction  and  Notes,  by 

CHARLES  R.  A.  HOWDEN,  M.A., 

F.S.A.  Scot.,  Advocate. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Ane  True  Accompt  of  the  Preservation  of  the  Honors,  112 

Letter  from  George  Ogilvie  of  Barras  to  the  Countess 

of  Marischal,  .  .  .  .  .118 

Letter  from  the  Countess  of  Marischal  to  Charles  the 

Second,  .  .  .  .  .  .121 

Letter  from  William  Ogilvie  to  his    father,   George 

Ogilvie  of  Barras,      .  .  .  .  .123 

Mr.  James  Grainger,  his  Declaration  anent  the  Honors,         125 

Barress  Alledgances  ansred  8  November  1660,    .  .         126 

Letter  from  the  Minister  of  Kinneff  to  the  Countess 

of  Marischal,  .  .  .  .  .131 

Signature  for  the  Patent  of  Knight  Marischal  to  John 

Keith,  ......  132 

Letter  from  Charles  ii.  to  the  Earl  of  Middleton,        .         134 

Memorial  for  the  Earl  of  Kintore,  .  .  .134 


INTRODUCTION 

For  permission  to  publish  the  following  papers,  the  Society  is 
indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  the  Earl  of  Kintore,  whose  pro- 
perty they  are.  They  deal  with  a  controversy  which  created 
some  stir  in  Scotland  in  the  year  1702.  In  that  year,  proceed- 
ings were  taken  before  the  Privy  Council  by  John  Keith,  first 
Earl  of  Kintore,  against  Sir  William  Ogilvie  of  Barras  and  his 
son,  in  respect  of  a  pamphlet  published  by  them  in  1701, 
entitled  '  A  True  Account  of  the  Preservation  of  the  Regalia  of 
'  Scotland,  viz.  Crown,  Sword,  and  Scepter,  From  falling  into  the 
'  Hands  of  the  English  Usurpers,  be  Sir  George  Ogilvie  of 
i  Barras,  Kt.  and  Barronet.'  This  pamphlet  was  published  as  a 
reply  to  the  account  of  the  preservation  of  the  Honours  given  in 
Nisbet's  Heraldry,  and  its  purpose  was  to  show  that  scant  justice 
had  been  done  to  Sir  George  Ogilvie,  and  that  the  chief  share 
of  credit  and  reward  had  been  given  to  the  Earl  of  Kintore 
and  his  mother,  the  Dowager  Countess  Marischal.  Ogilvie's 
pamphlet,  together  with  a  number  of  letters  relating  to  the 
siege  of  Dunnottar  in  1651-52,  and  the  Act  and  Decreet  of  the 
Privy  Council  in  1702,  was  published  by  the  Bannatyne  Club 
in  their  volume  of  Papers  relative  to  the  Regalia  of  Scotland, 
issued  in  1829.  The  compilers  of  that  volume,  however,  seem 
to  have  had  access  chiefly  to  papers  upon  Ogilvie's  side  of  the 
controversy.  The  papers  which  are  now  published  for  the  first 
time  present  the  case  rather  from  the  point  of  view  of  Lord 
Kintore,  and  serve  to  complete  the  information  available  con- 


102  THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND 

cerning  the  whole  controversy.  Some  of  them  were  produc- 
tions in  the  proceedings  before  the  Privy  Council,  and  were 
afterwards  by  authority  returned  to  Lord  Kintore.  The  con- 
troversy was  one  of  long  standing.  It  began  immediately  after 
the  Restoration.  One  of  these  papers,  entitled  '  Baress  alledg- 
ances  ansred,'  is  dated  8th  November  1660;  another,  entitled 
'  Ane  True  Accompt  of  the  Preservation  of  the  Honours,1  is 
undated,  but  is  evidently  a  direct  answer  to  Ogilvie's  pam- 
phlet, which,  as  already  mentioned,  was  published  in  1701. 
The  legal  proceedings  resulted  in  a  decreet  of  the  Privy 
Council,  which  ordered  the  fining  and  imprisonment  of  Ogilvie, 
and  the  burning  of  his  pamphlet  by  the  common  hangman. 

The  account  of  the  siege  of  Dunnottar  Castle  and  the  pre- 
servation of  the  Honours  has  been  told  before.  It  may  be 
well,  however,  in  order  to  explain  the  meaning  of  these  letters, 
to  give  again  an  outline  of  the  story,  more  especially  as  one  or 
two  details  which  bear  upon  the  Kintore-Ogilvie  controversy 
have  been  omitted  from  the  earlier  accounts. 

Charles  n.  was  crowned  at  Scone  on  the  1st  January  1651, 
and  the  Honours  of  Scotland,  the  crown,  sceptre,  and  sword, 
were  used  in  the  ceremony.  The  coronation  was  followed  by 
the  invasion  of  Scotland  by  Cromwell's  troops,  and  Charles, 
instead  of  meeting  Cromwell  here,  determined  on  his  expedition 
into  England,  which  ended  so  disastrously  at  Worcester.  It 
was  thought  necessary,  therefore,  to  take  measures  to  ensure 
the  safety,  during  the  King's  absence,  of  the  emblems  of 
Scottish  royalty.  Accordingly,  on  the  6th  of  June,  the  day 
Parliament  rose,  the  Honours  were  handed  over  by  Parliament 
to  the  Earl  Marischal,  whose  hereditary  privilege  it  was  to 
have  their  custody  during  the  sitting  of  Parliament.  He  was 
instructed  to  transport  them  to  Dunnottar,  '  thair  to  be  keepit 
by  him  till  farther  ordouris.'  In  obedience  to  these  instruc- 
tions, the  Earl  took  them  to  Dunnottar,  and  concealed  them 
there  in  a  secret  place.  The  command  of  the  castle  he 
intrusted  to    George   Ogilvie   of  Barras,  who  was  allowed  a 


INTRODUCTION  103 

garrison  of  forty  men  and  two  sergeants,  to  be  entertained  at 
the  public  charge.  This  seems  to  have  been  practically  the 
whole  garrison  at  Ogilvie's  command,  and  it  was  all  too  small 
to  provide  for  the  proper  defence  of  the  castle.  Several  times 
in  the  course  of  the  siege  which  followed,  Ogilvie  appealed  for 
more  men,  and  several  times  he  complained  that  nothing  was 
done  to  supply  him  with  money  or  provisions,  and  that  conse- 
quently the  whole  cost  of  the  maintenance  of  the  castle  fell 
upon  the  Earl  Marischal's  estate  and  upon  himself.  It  appears 
that  during  some  part  of  the  time  of  Ogilvie's  command,  John 
Keith,  the  youngest  brother  of  the  Earl  Marischal,  who  was 
then  quite  young,  was  with  him  in  the  castle.1 

On  the  28th  August,  the  Earl  Marischal  and  several  other 
noblemen,  members  of  the  Committee  of  Estates,  were 
surprised  by  a  party  of  English  horse  at  Alyth,  and  were 
taken  prisoners.  Finding  that  he  was  to  be  carried  to  London, 
the  Earl  contrived  to  send  a  messenger  to  his  mother,  the 
Dowager  Countess  Marischal,  bearing  to  her  the  key  of  the 
secret  place  in  which  the  Honours  lay  hid.  Immediately  on 
receipt  of  her  son's  message,  the  Countess  went  to  Dunnottar, 
'  and  had  not  stayed  tuo  hours ,  when  she  heard  of  the  near 
approach  of  the  English  troops.  She  took  the  Honours  from 
their  hiding-place  and  gave  them  to  Ogilvie,  strictly  charging 
him  to  do  his  utmost  to  secure  their  safety.  A  few  days  after- 
wards the  siege  of  the  castle  began,  and  soon  developed  into  a 
blockade. 

Twice  did  Ogilvie  receive  a  message  from  the  Committee  of 
Estates,  once,  before  the  siege  began,  from  Aberdeen,  and 
once,  in  September,  from  '  West  end  Lochtay,'  demanding  the 
Honours,  that  they  might  be  removed  to  a  place  of  greater 
safety  in  the  Highlands.  On  each  occasion  Ogilvie  conceived 
the  warrant  insufficient  to  free  him  from  his  trust,  and  refused 


1  See  Decreet  of  the  Privy  Council,  30th  July  1702,  printed  in  the  Bannatyne 
Club  volume,  1829. 


104  THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND 

to  give  them  up.  It  was  afterwards  maintained  by  Lord 
Kintore  that  Ogilvie  was  afraid  to  disobey  the  Committee,s 
orders,  and  that  it  was  only  upon  his  urgent  advice  and  per- 
suasion that  they  were  retained  in  Dunnottar.1 

In  November  Ogilvie  was  twice  summoned  to  surrender  the 
castle  upon  honourable  terms.  To  each  summons  he  returned 
a  spirited  refusal.  At  this  time  only  four  strongholds  outside 
the  Highlands — Dunnottar,  Dumbarton,  Brodick,  and  the 
Bass  Rock — held  out  for  King  Charles  against  the  army  of 
the  Commonwealth.2 

John  Keith  must  have  left  the  castle  about  the  end  of  the 
year.  He  was  probably  the  bearer  of  a  letter  which  Ogilvie 
wrote  to  the  King  on  the  20th  December,  suggesting  that  the 
castle  might  be  relieved  by  sea.  Charles  was  very  anxious  to 
relieve  the  castle,  in  which,  besides  the  Honours,  there  was 
much  valuable  plate  and  furniture  belonging  to  him,  and  he 
commissioned  Major- General  Vandruske  to  attempt  its  relief; 
but  lack  of  money  prevented  Vandruske  from  obtaining  a  ship 
and  the  necessary  means  of  succour,  and  Dunnottar  had  fallen 
before  he  was  ready  to  start.3 

For  some  months  after  Keith  left  him,  Ogilvie  continued  to 
hold  out,  but  his  provisions  began  to  fail,  and  his  small 
garrison  was  exhausted.  Worse  than  all,  there  were  murmur- 
ings  of  mutiny  among  the  defenders,  and  Ogilvie  was  compelled 
to  drive  one  of  the  ringleaders  from  the  castle.4  These  things 
pointed  to  the  impossibility  of  maintaining  the  post  much 
longer,  and,  accordingly,  Ogilvie  and  his  wife  began  to  con- 
sider how  the  Honours  might  be  saved  should  the  castle  fall. 
It  was  left  to  the  Governor's  lady  to  devise  the  means,  and  she 
purposely  kept  her  husband  in  ignorance  of  what  she  did,  so 

1  See  page  135  ;  also  Decreet  of  Privy  Council,  1702. 

2  See  Gardiner's  History  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate,  vol.  I.  p.  470. 

3  See  Mr.   C.  H.   Firth's  Introduction  to  Scotland  and  the  Commonwealth 
(Scottish  History  Society),  p.  xli ;  Cal.  Clar.  State  Papers,  pp.  124,  129,  130, 

136. 

4  Colonel  David  Lighton  ;  see  p.  120,  note  1. 


INTRODUCTION  105 

that  he  might  be  able  to  tell  the  English  that  he  did  not 
know  where  the  Honours  were.  It  was  not  till  fifteen  months 
afterwards,  when  Mrs.  Ogilvie  was  on  her  deathbed,  that  she 
confided  to  her  husband  the  secret  of  their  hiding-place. 

The  person  whom  she  took  into  her  confidence  was  Mrs. 
Grainger,  wife  of  the  Reverend  James  Grainger,  minister  of  the 
neighbouring  parish  of  Kinneff,  and  the  two  ladies  between  them 
concocted  a  scheme  for  the  removal  of  the  Honours.  One  day, 
early  in  March,  Mrs.  Grainger  and  her  maid  went  to  Stone- 
haven on  some  ordinary  housekeeping  business.  Amongst 
other  things  which  she  brought  back  with  her  were  some 
bundles  of  flax,  which  were  carried  by  the  maid.  On  her  way 
home  she  passed  Dunnottar,  and  obtained  permission  from  the 
English  officer  to  visit  her  friend  Mrs.  Ogilvie.  The  visit  was 
paid,  and  in  due  course  Mrs.  Grainger  left  the  castle  and 
returned  to  the  manse  at  Kinneff.  But  she  took  with  her  the 
Honours.  It  is  said  that  she  carried  the  crown  in  her  lap, 
and  that  she  was  seriously  inconvenienced  by  the  courtesy  of 
the  English  officer,  who  assisted  her  to  mount  her  horse,  and 
conducted  her  through  the  English  lines.  For  this  part  of  the 
adventure  there  is  unfortunately  no  corroboration  in  the  pub- 
lished documents.  It  is  more  likely  that  the  crown  was 
transported,  as  the  sceptre  and  sword  were,  in  the  bundle  of 
flax  which  the  maid  carried.  The  journey  was  made  out  with- 
out suspicion  being  aroused,  and  the  Honours  reached  the 
Kinneff  manse  in  safety. 

They  were  then  handed  over  to  the  minister,  who  concealed 
them  at  first,  it  is  said,  in  the  bottom  of  a  bed  at  the  manse, 
and  afterwards  secretly  buried  them  under  the  pavement  of  the 
church.  At  the  end  of  March,  he  went  and  informed  the 
Countess  Marischal  of  the  removal  of  the  Honours,  and  she 
took  a  receipt  from  him,  acknowledging  that  they  were  in  his 
custody,  and  stating  the  exact  places  in  which  they  were  buried. 

On  the  24th  May  the  castle  was  surrendered  to  the  English 
upon  honourable  terms — the  last  post  held  for  King  Charles. 


106  THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND 

Ten  days  before,  Ogilvie  had  received  a  letter  from  the  Earl 
Marischal,  from  London — a  letter  which  seems  to  have  been 
written  upon  compulsion — ordering  him  to  give  up  the  castle. 
The  Earl  did  not  at  the  time  know  that  the  Honours  were  safe, 
but  the  Governor,  though  he  did  not  know  exactly  what  had 
become  of  them,  probably  had  a  shrewd  idea  that  the  English 
would  not  find  them  in  Dunnottar.  One  of  the  articles  of 
capitulation  was  that  the  Honours  should  be  delivered  up  or  a 
good  account  given  of  them,  and  the  English  were  much 
disappointed  to  find  that  they  had  been  baulked  of  their 
prey. 

When  they  were  interrogated  on  the  subject,  the  Ogilvies  gave 
out  that  John  Keith  had  taken  the  Honours  from  Dunnottar  to 
Paris,  and  had  there  given  them  to  the  King.  They  had  no 
satisfactory  evidence  of  this,  however,  to  produce,  though  Mrs. 
Ogilvie  '  contrived  a  missive  letter,1  which  she  arranged  should 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  purporting  to  be  from  John 
Keith,  acknowledging  the  carrying  away  of  the  Honours.  The 
Ogilvies  were  accordingly  arrested,  and  subjected  to  a  severe 
examination  and  to  some  rigorous  treatment,  until  a  letter 
came  from  Keith  from  abroad,  in  which  he  took  credit  to  him- 
self for  the  safe  removal  of  the  Honours  to  Paris.  This  letter 
caused  the  search  to  slacken,  and,  though  the  English  still 
suspected  that  the  Honours  were  nearer  home,  Ogilvie  and 
his  wife  were  released  on  bail,  after  suffering  about  seven 
months  of  imprisonment.  Mrs.  Ogilvie  never  recovered  from 
the  hardships  she  had  undergone,  and  she  died  some  time  in 
the  summer  of  1653,  telling  her  husband  on  her  deathbed  to 
whose  charge  she  had  committed  the  Honours,  and  adjuring 
him  never  to  disclose  the  secret  until  the  King  should  come 
by  his  own  again. 

For  eight  years  the  Honours  lay  hid  under  the  pavement  of 
KinnefF  Church.  Secretly  and  at  long  intervals  the  minister 
visited  them,  and  renewed  their  wrappings  to  protect  them 
from  the  damp.     On  some  of  these  occasions  he  was  accom- 


INTRODUCTION  107 

panied  by  Ogilvie,  who  provided  fresh  linen  to  wrap  them 
in.1 

John  Keith  remained  in  France  for  about  two  years.  He 
then  followed  Middleton  to  Holland,  but  arrived  there  too 
late  to  join  his  expedition,  long  delayed  as  that  had  been. 
Middleton  landed  in  Sutherland  in  February  1654  ;2  Keith 
landed  in  Fife  a  short  time  afterwards.  He  was  at  once 
arrested  by  the  English,  but,  being  in  disguise,  he  escaped,  and 
after  various  adventures  he  joined  Middleton  in  the  north. 
With  Middleton  he  remained  until  the  skirmish  at  Lochgarrv, 
in  Athole,  on  26th  July  1654,  which  finally  scattered  the 
Royalist  troops,  and  forced  them  to  take  to  the  hills.3  In  the 
course  of  their  wanderings,  Keith  obtained  from  Middleton  a 
receipt  for  the  Honours  bearing  to  have  been  granted  in  1652 
at  Paris,  '  tho  it  was  trewly  subscrived  at  Capoch  in  Loch- 
whaber.''  This  receipt  he  produced  when  he  eventually  sur- 
rendered to  the  English,  and  was  questioned  as  to  the  carrying 
abroad  of  the  Honours,  with  the  result  that  all  search  for  them 
in  this  country  was  given  up. 

After  the  Restoration,  Charles  was  informed  of  the  safety  of 
the  Regalia,  and  both  the  Countess  Marischal  and  Ogilvie  put 
in  claims  for  the  credit  of  their  preservation.  The  Countess 
wrote  to  the  King ;  Ogilvie  sent  his  son  to  London.  The 
letter  of  the  Countess,  and  a  letter  from  William  Ogilvie  to 
his  father,  giving  an  account  of  his  doings  in  London,  are 
printed  here. 

With  regard  to  the  quarrel  that  ensued,  the  first  thing  that 
strikes  one  is  the  pity  of  it.  The  Keiths,  the  Ogilvies,  the 
Graingers,  had  all  played  their  parts  well,  and  had  all  deserved 
well  of  their  country.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the 
King  was  ungrateful  for  the  service  done  him,  and  surely  each 
might  have  taken  his  reward  and  been  content,  without  launch- 


1  Ogilvie's  Pamphlet,  p.  10,  Bannatyne  Club  volume  ;  see  infra,  p.  131. 

2  Mtrcurius  Politicus,  16th  March  1654. 

1  '  Letters  from  Roundhead  Officers,'  Bannatyne  Club,  1856,  p.  83. 


108  THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND 

ing  into  unseemly  squabbling  and  reviling  of  each  other.  It  is 
not  easy  now  to  decide  on  whom  the  blame  must  fall  of  having 
begun  the  controversy.  The  Countess,  in  her  letter  to  the  King 
of  23rd  May  1660,  acknowledges  the  services  both  of  Ogilvie 
and  of  Grainger,  and  seems  to  grudge  them  no  reward.  But 
then  William  Ogilvie  goes  to  London  to  urge  his  father's 
claims,  and  the  Countess  sends  a  gentleman  to  London  to  see 
that  her  interests  are  not  neglected,  and  trouble  begins.  The 
King  seems  to  have  been  willing  to  act  with  perfect  fairness. 
On  the  4th  September  he  writes  to  the  Countess  acknowledging 
her  son's  services  and  expressing  his  desire  to  reward  them,  but 
in  no  way  committing  himself  against  Ogilvie.  On  the  con- 
trary, on  the  28th  September,  William  Ogilvie  received,  in 
answer  to  his  petition,  an  order  upon  his  father  to  deliver  up 
the  Honours  to  the  Earl  Marischal,  to  whose  keeping  they  had 
been  committed  by  the  Scottish  Parliament.  But  before  this 
order  was  granted,  William  Ogilvie,  suspecting  that  an  attempt 
might  be  made  by  the  Countess  to  obtain  the  Honours,  wrote 
to  his  father  warning  him  to  see  that  they  were  given  up  to 
no  one.  That  such  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  Countess  is 
admitted.1  But  Grainger  felt  bound  to  Ogilvie,  from  whom 
he  had  originally  received  them.  On  the  21st  July  he  had 
written  to  Ogilvie  regarding  the  Honours,  '  As  for  myself,  my 
neck  shall  break,  and  my  life  go  for  it,  before  I  fail  to  you  ; ' 2 
and  on  28th  September  he  gave  Ogilvie  the  sceptre,  and  under- 
took, in  writing,  to  make  the  crown  and  sword  forthcoming  to 
him  on  demand.3  It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  this  letter  and 
'  obligement '  of  Grainger's  with  his  '  declaration  '  and  his  letter 
to  the  Countess,  which  are  printed  here.  One  is  tempted  to 
think  that  the  Countess  had  by  some  means  induced  him  to 
take  a  different  view  of  the  matter  by  the  time  that  the  latter 
were  written.  It  is  probably  true  that  Grainger  and  Ogilvie 
went  together  to  Dunnottar  to  deliver  the  Honours  to  the 


1  Infra,  p.  127.  s  Nisbet's  Heraldry ■,  ii.  236.  3  Ibid. 


INTRODUCTION  109 

Earl  Marischal,  but  the  account  given  in  '  Baress'  Alledgances 
Ansred ' 1  of  the  Earl's  reception  of  Ogilvie  does  not  seem  to  be 
accurate.  At  all  events,  we  find  Grainger  writing  to  the 
Countess,  '  Your  ladyship  remembers  I  did  ever  fear  that  he 
would  easily  wynd  himself  into  my  Lord  Marischal  his  favour ; ,  2 
and  Middleton  writing  later,  '  I  am  struck  with  amasement  to 
think  that  my  Lord  Marischal  should  in  the  least  countenanced 
him.'1  3  It  was  possibly  in  connection  with  the  Earl  Marischal's 
favourable  treatment  of  Ogilvie  that  the  family  differences  arose 
which  are  referred  to  in  the  King's  letter  to  Middleton.4 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  merits  of  the  controversy,  the 
King  seems  to  have  acted  impartially,  and  to  have  tried  rather 
to  make  peace  than  to  aggravate  the  quarrel.  In  1660,  John 
Keith  was  made  Knight  Marischal  of  Scotland,  and  granted  a 
yearly  pension  of  ,£400.  On  5th  March  1661,  long  after  the 
whole  matter  must  have  been  thrashed  out,  Ogilvie  presented 
the  Earl  Marischal's  receipt  to  the  King,  and,  in  reward  for  his 
services,  received  a  baronetcy,  with  an  augmented  blazon  of 
arms.  He  also  received  the  promise  of  a  pension  '  how  soon 
the  King's  revenues  were  settled,'  but  the  promise  was  never 
fulfilled.  On  11th  January  1661,  Parliament  ordered  the  pay- 
ment of  two  thousand  merks  Scots  to  Mrs.  Grainger,  in  respect 
of  her  services  in  saving  the  Honours.  At  various  subsequent 
dates  new  favours  were  shown  both  to  Ogilvie  and  to  Keith. 
In  1662,  Ogilvie  obtained  a  charter  from  the  King,  changing 
the  tenure  of  his  lands  of  Barras  from  ward-holding  to  blench, 
which  charter  was  ratified  by  Parliament,  11th  August  1669. 
Charles  seems  also,  after  George  Ogilvie's  death,  to  have  given 
his  son,  Sir  William,  an  appointment  as  Master  of  His  Majesty's 
Hawks.5     In  1677,  John  Keith  had  a  further  honour  conferred 


1  Infra,  p.  129.  3  Infra,  p.  132. 

3  Infra,  p.  115.  *  Infra,  p.  134. 

5  See  a  Draft  Precept  (undated)  making  the  appointment,  and  also  a  letter 
from  Sir  William  Ogilvie  to  the  Earl  of  Airlie,  dated  22nd  April  1682,  both 
printed  in  the  Spalding  Club  Miscellany,  vol.  v.  pp.  205,  206. 


110  THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND 

upon  him  in  reward  for  his  services,  and  was  created  Earl  of 
Kintore. 

But  the  quarrel  was  not  dead,  and  in  1701  it  broke  out 
again  on  the  publication  of  Sir  William  Ogilvie's  pamphlet. 
The  Earl  of  Kintore  took  legal  proceedings,  as  has  been 
already  stated,  and  the  Privy  Council  seems  to  have  adopted 
his  version  of  the  story  in  its  entirety,  and  to  have  decided 
against  the  Ogilvies,  who  were  visited  with  fine  and  im- 
prisonment. 

Of  the  principal  actors  in  the  story,  the  following  brief 
notes  may  be  given  : 

The  Dowager  Countess  Marischal  was  Lady  Mary  Erskine, 
daughter  of  John,  seventh  Earl  of  Mar,  and  widow  of  William, 
sixth  Earl  Marischal,  who  died  in  1635.  In  1638  she  married, 
as  his  third  wife,  Patrick  Maule,  who  in  1646  was  created  Earl 
of  Panmure.  She  was  therefore  Countess  of  Panmure  at  the 
time  of  the  siege  of  Dunnottar,  though  she  seems  still  to  have 
been  known  as  Countess  Marischal.  Lord  Panmure  died  in 
1661. 

Sir  John  Keith,  Knight  Marischal  of  Scotland  (1660),  and 
Earl  of  Kintore  (1677),  was  the  fourth  and  youngest  son  of 
William,  sixth  Earl  Marischal.     He  died  in  1714. 

Sir  George  Ogilvie  of  Barras,  Baronet,  was  the  eldest  son 
of  William  Ogilvie  of  Lumgair,  whose  mother  was  a  grand- 
daughter of  James,  first  Lord  Ogilvie.  In  1634  he  married 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  John  Douglas  of  Barras,  fourth  son  of 
William,  ninth  Earl  of  Angus.  He  obtained  his  commission 
as  Cornet  of  Horse  from  the  Earl  Marischal  in  1640.  In  the 
same  year  he  purchased  the  lands  of  Wester  Barras  from  his 
wife's  brother,  John  Douglas.  He  died  some  time  before  the 
year  1680,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  Sir  William, 
who,  along  with  his  son  David,  was  defender  in  the  action 
raised  by  Lord  Kintore. 

The   Rev.  James   Grainger,  A.M.,  was  born   about  1606, 


INTRODUCTION  111 

and  laureated  at  St.  Andrews  University  in  1626.  He  became 
minister  of  Kinneff  parish  some  time  before  1646,  and  died  at 
the  age  of  fifty-seven,  in  April  1663.1  His  wife's  name  was 
Christian  Fletcher.  A  tablet  with  a  Latin  inscription  stands 
in  KinnefF  Church,  to  commemorate  their  services  to  their 
country. 

I  have  to  thank  Lord  Kintore  for  allowing  me  to  publish 
these  tattered  letters  and  papers,  which  I  think  are  not  without 
value  as  bearing  upon  an  interesting  episode  in  Scottish  his- 
tory. I  have  also  to  record  my  great  indebtedness  to  the  Rev. 
Douglas  Gordon  Barron,  minister  of  Dunnottar,  who  has  read 
the  manuscripts,  and  has  furnished  me  with  much  information 
and  many  notes,  of  which  I  have  made  free  use.  And  I  have 
also  to  thank  the  Rev.  S.  Ogilvy  Baker,  Vicar  of  Muchelney, 
Somersetshire,  the  present  representative  of  the  Ogilvies  of 
Barras,  for  the  information  he  has  put  at  my  disposal  regarding 
that  family. 


1  Fasti  Ecclesia  Scoticana,  part  vi.  p.  S74  ;  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Report,  vol.  viii. 
P-  3°3- 


ANE  TRUE  ACCOMPT  OF  THE 
PRESERVATION    OF   THE   HONORS 

The  Earll  Marshall  being  tacken  prisoner  at  Eliot,1  obtened 
leave  to  send  a  gentell  man  to  his  mother  [pretejnding  to  give 
notice  for  a  provision  of  monay,  evry  thing  [being]  tacken 
from  him  by  the  English,  but  his  aprahencion  [of]  the  danger 
of  the  honours  was  that  which  stuck  deapest  in  his  heart. 
Therfor  with  this  gentell  man  he  derected  the  key  of  the  place 
wher  the  honours  were  to  his  mother.  The  next  day  she  went 
to  the  Castell  of  Dunnotter,  and  had  not  stayed  tuo  hours, 
when  advertised  that  the  English  were  to  quarter  sum 
shouldiers  n[ear]  to  the  Castell  that  night,  upon  which  being 
fo[rced  to]  flay,  yet  be  for  she  stured  caused  to  open  the  roum 
and  did  tack  out  the  honours  and  delivred  them  hir  self  to 
Georg  Ogalvie  (Captan  of  the  Castall  by  the  Earll  Marshall's 
apoyntment)  and  charged  him,  whither  hie  should  be  nesesitat 
to  capatilat,  or  other  ways,  he  should  secur  them,  giving  him 
asurance  of  all  hir  posible  asistance  in  evry  thing,  which  he 
chearfuly  undertouk.  The  day  foulowing  the  enamie  marched 
to  Aberdeen,  and  shortly  after  returning  did  put  a  garison  in 
Fitersso,  the  Countas  of  Marshall's  joyntour  hous,  within  tuo 
mils  of  the  Castell  from  stoping  it  from  provison  or  coraspon- 
dance  with  the  Cuntry. 

Sum  tym  ther  after  the  enamie  having  required  him  to 
surender  the  Castle,2  resolved  that  it  were  the  securest  way  to 
remove   the  honours,  where   being   conveyed   to   Mr.   James 


1  The  Earl  Marischal,  with  other  members  of  the  Committee  of  Estates,  was 
taken  prisoner  at  Alyth,  on  28th  August  165 1,  by  a  troop  of  horse  from  Dundee 
under  Colonel  Alured.  "  Early  in  March  1652. 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  113 

Granger,  a  preachers  house  did  .  .  .  which  he  afterwards 
caried  and  put  them  underground  in  the  church,  as  his 
testificat  under  his  hand x  doth  yet  declayr  the  perticular 
places  they  were  laid  in  in  case  he  should  die.  The  castle 
afterward  being  surendred,2  the  Captan  (upon  bale  when  cald 
to  apear)  was  dismised  unchalinged  for  the  honours,  but 
having  mist  them,  they  laid  him  fast  with  his  wife  in  Aber- 
deen. He  being  thus  put  too  it  declared  that  tuo  or  three 
munths  befor  he  had  cummited  them  to  my  lady  Marshalls 
youngest  son,  John  Keath,  who  had  gon  out  of  the  kingdom, 
to  be  by  him  transported  to  his  Magestie,  who  was  then  in 
France  at  Parise  ;  upon  which  his  mother  did  imeditly  writ  to 
him  to  aknoulidg  and  oun  the  tacking  of  them  away  with  him, 
which  ass  sune  as  possible  he  returned  the  said  aknowlidgment, 
declaring  that  as  he  carried  them  with  him,  so  did  deliver 
them  by  his  Magisties  order  to  Generall  Midelltoun.  This 
did  tack  up  sum  time  till  his  answar  could  com,  which  ocasioned 
Georg  Ogelvies  confinment,  but  how  sune  his  declaration  was 
presented  they  did  permite  him  to  go,  and  set  him  at  liberty. 

The  said  John  Keath  in  the  meantime  being  as  banished, 
who  durst  not  return  to  Scotland  least  the  English  should 
have  tacken  him  and  so  rouined  him  by  there  severity,  or  els, 
which  was  wors,  might  upon  torturing  him,  extorted  a  con- 
fesion  of  that  mater  from  him ;  so  being  still  abroad,  att 
last  cam  from  France  to  Holand,  and  understanding  of  his 
Magesties  commands  on  Generall  Mideltone,  who  went  with 
sum  oficers  from  Holand  to  Scotland,  did  resolve  to  haserd 
himself  in  that  service ;  and  so  folowing  Generall  Midellton 
and  geting  a  veshell  in  Holand,  landed  at  the  Elie  in  Fyfe, 
where  he  was  aprehended  by  the  enamie,  but  being  in  disguis 
and  giving  himself  out  for  a  poor  young  merchant  lad,  he  made 
his  escape. 

But  after  he  cam  amongest  his  freends,  notice  was  had  of 
his  being  in  the  cuntray,  and  sevrall  parties  in  quest  of  him, 
he  being  in  grait  haiserd  sevrall  tims  to  be  tacken,  who  on 
sevrall  ocasions  escapted,  the  sircumstances  wherof  were  too 
tedious  to  relate.     Therafter  having  a  coraspondance  with  the 


1  Printed  in  Regalia  Papers  (Bannatyne  Club),  p.  40.  -  24th  May  1652. 

H 


114  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

Marquiss  of  Mountross,  who  maried  his  cusian  german,1  he  by 
his  intelligence  where  Generall  Midelltoun  was,  did  at  last 
joyn  with  him,  with  sum  few  of  his  friends,  and  constantily 
did  remain  with  him  in  the  hils  till  they  were  defeat  at 
Lochgarioch  by  the  English.2 

The  meanwhill  the  litle  forse  that  Generall  Midelltoun  had 
with  him  being  defate,  evry  man  acted  for  himself;  the  Earls 
of   Glencarne,   Atholl,   Montross,   Sellkirk,  afterwards  Deuck 
Hamiltoune,  with  many  other  persons  of  quality,  did  capitulat, 
but  the  said  John  Keiths  case  being  very  hard  and  diferent 
from  others,  he,  befor  he  parted  with  Generall  Midelltoun, 
did  desir  from  him  a  recept  of  the  honours,  at  the  time  when 
King  [Charles]  and  the  said  John  were  both  at  Parise,  tho  it 
was  trewly  subscrived  at  Capoch  in  Lochwhaber,  which  he  did. 
And  therafter,  after  many  hardships,  his  mother  got  him 
included  by  Generall  Munks  orders  in  the  capitullation  with 
my  Lord  Muntross,  Collonal  Cobet,  then  governor  of  dundie, 
being  ordred  by  Generall  Munke  to  treat  with  the  Marquise ; 
and  after  all  was  agried  upon,  Cobbeet  told  the  said  John,  he 
had  sum  other  thing  by  order  of  the  Generall  to  enquir  at 
him,  which  was,  if  he  did  carie  away  the  honours  abroad,  as 
was  given  out,  and  what  way  he  could  mack  it  apear  he  did 
so,  since  it  was  wery  much  suspected  that  they  were  sum  wher 
in  Scotland.     Upon  which  very  boldly,  he  ouned  the  caring  of 
them  away,  and  in  testamonie  wherof  he  produced  Generall 
Mideltons  recpt  daited  at  Paris  that  by  the  King  order  he 
had  reeved  the  honours  of  Scotland,  to  wit  the  crown,  septer, 
and  sourd,   from  John  Keith,  bruther  jerman  to  the  Earle 
Marshall    of    Scotland.      Upon    which    production,   Colonell 
Cobbet,  after  he  red  the  recpt,  he  aknoulidged  that  he  had 
acted  lick  a  prety  man,  and  no  more  to  say  to  him ;  and  so 
was  included  in  the  capulatiton.     Nather  was  there  any  sherch 
maid  by  the  English  ;  which  by  these  means  above  said  they 
were   absuletly  preserved    till   the  time   of  King  Charles  his 


1  James  Graham,  second  Marquis  of  Montrose,  married  Isabel  Douglas, 
daughter  of  William,  seventh  Earl  of  Morton,  whose  wife,  Anne  Keith,  was 
sister  of  John  Keith's  father,  William,  sixth  Earl  Marischal. 

2  The  Royalist  troops  were  surprised  and  put  to  flight  at  Loch  Garry  in  Athole 
on  26th  July  1654. 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  115 

restoration,  at  which  time  Georg  Ogelvie  had  the  impidence 
to  send  his  son  to  London  for  sooth  to  represent  to  his 
Magesty  that  he  had  all  ways  the  honours  in  his  custodie,  and 
that  no  person  but  himself,  who  was  the  only  instrument  of 
there  preservation  could  have  any  pretence  on  that  accompt. 

Upon  which  the  Countas  of  Marshall  [being]  informed  [of 
th]is  sent  up  a  gentell  man  to  London  to  inform  the  King 
of  this  insolance,  who  was  graciously  plesed,  after  the  trew 
knowledge  of  the  mater,  not  to  harken  to  there  unjust  and 
calumius  suggestions,  but  wrot  a  leter  to  my  Lady  Marshall 
as  follows : 

Madam, — I  am  so  sensable  of  the  good  service  don  to  me  in 
preserving  my  crown,  septer,  and  sowrd,  that  as  I  have  put 
marks  on  your  sons,  so  I  could  not  lett  them  go  to  Scotland, 
without  aknowledging  also  my  sence  of  your  kindnes  and  caire 
in  that  and  other  things  relating  to  my  service  during  my 
absence.  I  do  desire  that  these  things  may  be  delivrd  to  my 
Lord  Marshall,  that  as  he  recived  them,  so  they  may  be 
delivred  by  him  to  the  inshouing  Parliment,  and  shall  only  adde 
that  on  all  ocasions  you  shall  find  me  your  afecitonat  friend, 

Ch[arles]. 

Whitehall,  the  Mh  of  September,  1660. 

Not  withstanding  of  his  Magistis  letter  [to  the]  Countes  of 
Marshall,  it  sems  that  Georg  Ogelvies  son  did  not  give  over, 
having  my  Lord  Ogelvie  very  much  his  friend,  with  sum  others, 
till  at  last  there  is  a  letter  from  the  Earle  of  Midelltoun  in 
answer  to  the  said  Countas,  by  whos  means  the  last  stop  was 
maid  to  his  bass  and  fals  pretintons,  which  is  as  follows : 

Madam, — I  most  humbly,  in  the  first  place,  crave  your 
ladyship  pardon  for  not  returning  particular  ansuers  to  your 
letters.  Your  son,  my  nobell  friend,  when  he  was  [at]  this 
place  did  .  .  .  me  that  labour,  and  realy,  Madam,  I  cannot 
on  day  be  meste  v  .  .  .  hour  of  time.  I  am  both  sory  and 
ashamed  that  [so  little  a  person]  as  Mr.  Ogelvie  should  have 
put  your  ladyship  to  so  [much  trouble].  I  confess  I  am  struk 
with  amasement  to  think  that  my  [Lord  Marischall]  should  in 
the  least  coutinanced  him.  I  shall  not  be  [wanting  to  put]  a 
stop  to  his  pretintions  and  serve  you  with  ass  [much  faithful- 


116  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

ness]  and  zeall  as  any  servant  you  have,  and  rely  it  [is  my] 
ambition  to  be  acompted  amongest  the  number  of  your 
servants,  and  I  hop  all  my  ocasions  shall  express  that  I  am, 
Madam,  Your  ladyships  most  faithfull  and  obedent  humbell 
servant,  Midellton. 

London,  November  the  15,  1660. 

Lickwise  it  will  not  be  improper  to  insert  the  Ministers 
Declaration  [under  his  own  hand]  who  had  the  custody  of 
these  honours  till  the  Restoration  which  will  [clear  m]uch  of 
this  afair,  and  is  [as]  follows  : 

Being  informed  that  Georg  Ogelvie  of  Barras  hath  his  son 
at  London,  giving  out  that  his  father  was  the  only  preserver  of 
the  honours  of  Scotland  when  they  were  in  hasard  to  be  tacken, 
and  that  they  were  in  his  custodie  ever  since,  tho  others  have 
been  more  instromentall  nor  he,  I  thought  good  therfor  to 
declair  the  treuth,  viz.,  That  in  Agust  1651  by  the  Countas  of 
Marshall,  the  honours  were  delivred  to  Georg  Ogelvie  with 
charge  to  him  to  secure  them,  and  he  keping  them  in  Donnoter 
till  there  was  no  probabilitie  of  longer  maintining  the  castell, 
he  imployed  me  (having  suflcient  asurance  of  my  loyaltie  to  his 
Magestie,  and  fidelitie  in  promis  keping)  to  carie  the  honours 
out  of  the  hous  and  secure  them,  and  to  barr  sospition,  I  sent 
my  wife,  who  brought  them  furth  without  being  discovered  by 
the  enamie,  tho  rencountred  by  them  in  the  way.  This  was 
in  the  begining  of  March  1652.  And  he  having  engadged  me 
with  all  convenience  I  should  go  and  aquent  the  Countes  of 
Marshall  therwith,  in  the  end  of  March  I  went,  and  informed 
hir  of  the  wholl  proseder  [which]  she  [approved]  of,  and  was 
satasfied  that  they  should  remain  in  my  [keping,  taking]  also 
my  ticket  of  having  them,  expressing  the  perti[cular]  places 
[whair]in  they  were  then  secured,  so  that  I  have  kept  them 
according  to  hir  desire  untill  this  present  October  1660,  the 
ei^ht  day  of  which,  at  my  Ladys  command,  according  to  the 
order  she  had  recived  from  his  Magistie  for  that  efect  in  Denotor 
Castell,  I  delivred  them  to  the  Earle  Marshall  befor  these 
witneses,  the  Viscount  of  Arburthnot,  the  Shirof  Deput  of  the 
Maims,  and  sevrall  other  gentell  men,  wherupon  I  required  a 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  117 

ticket  of  recpt,  but  was  defered  till  afterwards,  since  which  time 
I  am  informed  that  Georg  Ogelvie  hath  obteined  from  the  Earle 
Marshall  a  recpt,  and  have  sent  [eithjer  it  or  the  doubell  of  it 
to  London  to  be  produced  by  his  son  as  [if  the  h  on  Jours  had 
bene  in  his  custodie  and  by  him  preserved  [although]  it  be 
weall  knowen  to  his  son  that  I  had  them  in  my  [house  and] 
keiping  ever  since  the  first  delivrie  of  them  to  me.  [But 
inde]ed  the  prime  mean  of  there  saftie  was  the  declaring  them 
[to  be  carrie]d  of  the  kingdom  by  the  Earle  Marshall  his 
brother  John  (which  he  ouned).  For  as  it  stoped  the  enemie 
from  sherching  for  them,  so  it  freed  Georg  Ogelvie  from 
prison  [an]d  far[ther]  trayall.  In  wittnes  of  the  treuth,  I  have 
writen  and  subscrive[d  these]  presents  with  my  hand  the  nynten 
of  October  1660.      (signed)  Mr.  James  Granger, 

Minister  at  Kinneff. 

The  originalls  of  the  Kings  letter  with  the  Earle  of 
Midletons,  and  this  Declaration  of  the  Ministers,  are  all  in  the 
Earle  of  Kintores  hands  to  be  seen. 

Be  all  this  aforsaid  its  hoped  that  the  treuthe  of  this  afair 
is  ingeneraly  [dis]covred,  and  that  no  person  of  honour  or 
sense  will  pertack  with  hi[m  by]  giving  credit  to  so  [in]solent 
calumnies,  wher  by  his  false  ase[rsi]ons  [he  re]flects  most 
abusivly  on  the  memory  of  so  nobell  and  wo[rthy]  a  lady  as  the 
Countas  of  Marshall  was  knowen  to  be,  as  also  upo[n  the] 
present  Earle  of  Kintore,  who  hath  in  all  integritie  declared 
this  [to  be]  of  facte,  by  which  it  will  apear  that  he  was  the 
absolut  and  trew  [instrument  of  preserving  the  honours.  Nay, 
it  also  reflects  on  the  justice  [and  the]  blesed  memory  of  King 
Charles  the  Second,  who  was  gracious[ly  pleased]  to  put  marks 
of  honour  on  the  said  Earle  by  granting  to  him  [the  dignity] 
of  Knight  Marshall  at  his  restoration  fortie  years  ago,  whe[re 
it  as]  the  chief  causes  of  this  gift  bears  his  preserving  of  the 
hon[ours.]  As  also  since,  he  was  pleased  to  grant  him  the  title 
of  Earle  [of  Kintore],  wherin  amongest  other  reasons  that  of 
the  preservation  of  them  is  the  chefest  caus,  and  in  his  patant 
ordeans  the  Lord  Layon  to  give  him  ane  aditionall  coat  of 
arms  conform  to  the  narative  of  his  Signiture  [which]  the 
Layon,    under  his  seall,  did  grant,  and  gave  him  the  croun, 


118  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

[septer],  and  sourd,  all  which  is  to  be  sene  under  the  grait  seale 
and  the  Layo[ns]  warand  for  them. 

Its  not  denayed  that  Georg  Ogelvie  did  give  out  the 
honou[rs  to]  the  minister  of  Kinneff,  which  he  was  ordred  by  the 
Countas  [of  Marshall]  that  in  case  of  hazard  they  should  be 
secured  the  best  [way  possible].  She  was  satasfied  with  and 
aproved  it  that  they  were  put  in  [to  the  hands]  of  so  honest  [a] 
man  after  his  cuming  to  hir  and  aquenting  [hir  therwith]. 
Upon  which  accompt  all  others  conserned  wold  have  ben 
ve[r]y  w[ell]  pleased  the  said  Georg  Ogelvie  should  have  been 
rewarded  by  the  K[ing],  and  it  is  known  my  Lady  Marshall  in 
a  letter  to  his  Magistie x  did  give  him  the  caracter  of  a  person 
of  fedelity  and  secrecie  in  manadging  [of]  that  afair.  Yet 
nothing  being  satasfactury  to  him  unles  the  absulut  preserva- 
tion of  the  honours  which  he  most  aragantly  asumed  to  him- 
self] should  be  ludged  in  his  pearson,  so  that  the  Countas  of 
Marshall  having  informed  the  King  of  his  falshood  and  foly, 
did  defat  all  his  pretentions].  Tho  upon  his  first  adress  to 
the  King,  which  he  made  with  sum  s[how  of]  modestie,  he  was 
maid  a  knight  baronet,  and  might  have  got  a  pe[erage]  if  he 
had  not  so  insolently  indevred  by  his  vanity  and  lys  to  put 
such  desgrace  and  reprotche  on  the  Countas  of  Marshall  and 
the  Earle  of  Kintore ;  wherfor  it  is  expected  that  if  this  afair 
shall  be  represented  to  his  Magisties  Counsell,  there  lordships 
will,  out  of  ther  justice  and  trew  vindication  of  the  treuth, 
render  a  punishment  suetabl  to  so  great  a  villenny. 

LETTER  FROM  GEORGE  OGILVIE  OF  BARRAS  TO  THE 
COUNTESS  OF  MARISCHAL  2 

29  March,  1652. 
Madame, — I  have  receauit  your  Ladyships  and  the  com- 
missione,  and  hes  doune  euery  thing  ther  in  as  ye  did  apoynt 
me.     Bot  treulie  for  that  quhilk  your  Ladyship  desyrit  me  to 

1  See  p.  122. 

2  This  letter  was  written  during  the  siege  of  Dunnottar,  and  some  weeks 
after  the  Honours  had  been  removed  to  Kinneff.  The  Countess  cannot,  however, 
have  known  of  the  safety  of  the  Honours  at  the  time  she  wrote  the  letter  to 
which  this  is  a  reply.     The  letter  seems  to  show  that  the  Countess  had  been 


BPJ        Y      ■        1  «. 


^ v.-  ii i4i  1 1  uTHE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  119 


(0  hi 


mend  wes  not  out  of  any  doubt  or  mistrust  in  these  gentillmen, 
bot  for  your  forder  exonoratione  quhairin  busines  had  not 
takine  effeck,  as  I  desyrit  Mr.  Alexander  to  hav  showne  your 
Ladyship  and  them  both.  For  thes  Inglesmen  sieing  they 
hav  ane  absolut  commissione  micht  hav  wronged  them  giv  they 
had  not  condisendit  to  euery  thing  they  had  desyrit  them,  and 
then  they  micht  hav  said  ther  commissione  did  only  cary 
alongest  uith  ther  inclination.  Bot  I  salbe  glad  that  this  may 
giv  your  Ladyship  and  them  satiesfactione,  for  it  salbe  my 
uttermost  endevor  to  dou  the  samen  and  giv  myselff  and  all 
that  is  deir  to  me  as  this  is  I  wald  submit  the  samen  to  your 
Ladyship  and  thes  tua  gentillmen.  But  I  ame  informit  that 
Maj  or-generall  Deane1  can  dou  nothing  of  any  importance  till 
he  first  acquent  the  Counsell  of  Estat  at  Lundene  and  hav 
order  from  them.  Bot  in  my  waik  jugment  it  wes  my  Lords 
desyr  uith  Mr.  Alexander  Pattoune  to  send  thes  instructions 
to  his  Lordship  giv  your  Ladyship  and  the  rest  of  the  frends 
think  it  guid,  and  them  richt  and  wyse  giv  he  can  mak  the 
capitulatione  quhair  he  is,  quhair  he  can  hav  ane  full  surtie 
for  quhat  he  ends  for.  And  in  the  mane  tyme  ye  may  be  dall- 
ing  uith  Dane  till  ye  sail  heir  from  my  Lord,  quhilk  may  be 
uery  quiklie  giv  ye  wald  choysit  Mr.  Alexander  Pattone  to 
send  the  doubill  of  thes  things  to  him,  and  that  it  is  your 
jugment  that  he  sould  go  on  that  way.  And  giv  he  thinks  it 
not  fieting  lat  him  acquent  your  Ladyship  quhat  he  thinks 
most  fieting  to  be  doune.  I  crave  pardoune  for  presumtione,  bot 
it  salbe  always  subjek  to  your  Ladyships  commandiments.  My 
Lord  desyrs  to  be  carefull  of  the  black  stock  and  provyd  the 
samen.2     God  knows  how  I  sail  dou  the  samen.     For  excep 

trying  to  arrange  some  terms  of  capitulation  with  the  English.  Ogilvie,  though 
very  sore  at  the  treatment  he  had  received  both  inside  and  outside  the  Castle, 
and  in  low  spirits  about  the  possibility  of  holding  out  much  longer,  does  not  seem 
eager  for  the  success  of  the  Countess's  negotiations.  His  letter  is  probably 
purposely  couched  in  vague  language. 

1  Major-General  Richard  Deane,  commander-in-chief  of  the  English  forces  in 
Scotland. 

2  The  '  Black  Stock '  or  Table  Dormant  of  the  Castle  was  a  very  highly  valued 
heirloom  of  the  Keith  family.  It  was  said  to  have  been  made  of  oaken  planks 
taken  from  the  long-ship  which  brought  the  Chatti  (from  whom  the  Keiths  claimed 
descent)  from  Germany  in  the  eleventh  century.  The  table  is  still  preserved  in 
Ravelston  House,  Midlothian. 


120  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

that  quhilk  your  Ladyship  dois  in  relacione  to  this  hous,  I  hav 
non  that  dois  so  much  as  to  countinance  the  samen.  I  hav 
wryttine  a  letter  to  the  Sereff  anent  that  particular  and  lies 
desyrit  him  to  provyd  and  send  me  some  nessesers  quhilk  can 
be  easlie  had  ther  sick  as  fishis  and  some  salmond  and  some  of 
ther  mill  suane,  and  that  he  wald  w*  (wryt)  Coluberdy  and 
Captane  Martine,  as  they  wald  be  ansuerabill,  that  they  wald 
send  me  seuen  or  audit  gentillmen.  Bot  God  knowis  quhat 
obedyence  wilbe  gottine  of  this  and  quhat  car  or  respect  they 
cary  to  thes  pepill  in  your  absence  quho  hes  reliveit  this  place. 
I  hop  the  day  sail  cum  that  I  sail  not  spair  in  ther  faces  to 
say  so  much.  And  nou  in  respect  of  the  lest  I  wryt  to  your 
Ladyship  anent  Cornell  Lichtoune,1  hou  much  nied  I  stand  of 
some  gen  till  men  that  be  faithfull  and  honest,  bot  they  ar  uery 
skars  and  feu  frends  to  try  them  out,  bot  euery  on  having  ther 
awne  excussis.  So  I  intreat  your  Ladyship  to  think  upon  this 
and  ly  tue  your  helping  hand  as  ye  hav  euer  donne  befor,  and 
for  my  selff  I  sail  dou  as  I  hav  donne  befor  the  uery  utter- 
most of  my  lyff.  I  wald  glaidlie  know  give  your  Ladyship  hes 
hard  any  thing  frome  your  sone  John  as  yet,  for  I  long  to  heir 
frome  him.2  They  wilbe  on  at  your  Ladyship  uery  schortlie, 
quhilk  will  informe  you  anent  your  barley.  So  giv  ye  think 
not  the  terms  guid  that  is  endit  upon,  ye  may  dou  theruith  as 
ye  think  fieting.  If  ye  hav  ane  capitulatione,  giv  they  be 
things  disputabill  that  cannot  be  agret  upon,  I  wald  think  it 
fieting  that  the  frends  sail  sie  giv  they  will  refer  the  samen  to 
my  Lord  and  the  Counsell  Estat  at  Lundone.  So  my  Lord 
may  ues  his  awne  monneyone  ther  uith  them  and  I  sail  giv  ane 
neu  commissione  to  my  Lord  for  thes  poynts  giv  it  be  niedfull. 
I  wryt  to  Elsick,2  and  I  hav  sent  his  letter  to  your  Ladyship. 


1  David  Lighton,  '  who  had  been  a  colonel  abroad,'  was  ringleader  of  the 
mutiny  in  the  castle,  and  was  expelled  by  Ogilvie.  See  'Vindication'  printed 
at  the  end  of  Ogilvie's  pamphlet  in  the  Regalia  Papers. 

J  This  reference  to  Ogilvie's  anxiety  about  John  Keith  lends  probability  to  the 
idea  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  the  Governor's  appeal  to  the  King  for  help.  It 
may  be  that  Ogilvie,  knowing  that  his  wife  had  removed  the  Honours,  was 
already  considering  his  scheme  of  imputing  their  removal  to  Keith. 

3  Sir  Alexander  Bannerman  of  Elsick,  created  a  baronet  in  1682,  on  account 
of  his  loyalty  and  sufferings  during  the  usurpation. 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  121 

I  can  not  bot  admyre  hou  men  quho  professis  frendschip  in  siek 
ane  busines  of  importance  will  prefer  any  thing  to  it.  Bot 
quhat  sail  I  sav  ?  Lou  and  faithfulness  is  remouit  out  of  this 
land  and  kingdome,  and  it  is  Godis  jugment  due  to  us  quho 
hes  left  the  loue  of  God  and  loyaltie  to  our  king.  I  can  say 
no  moe,  bot  I  wish  that  your  Ladyship  may  mak  chois  of  some 
honest  man  that  wilbe  faithfull  in  the  busines  giv  ye  can  not 
herefter  persuaid  him  to  imbres  the  samen,  for  I  think  it  strang 
hou  he  can  refuis  the  samen,  and  I  find  be  the  Lard  of 
Morphie1  he  starts  much  at  Elsicks  unwillingnes.  Always  I 
hav  submited  all  to  your  Ladyship  and  hes  sent  and  subscriuit 
all  ye  desyrit  me  to  dou,  or  giv  Elsick  cum  and  ane  other  giv 
he  cum  not  that  ye  may  put  in  ther  name.  Hoping  as  I  ame 
confident  ye  will  remember  on  him  quho  is  and  salbe  still, 
Your  Ladyships  humbill  seruant,  George  Ogiluy. 

I  wish  your  Ladyship  may  keip  this  letter  of  Elsick  to  showe 
mens  willingnes  and  ther  excussis,  for  quhen  they  will  not 
haissart  ane  triffell  of  menes  they  will  neuir  haissart  lyff  and 
fortoune.  I  had  wryttine  the  gratest  part  of  my  letter  or  this 
came  to  my  hand. 

For  the  Richt  Honorabill  my  uery  nobil  Lady, 
The  Connies  of  Marschall,  Thes. 


COPY  LETTER  FROM  THE  COUNTESS  OF  MARISCHALL 
TO  KING  CHARLES  THE  SECOND 

May  it  please  your  Majestie, — Haveing  received  that  honour 
of  a  letter  from  your  Majestie  from  Collen  4th  January  [16]55, 
in  which  yow  take  notice  of  my  desires  to  doe  your  Majestie 
service,  which  is  far  above  my  merit  and  short  of  the  desire  and 
wi[ll]  I  had  and  still  hath  to  express  that  duetye  which  I  know 
that  I  and  all  good  people  is  obleiged  to,  if  I  were  not  bound  in 


1  George  Grahame  of  Morphie,  who  afterwards  became  cautioner  for  Ogilvie 
when  he  was  liberated  in  January  1653. 


122  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

loyalty  to  your  Majestie,  as  by  my  birth  to  my  dread  soveraigne, 
yet  the  particular  respects  which  yow  have  been  pleased  to  put 
upon  me  both  by  word  and  writ  hath  tyed  me  so  far  that  I 
esteeme  myself  obleiged  to  witness  my  thankfullnes  in  obeying 
any  of  your  Majesties  commaunds,  though  it  were  to  the  hazard 
of  my  life;  and  if  I  could  express  the  joy  I  have  of  hearing 
of  your  Majesties  being  restored  to  what  is  your  due  by 
birth,  would  in  some  kynd  charecter  my  loyalty  to  your 
Majestie,  quhich  is  far  above  that  which  I  can  either  say  or 
writ. 

As  for  the  saftie  of  the  honours  I  have  left  nothing  which 
wes  in  my  power  to  doe  for  the  same,  in  which  it  pleased  God 
to  assist  m[e],  .  .  .  ar  preserved  to  your  Majestie  and  your 
posteritie.  I  pray  the  Lord  that  you  may  long  [en]joy  them 
.  .  .  for  the  way  of  securing  of  them  were  too  tedious  for  a 
letter.  Only  the  gentlman  quho  commanded  the  Castle  of 
Donnotter  discharged  his  duety  verie  honestlie  in  putting 
them  in  the  hands  of  a  persone  who  did  show  himself  worthie 
of  so  great  a  trust. 

As  for  the  particular  passages  therof  the  bearer,  Johne 
Keith,  my  sone  (who  by  owning  the  carying  of  them  beyound 
sea,  prevented  what  danger  a  further  search  might  have  made) 
will  give  your  Majestie  a  full  relatione  of  all  concerning  the 
same.  To  which  my  sone,  Marshall  (being  prisoner  in  the 
Tower  of  London),  wes  altogether  ignorant  untill  his  returne 
to  Scotland,  and  then  the  secret  wes  made  knowne,  to  his  great 
contentment,  as  he  will  give  your  Majestie  a  further  accompt, 
and  seing  that  his  house  and  familie  have  been  loyall  to  their 
King,  I  must  humbly  entreat  your  Majestie  to  look  upon  them 
with  the  eye  of  favour,  as  your  loyall  subjects,  and  seing  it  is 
not  necessare  the  honours  should  ly  any  longer  in  obscurity 
your  Majestie  will  resolve  how  to  dispose  of  them,  and  that  I 
may  have  your  Majesties  warrand  for  obeying  the  same,  which 
shall  be  performed  by  her,  who  shall  ever  continue, 

Your  Majesties  faithfull  loyall  subject  and 
humblest  servante. 

[Indorsed]  Copie  of  my  Ladys  Letter  to  the  King,  23rd  May  1660. 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  123 


LETTER  FROM  WILLIAM  OGILVIE  TO  HIS  FATHER, 
GEORGE  OGILVIE  OF  BARRAS  l 

Vestminster,  in  Stephens  Alley,  at  Mr.  Axtillis  house, 
the  15  of  September  1660. 
Loving  Father, — Since  my  last  to  you  I  have  got  litle 
doein  in  the  businesse,  and  the  reason  is  the  Duick  of  Glocester 
his  death  and  the  arrivall  of  the  Spanish  embassadour  have  so 
troubled  the  King  that  none  for  this  eight  dayes  darre  move 
any  businesse  to  his  Majestie  till  he  be  a  little  appeased  and 
till  some  dayes  of  mourning  be  past.  But  I  am  confident  that 
the  businesse  about  the  honoures,  vhich  the  King  knowes  of  at 
length,  shall  goe  very  voll  on,  gif  ye  but  keepe  them  undelyvered 
till  any  till  ane  new  order  come  to  you,  and  I  hope  ane  new- 
pension  or  some  other  commoditie  besyds  honour  vith  it.  So 
give  it  vere  your  pleasure  to  come  this  length  yourself  it  void 
be  veil  vorth  your  paines  ;  and  give  ye  can  not  come  your  self, 
vryt  to  the  King,  and  vryt  your  mynd  to  me  quhat  ye  void 
have  doen,  for  we  can  not  goe  back  vith  quhat  ve  have  already 
motioned  and  have  very  good  hopes  of,  and  especially  the  best 
of  our  friends  being  ingaged  in  the  businesse.  For  quhen  I  saw 
that  businesse  vas  goine  vrong  heire,  I  wrot  my  frendis  that  ye 
had  sent  me  to  doe  for  you,  as  I  have  com,  and  shall,  God  vill- 
ing,  continue  to  doe  especially  in  this  businesse  vherein,  give  it 
be  rightly  man[na]ged  I  hope  all  that  shall  succeede  us  shall 
have  credit  of  it ;  for  all  our  countreymen  lookes  so  much  upon 
it  that  they  say  their  is  no  Scotsman  heir  can  say  the  lyk,  and 
the  King  vill  not  let  you  vant  ane  liberall  revard  for  it.  So 
keepe  them  till  I  acquaint  you  upon  any  condition.  And  give 
my  Lord  Marschall  hes  surprysed  you  vith  the  Kings  order 
befor  my  letter  came  to  your  hands,  ye  most  either  come  or 
vrvt  to  the  King  that  he  had  them  and  hes  suffered  for  them, 


1  William  Ogilvie  had  been  sent  by  his  father  to  London,  to  present  a  petition 
to  the  King,  asking  for  an  order  as  to  the  disposal  of  the  Honours.  The 
answer  to  the  petition  was  given  on  the  28th  September,  in  the  shape  of  an 
order  on  the  petitioner's  father  to  deliver  up  the  Honours  to  the  Earl  Marischal, 
and  to  obtain  his  receipt  therefor. 


124  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

ye  and  your  viffe,  and  preserved  them  till  this  tyme  that  ye 
have  obeyed  his  Magisties  order.  And  give  ye  have  gotten  ane 
receit  on  them  ye  most  send  it  to  me  that  I  may  shew  it.  But 
it  vere  better  that  ye  keept  them  selves  only  till  I  acquaint 
you,  unlesse  they  have  surprysed  you  unvares.  For  I  assure 
you  your  name  vas  never  heard  of  in  the  businesse  till  I  cam, 
and  I  hope  ye  vill  consider  the  more  of  it  and  vill  not  abyd 
from  this,  seeing  your  best  friends  and  I  both  am  ingaged  to 
the  King  to  make  it  good  that  ye  vas  the  only  preserver 
of  these  honours  under  God.  I  shall  heast  thorow  businesse 
as  soon  as  I  can  ;  but  I  have  gotten  ane  strange  trick  played 
me,  vhich  is  thus :  Collonell  J.  Ogilvy  had  ane  study  in 
his  chamber  and  I  had  non  in  myn,  so  he  desyred  me  to  put 
in  my  pockmantle  in  his  closet  for  securities  cause,  as  I  did  vith 
als  my  money  in  it.  Vithin  five  dayes  after  he  is  goein  home, 
the  Duick  of  Glocester  died  and  all  the  Court  most  have 
mourning.  I  vent  to  tell  my  money  to  see  quhat  I  had,  and 
did  cast  my  compt  quhat  I  had  spent,  and  after  I  had  told  the 
money  I  misse  fyfteen  pound  starlin.  I  tryes  my  man  and  the 
maid  and  all  that  vere  in  the  house  for  my  money.  They  svore 
they  handled  it  not,  for  non  got  the  key  of  the  closet  but  the 
Collonells  man,  ane  tailyor  young  man  who  had  comd  up  to 
serve  him  for  ane  tym  and  to  see  and  learne  the  fashiones.  He 
made  my  clothes,  and  quhen  he  made  them  he  not  so  much 
money  as  to  buy  candle  to  sow  them  vith  till  I  gave  it  to 
him,  as  the  Collonell  knowes,  but  quhen  he  vent  avay  he  did 
let  the  maid  of  the  house  see  ane  [le]nth  excellent  cloth  vorth 
20  shillings  a  yard,  vith  furniture  [conjforme  and  many  other 
things  for  voemen  he  had  coft  and  told  her  he  vas  to  carry  them 
to  France  vith  him.  So  be  all  probabilitie  he  stole  the  money. 
I  desyre  ye  void  vryt  to  the  Collonell  to  search  for  him  to  put 
him  to  ane  try  all,  and  I  doubt  not  but  he  vill  be  found  guiltie. 
I  void  not  have  need  much  had  not  this  fallen  out,  but  ye  most 
supplie  me  vith  some  now,  for  I  can  get  non  here  upon  any 
tearmes,  and  see  give  ye  can  get  my  money  again.  For  he  got 
his  maisters  key  often,  and  his  maister  chyded  him  that  he  void 
not  keepe  it,  as  he  did  at  last  to  my  losse  and  the  vay  that 
he  has  opened  the  meale  vhich  I  did  not  perceive,  seeing  it  vos 
locked.     He  has  only  drawen  the  tackle  to  him  and  put  in 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  125 

his  hand  at  the  end  vhere  the  money  vas  in  the  bagge,  as  I  did 
befor  all  the  house,  and  has  taken  his  pleasur.  So  I  have 
vritten  to  the  Collonell  and  vi  .  .  .  vyse  that  I  vant  it  not. 
So  expecting  ane  answer  of  all  in  [hejast,  my  respectes  to  your- 
self, bedfellow  and  all  friend  being  preferred,  I  rest,  your  loving 
and  faithfull  sonne  to  death,  W.  Ogtlvy. 

For  his  loving  father,  George  Ogilvy  of  Barms, 
These  in  all  heasi  present. 


MR.  JAMES  GRAINGER,  HIS  DECLARATION  ANENT 
THE  HONORS 

20th  October  1660. 
Being  informed  that  George  Ogilvie  of  Barras  hath  his  sonne 
at  London  giving  out  that  his  father  was  the  only  preserver  of 
the  honoures  of  Scotland  when  they  were  in  hazard  to  be  taken, 
and  that  they  were  in  his  custodie  ever  since,  though  others 
have  been  more  instrumentall  then  he,  I  thought  good  therefor 
to  declare  the  truth,  viz. :  That  in  Agust  1651  by  the  Countess 
of  Marsha[ll]  the  honoures  were  deliuered  to  George  Ogilvie 
with  charge  to  him  to  secure  [them],  and  he  keeping  them  in 
Dunnottar  till  there  was  no  probabilitie  of  longer  mantein[ing] 
the  Castell,  he  imployed  me  (having  sufficient  assurance  of 
my  loyaltie  to  his  Majestie  [and]  fidelitie  in  promise  keeping) 
to  cary  the  honoures  out  of  the  house  and  to  secure  them. 
And  to  barre  suspicion  I  sent  my  wife,  who  brought  them  forth 
without  being  discovered  by  the  enemie,  though  rancountred 
by  them  in  the  way.  This  was  in  the  begining  of  March  1652. 
And  he  having  engaged  me  that  with  all  conveniencie  I  should 
go  and  acquaint  my  Lady  Marshall  therewith,  in  the  end  of 
March  I  went  and  informed  her  of  the  whole  procedour,  which 
shee  approved  of,  and  was  satisfied  that  they  should  remaine  in 
my  keeping,  taking  also  my  tickquet  of  having  them,  expressing 
the  particular  places  whairin  they  were  then  secured.  So  that 
I  have  keeped  them,  according  to  her  desire,  untill  this  present 
October  1 660,  the  eight  day  of  which,  at  my  Ladies  command 
(according  to  the  ordour  shee  had  received  from  his  Majestie 


126  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

for  that  effect),  in  Dunnottar  Castell  I  delivered  them  to  the 
Earle  Marshall  before  these  witnesses,  the  Visecount  of  Arbuth- 
not,  the  Sheriff  Deput  of  the  Mearns,  and  severall  other  gentill- 
men  ;  whairupon  I  required  a  tickquet  of  recept,  but  was  deferred 
till  afterwards.1  Since  which  time  I  am  informed  that  George 
Ogilvie  hath  obteined  from  the  Earle  of  Marshall  a  recept  and 
hath  sent  ather  it  or  the  double  of  it  to  London  to  be  produced 
by  his  sonne,  as  if  the  honoures  had  been  in  his  custodie  and 
by  him  preserved,  although  it  be  weell  knoune  to  his  sonne 
that  I  had  them  in  my  house  and  keeping  ever  since  the  first 
deliverie  of  them  to  me.  But  indeed  the  prime  mean  of  their 
safetie  was  the  declaring  them  to  be  caried  off  the  kingdome 
by  the  Earle  Marshall  his  brother  John  (which  he  owned),  for 
as  it  stopped  the  enemie  from  searching  for  them,  so  it  freed 
George  Ogilvie  from  prison  and  farther  triall.  In  witnesse 
of  the  truth  heirof  I  have  written  and  subscribed  thir  presents 
with  my  hand  the  19  of  October,  1660. 

M.  Jam.  Grainger,  Minister  at  Kinneff. 

[On  back]  Edinburgh,  26  August  1702,  presented  by  Alexander  Troop, 
Wryter,  and  registrat  per  McKell,  procurator. 

Given  back  by  act  of  parliament. 


BARRESS  ALLEDGANCES  ANSRED,  8  NOVEMBER  1660 

Wheras  George  Ogilvie  maketh  severall  assertiones  in 
referrence  to  his  part  in  preserving  the  honors  of  Scotland. 
Therfore  the  trueth  is  declared  in  the  ensuing  answeres. 

1.  He  affirmes  that  all  way  es  since  Mr.  James  Granger  had 
them  first  in  his  custodie  he  hath  had  his  oath  never  to  deliver 
them  to  any  persone  quhatsoever  but  unto  him.2 


1  Grainger  actually  only  delivered  to  the  Earl  Marischal  the  crown  and  sword. 
Ogilvie  had  previously  obtained  from  him  the  sceptre,  and  seems  to  have  gone 
with  him  to  Dunnottar.  The  Earl  Marischal's  receipt  for  the  Honours  was 
given  to  Ogilvie,  not  to  Grainger. 

2  This  statement  of  Ogilvie's  seems  to  have  been  quite  true.  See  Grainger's 
letter  to  him,  printed  in  Nisbet's  Heraldry,  vol.  ii.  p.  236. 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  127 

Answer:   About    the    time    of  his    Majesties    arrivall    in 
England,   George  Ogilvie  had  occasion  to  be  with  my  Ladie 
Marshall ;  at  which  tyme  she  told  him  that  she  being  certaine 
that  how  soon  his  Majestie  mynded  these  honours,  and  resolved 
to  commit  them  to  convenient  keeping,    there    would   come 
some  order  or  directione  to  her  to  deliver  them  to  any  should 
be  intrusted.     Therfore  that  she  intended  (as  conceiveing  it 
most  pertinent)  to  remove  them  from  Mr.  Grangers  house  unto 
her  own  dwelling.     But  she  promised  to  advertise  him  before 
she  removed  them.    His  answer  wes  nowayes  negative,  but  gave 
his  opinion,  that  she  needed  not  be  too  sudden  till  his  Majestie 
wes  weell  setled.     According  her  promise,  one  day  or  tuo  be- 
fore she  intended  to  send  for  them  by  a  letter,  she  advertised 
Georg  Ogilvie ;  which  how  soon  he  received  he  went  straight 
to  Mr.  Grangers  houss,  and  finding  him  in  bed,  in  a  chamber 
alone,  he  went  in  and,  bolting  the  door  behind  him,  he  told 
him,  there  wes  a  bussines  which  most  neerly  concerned  him,  and 
quhairin  if  the  minister  helped  him  not,  he  wes  for  evermore 
ruined,  and  it  wes  within  the  compass  of  his  power  to  preveine 
the   danger  or   not ;   and  therfore  shewed  him    there  wes  a 
necessitie  of  his  promise  to  help  him  to  his  power.     By  which 
words  and  the  like  he  preingaged  Mr.  Granger  by  his  solemne 
promise ;  and  then  told  him  it  wes,  not  to  deliver  the  honours 
unto  any  without  his  consent.     But  the  nixt  day  my  Ladie 
Marshall  sending  for  them,  the  minister  perceived  himself  cir- 
cumveined,  and  much  resented  his  simplicity. 

2.  That  when  the  Committee  sent  their  order  to  Mr.  Granger 
to  deliver  the  honours  to  Balmanie  and  James  Peddee,  and 
they  to  deliver  them  to  Whitrigs,1  that  Mr.  Granger  offerred 
willinglie  unto  him  the  whole  honours,  so  to  preveine  the 
Councells  order,  but  that  he  would  not  take  them  at  that  tyme, 

1  On  9th  September  1660,  the  Committee  of  Estates  had  granted  a  warrant  to 
Sir  William  Ramsay  of  Balmayne,  and  James  Peadie,  bailie  of  Montrose,  to 
receive  the  Honours  from  Grainger,  and  to  thank  him  in  the  name  of  the  Com- 
mittee, and  promise  him  a  reward  for  his  services.  On  the  same  day  they  granted 
a  warrant  to  Robert  Keith  of  Whiterigs,  Sheriff-depute  to  the  Earl  Marischal,  to 
receive  the  Honours  from  Ramsay  and  Peadie,  and  to  preserve  them  in  Dun- 
ottar  till  the  Earl's  return  from  England.  These  warrants  were  rescinded,  28th 
September  1660,  in  consequence  of  the  arrangements  made  in  London  for  the 
disposal  of  the  Honours. 


128  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

wanting  conveniency  to  cary  them  ;  except  onlie  the  scepter ; 
but  gave  him  his  recept  on  all,  and  tooke  the  ministers  ticquet 
to  deliver  him  the  rest  quhen  he  desired. 

Answer :  Georg  Ogilvie  haveing  notice  of  this  order  of  the 
Committee,  and  rinding  himself  slighted  therin,  represented 
to  the  Minister  that  the  obeying  of  that  order  would  tend 
absolutlie  to  both  their  prejudices  (although  the  Committee 
in  their  order  had  thanked  Mr.  Granger,  and  promised  him 
reward),  and  advysed  him  to  give  the  honours  unto  him  before 
the  order  came  ;  and  then  should  he  be  frie  from  obeying  it. 
The  minister  answered  he  would  not,  nor  would  not  be  any 
more  deceived  by  his  unhandsome  policie.  But  while  they  are 
thus  debatting  there  comes  a  servant  of  Whitrigs  with  a  letter 
in  relatione  to  the  order,  at  quhich  George  Ogilvie  took  occasion 
to  entreat  the  minister  to  doe  something  presentlie  that  so  he 
might  have  something  of  a  ground  to  answer  the  Shereff.  And 
if  he  would  not  give  him  all,  let  him  have  but  the  scepter, 
and  he  should  give  him  the  recept  of  all  quhich  he  might 
shew,  to  testifie  he  had  delivered  all.  To  quhich  the  minister 
condiscended  upon  George  Ogilvies  great  oath  to  restore  it 
whensoever  he  called  for  it,  and  the  minister  gave  George 
Ogilvie  a  ticquet  testifying  that  though  George  Ogilvy  had 
given  a  recept  for  the  whole,  yet  he  had  received  but  the 
scepter. 

Morover  when  my  Lord  Marshall  sent  from  Bolasheine  x  his 
deput  and  Arthur  Straton  of  Snadown 2  with  the  Kings  letter 
to  my  Ladie  to  deliver  them  to  her  sone  ;  and  her  letter  to 
Mr.  Granger  to  deliver  them  to  these  in  her  sones  name,  Mr. 
Granger  went  to  Barres  requyring  from  him  the  scepter,  the 
Kings  order  being  come  to  deliver  the  honours  ;  notwith- 
standing of  his  former  oath,  he  absolutly  refuised  to  give  it. 
So  that  these 2  messengers  returned  without  receiving  them  ; 
because  they  would  not  take  one  part  without  the  other. 

3.  That  Mr.  James  Granger  went  unanimouslie  with  him 
to  Donnotter  to  deliver  the  honours. 

Answer  :   My  Lord   Marshall    haveing   given  a  precept  to 

1  Bolshan,  in  Kinnell  parish,  Forfarshire,  at  that  time  the  property  of  Lord 
Southesk. 

2  Arthur  Straitoun  of  Snadcune,  Scriba  signeto  regio,  1629. 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  129 

Mr.  Granger,  and  ane  express  command  to  Barres,  to  bring  in 
to  Donnotter  on  Moon  day  the  8  October,  each  of  them,  that 
part  of  the  honours  quhich  they  had,  George  Ogilvie  wrot  to 
Mr.  Granger  to  come  to  his  house  at  Craigie,  with  the  croune 
and  sword,  and  that  to  the  effect  they  might  goe  jointlie 
togither,  and  deliver  all,  the  minister  answered  that  he  scorned 
to  come  to  his  house,  nor  would  he  have  more  to  doe  with  him 
in  that  nor  in  anything  else;  but  that  seeing  he  had  perjured 
himself  in  refuising  to  returne  him  the  scepter,  he  would  goe 
alone  and  delyver  the  rest  by  himself.  Yet  notwithstanding 
of  this  answer  George  Ogilvie,  to  take  away  any  seeming  of 
difference  betuixt  them  in  the  delivery,  met  the  minister  upon 
the  rod  and  so  went  on  with  him  to  Donnotter. 

4.  That  he  wes  most  affectionatly  received  by  my  Lord  into 
Donnotter,  yea  even  unto  imbraceing. 

Answer :  The  minister  and  he  haveing  brought  in  the 
honours  all  at  one  tyme,  notice  was  given  to  my  Lord,  quho 
directed  to  bring  them  into  a  roome,  and  haveing  looked  upon 
the  honours  he  thanked  them  both  in  generall,  though  more 
particularly  the  minister,  and  commanded  the  sheref  deput  (to 
quhom  he  had  givene  the  charge  of  the  houss)  to  lift  the 
crowne  and  cary  it  to  a  closet.  George  Ogilvie  being  moved 
therat,  snatched  at  the  scepter  and  carved  it  in  undesired,  and 
a  certaine  space  therafter  taryed  in  the  dyning  roome  with  the 
rest  of  those  then  attending,  but  received  nothing  afterward 
from  my  Lord  but  downlooking  and  frownes.  And  the  nixt 
morning  my  Lord  causd  my  Lord  Arbuthnot  send  him  word 
that  my  Lord  absolutlie  discharged  him  from  any  more  seing 
his  face  ;  which  he  hath  not  since.1 

5.  That  he  alone  hath  been  the  onlie  sufferrer,  losser,  and 
persone  endangered  for  the  preserving  of  these  honours. 

Answer  :  The  tyme  he  wes  prissoner  (which  wes  the  whole 
sume  of  his  suffering])  he  liberat  himself  from  all  suffering, 
losse  or  danger,  by  burthening  my  Lord  Marshalls  brother  by 
his  declaring  to  the  English  that  he  had  caryed  them  away, 
which  banished  him  for  about  3  yeires,  quhich  tyme  he  wes 


1  With   regard  to   the   Earl    Marischal's  reception   of    Ogilvie,   see  supra, 
p.  109. 

I 


130  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

exposed  to  both  hazard  and  want,  being  robbd  in  his  travel- 
ling, my  Lady,  his  mother,  at  great  expenses  for  him,  and  his 
bills  of  exchange  miscaryed,  himself  in  severall  hazards  of 
taking  before  he  could  land  and  reach  the  hills  of  Scotland 
quher  Generall  Midltoun  wes  in  armes,  and  quhen  all  got  then 
capitulationes,  his  was  hardly  obtained  but  by  much  mediatione. 
Also  Mr.  Grangers  wyfe  wes  not  without  much  hazard  in  con- 
veying them  throw  many  of  the  English  betuixt  Donnotter 
and  her  own  house. 

6.  Where  he  averres  that  my  Lord  Marshall,  with  good  will 
and  favour,  hath  given  him  a  recept  off  purpose  to  witness 
that  they  have  been  in  his  custodie  ever  since  they  were  first 
put  into  Donnotter,  and  also  to  testifie  that  he  hath  now 
received  them  compleetlie  from  him. 

Answer  :  It  is  evidentlie  cleer  that  my  Lord  Marshall  being 
fullie  assured  (and  it  being  the  thing  that  Barres  in  his  forsaid 
assertiones  dare  not  deny)  that  from  the  day  these  honours 
were  caryed  out  of  Donnotter  untill  the  8  of  the  last  October, 
quhich  day  they  were  delivered  to  my  Lord  Marshall,  they 
were  constantlie  in  Mr.  Grangers  particular  custodie,  and 
likwayes  the  major  part  of  them  being  personally  delivered 
by  Mr.  Granger,  that  part  quhich  Barres  delivered  being 
cuninglie  wrested  and  perjuredlie  retained  for  about  8  days 
from  the  man  that  had  preserved  it  with  the  rest  to  that  day, 
I  say  therfore  it  is  cleer  that  recept  hath  not  been  givene  of 
purpose  to  testifie  they  had  been  alwayes  in  George  Ogilvies 
keeping,  or  that  they  were  received  intyrelie  from  him,  but  the 
reasones  moveing  my  Lord  Marshall  to  grant  that  recept,  and 
quhich  these  who  were  solicitours  for  Barras  to  that  effect, 
have  pressed  in  upon  him  ar : 

1.  Because  they  were  in  Donnotter  quhen  Barres  wes  put 

into  it. 

2.  Because  Barres   wes    charged    with  them  by  my  Lords 

mother. 

3.  Because  he  presumed  haveing  the  scepter,  to  reteine  it 

till  he  got  some  acknowledgment    by   way  of  recept, 
and, 
41y.  Because  William  Ogilvies  petitione  wes  answered  with  a 
commaund  to  deliver  them,  and  take  a  recept  theron, 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  131 

which  they  have  interpret  to  my  Lord  Marshall  as  a 
commaund  on  him  to  give  one. 
That  they  were  in  Donnotter  when  Barres  was  put  in, 
That  he  had  ane  immediat  charge  from    my  Ladie 

Marshall  to  secure  them  by  putting  them  out  of 

the  houss, 
That  afterwards  he  did  once  or  twyce  visit  them,  and 

helped  Mr.  Granger  to  shift  them  from  one  place 

to  another, 
That  he  and  his  wyfe  were  prissoneres  in  Aberdean 

and  Donnotter  till  they  produced  Mr.  Johne  Keiths 

recept, 
Is  all  true,  and  all  that  he  can  truly  alledge. 
But  all  the  forsaid  assertiones,  or  that  he  had  power 

to   remove  them  from  Mr.  Grangers  without  my 

Ladie  Marshalls  warrand  is  arrogant  untrueths. 


LETTER    FROM    THE    MINISTER    OF    KINNEFF    TO    THE 
COUNTESS    OF    MARISCHAL 

Kinneff,  the  12  of  November  [1660]. 
Madame, — I  could  not  of  duetie  [omit]  to  write  to  your 
Ladyship  a  .  .  .  Barras  is  now  assaying  high  things  namelie 
to  [a]prove  .  .  .  hes  written  to  his  Majestie  anent  the  honoures. 
I  do  not  write  this  .  .  .tion.  But  he  told  me  it  out  of  his 
oune  mouth.  I  shall  not  insist  [upon]  particulars,  but  for 
preventing  of  any  inconvenience  I  will  relate  [it  in]  generall, 
for  he  thought  to  have  draune  me  on  to  concurre  in  his  plot, 
[as]  he  feared  without  me  he  should  not  get  things  rightly 
gone  about.  But  I  have  now  given  up  all  medling  with  him 
in  that  kynd.  His  sonne  is  at  London  and  he  [hes]  written 
to  him  that  my  Lord  Ogilvie  is  gone  with  him  to  the  Kings 
Majestie  and  hes  declared  that  his  father  did  preserve  the 
honoures,  and  affirmed  that  notwithstanding  all  that  your 
Ladyship  had  written  to  his  Majestie  that  they  were  yet  in  his 
fathers  handis,  and  hes  good  hopes,  as  he  hath  written  to  his 
father,  of  gryt  things.  And  if  the  honoures  be  not  yet  de- 
lyvered  that  nather  any  Lord  or  Lady  in  the  Kingdome  should 


132  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

have  them  till  he  advertised  them  againe,  evin  albeit  they  had 
a  commission  from  his  Majestie.  But  since  that  was  not  now 
to  be  helped,  he  told  me  what  course  he  should  take  for  it, 
namely  that  he  would  show  a  tickquet  of  recept  subscribed  be 
my  Lord  Marshall  that  he  had  receaved  the  honoures  from  him. 
I  enquired  Avhere  had  he  that,  and  quhen  had  he  gotten  it, 
seeing  I  had  delyv[ered]  them,  and  he  refused  to  give  me  a 
tickquet  of  recept.  O,  said  he,  I  got  [it  the]  night  before  the 
honoures  were  delyuered  be  my  Lord  Arbuthnot  .  .  .  truely 
I  thought  it  very  strange.  Now  I  did  not  refuse  to  [concujrre 
w[ith  him]  till  I  had  hard  all,  and  then  I  told  him  I  would 
not  be  deceaved  [any]  more  with  him.  And  your  Ladyship 
remembers  I  did  ever  fear  that  he  [would]  easily  wynd  himselfe 
into  my  Lord  Marshall  his  favour.  Your  Ladyship  may 
m[ake  the]  best  use  heirof  your  Ladyship  can,  for  Barras  is 
very  busie  to  post  away  letters  to  his  sonne,  for  he  told  me  he 
was  presently  going  to  Newgrange  to  dispatch  his  letters.  In 
haist  I  continow,  Madame,  your  Ladyships  humbill  servant  in 
the  best  service,  M.  Jam.  Graixger. 

Madam, — It  is  eneuph  [to]  improve  him  both  [of]  it  .  .  . 
the  honoures  and  at  your  .  .  .  ion  and  .  .  .  written  the  day 
befor  .   .  .  the  nixt  week. 

For  the  truely  noble  Lady,  my  Lady  the  Countesse  of  Marshall, 
these. 

[Docquet].  The  Minister  of  Kinneffs  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Marshall. 

12th  November  1660. 
Edinburgh  26  August  17     . — Presented  by  Alexander  Troup,  writer,  and 

registrat  per  McKell. 


SIGNATURE  FOR  THE    PATENT    OF    KNIGHT  MARISCHAL 
TO   JOHN    KEITH  X 

Our  Soverane  Lord  ordains  a  letter  to  be  past  under  the 
great  seale  of  his  antient  kingdome  of  Scotla[nd]   makeing 

1  1660. 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  133 

mention  that  his  Majestie  takeing  to  his  c[onsi]deration  how 
necessar  it  is  for  the  honor  of  the  Crown  the  credit  of  his 
government  and  service,  and  for  the  good  of  his  subjects  that 
all  those  services  that  .  .  .  unto  be  stable  and  entrusted  to 
persons  of  known  reputation,  merit  and  honour,  and  his 
Majestie  haveing  perfect  knowledge  of  the  worth  and  loyal  tie 
of  John  Keith,  brother  to  the  Earle  Marischal,  quhairof  he  hes 
given  good  testimonie  at  everie  occasion  dureing  the  late 
troubles,  and  of  the  great  service  he  performed  in  the  enteir 
preserveing  of  his  Majesties  Royal  Honors,  the  Crown,  Sword 
and  Scepter  frome  the  violence  and  possession  of  these  rebells 
that  these  yeeres  past  had  overrun  and  possessed  thameselfe  of 
his  Majesties  kingdome  [of]  Scotland,  a  service  n[ever  to]  be 
forgotten  by  succeeding  generations,  and  which  doth  so  justlie 
intitull  him  to  some  honorable  employment  in  his  Majesties 
service:  his  Majestie  hath  therfore  of  his  certane  knowledge 
mad,  constit[ut]  and  creat,  and  be  thir  presents  maks,  constitutts 
and  creats  the  said  John  Keith  Knight  Marischal  of  the  king- 
dom  of  Scotland,  and  gives  and  grants  unto  him  dureing  all 
the  dayes  of  his  lyftyme  the  place  and  office  of  Knight 
Marischall  of  Scotland ;  with  power  to  him  to  exerce  and  dis- 
charge the  same,  and  to  enjoy  all  the  priviledges,  benefits, 
dignities  and  others  due  and  belonging  therunto  or  which  heir- 
after  salbe  fund  to  be  proper  and  belonging  unto  the  same. 
And  in  regard  of  his  constant  attendance  at  Parlaments  and 
other  occasions  of  his  Majesties  service,  his  Majestie  hes  given 
and  granted  and  annexed  and  be  the  tenor  heirof  gives,  grants, 
and  annexeth  unto  the  said  office  a  yeerlie  pension  of 

for  all  the  yeeres  of  his  lyftyme,  to  be  paved  out 
of  the  reddiest  of  his  Majesties  rents,  customes  or  casualities 
of  his  Exchecker  at  tuo  termes  of  the  yeere,  the  first  termes 
payment  being  at  Martmes  nixto  come :  commanding  heirby 
his  Majesties  Thesaurers,  principal  and  depute,  the  ressavers 
of  his  Majesties  rents,  and  all  others  whome  it  concerns,  to 
make  exact  and  punctuall  payment  of  this  pension  accordingly. 
And  ordains  these  presents  to  be  a  sufficient  warrand  to  the 
"Wryter  to  the  great  seale  and  to  the  keeper  of  the  same  to 
wryt  and  exped  this  grant  and  to  append  the  great  seal  therto 
without  passing  any  other  register  or  seales.     London.  .  .  . 


134  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 


LETTER    FROM    CHARLES    II.    TO    THE    EARL    OF 
MIDDLETON l 

May  the  8th,  1662. 

Middletox, — You  are  not,  I  am  sure,  a  straunger  to  the  great 
services  were  done  in  Scotlande  by  my  Lady  Mareshalle  att  a 
time  when  few  or  none  almost  durst  or  would  owne  me,  ther- 
fore  I  need  not  tell  you  how  just  a  sense  I  have  of  them  and  how 
desirous  I  am  of  any  occasion  to  e[ncourage  her].  Being  lately 
in[formed]  that  some  differences  [have  arisen]  betwixt  her,  and 
her  sone  in  law,  the  Earle  of  Mare[shall]  (if  any  such  shall 
happen)  I  do  particularly  comand  you  to  [see]  that  no  [wr]onge 
be  [d]one  her,  but  that  she  may  enjoy  what  justlie  she  has  a 
pretinsion  too,  being  a  person  that  is  very  much  in  the  care  of 
your  very  affectionate  frinde,  Charles  R. 

For  the  Earle  of  Middleton. 


MEMORIALL    FOR    THE    EARL    OF    KINTORE 2 

When  King  Charles  the  Second  went  to  England  with  the 
Scottish  armie,  by  his  order  the  Crown,  Scepter  and  Sword 
wer  transported  to  the  Castle  of  Durmotter  to  be  under  the 
care  of  the  Earl  Marischall  who  was  allowed  a  leivtenent  and 
soom  souldiours  for  the  defence  of  the  place.  The  Earl 
imployed  Georg  Ogilvie,  his  servant,  who  being  bred  and 
born  under  him,  the  said  George  father  being  porter  in  Dun- 
notter  and  never  advanced  to  further  degrees  of  service,  yet  his 
soon  being;  educat  with  the  Earl  was  mutch  in  his  favour  and 
gave  him  commission  to  be  his  leivtenent  when  the  King  went 

1  Middleton  was  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  forces  in  Scotland,  and  Commis- 
sioner to  the  Parliaments  of  1661  and  1662.  The  latter  was  opened  by  him  on 
the  8th  May,  the  date  of  this  letter.  The  Earl  Marischal  referred  to  in  this  letter 
was  George,  eighth  Earl,  the  second  son  of  the  Countess,  who  succeeded  his 
brother  in  1661. 

2  This  is  a  Memorial  submitted  to  the  Lord  Advocate  (Sir  James  Stewart  of 
Coltness)  preliminary  to  the  proceedings  before  the  Privy  Council.  The  pro- 
ceedings were  taken  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Lord  Advocate. 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  135 

to  England.1  In  anno  1651  the  Earl  Marshall  put  the  honours 
at  Dunnotter  in  the  best  posture  he  could  and  lodged  the 
Honors  in  a  secret  place  in  the  Castle.  But  he  being  in  com- 
mission with  the  Earles  of  Crafoord,  Glencardin  and  others, 
mett  at  Eliot  with  meny  of  the  Kings  frinds  there  to  consult 
about  the  affaires  of  the  nation  and  government ;  but  he  with 
others  wer  surprized  and  made  prisoners  by  Collonell  Alured. 
And  finding  that  he  was  to  be  carried  to  London,  sent  privat 
orders  to  the  Countess  of  Marishall,  his  mother,  to  take  care 
of  the  Honors.  And  accordingly  the  countess,  having  receaved 
the  key,  shee  went  to  the  place  wher  the  honors  wer  and  delivred 
them  to  George  Ogilvie,  the  leivtenent,  to  care  for  them. 
Altho  the  Committee  of  States  had  ordered  the  Lord  Balcarres 
to  receiv  them  out  of  Dunnotter,  yet  by  the  good  conduct  of 
Mr.  Jhon  Keith,  now  Earl  of  Kintore  (when  very  younge)  and 
George  Ogilvies  earnest  desire,  who  was  affrayd  to  deney  the 
Committees  order,  did  take  upon  him  to  refuse  the  giving  them 
up  to  the  said  Lord  Balcarres  ;  which  fell  out  very  happily, 
for  if  they  had  been  given  out  they  had  been  undoubtedly 
seased  upon,  the  English  being  then  master  of  all  Scotland. 

Then  the  English,  marching  northward,  the  Countes  fears 
anent  the  honors  increased,  and  therfor  shee  ordered  they 
should  be  privately  caried  off  and  ane  accompt  sent  to  hir 
wher  they  wer  lodged.  Soom  few  dayes  therafter  the  minister 
of  Kinneff  is  putt  upon  the  contryvance,  who  manadged  it  very 
faithfully,  his  wyfe  and  hir  maid  having  caried  the  Honours  in 
a  bundle  off  flax  to  hir  own  house,  therafter  lodged  them  in  the 


1  This  mention  of  Ogilvie  and  of  his  father's  position  in  the  castle  is  inaccurate 
and  partisan,  though  the  Privy  Council  seems  to  have  accepted  it  as  true. 
William  Ogilvie  of  Lumgair  (George  Ogilvie's  father)  was  the  second  and  sur- 
viving son  of  John  Ogilvie  of  Balnagarro  and  Chapelton,  a  cadet  of  the  house  of 
Innerquharity.  He  was  a  relative  of  Dame  Margaret  Ogilvie,  second  wife  of 
George,  fifth  Earl  Marischal,  and  came  with  her,  when  a  boy,  to  the  Mearns. 
He  became  a  great  favourite  of  the  Earl  Marischal,  and  was  employed  by  him 
in  important  family  affairs.  His  father  having  sold  Balnagarro,  and  his  elder 
brother  having  died,  he,  with  the  balance  of  the  price  of  Balnagarro,  obtained  a 
wadset  of  the  lands  of  Lumgair  from  the  Earl  Marischal.  It  is  very  unlikely 
that  he  ever  occupied  the  menial  position  assigned  to  him  here.  {Barras  Manu- 
script Papers,  in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Ogilvy  Baker  ;  Jervise's 
Land  of  the  Lindsays,  p.  403). 


136  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 

church,  and  gav  the  Countess  of  Marischall  a  receipt  bearing 
the  places  wher  they  wer  lodged. 

The  English  therafter,  having  beseidged  Dunnotter,  was 
surrendred  upon  a  very  base  capitulation  as  can  be  instructed,1 
and  the  leivtenent  was  bound  to  deliver  the  Honors  or  giv  a 
rational  accompt  of  them.  And  accordingly  when  they  wer 
required,  George  Ogilvie  and  his  wyf  asserted  that  they  wer 
caried  abroad  by  the  now  Earl  of  Kintore,  then  Mr.  Jhon 
Keith,  and  delivred  to  the  King  in  Paris,  but  George  wanting 
documents,  hie  and  his  wyf  wer  detayned  prisoners  till  the  Earl 
sent  a  declaration  from  France,  upon  which  they  wer  sett  at 
liberty  on  baill. 

The  Earl  of  Kintore  having  then  acknowledge!  under  his 
hand  the  having  of  the  Honors,  and  knowing  the  difficulties 
that  might  attend  him  if  he  should  fall  in  the  hands  of  his 
enemies  he  stayed  abroad  till  Generall  Midleton  came  over  to 
Scotland,  and  therafter  followed  him  over  to  Scotland.  Hie 
endured  a  great  many  hardships,  being  taken  in  his  landing  in 
the  Ely  m  Fyfe,  but  being  in  disguise  as  a  young  merchand  lad, 
the  English  let  him  go.  Therafter  coming  north  he  corres- 
ponded with  the  Marquise  of  Montros,  who  had  married  his 
cousin  german,  and  having  got  some  frinds  with  him  went  to 
the  hills  and  joyned  General  Midleton  and  remayned  still  ther 
till  they  wer  defeatt  at  Lochgarioch.  And  when  ther  was  no 
further  hopis  left  he  fell  upon  a  contryvance  of  getting  a  receipt 
from  Generall  Midleton,  as  if  the  Honors  had  been  delivred 
to  him  at  Paris  by  the  Kings  order.  And  then  the  Countess 
of  Marshall  by  the  mediation  of  frinds  prevailed  with  Generall 
Monke  to  include  him  in  the  Marquis  of  Montroses  capitula- 
tion. And  being  challenged  by  Collonell  Cobbet,  then  gover- 
nour  of  Dundee,  who  was  appointed  by  Monke  to  concert  the 
artickles  off  capitulation  with  the  Marquis  of  Montrose,  the 
said  Cobbet  told  the  Earl  of  Kintore,  then  Mr.  Jhon  Keith, 

1  The  articles  of  agreement  for  the  surrender  of  the  Castle  are  printed  in 
Appendix  ii.  of  the  Bannatyne  Club  volume,  p.  72.  The  adjective  '  mean ' 
is  scarcely  applicable.  Ogilvie  and  his  garrison  had  permission  to  march  out  of 
the  Castle  '  with  flying  collours,  drom  beateing,  match  lighted,  the  distance  of 
one  mile,  theare  to  lay  down  theire  armes,  and  to  have  passes  to  goe  to  theire 
own  homes,  and  theare  to  live  without  molestation,  provided  they  act  nothing 
prejudicial!  to  the  Commonwealth  of  England.' 


THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND  137 

that  he  was  ordered  by  Generall  Monk  to  inquire  of  him  if  he 
did  cary  the  Honors  abroad,  which  he  ouned,  and  upon  pro- 
duction of  Generall  Midletons  receipt  hie  was  included  in  the 
capitulation  with  the  Marquise,  neither  was  ther  ever  any 
further  enquiry  made  about  them  till  the  Kings  restauration. 

Then  the  Countes  of  Marshall  wrot  to  the  King  to  receiv 
his  Majesties  commands  about  the  Honors  by  a  very  kind 
letter  from  his  Majestic,  with  thanks  for  hir  good  service ; 
was  desired  to  deliver  them  to  the  Earl  Marshall,  and  as  a 
mark  of  his  Majesties  favour  he  not  only  made  the  Earl  Lord 
Privy  Seall,  but  gave  also  to  Mr.  Jhon  Keith,  now  Earl  of 
Kintore,  the  patent  of  Knight  Marshall  with  ane  considerable 
fee  for  the  said  office ;  and  therafter  he  was  created  Earle  of 
Kintore,  and  both  thes  patents,  amongst  his  other  signall 
services,  mentions  the  preservation  of  the  Honors,  and  the 
Lord  Lyon  is  appoynted  to  giv  him  the  Croun,  Scepter,  and 
Sword,  as  ane  addition  to  his  coat  of  arms. 

Notwithstanding  that  the  Honors  wer  thus  preserved  the 
way  and  manner  abov  mentioned,  and  that  the  King  was 
sufficiently  convinced  theroff,  and  not  only  by  his  royall  patents 
in  favour  of  the  Earle  of  Kintore,  but  by  his  privat  letters  to 
the  Countess  of  Marishall  acknowledged  the  same,  yet  the 
above  said  George  Ogilvie,  leivtennent,  most  impudently  had 
the  confidence  to  send  up  his  soon  to  London,  arrogating  to 
himself  the  sole  preservation  of  the  Honors,  and  having  adresed 
the  Lord  Ogilvy,  afterwards  Earl  of  Airly,  did  introduce  him 
to  his  Majestic  Upon  which  the  Countess  of  Marishall  sent 
up  a  gentlman  express,  and  wrote  to  the  Earl  off  Midleton  a 
true  information  of  the  wholl  matter,  which  he  very  kindly 
represented  to  his  Majestie,  who  refused  to  giv  ear  to  any 
such  suggestions.  And  so  his  pretensions  being  defeatt,  ther 
was  no  mor  of  it. 

Neither  would  the  Countess  of  Marishall  and  the  now  Earl 
of  Kintore  bee  dissatisfied  with  what  favour  the  King  might 
have  bestowed  on  him.  Nay,  the  Countess  of  Marishall  in  a 
letter  to  his  Majestie  did  recommend  the  said  George  Ogilvie 
to  his  care.  For  its  not  to  be  deneyed,  but  that  he  knew  of 
the  careying  off  the  Honors  out  of  Dunnotter  Castle  and  was 
kept  prisoner  for  soom  tym,  till  the  now  Earl  of  Kintore, 


138  THE  HONOURS  OF  SCOTLAND 

then  Mr.  Jhon  Keiths  declaration  from  France  of  his  having 
caried  them  abroad  was  the  cause  of  the  said  Georges 
liberation.  But  his  impudent  assuming  the  wholl  concern  of 
ther  preservation  to  himself  and  therby  giving  the  ly  both  to 
his  Majesties  patents  and  other  clear  documents,  for  instruct- 
ing the  trueth  of  what  is  therin  related. 

Its  to  be  observed  that  ther  being  fourty  yeirs  past  since  the 
forsaid  George  Ogilvies  pretensions  wer  frustrate,  who  lived  a 
considerable  tym  after  the  restauration,  calmly  thowch  dis- 
content, and  that  now  this  man,  his  soon,  should  so  long  after 
raise  new  dust,  to  the  most  ignominious  reproach  and  disgrace 
(bv  his  printed  pamphlett)  of  the  memory  of  the  Countess  of 
Marshall  and  now  Earle  of  Kintore  :  its  fitt  therfor  my  Lord 
Advocatt  advyse  how  far  the  Earle  of  Kintore  may  hav  redress 
in  this  matter,  and  that  Barras  may  be  persued  for  printing, 
publishing,  and  dispersing  of  scandalous  pamphlets,  and  that 
the  Councill  will  inflict  a  severe  censure  by  fining  and  im- 
prisoning his  person,  and  burning  of  his  .  .  .  stell  printes. 


JOHN    ERSKIXE,     ELEVENTH    EARL    OF    MAR, 
AND     HIS     SON     THOMAS,     LORD     ERSKINE 


from  the  pot-trait  by  Sir  Godfrey  Knellcr  in  the  possession  of  th-:  Earl  of  May  and  Kellie 


THE 

EARL   OF  MARS   LEGACIES 

TO     SCOTLAND 

AND  TO  HIS  SON,  LORD  ERSKINE 

1722-1727 

Edited  from  the  original  ms.  at  Alloa  House,  with  a 

Biographical    Introduction    and    Notes   by 

THE  HON.  STUART  ERSKINE 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction,  ......         141 

Mar's  Legacy  to  his  Son,  .  .  .  .157 

Jewels,  or  The  Legacy  to  Scotland,      .  .  .194 

Letters  from  the  Chevalier,       ....         206 

Considerations  and  Proposals  for  Ireland  on  a  Restora- 
tion,    .......         213 

A    Scheme    for    restoring    Scotland    to     its    ancient 

Military  Spirit,  .....         215 

Memorial  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans,        .  .  .         223 

A  Thought  with  regard  to  Scotland,    .  .  .241 

Appendix,    .......         244 


INTRODUCTION 

The  author  of  the  Legacy  here  printed  for  the  first  time,  John 
Erskine,  eleventh  Earl  of  Mar,  and  eighteenth  Lord  Erskine, 
was  the  eldest  son  of  Charles,  tenth  Earl  of  Mar,  and  Lady 
Mary  Maule,  daughter  to  the  Earl  of  Panmure.  He  was  born 
at  Alloa  in  the  month  of  February  1675,  and  succeeded  to  the 
earldom  in  1690,  and  at  the  same  time  to  an  estate  'extremely 
involved,  but  which  by  good  management,  he  in  great  measure 
retreived.1 

Charles,  the  tenth  Earl,  offers  some  claims  to  notice.  He 
raised  the  regiment  of  foot  soldiers  known  as  Scots  Fusiliers, 
and  was  a  Privy  Councillor  to  Charles  11.  and  to  James  vn. ;  but 
disapproving  the  latter's  harsh  and  unconstitutional  measures 
in  Scotland,  he  broke  with  the  King  and  retired  abroad.  When, 
however,  the  Revolution  of  1688  was  ingloriously  and  un- 
happily set  on  foot  he  embraced  the  King's  interest,  and  as  a 
consequence  of  that  step,  was  arrested  in  March  1689  and  sent 
to  prison,  where  he  died  not  long  after  his  incarceration. 

Of  the  eleventh  Earl's  mother,  Lady  Mary  Maule,  little  that 
is  authentic  is  known.  It  is  said  that  she  was  crooked  and 
squinted  abominably ;  but  as  this  statement  is  based  on  the 
authority  of  the  Master  of  Sinclair,  it  must  be  accepted  if  it 
be  entertained  at  all,  with  prodigious  reserve.1 

Charles,  tenth  Earl  of  Mar,  was  plagued  with  poverty,  and 
during  his  lifetime  the  fortunes  of  the  Erskines  were  at  a  very 
low  ebb.     '  Unswerving  loyalty  to  the  Royal  cause,'  says  Lord 

1  The  same  authority  asserts  that  Mar  also  was  crooked.  If  he  was  so  it  is 
somewhat  curious  that  none  of  the  portraits  of  him  (of  which  there  are  four  or  five) 
preserved  at  Alloa  contain  any  traces  of  his  alleged  deformity. 


142  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

Crawford  in  his  book  on  the  Earldom  of  Mar,  '  the  hereditary 
characteristic  of  the  Erskines,  throughout  the  great  Rebellion, 
was  punished  by  fines  and  sequestrations  up  to  the  date  of  the 
Restoration  ;  and  after  that  event,  the  debts  contracted  in  the 
cause  of  Charles  i.  and  Charles  n.,  necessitated  the  sale  of  estate 
after  estate,  including  the  Barony  of  Erskine,  their  original 
honour  on  the  Clyde,  till  the  possessions  of  the  family  were 
reduced  to  little  more 1  than  the  Lordship  of  Alloa,  an  ancient 
Erskine  dependence  though  dignified  by  the  supreme  rights  of 
regality.  The  seal  was  set  upon  these  misfortunes  and  their 
decadence  by  the  accession  of  John,  Earl  of  Mar,  the  great- 
great-grandson  of  the  Earl,  restored  in  1565,  to  the  Rebellion 
of  1715,  of  which  he  was  in  fact  the  leader  and  head.1 

Of  Lord  Mar1  s  boyhood  and  youth  little  is  known.  He  was 
educated,  firstly,  at  Edinburgh,  and  secondly,  at  the  University 
of  Ley  den  in  Holland.  So  soon  as  he  had  performed  the 
'  grand  tour ,  he  attached  himself  to  the  powerful  and  in- 
fluential party  of  the  Duke  of  Queensberry,  when  his  public 
career  may  be  said  to  have  begun.  He  took  the  oaths  and  his 
seat  September  8,  1698,  and  early  next  year  was  sworn  of 
the  Privy  Council  of  King  William  and  Queen  Mary.  The 
young  Earl  remained  a  devoted  adherent  of  Lord  Queensberry 
till  the  latters  fall,  and  that  of  the  court  party  in  1704  when, 
finding  himself  idle,  he  joined  the  country  party  in  opposing 
the  tactics  of  the  Squadrone,  and  thus  gained  for  himself  the 
hearty  support  and  sympathy  of  the  Tories.  When,  however,  the 
Duke  of  Queensberry  returned  to  power  in  1705  Mar  again 
became  his  adherent,  and  in  consequence  of  his  zeal  and  fidelity 
in  that  service,  was  made  one  of  the  Commissioners  appointed 
to  treat  of  the  Scottish  Act  of  Union,  being  afterwards 
honoured  with  the  post  of  Keeper  of  the  Signet  in  reward  for 


1  This  is  an  exaggeration.  At  the  time  I  am  writing  of  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
great  district  of  Mar  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Erskines.  It  left  them  for  ever  in 
1730,  when  in  consequence  of  the  appalling  poverty  of  the  family  it  was  sold  to 
the  then  Farquharson  of  Invercauld,  and  to  one  Lord  Duff. 


INTRODUCTION  143 

the  part  which  he  took  in  recommending  that  important  treaty 
to  the  consideration  of  his  countrymen.  From  that  time 
forward  his  influence  both  among  the  Scots  nation  and  the 
English  Ministers  began  to  increase,  and  went  on  developing  at 
a  very  rapid  rate  until  he  was  made  Secretary  for  Scotland  in 
the  reign  of  Queen  Anne,  when  he  may  be  said  to  have  reached 
the  zenith  of  his  fame. 

In  February  1707  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  Representative 
Peers  of  Scotland,  an  honour  which  was  conferred  on  him  again 
in  1708,  1710,  and  1713,  about  which  time  also  he  was  sworn 
of  the  Privy  Council  of  Queen  Anne.  The  important  share  he 
took  in  forcing  the  Union  through  the  Scots  Parliament  did 
not,  however,  prevent  him  from  speaking  strongly  in  support 
of  Earl  Findlater,s  motion  for  the  repeal  of  that  treaty,  which 
wa  made  in  Parliament  in  1713.  This  conduct  Lord  Mar  is 
at  some  unnecessary  pains  to  justify  in  the  following  Legacy. 

'  The  Earl  of  Mar,1  says  Macky  in  his  Secret  Memoirs ',  speak- 
ing of  the  leader  of  the  affair  of  1715,  '  is  representative 
'  of  one  of  the  ancientest  and  most  noble  families  in  Scotland, 
'  hereditary  guardians  of  kings  and  queens  of  that  kingdom, 
4  during  their  minority,  and  hereditary  keepers  of  Stirling 
'  Castle.  This  gentleman  hath  not  made  any  greater  figure 
'  than  being  of  the  Privy  Council  both  to  King  William  and 
'  this  queen  [Anne].  He  is  a  very  good  manager  in  his  private 
'  affairs,  Avhich  were  in  disorder  when  his  father  died,  and  is  a 
'  staunch  countryman,  fair  complexioned,  low  stature,  and 
'  thirty  years  old.1 

The  somewhat  sudden  and  unexpected  death  of  Queen  Anne 
in  1714  occasioned  the  downfall  of  the  Tory  party.  Mar,  in 
common  with  many  of  his  political  friends,  endeavoured  at 
first  to  make  his  peace  with  the  new  government.  In  order 
to  that  end  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Elector  of  Hanover,  whilst 
that  prince  was  yet  on  the  Continent,  in  which  his  (Mar's) 
services  to  the  Elector's  predecessors  on  the  throne  of  '  His 
Majesty's  ancestors1  were  eloquently  set  forth,  and  in   which 


144  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

much  apprehension  was  expressed  lest  the  colour  of  the  Earl's 
political  convictions  should  be  misrepresented  to  the  future 
sovereign  of  Great  Britain.  He  also,  it  is  said,  '  desired  to 
'  display  his  influence  over  the  Highlanders,  and  for  that  pur- 
'  pose  procured  a  letter,  subscribed  by  a  number  of  the  most 
'  influential  chiefs  of  the  clans,  addressed  to  himself  as  having 
'  an  estate  and  interest  in  the  Highlands,  conjuring  him  to 
'  assure  the  government  of  their  loyalty  to  His  Sacred  Majesty 
'  King  George,  and  to  protect  them  and  the  heads  of  other 
'  clans,  who,  from  distance,  could  not  attend  at  the  signing  of 
'  the  letter,  against  the  misrepresentations  to  which  they  might 
'  be  exposed ;  protesting  that  as  they  had  been  ready  to  follow 
'  Lord  Mar's  directions  in  obeying  Queen  Anne,  so  they  would 
'  be  equally  forward  to  concur  with  him  in  faithfully  serving 
'  King;  George.1 1 

The  new  adherents  of  the  new  Sovereign  were,  however, 
determined  to  follow  the  mistaken  policy  of  securing  the  un- 
limited ascendency  of  their  own  party  on  the  ruins  of  that  of 
their  opponents.  Bolingbroke  and  his  political  friends  were 
not  long  allowed  to  remain  in  suspense  with  respect  to  the 
nature  of  the  sentiments  entertained  for  them  by  their  Whig 
enemies.  They  apprehended  that  they  were  to  be  pursued, 
hanged,  drawn,  quartered  or  outlawed  without  benefit  of  jury.2 
The  well-meaning  advances  of  Mar  were  coldly  repulsed :  he 
was  commanded  to  deliver  up  the  seals  of  his  office,  and  curtly 
informed  that  his  gracious  Majesty  King  George  had  no  further 
occasion  for  his  services. 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  Mar  felt  the  rebuff  keenly, 
and  that  whilst  smarting  under  the  indignity  of  his  dismissal, 
he  should  have  allowed  a  burning  desire  for  revenge  to  overrule 
the  natural  promptings  of  a  somewhat  cautious  nature.  The 
egregious  folly  of  disobliging  a  man  who  could  work  so  much 
mischief  is  perhaps  the  most  patent,  and  certainly  the  most 

1  Scott's  Tales  of  a  Grandfather. 

2  See  Lord  Bolingbroke;s  letter  to  Sir  William  Wyndham. 


INTRODUCTION  145 

disgusting,  feature  of  Mar's  dismissal,  as  his  own  procrastinating 
conduct  and  complete  inability  to  carry  the  point  he  had  in  view 
were  those  of  his  subsequent  behaviour  in  the  field.  '  Although 
it  might  be  true,1  says  Sir  Walter  Scott,  who  was  by  no  means 
partial  to  Mar,  i  that  the  address  was  made  up  with  the 
'  sanction  of  the  Chevalier  de  St.  George  and  his  advisers,  it 
'  was  not  less  the  interest  of  George  the  i.  to  have  received  with 
'  the  usual  civility,  the  expressions  of  homage  and  allegiance 
'  which  it  contained.  ...  A  monarch  whose  claim  to  obedience 
'  is  yet  young,  ought  in  policy  to  avoid  an  immediate  quarrel 
'  with  any  part  of  his  subjects  who  are  ready  to  profess  allegiance 
'  as  such.  ...  It  seems  at  least  certain  that  in  bluntly  and  in 
'  a  disparaging  manner  refusing  an  address  expressing  allegiance 
'  and  loyalty,  and  affronting  the  haughty  courtier  by  whom  it 
'  was  presented,  King  George  exposed  his  government  to  the 
'  desperate  alternative  of  civil  war  and  the  melancholy  expedient 
'  of  terminating  it  by  bringing  many  noble  victims  to  the 
'  scaffold,  which,  during  the  reign  of  his  predecessor,  had  never 
'  been  stained  with  bloodshed  for  political  causes."' 

The  Earl  of  Mar,  repulsed  in  his  advances  to  the  new 
monarch,  concluded,  not  unnaturally,  from  thence  that,  if  not 
his  ruin,  at  all  events  his  permanent  disgrace  was  absolutely 
determined  on  by  the  new  king's  political  advisers.  He  with- 
drew accordingly  from  court,  and  soon  afterwards  set  on  foot 
the  melancholy  and  disastrous  insurrection  with  which  his  name 
is  prominently  associated  in  the  history  of  our  country. 

At  the  conclusion  of  that  ill  contested  and  worse  managed 
affair,  Mar  accompanied  the  Prince  to  France,  where  he  enjoyed 
His  Royal  Highnesses  favour  for  a  number  of  years.  During 
the  time  that  he  held  the  chief  secretary's  seals,  the  affairs  of 
the  Prince,  his  master,  were  conducted  with  considerable 
address,  if  we  can  believe  the  statement  of  Lockhart  of  Carn- 
wath  (a  most  impartial,  and  in  some  respects  even  bitter,  critic 
of  Lord  Mar)  to  that  effect.  His  zeal  and  activity  in  the  service 
of  the  unfortunate  exile  were  apparently  unbounded.     Among 


146  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

other  projects,  more  or  less  plausible,  he  formed  one  for  engaging 
the  brave  and  eccentric  King  of  Sweden,  Charles  the  xn.,  whose 
assistance  he  thought  to  purchase,  by  a  present  of  oatmeal  for  his 
troops,  in  a  plot  to  restore  his  master.  Another  of  his  schemes 
was  that  for  bringing  in  the  Duke  of  Argyle  to  the  Prince's 
interests  and  service.  This  is  said  to  have  failed  on  account 
of  Mar's  jealousy  of  the  former,  but  inasmuch  as  it  was  Mar 
himself  who  proposed  it  and  endeavoured  to  carry  it  through, 
the  assumption  that  he  spoiled  it  is  at  least  open  to  doubt. 
At  all  events,  it  is  impossible  to  observe  much  of  either 
jealousy  or  dislike  in  the  friendly  terms  in  which  Lord  Mar 
refers  to  the  Duke  in  the  following  Legacy ;  nor  is  it  likely  that 
he  would  have  expressly  commanded  his  son  to  seek  him  out 
and  secure  his  protection  if  he  had  entertained  sentiments  of 
dislike  or  jealousy  regarding  him. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Mar  was  much  engaged  in  the  affair 
of  1719,  though  it  is  certain  that  his  advice  and  opinion  were 
sought  on  it.  The  following  extracts  from  a  letter  preserved 
in  the  Stuart  Collection  at  Windsor,  and  printed  in  these  pages, 
for  the  first  time,  may  serve  to  substantiate  this  statement. 
'  Sire,'  he  says,  writing  from  Rome  to  the  Prince,  under  date 
February  4th,  1719,  '  .  .  .  I  have  often  taken  the  libertie  to 
'  tel  yr  Majesty  that  whenever  it  should  please  God  to  restore 
'  you  to  yr  Dominions,  that  I  had  no  designe  or  project  of 
'  haveing  any  eminent  hand  in  business  at  that  time.  What  I 
'  have  so  much  wisht  for  all  my  life  will  be  accomplished,  and 
'  yr  Majesty  will  be  in  no  want  of  fitt  people  to  serve  you 
'  in  each  of  yr  kingdoms,  and  who  are  much  more  capable  of  it 
'  than  I,  and  it  will  be  far  from  giveing  me  any  grudg  to 
'  see  any  you  think  fitt  to  be  emploied  in  the  most  eminent 
'  posts  of  yr  three  kingdoms.  As  for  the  seals  I  have  the 
'  honour  to  hold  of  yr  Majesty  at  this  time,  you  may  very 
'  freely,  without  any  apprehention  of  giveing  me  a  mortifica- 
'  tion,  dispose  of  them  as  soon  as  you  land  in  England,  not 
'  only  those  for  that  kingdome,  but  also  for  that  of  Scotland 


INTRODUCTION  147 

and  Irland.  I  never  aimM  at  being  thought  what  is  comonly 
caird  to  Princes  a  ffavourit,  but  my  ambition  is  to  have  the 
honour,  as  it  will  be  a  pleasur,  of  being  near  yr  person.  You 
have  been  pleased  alreddy  to  give  me  a  post  wch  entitles  me  to 
that,  and  if  you  think  it  fitt  to  add  to  it  any  emploiment 
wch  would  make  me  to  be  of  yr  cabin  councill  (as  it  is  call'd 
here)  tho  of  ever  so  little  business,  that  it  may  not  be  thought 
that  after  serveing  you  abroad  in  place  of  a  minister,  that  I 
am  quite  turn'd  off,  I  shall  have  all  I  aim  at,  and  it  would  be 
in  that  way  I  wou'd  end  my  dayes  w*  pleasur.  As  for  the 
affairs  of  Scotland,  I  should  have  no  pleasur  in  being  im- 
mediately emploied  in  them,  but  wherein  I  am  capable  to 
give  yr  Majesty  light  or  advice  in  them  or  in  any  of  yr  affairs 
in  England  by  the  little  insight  I  have  had  of  men  and  things 
there,  it  could  be  done  as  well  as  if  I  were  [here  ?]  and  per- 
haps w*  more  ease  and  advantage  to  yT  Majesty.  But  if  you 
should  find  either  that  my  advice  was  of  no  use  or  made 
any  uneasie,  my  not  being  consulted  should  be  farr  from 
makeing  me  so.1 

'  ffor  the  present  intended  expedition,  I  am  reddy  to  serve 
yr  Majesty  in  any  way  or  capasity  you  please  and  that  I  am 
capable  of,  but  I  would  presume  to  beg  it  of  yr  Majesty  as 
a  favour  that  I  may  not  be  sent  to  Scotland,  tho1  I  wou'd 
not  ask  even  that,  did  I  not  think  that  yr  affairs  wou'd  suffer 
by  it,  but  for  all  that  can  be  done  there  as  the  expedition 
is  proposed,  I  humblie  conceive  that  it  can  be  done  as  well 
as  in  the  manner  it  was  designed  when  you  came  into  Italy 
had  it  then  gone  on,  as  if  I  went.  There  ought  an  ex- 
perienced officer  of  distinction  be  sent  there,  go  who  will, 
and  I  heartily  wish  the   same   person   may  who  was   then 


1  This  language  is  so  contrary  to  the  character  with  which  it  has  pleased  his 
biographers  to  blacken  his  reputation,  that  one  marvels  that  Lord  Mar  should 
have  dared  to  hold  it.  Mar  is  usually  represented  as  having  been  a  greedy, 
needy,  self-seeking  courtier.  It  is  refreshing  to  find  him  using  the  language  of 
moderation  and  even  making  some  sort  of  dim  religious  effort  to  conform  to  the 
exalted  moral  standard  of  his  critics. 


148  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

i  designcl.1  And  He  to  whom  yr  Majesty  then  gave  the  first 
'  place,  is  still  the  fittest  for  it.  My  fellow  traveler 2  will  be 
'  a  good  help  there  to  him,  and  I  donbt  not  but  he  will 
'  behave  himself  w*  that  disinterested  zeal  he  did  upon  the 
'  last  occasion.  In  that  way  I  can  answer  that  all  my  friends 
'  will  do  all  in  their  power  as  much  as  if  I  were  there  myself, 
'  as  I  doubt  not  but  every  man  wou'd  who  wishes  yr  Majesty  well. 

'  What  I  ask  is  to  have  the  honour  to  attend  yr  Majesty  as  a 
'  Voluntier  without  any  character  or  emploiment,  and  you  shall 
'  have  all  the  sendee  of  me  I  am  capable  of  as  much  as  if  I  had 
'  both  and  in  that  way,  if  yr  Majesty  have  a  mind  to  it,  I 
'  should  think  it  could  make  no  man  uneasie  upon  my  account. 

'  It  was  never  my  studdie  to  be  rich,  and  I  am  now  too  old 
'  to  begin  to  think  of  it.  Yr  Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  lay 
'  more  honours  on  me  alreddy  than  I  deserve,  and  I  can  have 
'  nothing  further  or  wish  for  that  way.  You  will  have  the 
'  goodness,  I  hope,  if  my  family  by;  its  cariage  deserves  it, 
'  to  make  it  easie  and  in  a  way,  in  some  measur,  not  to  make 
'  those  honours  ashamed  of  its  bearing  them,  and,  for  myself, 
'  I  shall  be  very  indifferent  of  opolencie. 

'  God  grant  yr  Majesty  a  good  and  safe  vooage  and  journie 
'  and  success  in  yr  project.  May  I  be  so  luckie  to  arive  in 
'  time  to  attend  you  in  yr  expedition,  but  if  unfortunately 
'  I  do  not,  let  me  beg  of  yr  Majesty  to  leave  directions  for  my 
'  following  of  you  directly,  where  ever  you  go. 

'  As  to  other  things,  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  who  has  show'd 
'  himself  so  zealous  in  yr  service  is  the  fittest  to  advise  you 
'  and  as  he  was  the  first  who  publickly  embraced  yr  Maja 
'  service  who  were  in  any  business  at  yr  sister's  death,  I 
'  heartily  wish  he  may  have  the  honour  and  happiness  to 
'  finish  the  glorious  work  of  yr  restoration  for  which  yr  king- 
'  doms  wou'd  be  so  much  beholden  to  him  and  have  reason  to 
'  love  him  better,  if  that  can  be,  than  they  yet  do. 

'  I  will  not  trouble  yr  Majesty  w*  any  compliment,  that 
1  Probably  either  Ormonde  or  Berwick.  2  The  Duke  of  Perth. 


INTRODUCTION  149 

'  being  non  of  my  talent,  but  may  you  be  as  hapie  as  I  wish 
'  you,  and  that  wou'd  be  more,  I  am  sure,  than  any  who  ever 
'  satt  upon  v.  thron  have  yet  been,  tho  not  more  than  you 
'  deserve,  as  yr  people  will  think  when  they  have  the  happi- 
'  ness  of  knowing  you.'' 

The  affair  of  1719 l  ended  as  disastrously  for  the  Jacobites 
as  that  of  1715,  and  Mar  was  soon  again  employed  in  concert- 
ing other  measures  in  the  interests  of  his  exiled  master.  From 
the  former  year  to  that  of  1724  he  had,  with  but  few  inter- 
ruptions, the  principal  direction  of  the  Prince's  affairs,  and 
though  it  would  be  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  they  flourished 
under  his  management,  since  nothing  and  nobody  can  be  said 
ever  to  have  done  so  that  was  in  any  way  closely  connected  with 
that  unfortunate  personage,  yet  Mar  conducted  them  well  and, 
as  far  as  ascertained,  pleased  his  master  as  well  as  the  majority 
of  his  party.  In  1721,  however,  in  consequence,  there  is  strong 
reason  to  believe,  of  a  plot  between  Atterbury  and  Colonel 
Hay,2  who  was  afterwards  created  Earl  of  Inverness  by  Prince 
James,  Mar  was  deprived  of  office.  In  order  that  my  readers 
may  fully  understand  the  secret  motives  underlying  this  step, 
it  is  necessary  that  I  should  here  digress  a  little. 

In  1721  Bishop  Atterbury  had  been  compelled  to  leave 
England  in  consequence  of  a  conspiracy  against  the  Govern- 

1  An  account  of  the  Jacobite  attempt  of  1719  is  printed  in  vol.  xix.  of  the 
publications  of  the  Scottish  History  Society. 

2  Colonel  Hay  was  at  one  time  an  officer  in  the  Scots  Guards,  who  'got  into 
the  Chevalier's  favour  by  means  of  the  Earl  of  Mar.'  He  married  a  daughter  of 
Lord  Stormont,  and  the  Chevalier  becoming  enamoured  of  her,  '  it  was  not  very 
long  before  the  Lord  and  Lady  Mar  were  driven  from  Court  to  make  room  for 
the  new  favourites.'  On  the  disgrace  of  Mar  'the  Colonel  was  made  Prime 
Minister  ;  nobody  could  be  introduced  to  an  audience  but  by  his  means ;  no 
counsel  was  put  in  execution  till  he  had  first  approved  it  ;  and,  in  short,  he 
governed  the  Chevalier  and  the  whole  court  in  a  most  absolute  manner.'  These 
extracts  are  taken  from  a  book  entitled  The  Men  of  the  Chevalier  de  St.  George, 
on  occasion  of  the  Princess  SobieskVs  retiring  into  a  Nunnery.  Hay  was  publicly 
declared  secretary  5th  March  1725,  though  it  is  well  known  he  had  had  the 
principal  direction  of  affairs  for  some  time  prior  to  Mar's  dismission  from  office. 
He  was  deprived  of  office,  April  1727.  For  Hay's  conduct  to  the  Princess 
Sobieski  see  Lockhart's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  265.  His  parts,  like  his  charac- 
ter, were  contemptible. 


150  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

ment,  in  which  the  prelate  was  involved,  though  himself  and  his 
friends  stoutly  maintained  the  contrary.  It  would  seem  that 
from  circumstances — the  most  notable  and  at  the  same  time 
the  most  ludicrous  being  that  of  the  little  white  dog,  which  the 
good  bishop  pretended  to  believe  had  been  sent  into  England 
from  France  by  Mar  for  the  express  purpose  of  betraying  him 
to  the  government — I  say  that  from  certain  circumstances  which 
transpired  at  the  trial,  Atterbury  got  a  fixed  notion  into  his 
head  that  Mar  and  the  British  Government  had  together  and 
in  concert  conspired  his  banishment.  This  '  fire-brand  of  a 
Bishope,"1  as  Mar  calls  him  in  the  following  Memorial  and 
Legacy,  accordingly  left  England  under  the  impression  that 
Mar,  in  addition  to  being  his  personal  enemy,  was  a  traitor  to 
his  party,  in  which  highly  explosive  frame  of  mind  he  entered 
France,  and  would  appear  at  once  to  have  begun  to  endeavour 
to  bring  others  to  share  with  him  the  same  charitable  opinion. 
What  real  grounds,  however,  Atterbury  had  for  believing 
that  Mar  had  betrayed  him  to  the  Government  it  is  impossible 
to  say,  nor  is  he  able  to  divulge  them  in  his  private  corre- 
spondence, which  has  been  printed.  All  we  can  say,  however,  in 
favour  of  Atterbury  "s  assertion,  is,  that  the  proceedings  which 
led  to  the  trial  and  conviction  of  the  Bishop,  as  well  as  those 
that  followed  after  it,  are  involved  in  so  much  mystery  that  it 
would  be  indiscreet  to  affirm  positively  at  this  distance  of  time, 
that  he  was  altogether  destitute  of  grounds  for  his  charges. 
What,  on  the  other  hand,  militates  most  strongly  against  the 
Bishop's  assumption  is  the  fact  that  he  was  convicted  of  the 
crime  with  which  he  was  charged  on  the  slenderest  evidence. 
The  trial,  in  fact,  was  a  miserable  farce,  an  outrage  upon 
justice  ;  but  so  determined  were  the  Government  to  secure  a 
conviction  that  they  stopped  at  nothing  in  order  to  make  the 
Bishop  to  appear  guilty.  Now  it  would  seem  to  stand  to 
reason  that  if,  as  Atterbury  asserted,  Mar  hatched  a  plot  with 
the  British  Government  to  betray  the  Bishop  to  them  and 
received  money  and  promises  of  pardon   for  his  share  in   it, 


INTRODUCTION  151 

the  former  would  have  taken  very  good  care  not  to  part  with 
either  their  money  or  promises  without  receiving  adequate  value 
for  both.  In  other  words,  it  is  improbable  that  the  Govern- 
ment would  have  made  so  loose  a  compact  with  Mar  for  the 
betrayal  of  Atterbury  as  enabled  the  Bishop  successfully  to 
masquerade  as  irreproachably  innocent  at  the  trial,  and  even  for 
many  years  afterwards,  successfully  to  maintain  all  the  appear- 
ances of  a  state  of  pious  and  impregnable  guiltlessness. 

Apart  from  the  affair  of  the  little  white  dog,  to  which 
reference  has  been  made  above,  the  circumstance  on  which  the 
Bishop  laid  the  greatest  stress  in  preferring  his  charges  of 
treachery  against  Mar  was  the  intercepting  by  Government  of 
letters  addressed  by  Mar  to  the  Bishop.  This,  however,  is 
surely  very  inadequate  ground  on  which  to  base  reckless  and 
wholesale  charges  of  treachery,  inasmuch  as  the  intercepting 
of  Jacobite  letters  by  Government  was  an  event  of  daily,  if  not 
hourly,  occurrence.  In  a  book  entitled  Memoirs  of  the  Life, 
Family,  and  Character  of  John,  late  Earl  of  Stair,  we  are  told 
how  in  1715,  '  by  Lord  Mar's  intercepted  letters  which  Pringle 
will  send  you,1  it  was  said  to  be  plain  that  Lord  Mar  '  expected 
the  Pretender  in  Scotland,''  yet  no  charge  of  treachery,  so  far 
as  the  writer  is  aware,  was  laid  at  Mar's  door  on  that  occasion 
in  consequence  of  what  was  undoubtedly  a  common  Jacobite 
mishap. 

To  take  up,  however,  the  thread  of  my  narrative  at  the 
point  at  which  it  was  dropped  in  order  to  make  the  above 
necessary  digression,  some  time  previous  to  his  dismissal  from 
office,  but  at  a  period  not  specified  in  the  Legacy  itself,  Mar 
presented  to  the  Prince  a  scheme  consisting,  to  use  his  own 
language,  of  'considerations  and  proposalls  for  the  severall 
'  parts  of  the  constitution  and  Government  of  Scotland  upon  a 
'  Restoration.1  This  scheme  or  'Legacy1  the  Prince '  was  pleased 
some  time  thereafter  1  to  indorse  in  a  series  of  letters  addressed 
by  him  to  Mar  from  Rome.  In  the  month  of  September  1723, 
Mar,  who  was  at  that  time  in  Paris,  writes  to  the  Prince,  who 


152  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

was  then  at  Rome,  saying  that  he  is  '  about  a  thing 1  which  he 
hopes    will  be   the  best  service   he    ever  did  for  his  master. 
This  '  thing 1  which  Mar  was  engaged  upon,  and  which  he  says 
in  his  letter  to  the  Prince  he  mentioned  either  to  His  Royal 
Highness  or  to  Mr.  Hay,  was  the  celebrated  '  Memorial  to  the 
Regent  Orleans.''     The  history  of  this  Memorial  is  a  curious 
one.    The  latter  was  composed  by  Mar  himself,  and  sent  to  the 
Regent  without  either    the  privity  or   permission  of  Prince 
James.     The  Regent,  according  to  Mar,  received  it  favourably, 
and  from  what  is  known  of  the  former's  real  sentiments  towards 
this  country,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  his  having  done  so. 
Mar,    flattered   probably    by  the    reception   accorded   to   his 
Memorial  by  the  Regent  of  France,  sent  it  forthwith  to  the 
Prince  his  master,  who,  as  Mar  was  high  in  his  favour  at  the 
time,   probably   approved    it   also.       At   all    events   there   is 
absolutely  no   evidence   to  show  that  he  did  not  indorse  it; 
and  as  the  Memorial  was  presented  in  1723,  and  as  Mar  was 
not  deprived  of  office  till  the  year  1725  it  would  be  interesting 
to  know  what  opinion  the  Prince  held  with  regard  to  it  (if  he 
did  not  approve  it)  in  the  interval  between  those  two  dates. 
Unfortunately,    however,    for    Mar,    the   Prince,    if   ever    he 
approved  the  Memorial,  which,  as  I  have  said  before,  there  is 
every  reason  to  believe  he  did,  never  expressed  his  approval  in 
writing,  so  that  when  in  1725  Mar  was  dismissed  from  office, 
James  was  able  to  announce  to  the  world  with  a  clear  con- 
science, that  the  secretary  had  been  displaced  on  account  of 
its  treasonable   nature.1     The  insufficiency,  however,   of  this 


1  If  the  causes  of  Mar's  dismissal  constituted  such  clear  and  unmistakable 
evidences  of  his  guilt  it  is  curious  that  the  Prince  should  have  been  at  so  much 
pains  to  hush  up  that  affair.  In  a  letter  addressed  to  Lockhart  he  expressly 
commands  his  '  trustee  '  not  to  concern  himself  with  the  subject  of  Mar's  dis- 
missal. The  less  said  about  that  affair  the  better,  says  the  Prince  in  effect. 
But  if  Mar's  guilt  was  so  clear,  what  harm  could  have  come  to  the  Prince's 
affairs  by  the  particulars  of  it  coming  to  light  ?  It  is  impossible  to  resist  the 
reflection  on  these  matters  that  the  Prince  was  further  concerned  to  keep  the 
affair  secret  and  his  own  part  in  it  also  than  he  was  desirous  should  appear. 


INTRODUCTION  153 

excuse  as  a  ground  for  Mar's  disgrace  is  plainly  revealed  by  a 
reference  to  the  Memorial  itself,  which,  though  it  no  doubt 
exceeded  in  some  measure  the  principle  laid  down  in  the 
Legacy,  approved  by  the  Prince,  yet  to  all  practical  intents  and 
purposes  was  precisely  the  same  thing.  Mar  was  denounced  as 
a  traitor  by  Hay  and  Atterbury  because  he  wished  to  induce 
the  Prince  to  consent  to  an  arrangement  by  which  a  certain 
number  of  Scottish  troops  should  be  constantly  entertained  in 
the  service  of  the  French  king,  and  a  certain  number  of  French 
troops  in  that  of  the  Scottish  king,  for  the  purpose  of  over- 
awing England ;  yet  if  we  turn  to  the  letters  of  James 
addressed  to  Mar  and  printed  in  this  book,  we  find  that  James 
readily  consented  to  allow  a  certain  number  of  Scots  troops  to 
be  constantly  entertained  in  the  service  of  the  French  king,  in 
the  event  of  his  restoration  ;  and  though  Mar's  proposal  at  the 
time  did  not  embrace  the  larger  proposition  mentioned  above, 
namely  that  the  French  king  should  return  the  compliment,  as 
it  were,  and  send  French  troops  into  Scotland  for  the  purpose 
of  augmenting  the  Scottish  king's  forces,  yet  if  James  approved 
the  one  proposition  it  is  difficult  to  understand  what  reasonable 
objections  he  could  have  had  to  indorsing  the  other.  His  own 
words  on  the  subject  could  not  be  plainer.  'Inconsequence 
'  of  my  letter  to  you  of  the  first  of  Janry.1  says  the  Prince,  '  I 
■  think  it  would  be  for  the  honour  and  interest  of  Scotland  that 
'  I  should  make  an  agreement  with  the  King  of  ffrance  after  my 
'restoration,  for  his  entertaining  a  certain  number  of  Scots 
'  troops  in  his  service,  wch  I  am  perswaded  the  Pari,  will 
'  approve  of  It  is  impossible  to  mistake  either  the  meaning  or 
significance  of  these  words,  considered,  as  they  must  and  should 
be,  in  conjunction  with  the  so  called  '  treasonable ,  parts  of 
the  Memorial. 

There  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  Mar's  removal  from 
office  was  due  to  a  conspiracy  of  which  Hay  and  Atterbury 
were  the  ringleaders.  The  former  was  intensely  jealous  of 
Mar  s  ascendency  at  the  Jacobite  Court :  the  latter,  as  we  have 


154  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

already  seen,  was  the  secretary's  bitter  enemy.  The  proba- 
bility is  that,  as  Mar  himself  states,  Hay  communicated  either 
the  gist  or  a  copy  of  the  Memorial  itself  to  Atterbury,  who, 
in  order  to  revenge  himself  on  Mar  and  to  bring  about  the 
secretary's  downfall,  published  the  document,  and  caused  its 
dissemination  in  Jacobite  circles.1  This  skilful  move  had 
precisely  the  effect  the  wily  prelate  imagined  it  would  have. 
It  raised  a  storm  of  indignation  in  England  against  Mar,  who 
immediately  became  odious  to  the  English  Jacobites,  and  in  a 
short  time  occasioned  his  dismissal  from  office ;  for  James, 
whatever  may  have  been  his  real  sentiments  on  the  subject  of 
the  Memorial,  had  sense  enough  to  perceive  that  by  retaining 
in  his  service  a  minister  who  had  rendered  himself  highly 
obnoxious  to  his  English  supporters  he  would  be  doing  his 
party  and  interests  an  irremediable  injury.  Mar  retired  to  Paris 
after  his  dismissal  from  office,  where  he  remained  till  the  year 
1729,  when  he  went  to  Aix-la-Chapelle  to  drink  the  waters  for 
the  benefit  of  his  health,  which  now  began  to  show  unmistakable 
symptoms  of  an  early  dissolution.  During  his  latter  years  he 
was,  to  his  credit  be  it  said,  '  little  trusted  by  the  Jacobites ' ; 
and  he  would  seem  to  have  entered  into  some  negotiations 
with  the  British  Government  for  the  purpose  of  procuring 
himself  a  pardon,  which  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  considering 
the  scurvy  treatment  he  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
Jacobites  and  their  sovereign.  He  died  at  Aix-la-Chapelle 
(1732)  in  the  fifty-fourth  year  of  his  age ;  and  was  succeeded  in 
his  attainted  peerage  by  his  only  son  Lord  Erskine,  the  youth  to 
whom  the  following  '  Jewels '  and  '  Legacie '  were  bequeathed. 

Doubtless  a  few  particulars  concerning  the  appearance  and 


1  There  is  no  printed  copy  of  the  Memorial  at  the  British  Museum,  nor,  to  the 
best  of  the  writer's  knowledge  and  belief,  is  there  one  at  any  other  of  our 
public  libraries.  The  probability  is  that  the  Memorial  was  privately  printed 
and  circulated,  and  for  that  reason  never  came  into  the  hands  of  the  general 
public. 


INTRODUCTION  155 

history  of  the  valuable  and  interesting  little  volume  which 
contains  the  Legacy  and  Memorial  above  mentioned  will  not 
be  considered  out  of  place  in  this  Introduction.  The  book  is 
the  property  of  the  Earl  of  Mar  and  Kellie,  to  whom  I  am 
vastly  obliged  for  permission  to  edit  it  for  the  Scottish 
History  Society.  The  whole  of  the  Manuscript  has  been  given 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  pages,  not  amounting  to  half  a  dozen 
in  all,  which,  as  they  relate  to  private  family  affairs,  would  be 
of  no  interest  to  the  public.  The  Legacy  is  written  in  an 
admirable,  clear  hand,  in  an  octavo  volume,  bound  in  pale 
olive-green  leather.  A  couple  of  small  silver  clasps  serve 
to  keep  the  volume  fast,  when  it  is  not  in  use. 

Considering  the  fact  that  the  Memorial  was  published  in 
London,  and  there  circulated,  though  only  in  a  private  way 
doubtless,  it  is  surprising  that  no  copy  of  it  is  to  be  found  at 
the  British  Museum  or  at  any  other  of  the  ordinary  sources  of 
historical  information.  It  may  be,  of  course,  that  the  writer  is 
mistaken  in  his  belief  that  no  printed  copy  of  the  Memorial  is 
in  existence  at  the  present  time,  but  if  this  is  so  it  cannot  be 
laid  to  his  charge  that  this  conviction  is  the  result  either 
of  indifference  or  idleness,  for  he  has  searched  for  one  '  high 
and  low,1  and  has  found  nothing  to  reward  his  pains.  That 
the  Memorial,  however,  or,  at  anyrate,  the  general  scope  and 
tendency  of  it,  were  known  to  some  historians  of  an  earlier 
period  than  the  one  we  live  in  is  rendered  certain  by  the  fact 
that  allusions  to  it  more  or  less  vague  and  indefinite  are  to 
be  found  in  one  or  two  contemporary  writings.  Lockhart  of 
Carnwath  gives  a  short  precis  of  it  in  his  Memoirs,  but  it  may 
well  be  that  the  allusions  and  criticisms  of  other  contemporary 
as  well  as  subsequent  writers  were  based  on  that  author's 
reflections.  With  regard  to  the  Legacy,  it  is  here  printed 
in  its  entirety  for  the  first  time.  Sir  Walter  Scott,  how- 
ever, would  seem  to  have  perused  it,  or  to  have  gathered 
some  exact  particulars  concerning  it  either  from  hearsay  or 
more  certain  means,  since  he  makes  a  reference  to  it  in  his 


156  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

Tales  of  a  Grandfather,  wherein  he  takes  occasion  of  the 
Rebellion  of  1715  to  remark  that  the  leader  of  it  was 
more  successful  in  his  schemes  for  improving  the  capital 
of  Scotland  than  he  was  in  those  for  the  alteration  of  her 
government.  By  this  he  would  surely  seem  either  to  have 
read  the  Legacy  itself,  or  to  have  had  imparted  to  him 
particulars  concerning  those  parts  of  it  which  relate  to  the 
improvement  of  Edinburgh.  When  or  in  what  manner  these 
particulars  were  communicated  to  Sir  Walter  I  am  unable  to 
say  :  they  were  apparently  communicated  to  none  other. 

A  curious  incident  connected  with  the  history  of  the  Legacy 
is  referred  to  by  Philadelphia,  Countess  of  Mar,  in  a  note  written 
on  a  fly-leaf  of  the  book.  '  This  book,''  the  Countess  writes, 
'  was  stolen  out  of  the  family  at  the  death  of  John  Thomas, 
'  Earl  of  Mar,  who  died  28th  September  1828.  He  was  the 
'  second  Earl  who  had  the  title  after  the  family  was  restored  to 
'  its  ancient  titles  and  dignities,  anno  1824.  This  book  was 
'  accidentally  recovered  by  Philadelphia,  Countess  of  Mar,  wife 
'  of  John  Francis  Mar,  Earl  of  Mar,  who  gave  a  reward  for  the 
'  recovery  of  it.  Alloa,  July  14th,  1834."  Who  stole  the  book 
or  in  what  manner  it  was  recovered  is  not  known.  The  mis- 
fortune of  its  theft,  however,  was  in  reality  a  blessing  in 
disguise,  for  when  Alloa  House  was  burned  to  the  ground  at 
the  beginning  of  this  century  the  whole  of  the  interesting  and 
valuable  collection  of  historical  and  family  documents  preserved 
in  it  are  said  to  have  been  destroyed  in  the  conflagration. 

S.  E. 


MY   LEGACIE   TO   MY   DEAR   SON 
THOMAS,  LORD  ERSKINE 

I 

Chillon,  March  1726. 
My  dear  Tom, — Ever  since  you  left  us  I  have  been  here  in  the 
country,  and  much  alone,  where  I  had  time  for  reflection,  and 
you  may  be  sure  my  thoughts  have  been  the  most  taken  up 
about  you,  now  when  you  are  to  enter,  as  it  were,  on  a  stage 
the  first  time,  and  a  troublesome  one.  The  world  and  God 
only  knows  if  ever  I  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  again. 

It  haveing  pleased  Providence  so  to  dispose  of  things  that  I 
have  nothing  worth  the  while  of  makeing  a  Will  or  Testament 
for,  I  chose  this  way  of  biding  you  adieu,  in  case  I  should  die 
without  haveing  an  opportunity  of  doing  it  again,  or  by  word 
of  mouth,  and  if  it  should  so  please  God,  you  will  find  amongst 
my  papers  here  (all  which  I  will  order  to  be  given  you)  a 
Narative  of  most  of  the  incidents  of  my  Life,  all  in  my  own 
hand,  wch  I  wrote  at  different  times,  partly  to  amuse  myself 
and  refresh  my  memorie,  when  I  had  little  else  to  emploie  me, 
and  partly  thinking  it  might  come  to  be  of  some  use  to  you, 
for  whom  it  is  only  intended,  and  not  for  the  publick.  I  still 
hope  it  may  be  so,  and  it  was  luckie  for  myself  that  I  keept 
nots  of  some  parts  of  my  life,  haveing  naturally  a  bad  memorie, 
since  they  served  me  in  good  stade  o1  late,  when  my  reputation 
was  so  cruelly  atacqued  by  my  enimies. 

About  four  years  ago  when  I  had  idle  time  enough  at  Paris, 
I  wrote  the  first  part  of  the  narative  from  as  far  back  as  I  could 
recolect  to  the  change  of  the  ministry  about  four  years  before 
Queen  Anne's  death.     Upon  my  comeing  from  Scotland  to 


158  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

ffrance  an.  1715  I  sent  to  our  cousin  Pittodrie1  at  Aberdin, 
and  to  his  Lady  in  his  absence,  two  large  wooden  boxes  or 
trunks  pritty  full  of  letters  and  other  papers  wch  had  past 
dureing  the  time  of  my  being  then  in  that  country.  I  know 
they  were  deliverd  to  him  safe  before  the  Armies  came  to 
Aberdin,  and  I  doubt  not  of  their  haveing  been  well  taken  care 
of  and  safely  preserved  by  him  ever  since,  nor  of  their  being 
deliverd  to  you  when  you  shall  come  to  call  for  them.  You 
will  find  things  in  them  not  uncurious,  and  that  may  be  of 
some  use  in  after  times,  both  with  regard  to  persons  and 
things. 

There  is  in  one  of  them  another  part  of  the  Narative,  from 
the  above  change  of  the  Ministry,  to  the  Elections  in  Scotland 
after  K.  George's  comeing  first  over,  which  I  wrote  in  my  idl 
hours  in  Braemar  an.  1715  dureing  the  time  I  was  preparing 
things  for  what  happned  soon  therafter,  and  when  I  was 
waiting  returns  to  the  orders  I  had  sent  out  through  the 
Highlands. 

When  I  went  first  to  Avignon,  and  before  I  came  to  have 
much  business  to  despatch  there,  I  emploied  the  time  I  had 
[to  ?]  spair  from  attending  the  King  in  continueing  the  Nara- 
tive from  the  Elections  to  my  setting  up  the  King's  standard 
in  Braemar. 

ffrom  the  setting  up  the  standard  to  the  King's  landing  at 
Gravelen  from  Scotland,  I  keept  a  journall  of  the  most 
materiall  things  that  past  where  I  was  present.  I  wrote  it 
every  night  before  I  went  to  bed  (keeping  some  sheets  of  paper 
always  in  my  pocket  on  purpose),  but  only  in  short  notes  for 
refreshing  my  memory  when  I  should  come  to  write  the 
Journall  full  as  it  ought  to  be.  The  miscariage  of  that  affair, 
wch  once  had  so  good  an  appearance  for  restoring  our  King  and 
reliveing  our  country  has  made  the  thinking  of  those  things 
ever  since  disagreeable  to  me,  so  that  I  have  never  been  able 
to  bring  myself  to  enlarge  that  journall. 

The  greatest  part  of  the  originall  of  these  notes,  you  '11  find 
in  one  of  these  boxes  in  Pittodrie's  hands,  and  the  rest  amongest 
my  papers  here,  haveing  been  in   my  pocket   on  my  leaving 


1  Erskine  of  Pittodrie. 


TO  HIS  SON  159 

Scotland.  There  is  also  a  fair  copy  in  Mr.  Paterson's 1  hand- 
writeing  of  most  of  the  journall  wrote  from  what  I  had  sent 
of  it  at  different  times  to  Lord  Bolingbroke  in  ffrance,  and  from 
that  part  wch  I  brought  along  w*  me. 

You  will  likewise  find  amongest  my  papers  here  an  account 
of  the  Expedition  of  that  body  of  men  I  sent  into  Argyll- 
shire under  the  command  of  Generall  Gordon,  on  wch  my 
undertakeing  so  much  depended,  wrote  by  Mr.  Campbell  of 
Glendarull,  who  was  an  eye  witness  to  it,  and  w*  whom  I  had 
concerted  and  laid  that  project. 

I  regrait  much  that  I  have  never  been  able  to  procure  from 
some  of  those  present  (tho'  I  have  often  endeavour'd  it)  a 
particular,  full,  and  exact  account  of  that  body  of  men  I  sent 
over  the  fforth  from  ffife  to  join  the  noblemen  and  gentlemen 
of  the  South  of  Scotland  and  North  of  England  then  in  armes 
for  the  King,  and  of  their  affair  in  the  citadall  of  Leith  and  at 
Seaton  house,  their  joining  the  gentlemen  of  the  South,  and 
their  march  into  England  until  the  unfortunat  affair  of 
Preston,  the  barbarity s  wch  were  comitted  on  our  people  after 
that  shamefull  surender,  and  the  crull  treatment  the  prissoners 
met  w*,  who  were  caried  to  London,  and  those  left  behind  in 
the  county  prisons.  I  cannot  tho-1  imagin  but  some  one  or 
other  of  these  gentlemen  concerned  and  who  suffred  so  severely 
in  that  expedition  but  got  off  at  last  has  wrote  a  particular 
account  of  it  all,  wch  you  may  perhaps  still  chance  to  come  by, 
and  you  should  be  at  pains  to  do  so,  the  want  of  wch  makeing 
a  great  blank  in  the  accounts  I  leave  you  of  the  attempt  then 
made,  wch  never  will  in  after  times  do  dishonour  to  our  country. 

There  is  amongest  my  papers  too  an  account  of  those  things 
in  wch  I  had  any  concern,  from  the  King's  leaveing  of  Gravelen 
to  his  going  into  Italy  from  Avignon  an.  1716.  At  Geneva, 
where  I  was  so  long  keept  against  my  will 2  as  13  months  and 
had  so  much  idle  time,  I  went  on  w*  this  Narative  from  the 


1  A  prominent  Jacobite;  served  as  Secretary  at  War  during  the  '15.  He  was  a 
son  of  Sir  Hugh  Paterson  of  Bannockburn,  and  Lady  Jean  Erskine,  daughter  to 
Charles  tenth  Earl  of  Mar.  His  father  also  engaged  in  the  '15,  and  was  deprived 
of  his  estates. 

2  Mar  was  arrested  by  the  Genoese  authorities  at  the  instance  of  the  British 
Government.  He  was  at  first  confined  to  prison,  but  afterwards  released  on 
parole. 


160  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

King's  going  to  Italy  to  my  being  arrested  at  that  town  May 
1719,  contrair  to  all  right  and  justice. 

I  was  some  time  absent  from  the  King  at  his  first  going  to 
Italy  (he  haveing  been  pleased  to  alow  me  to  go  into  ffrance  to 
meet  Lady  Mar a)  so  that  I  had  not  the  honour  of  attending 
him  from  the  month  of  ffeb.  that  I  left  him  at  Montebello 
til  the  month  of  November  therafter,  when  I  joind  him  again 
at  Urbino,  so  that  I  could  not  be  so  particular  as  to  things 
wch  past  with  his  Maj.  in  my  absence,  and  I  intending  only  to 
write  what  I  was  an  eye  witness  to,  I  should  be  excused  for 
saying  little  or  nothing  of  what  happned  to  the  King  or  his 
affairs  in  Spain,  or  while  I  was  prisoner  an.  1719,  his  Majesty 
not  haveing  been  pleased  to  cary  me  along  w*  him,  and  I  being 
prevented  following  him,  as  I  twice  endeavourd.  I  left  at 
Rome  two  large  wooden  boxes  or  trunks  seald  up,  in  wch  were 
a  great  many  letters  and  papers  in  relation  to  the  King's 
affairs  while  I  had  the  honour  to  serve  him  as  Minister,  of 
wch  I  sent  the  keys  from  Geneve,  on  the  King's  returning  from 
Spain,  to  Lady  Mar,  then  at  Rome,  to  be  given  into  his 
Maj.s  own  hands,  wch  she  did,  and  the  boxes  were  also  deliverd 
to  him ;  they  properly  belonging  to  his  Maj.,  and  I  haveing 
but  a  secondary  right  in  them,  I  thought  it  my  duety  to  have 
them  put  into  his  own  hands,  and  at  the  same  time  I  wrote  to 
him,  beging  upon  his  own  account,  that  he  would  be  very 
cautious  of  alowing  them  to  be  lookt  into,  and  never  unless 
he  was  present  himself.2 

Since  my  last  comeing  into  ffrance,  an.  1720,  I  not  haveing 
the  sole  and  principal  direction  of  the  king's  officers,  as  when  I 
had  the  honour  to  comand  for  him  in  Scotland,  or  most  of  the 
time  I  was  about  his  person  on  this  sid  the  sea,  and  conse- 
quently not  being  master  of  the  papers  that  past  concerning 
them,  I  could  not  well  continue  the  Narative  farther,  but  you 
will  see  a  good  deal  into  those  affairs,  and  the  part  I  acted  in 
them,  or  otherways,  at  that  time,  by  the  letters  and  other 
papers  that  past  betwixt  the  King  and  me  and  some  others, 

1  The  second  Lady  Mar,  daughter  to  the  Duke  of  Kingston.  His  first  wife 
died  in  1705. 

2  The  letters  and  documents  here  mentioned  are  probably  among  the  Stuart 
Papers  at  Windsor. 


TO  HIS  SON  161 

wch  you  11  find  amongest  my  papers ;  where  you  will  also  find 
some  things  wrote  by  me  concerning  the  unjust  accusations  of 
that  firebrand  of  a  Bishope,1  since  he  was  sent  to  ffrance  for 
the  destruction  of  the  king's  affairs. 

I  was  to  have  got  from  my  dear  friend,  Gene1  Dillon 2  (who 
had  the  chefe  direction  of  the  king's  affairis  on  this  side  the 
Alpes  dureing  that  time,  and  til  a  little  after  the  Bishope  of 
Rochester's  comeing  into  ffrance),  copies  of  severall  papers  to 
wch  these  letters  to  and  from  me  relate,  for  makeing  my  collec- 
tion the  more  compleat,  so  you  may  know  where  to  be  supply 'd 
w*  such  of  them  as  you  shall  find  wanting  amongest  my  papers  : 
you  can  also  have  from  Ld  Garlies 3  severall  curious  papers  in 
relation  to  the  unfortunat  falling  out  betwixt  the  kins  and 
queen,  etc. 

All  these  papers  as  above  being  chifly  designed  for  your 
own  privat  use,  and  to  enable  you  upon  occasion  to  clear  up  to 
the  world  some  facts,  wch  may  come  to  be  necessary  to  be  sett 
in  a  true  light,  you  ought  to  be  very  carefull  of  them,  and  to 
be  very  sure  of  the  people  to  whom  you  show  or  comunicat 
them.  I  have  in  all  my  accounts  keept  closs  and  religiously 
to  the  truth  so  farr  as  I  could  remember,  being  indifferent  of 
the  stile,  and  they  being  only  designed  for  you,  on  whose 
descretion  tho  young  I  depend,  I  have  been  more  open  and 
free  than  perhaps  was  fit,  had  they  been  designed  for  the 
publick.  I  wrote  the  Narative  always  in  heast,  and  scarce 
toke  the  time  to  read  it  over  again,  so  it  may  not  be  very 
corect,  and  there  may  be  some  things  in  it  too  trifeling,  and 
not  fitt  for  such  a  paper,  espetially  about  the  time  of  my 
begining  the  world.  I  designed  to  have  revised  it,  and  writ  it 
over  corect,  but  laziness  or  some  one  thing  or  other  always 
diverted  me.  If  you  think  it  worth  the  while,  you  may  get 
our  friend  Mr.  Ramsay,  or  such  an  one  in  his  absence  who  you 
can  trust,  to  put  these  papers  in  better  dress,  and  to  leave  out 
what  seems  trifleing,  I  haveing  only  mentioned  them  to  assist 
my  memory  in  the  threed  of  things  wch  happned  to  me  in  my 

1  Atterbury. 

2  An  Irishman  and  an  officer  in  the  French  King's  service.     He  was  a  brave 
and  good  man,  respected  by  everybody. 

3  Afterwards  sixth  Earl  of  Galloway. 

L 


162  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

younger  days,  so  long  before  my  putting  them  in  writeing. 
I  name  Mr.  Ramsay,  because  of  the  trust  I  have  in  him, 
founded  on  the  experience  of  his  uprightness  and  honesty, 
as  well  as  his  capacity  for  such  a  thing,  and  I  beleve  the 
friendshipe  that  has  been  between  him  and  me,  and  also 
his  friendshipe  for  yr  self,  would  make  him  not  to  grudge 
bestowing  some  time  on  a  thing  in  wch  I  am  so  much 
concerned. 

I  left  a  great  many  letters  and  copies  of  some  papers  dure- 
ino"  my  being  in  public  business  before  comeing  abroad  in  my 
cabinets  at  London,  wch  I  suppose  are  still  in  being  and  safe, 
yr  adding  such  of  them  as  are  worth  while  to  what  is  mentioned 
above  will  make  the  colection  more  compleat. 


II 


To  be  of  some  use  to  my  native  country,  and  to  be  assisting 
to  the  relise  of  it  from  the  low  and  declining  condition  in  wch 
I  found  it  was,  has  been  my  great  passion,  and  much  at  my 
heart,  ever  almost  since  I  can  remember  anything ;  and  how- 
ever I  may  have  been  mistaken  in  my  notions,  a  view  towards 
that  has  always  been  the  rule  of  my  actions  w*  regard  to  the 
publick.  This  shows  how  necessary  it  is  to  instill  right  notions 
and  principales  early  into  people,  the  mind  beginning  sooner 
to  notice  things,  and  to  forme  notions,  than  people  are  com- 
monly aware  of,  and  these  notions  formed  when  young  are  not 
easily  effaced. 

It  was  not  without  that  view  I  entered  into  King  William's 
service  a  few  years  before  his  death,  nor  into  Queen  Anne's  on 
her  accession  to  the  crown,  I  being  then  at  London ;  in  which 
I  continued  the  whole  course  of  her  reigne,  and  received  many 
marks  of  her  bounty  and  goodness.  It  was  w*  a  view  to  that 
also  that  I  was  so  forward  for  the  Union  of  Scotland  with 
England,  which  not  being  done  at  the  Revolution,  by  the 
overheasty  offering  the  crown  of  Scotland  to  King  William 
and  Queen  Mary,  was  so  much  regrated  by  many  sensible  Scots 


TO  HIS  SON  163 

people  and  well-wishers  to  their  country  at  that  time ;  tho  I 
have  often  repented  my  part  in  that  since.  It  was,  I  then 
conceived,  the  only  practicable  way,  as  things  stood,  for  the 
relise  of  our  country ;  and  for  the  like  reason,  when  I  found 
that  we  continued  notwithstanding  of  the  Union  to  be  ill 
treated,  and  conditions  not  keept  or  explained  away,  I  became 
as  much  for  haveing  the  Union  broke  as  ever  I  had  been 
earnest  for  its  haveing  been  made.  I  was  not  the  only  man 
so  who  had  been  for  it.  My  friend  the  Duke  of  Queensberry 
wisht  as  much  as  anybody,  and  had  Lord  Stair  been  alive  (the 
great  projector  of  the  Union),  I  am  sure  he  had  been  so  too. 
I  found  the  breaking  of  it  impossible  without  an  entire  revolu- 
tion, by  restoring  our  natural  king,  to  who's  family  I  had 
always  a  heart  likeing,  and  was  sorry  for  the  misfortouns 
happened  to  it,  as  was  very  natural  for  one  come  of  the  family 
I  am,  my  predecessors  haveing  been  so  long  faithful  servants 
to  it.  This  made  me  to  enter  into  a  correspondence  with  the 
king  about  the  time  of  the  change  of  ministry,1  the  last  years 
of  Queen  Anne,  on  his  first  writeing  to  me,  being  encouraged 
by  some  of  his  friends  to  beleve  I  had  a  warme  side  to  his 
interest.  But  I  would  never  engage  to  be  concerned  in  any 
undertaking  for  his  restoration  til  it  should  please  God  to 
remove  his  sister  Queen  Anne,  til  wch  time  I  told  him  it  was 
his  interest  to  have  patience,  as  I  realie  believed  and  under- 
stood it  to  be.  I  thought  I  had  reason  to  belive  that 
the  Queen  and  her  then  ministers  had  a  mind  that  her 
brother  should  succeed  her  in  the  crown,  there  being  no 
sense,  as  appeared  to  me,  in  the  part  they  acted,  unless  on 
that  bottome,  though  it  was  not  to  be  owned.  But  it  was 
to  very  few  of  them  I  opened  my  mind  freely  on  this  subject. 

On  the  Queen's  death,  I  entered  into  measurs  w*  those  of 
England  who  favoured  the  Jacobit  interest,  and  also  some 
of  Scotland,  with  both  whom  I  had  spoke  a  little  on  that  foot 
before,  and  after  concerting  measures  w*  the  King's  friends  at 
London.  On  my  return  from  the  elections  for  King  George's 
first  Parliament,  I  went  for  Scotland  by  the  King's  express  and 
repeated  orders,  which  he  sent  me  by  different  messengers  from 
Lorain  at  sundry  times,  as  you  '11  see  more  particularly  by  the 

1  1710. 


164  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

narrative.1  In  Scotland  I  followed  the  Instructions  I  had 
received,  and  acted  for  that  interest  to  the  best  of  my  under- 
standings, and  without  any  reserve  or  interested  view ;  but  it 
did  not  please  God  to  give  us  the  success  we  had  reason  to  expeet 
from  so  hopeful  beginnings,  so  that  the  King  oblig'd  me  to 
come  abroad  with  him,  where  my  chief  studdy  has  been  to  find 
out  ways  and  means  for  the  relise  of  my  country  when  an 
opportunity  should  again  offer  for  restoring  our  King,  so  that 
Scotland  might,  on  that  event,  be  restored  at  the  same  time 
to  the  strenth,  reputation,  figure  and  independancy  it  had 
before  the  union  of  the  two  crowns  in  the  person  of  James  the 
1st  and  6th. 

The  misfortouns  of  our  country,  since  our  king  came  to 
succeed  (unfortunately  for  poor  Scotland)  to  the  crown  of 
England,  have  proceeded  from  the  kings  always  haveing  been 
constrained  by  the  superiour  power  of  England,  where  they 
recided,  to  neglect  the  true  interest  of  his  ancient  kingdome, 
when  they  came  to  clash  any  way,  tho  but  seemingly,  with 
those  of  England  and  even  of  Ireland.  The  chife  ministers 
being  alwayes  English  men  advised  accordingly,  ther  govern- 
ing the  Scots  as  well  as  the  others.  The  Scots  Ministers  were 
only  [always  ?]  subserviant  to  those  of  England,  save  in  the 


1  '  It  is  positively  asserted  by  Berwick  that  the  P.  [Prince],  without  any  inti- 
mation either  to  himself  or  Bol.  [Bolingbroke],  had  sent  orders  to  Mar  to  begin 
the  insurrection  in  Scotland  without  further  delay.  [See  Marshal  Berwick's 
Memoirs.]  The  veracity  and  the  means  of  information  of  Berwick  are  equally 
unquestionable,  yet  it  seems  difficult  to  credit  such  an  extremity  of  falsehood  and 
folly  in  James.  There  are  several  circumstances  to  disprove,  there  are  none  to 
confirm  it ;  and  on  the  whole  I  suspect  that  Berwick  must  have  been  misled  by 
an  excuse  which  Mar  afterwards  invented  for  his  own  rashness.  James  himself, 
writing  to  Bolingbroke  on  the  23rd  of  September,  expresses  an  anxious  desire  that 
his  Scotch  friends  will  at  least  wait  for  his  answer,  if  they  cannot,  as  he  hopes, 
stay  so  long  as  to  expect  a  concert  with  England.  [James  to  Bolingbroke, 
Sept.  23d.  1715,  Appendix  to  Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  England.]  Is  it  not  beyond 
belief  that  he  should  already,  several  weeks  before,  have  given  positive  orders 
to  the  opposite  effect ;  that  he  should  have  issued  such  momentous  directions  at 
a  moment  so  unfavourable,  and  concealed  them  from  his  best  friends  and  most 
able  advisers?' — Lord  Mahon's  Hist.  England,  vol.  i.  pp.  211,  212.  It  would 
certainly  appear,  however,  from  the  Narrative  of  Lord  Mar,  that  the  Prince 
acted  in  the  manner  which  Lord  Mahon  regards  as  improbable.  Mar,  whatever 
ill  construction  it  may  please  historians  to  place  on  his  public  conduct,  had  neither 
occasion  nor  interest  to  lie  to  his  son. 


TO  HIS  SON  165 

time  of  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale's  Ministry,  when  Scots  men's 
dependance  was  on  him ;  but  his  power  was  more  for  being 
a  Minister  of  England  than  for  Scotland,  and  unless  when  it 
was  for  serveing  his  own  ends,  he  minded  the  interests  of  his 
own  country  but  little  more  than  an  English  Minister  would 
have  done. 

To  find  out  a  remidie  for  this  evile  on  the  event  above,  was 
my  studdy  and  chief  concern.  Scotland's  being  restored  to  the 
same  state  it  was  in  King  Charles  2nd's  time,  and  that  of  his 
brother  King  James  wch  is  farthest  almost  of  what  the  generality 
of  the  Jacobites  aime  at,  would  be  no  cure,  and  scarce  worth 
the  fighting  or  contesting  for,  unless  at  the  same  time  it  were 
delivered  or  secured  from  being  governed  by  English  councils 
and  councellors.  I  have  never  been  one  of  those  who  were  over 
fond  of  cramping  and  restraining  the  power  of  kings  ;  but  in  this 
case  since  our  King  is  also  king  of  England,  he  will  be  alwayes 
oblidg'd  to  make  his  principall  residence  there,  and  will  never 
be  able  to  help  his  being  oblidg1d  to  succumb  to  English 
councils  w*  respect  to  Scotland  as  well  as  to  the  other  parts  of 
his  dominions,  until  he  make  such  concessions  for  that  country 
as  will  put  things  there  in  a  manner  out  of  his  own  power  and 
seemingly  into  the  hands  of  a  Scots  Parliament,  so  that  it 
should  be  necessary  for  the  subjects  of  that  kingdome  to  come 
to  his  favour  and  preferment  by  the  intercession  and  recom- 
mendation of  that  Pari,  which  would  keep  them  at  home  in 
place  of  running  to  London  for  procuring  that  of  English 
Ministers. 

These  considerations  were  the  occasion  of  my  forming  and 
laving  before  the  king  some  years  ago  a  project  or  sheme  with 
regard  to  Scotland  for  the  king's  giveing  concessions  to  the 
subjects  of  that  country  then  in  the  time  of  his  being  abroad 
and  not  under  the  power  and  influence  of  the  English  (which 
would  not  be  so  were  it  delayed  til  he  were  restored  and  on 
his  throne). 

The  king  came  into  this  scheme  and  was  graciously  pleased 
thereupon  to  grant  such  concessions  for  our  country  as  I  pro- 
posed, by  way  of  Instructions  to  me  as  Lord  Comissioner  of 
his  first  Parliament  of  Scotland,  upon  a  view  there  then  was 
of  an  undertakeino;  for  his  restoration  at  that  time ;  together 


166  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

with  a  most  gracious  letter  relating  to  the  whole  plan  or 
scheme.  Some  time  thereafter  upon  the  occasion  of  such  another 
designed  attempt,  his  Maj.  was  pleased  to  grant  and  send  me 
farther  Instructions  to  the  same  purpose  on  the  representations 
I  made  him. 

How  these  papers  came  since  to  be  taken  out  of  my  hands 
after  the  Bish.  of  Rochester's  comeing  to  have  the  chief  direc- 
tion  of  the  King's  affairs,  and  that  Mr.  Hay  (now  Lord  Inver- 
ness) came  to  join  w*  him  and  act  more  like  a  prejudised 
Englishman  than  a  Scots  man,  you  already  know,  and  will  see 
a  full  account  of  amongst  my  papers.1  But  before  I  deliverid 
up  the  instructions,  which  by  his  Maj.  repeated  directions  and 
orders  I  was  (tho'  most  unwillingly)  necessitated  to  do,  I  toke 
copies  of  them  which  I  had  attested,  and  I  pray  heaven  that 
you  may  have  an  opportunity  of  makeing  them  be  one  day  of 
service  to  our  country,  as  they  were  intended. 

There  is  the  same  reason  for  the  king's  makeing  Ireland  a 
free  people  and  kingdome  as  Scotland,  nor  would  there  be  any 
real  hurt  or  prejudice  to  England  by  either.  It  would  be 
greatly  for  the  King's  own  interest  and  security,  as  well  as  of 
the  Royal  family,  to  make  them  both  so,  and  independant  of 
England  and  the  councils  of  Englishmen.  By  so  doing  Eng- 
land would  loose  none  of  its  priviledges,  but  unjustly  oppress- 
ing its  neighbour  kingdomes,  should  that  be  reckoned  one.  It 
would  be  but  justice  in  the  king,  tho  those  two  countries  had 
not  appeared  so  zealous  for  his  and  his  father's  interest  as  they 
have  done. 

It  would  even  be  the  interest  of  these  his  kingdomes  to  sup- 
port the  king,  by  their  doing  of  wch  he  would  not  be  un- 
reasonable and  soly  in  the  power  of  the  English,  as  his  prede- 
cessors have  been  since  they  came  to  that  crown,  for  wch  they 
have  dearly  pay'd.  It  was  to  the  Kings  of  England  and  not  to 
the  People  or  Parliament  that  Ireland  submitted  and  they 
would  be  as  much  subjects  to  the  king  when  out  of  the  de- 
pendance  of  England  as  now,  and  have  double  the  power  to 
serve  him.  Beside  Scotland,  tho  made  entirely  free,  would 
scarce  be  able  to  keep  itself  so  and  independant,  if  Irland 
were  not  so  too,  by  which  it  could  assist  them. 

Upon  these  considerations  I  made  a  short  scheme,  as  I  had 

1  All  these  papers  were  destroyed  in  the  great  fire  at  Alloa. 


TO  HIS  SON  167 

made  for  Scotland,  which  is  also  amongst  my  papers.  Could 
I  have  done  it  and  sent  it  to  the  king  at  the  time  I  sent  that 
for  Scotland,  he  would  also,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  have 
entered  into  it. 

To  effectuat  this  as  to  both,  it  was  necessary  that  the  king 
should  act  in  concert  with  some  fforeigne  power  or  Prince,  by 
whose  assistance  he  might  be  the  more  easily  restored.  Ffrance 
was  the  power  most  proper  for  this,  and  I  judged  it  was  not 
impossible  to  make  the  late  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  then 
governed  that  country  of  himself  (Cardinal  Dubois  being  dead) 
to  see  that  the  project  was  for  his  own  and  the  ffrench  interest, 
as  well  as  for  that  of  our  King.  I  therefore  fell  to  work  and 
revised  a  Memoriall  I  had  before  prepaired  upon  this  subject 
to  have  it  laid  before  his  Royal  Highness.  It  was  accordingly 
soon  therafter  presented  to  him  by  Mr.  Dillon,  with  whom  I 
had  often  talkt  of  the  affair  which  he  had  as  much  at  heart 
as  I.  The  Duke  of  Orleans  received  it  very  graciously.1  He 
read  before  Mr.  Dillon  the  letter  I  wrote  along  with  the 
Memoriall,  in  which  I  told  him  that  what  I  did  in  that  was 
unknown  to  the  king  my  master ;  but  should  his  R.  H. 
realish  the  project  I  doubted  not  but  his  Maj.  might  be 
induced  to  send  powers  for  treating  on  it  with  him.  This 
I  did  in  case  the  project  should  by  any  chance  come  to 
the  English  knowledge  before  the  time  of  its  being  put  in 
execution,  so  that  they  could  charge  nothing  of  it  on  the 
king,  should  any  of  them  by  a  mistaken  notion  take  it  in  ill 


1  This,  as  I  have  said  before,  is  highly  probable.  There  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  at  one  time  the  Regent  was  very  favourably  inclined  to  the  Jacobite 
interest.  '  The  Regent  had  undertaken  to  set  the  Chevalier  upon  the  throne, 
in  expectation  that  upon  the  success  of  that  attempt,  the  kingdom  of  Ireland  was 
to  have  been  made  a  settlement  for  his  family.' — Memoirs  of  the  Life,  Family, 
and  Character  of  John  late  Earl  of  Stair.  '  Upon  the  whole  the  more  one 
thinks  of  it  the  more  one  is  amazed  at  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  his  [the 
Prince's]  abettors  here,  and  I  may  add  at  the  weakness  of  the  Regent  who  can 
be  diverted  by  the  frenzy  of  their  madness  from  pursuing  his  own  true  interest.' 
— Secretary  Stanhope  to  Lord  Stair. — Ibid.  p.  284.  For  additional  evidence 
see  a  despatch  from  Stanhope  to  Lord  Stair,  dated  March  1716. — Ibid.  App. 
vol.  i.  p.  395.  In  November  1715  the  Earl  of  Stair  again  found  it  necessary  to 
'  memorialise  the  Regent  in  very  decided  terms  on  the  support  of  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  public  faith  of  France  as  engaged  by  the  articles  of  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht.' — Ibid.  p.  296. 


168  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

part.  But  although  the  king  was  not  realie  privie  to  the 
Memoriall  itself,  yet  what  by  the  instructions  he  had  sent  me  for 
passing  such  laws  in  Scotland  upon  what  I  had  represented  to 
him  for  the  interest  of  that  country  and  what  he  and  Mr.  Hay 
had  wrote  to  me  in  answer  to  my  letters,  in  which  I  had  spoke 
of  the  point  of  Irland  in  generall,  I  thought  myself  enough 
authorized  to  make  this  first  step,  since  this  project  was  the 
only  way  [that  ?]  appear' d  wch  could  bring  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  to  quite  his  conjunction  with  King  George,  and  [draw 
him  ?]  into  the  king's  interest ;  and  that  it  was  upon  his  Majs. 
own  account  I  did  it  without  previously  acquainting  him,  but 
was  to  do  it  as  soon  as  it  was  presented. 

His  R.  H.,  on  reading  my  letter,  desired  Mr.  Dillon  to 
make  me  his  compliments,  to  assure  me  he  would  read  the 
Memoriall  with  attention  by  himself,  and  recomended  its  being 
keept  very  secret.  Mr.  Dillon  did  not  see  him  after  for  some 
days,  and  when  he  did  it  was  but  at  his  levee  one  day  at 
Paris,  where  he  said  to  Mr.  Dillon  in  a  gay,  pleased  way  that 
he  suposed  he  should  soon  see  him  at  Versailes ;  but  his 
sudden  death  a  few  days  thereafter  prevented  Mr.  Dillon's 
doing  so.  It  is  to  be  presumed  by  the  way  his  R.  H.  received 
the  letter  and  Memoriall,  and  spoke  afterwards  to  Mr.  Dillon, 
and  its  being  found  on  his  death  in  his  own  escritore,  and 
addrest  with  his  own  hand  for  M.  le  Due,  that  it  was  not 
disagreeable  to  him,  and  that  he  thought  it  of  weight.  What 
shows  his  approveing  of  it  still  more,  was  his  alowing  of  the 
Duke  of  Ormond's  comeing  into  Ffrance  from  Spain  and 
ordering  the  expeding  of  your  comission1  immediately  after 
his  getting  the  Memoriall,  both  which  had  met  with  interup- 
tions  and  lyen  over  for  some  time  before. 

As  soon  as  the  Memoriall  was  presented,  I  thought  I  could 
no  longer  dispense  myself  with  acquainting  the  king  with  the 
whole,  which  I  immediately  did,  and  sent  him  a  copie  of  the 
Memoriall  itself  and  of  my  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  but 
his  Majs.  was  never  pleased  to  write  to  me  anything  upon  it 
since  his  receiveing  the  pacquet. 

Mr.  Hay  was  on  his  way  to  Ffrance  from  Italy  at  that  time, 


1  Lord  Erskine's  commission  as  an  officer  in  the  French  service. 


TO  HIS  SON  169 

but  as  soon  as  he  retum,d  to  Rome  he  sent  a  copie  of  the 
Memoriall  to  the  Bishp.  of  Rochester  at  Paris,  who  spoke  of  it 
and  exclaimd  against  it  to  as  many  as  he  saw.  How  Mr.  Hay 
can  excuse  to  his  country  his  betrying  a  secret  so  much  for  its 
interest,  to  the  man  of  all  England  the  most  prejudicd  against 
Scotland,  I  leave  to  him  to  find  out ;  but  I  am  afraid  by  that 
action  alone,  without  mentioning  many  others,  has  done  farr 
greater  hurt  to  his  king  and  country  than  ever  it  will  be  pos- 
sible for  him  or  all  his  kindred  to  do  them  service,  were  they 
ever  so  much  inclined  to  it.  I  forgive  him  for  the  unworthie 
part  he  has  acted  towards  me  ;  but  I  know  not  if  the  strictest 
rules  of  Christianity  require  our  pardoning  such  enormous  faults 
and  prejudices  to  our  king  and  opprest  country.  One  thing  I 
will  venture  to  say  upon  this  scheme  and  memoriall,  that  if 
ever  Ffrance  be  induced  to  embrace  our  king's  interest  and 
endeavour  his  restoration,  it  will  be  upon  this  foot,  and  I  shall 
ever  be  proud  of  haveing  been  the  author  and  proposer  of  it, 
which  I  judge  to  be  the  best  service  I  could  do  my  king  and 
country,  and  I  am  ambitious  of  no  other  inscription  on  my 
grave  stone,  to  be  remembered  by  posterity.  You  will  find  all 
these  schemes  and  the  copies  of  the  Instructions  by  the  king 
to  me,  my  comission  for  being  comissioner  to  the  Pari,  where 
they  were  designed  to  be  past  into  laws,  with  the  copie  of  the 
Memoriall  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  my  letter,  as  also  of  that 
I  wrote  to  the  king  with  the  Memoriall,  lying  all  togither  in  a 
little  strong-box,  with  my  papers  here,  and  I  have  endorsed 
them  (not  improperly,  I  hope)  Jewels  for  Scotland. 

I  do  not  pretend  that  these  schemes  are  perfect,  but  I  hope 
the  time  will  still  come  that  there  shall  be  a  Scots  Pari,  acting 
on  this  bottome,  which  I  doubt  not  will  make  the  establish- 
ment and  goverment  of  that  country  as  much  so  as  their  situa- 
tion and  circumstances  will  allow.  The  attested  copies  of  the 
instructions  to  me  will  show  what  the  king  was  once  pleased  to 
do  in  favours  of  that  country  ;  and  it  gives  our  countrymen  a 
good  tittle  for  asking  him,  or  those  who  succeed  to  his  right, 
the  granting  such  concessions  again,  which  haveing  been  once 
granted  already  can  scarce  be  refused.  Before  the  Scots  go 
about  another  attempt  for  the  Restoration,  and  while  the  king 
is  abroad  is  the  fit  time  for  insisting  for  those  concessions  (or 


170  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

of  what  they  may  think  better  of  that  kind)  being  agreed  to 
in  an  authentick  and  irrevocable  maner,  which  will  be  doing 
good  service  to  their  king  and  countrie  at  the  same  time. 

An  establishment  of  this  kind  would  make  the  Scots  a  free 
people  and  happier  perhaps  than  they  were  even  when  under  a 
seperat  king  of  their  own  liveing  amongst  them,  which  could 
hardly  fail  were  their  neighbours  of  Ireland  made  free  at  the 
same  time,  and  to  be  governed  under  the  king  by  their  own 
Pari,  and  a  council  of  their  own  countrymen.  As  it  would  be 
much  for  the  interest  of  the  Royall  ffamily  these  two  countries 
being  upon  this  footing,  by  its  tying  them  to  be  ever  a  support 
to  it  for  their  own  interest,  so  would  it  be  their  interests  to  sup- 
port one  another,  and  in  that  way  ffrance  would  find  its  interest 
in  being  ever  a  true  allie  to  our  king  and  to  support  his  whole 
establishment.  To  see  these  happie  days,  and  to  have  some 
share  in  bringing  about  these  advantages  to  my  native  country 
and  posterity,  has  been  the  only  thing  almost  that  gave  me  any 
desire  for  liveing  for  some  years  past ;  But  as  things  now 
unluckily  stand  I  cannot  flatter  myself  w*  hopes  of  days  enough 
to  see  the  accomplishment  of  so  glorious  a  work  ;  you  are  young 
tho  and  may  perhaps  come  to  have  that  satisfaction,  and  heavens 
grant  that  you  may.  Lovers  of  our  country  ought  ever  to  have 
this  in  view  in  their  own  mind,  but  not  to  let  zeal  make  them 
go  rashly  about  it,  a  reasonable  caution  and  waiting  a  fitt 
opportunity  is  absolutely  necessary.  Such  it  was  I  judg'd  when 
I  went  about  that  work  [the  Rebellion,  1715]  by  the  kings 
orders,  and  had  his  Maj.  come  in  time  and  those  of  England 
ansuered  their  engagements,  both  which  was  so  reasonable  to 
be  expected  that  I  could  not  doubt  of  it,  the  success  would  have 
showen  I  was  not  mistaken.  What  happned  upon  that  occasion 
is  sufficient  to  show  our  countrymen  that  they  are  not  to  under- 
take it  at  another  time  without  their  being  well  assured  of  the 
English  makeing  an  attempt  in  their  country  at  the  same  time 
at  least  the  Scots  do  in  theirs,  and  of  haveing  assistance  from 
abroad  in  some  proportion  to  the  force  to  be  against  them  at 
home  on  the  begining  of  the  attempt,  so  that  they  might  not 
be  swalow'd  up  and  crushed  before  they  could  gather  numbers. 
Any  harsh  usage  I  have  mett  w*  from  whence  it  was  least  to  be 
expected  ought  not  to  deterr  any  good  countryman  from  so 


TO  HIS  SON  171 

good  a  work,  the  greater  share  any  have  in  it,  the  more  will  be 
their  honour  and  the  more  worthie  representatives  will  they  be 
of  their  honest  old  ancestors,  who  often  endeavoured  in  such 
ways  to  serve  their  country,  and  the  honour  of  doing  it  is  a 
reward  of  itself.  The  more  they  cover  their  designs  of  this  kind 
til  the  fit  time  come  for  putting  them  in  execution,  the  more 
likely  will  they  be  to  succeed,  and  may  God  Almighty  direct 
them  aright,  give  them  success  in  their  endeavours,  and  therafter 
the  plasur  of  enjoying  the  fruits  of  their  labours. 

By  the  schemes  above  mentioned  it  appears  how  necessary  it 
is  for  the  Scots  and  Irish  to  be  well  togither.  They  are  pro- 
bablie  come  from  the  same  stock  and  ought  to  look  on  one 
another  as  brothers.  A  good  understanding  ought  to  be  culti- 
vated betwixt  them.  They  have  long  suffered  oppression 
togither  and  from  the  same  hands,  so  ought  they  to  endeavour 
one  another's  relise  and  to  be  supporters  of  one  another's 
libertys  and  freedome ;  but  without  designeing  or  attempting 
to  return  or  revenge  the  wrongs  and  hardships  they  have  lyen 
so  long  under,  which  would  be  the  surest  way  of  preserving 
their  recover'd  libertys.  The  king  was  pleased  some  years  ago 
to  give  me  a  warrand  for  a  patent  of  the  Irish  Peerage  in 
consideration  of  one  he  had  before  given  me  of  that  of  England 
being  rendered  of  no  use  by  the  project  I  ;had  laid  before  him 
and  he  came  into  for  Scotland.  Should  you  be  so  happie  to 
see  a  restoration  and  things  put  on  the  footing  of  the  project 
above,  I  would  advise  you  to  think  of  persuing  your  fortoun  in 
Ireland  rather  than  in  England,  it  agreeing  more  with  the 
interest  of  yr  own  country,  to  wch  you  ought  always  to  have 
the  first  and  principal  regard,  and  it  will  be  more  easie  for  the 
king,  on  yr  deserveing  well  of  him,  to  shew  you  his  grace  and 
favour  there  by  grant  or  [otherways  than  in  England.  My 
friend  Gen.  Dillon,  who  is  of  that  country,  where  he  has  a 
considerable  interest,  and  knows  my  concern  for  it,  will  be 
ready,  I  am  sure,  to  give  you  his  advice  and  assistance  in  what 
relates  to  this  (if  he  be  alive  in  these  days)  as  well  as  on  other 
things,  and  you  can  not  ask  advice  of  a  more  worthie,  sincer, 
honest  man.  If  ever  it  come  to  be  in  yr  power  to  be  servicable 
to  him  or  any  of  his  numerous  family,  the  friendshipe  I  have 
met  w*  from  him  ought  to  make  you  exert  yr  self  to  the  utmost 


ITS  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

in  doing  of  it,  as  I  had  not  failed  of  doing  had  it  been  in  mine 
power.  In  my  schems  you  will  see  that  the  Highlanders  are 
to  bear  a  considerable  part.  They  seem  indeed  to  be  the  true 
remains  of  the  old  Scots,  and  notwithstanding  of  all  the  hard- 
ships they  have  mett  with,  are  the  people  who  can  be  of  the 
greatest  use  for  reliveing  our  country  when  an  opportunity 
offers.  I  must  for  ever  acknowledge  the  obligations  I  owe 
them,  as  you  ought  to  do,  for  their  ready  joining  me  even 
before  I  could  produce  the  king's  comission,  which  shows 
their  zeal  to  their  king  and  country  and  the  confidence  they 
had  in  me,  as  also  for  their  adhering  so  closely  to  me  in  all  the 
difficulty^  I  met  with  at  those  times,  a  time  of  the  greatest 
try  all.  I  hope  I  have  not  been  ungratefull,  haveing  done  all 
in  my  power  to  have  them  make  the  figur  and  lookt  on  as  they 
deserved  to  be.  There  is  one  Highlander  now  gone,  and  the 
loss  of  him  is  a  great  one  to  me,  as  it  is  to  his  country.  It  is 
Mr.  Campbell  of  Glendarull.1  He  had  the  misfortoun  to  have 
many  enimies  when  alive,  occasioned  by  his  haveing  been  un- 
luckily engaged  when  very  young  in  that  affair  of  Beaufort  or 
Ld  Lovafs  plot,2  but  his  youth  and  unexperience  was  some 
excuse  for  it,  and  he  hurt  nobody  by  the  part  he  acted  therin, 
tho  it  was  in  his  power  to  have  done  so.  Ld  Bredalbain  first 
recomended  him  to  me  some  time  before  Queen  Anne's  death, 
desireing  I  might  try,  know,  and  prove  him  well  before  I  should 
continue  in  the  bad  opinion  I  had  conceived  w*  others  of  him 
upon  comon  report.  That  he  had  done  so  and  had  found 
him  an  honest,  active,  and  sensible  man,  who  was  thoroughly 
acquainted  w*  the  different  humours,  intersts,  and  inclinations 
of  his  countrymen  in  the  highlands,  w*  whom  he  could  be  of 
good  use,  and  that  he  would  answer  for  his  being  a  sincere 
well  wisher  to  an  interest  to  wch  he  presumed  and  hoped  I  was 
no  enimie,  and  that  he  therby  shewd  himself  a  true  lover 
of  his  country.  I  knew  Ld  Bredalbain  to  be  a  good  judge 
of  men  and  not  easily  imposed  on,  so  I  resolved  to  follow  his 
advice   as    to    this   gentleman,  forseeing    I  might  have  occa- 

1  A  well-known  Jacobite,  Sinclair,  in  his  Memoirs,  styles  him  '  a  very  cunning 
fellow.'  He  would  seem  to  have  been  much  attached  to  Lord  Mar,  a  circum- 
stance which,  in  Sinclair's  eyes,  was  doubtless  sufficient  to  blacken  his  character. 

8  Lord  Lovat's  infamous  outrage  on  the  person  of  the  mother  of  the  Baroness  of 
Lovat.     The  details  of  the  plot  are  too  well  known  to  require  repetition  here. 


TO  HIS  SON  173 

sion  of  such  an  ane,  and  I  have  been  farr  from  haveing  reason 
to  repent  doing  so,  and  after  tryall  puting  confidence  in  him, 
wch  therafter  I  did  to  his  death.  He  was  of  great  use  to  me  in 
the  Highlands  by  uniting  those  gentlemen  and  preparing  things 
for  the  attempt  I  had  in  my  head  some  years  before  it  was  put 
in  execution  for  restoring  our  king  and  therby  delivering  our 
country  from  oppression,  in  wch  when  it  came  to  be  gone  about 
he  acted  a  very  usefull  and  active  part,  and  was  of  singular  use 
to  me  in  my  laying  measurs  and  schemes  for  that  affair,  as  he 
was  afterwards  abroad  in  many  things  for  the  advantage  of  our 
country  and  particularly  of  the  Highlands,  as  you  will  see  by 
the  many  usefull  papers  he  wrote  on  those  affairs  we  had  con- 
versed on,  that  are  amongest  my  papers  here,  that  were  of  great 
help  to  me  in  the  things  I  was  projecting  for  the  advantage  of 
my  country.  It  was  pitty  he  had  not  had  better  education  and 
knowen  more  of  letters,  but  he  had  an  admirable  good  naturall 
understanding,  and  I  always  found  him  honest,  faithfull,  and 
closs.  I  have  knowen  him  often  do  all  in  his  power  to  serve  those 
very  people  who  he  knew  were  doing  all  they  could  to  asperse 
him  and  do  him  prejudice  w*  the  king  and  me.  Mr.  Dillon  is  a 
witness  as  well  as  I  of  the  usefullness  he  was  of  in  the  king's 
service  since  his  comeing  abroad,  and  his  death  was  no  small  loss 
to  the  king,  his  cause,  and  our  country,  whatever  he  or  others 
may  think  of  him.  Tho  he  be  now  gone,  I  thought  I  owd  this 
small  testimony  to  his  memory,  and  if  ever  his  papers  come  to 
be  seen  and  considered  by  sensible  people  of  our  country,  they 
will  do  him  honour,  and  I  wish  it  may  fall  in  your  way  to  be 
servicable  to  a  daughter  he  has  left  behind  him. 

Another  who  was  of  good  use  in  our  affair  in  Scotland  was 
Mr.  Paterson,  who  served  as  Secretary  at  warr  there,  and  I 
were  much  to  blame  did  I  not  here  own  and  attest  the  good  and 
disinterested  part  he  acted  of  wch  the  whole  armie  was  witness. 
He  has  behaved  himself  since  comeing  abroad  in  the  same  way, 
and  has  suffred  severely  wch  he  was  farr  from  deserveing,  and  it 
was  the  greater  grife  to  me  that  it  was  perhaps  partly  upon  the 
account  of  his  atachment  and  honesty  to  me,  and  that  it  was 
not  in  my  power  to  do  anything  for  him.  I  wish  you  may  find 
an  opportunity  of  makeing  that  up  to  him,  and  you  cannot  do 
for  honester  man. 


174  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

I  must  not  here  omitt  good,  honest,  Col.  Clepham,1  who  so 
generously  left  the  service  of  the  present  government,  where  he 
might  have  been  very  easie,  and  came  to  me  in  Scotland,  where 
I  was  in  great  want  of  those  who  understands  as  he  does  the 
business  of  a  souldier.  He  did  very  good  service,  and  it  was  a 
misfortoun  to  our  affairs  that  some  times  for  humouring  of 
some  for  whom  I  was  oblidgd  to  have  regard,  I  could  not 
follow  his  advice,  and  particularly  at  Sherifmoor.  I  have  great 
concern  and  esteem  for  him,  and  you  cannot  do  better  when 
you  have  an  opportunity  than  to  do  all  you  can  to  be  serviceable 
to  him  and  his  children,  wch  1  ow  him  and  they  have  reason  to 
expect  from  you  on  my  account. 

I  have  lost  another  friend  and  cousin  of  yours,  to  my  great 
regrait,  who  was  very  servicable  to  me  and  the  affairs  I  was 
about  at  that  time,  as  he  has  also  been  during  our  being  on  this 
side  the  sea,  Mr.  Will.  Erskine,2  brother  to  the  Earle  of  Buchan. 
He  was  a  very  pretty  fellow  and  deserved  a  much  better  fate 
than  he  had,  but  death  has  freed  him  of  the  uneasinesses  he 
sufFred  in  this  world,  and  tho  his  honesty  and  worth  makes  me 
not  doubt  of  his  being  now  happie  in  the  next,  I  cannot  but  be 
afflicted  for  the  loss  the  cause  and  I  have  of  him,  and  I  Avish 
heartily  that  it  may  some  time  or  other  ly  in  yr  power  and  in 
mine  to  show  the  true  value  I  had  for  him  by  doing  for  the 
children  he  has  left  poor  behind  him. 

It  is  vt  grife  of  heart  I  find  myself  now  oblidg'd  to  mention 
here  the  king,  but  being  but  to  you  alone,  my  concern  for  my 
country  in  general,  and  you  in  particular,  in  a  maner  forces 
me.  I  heartily  forgive  all  the  unjust  and  unmerited  treatment 
I  have  met  with  from  him,  and  wish  God  may  not  lay  it  to  his 
charge.  Most  of  those  who  served  him  before  me,  haveing  met 
with  much  the  same  measur,  I  have  the  less  cause  to  complain. 
With  all  the  respect  to  the  regard  due  to  him,  I  may  say  that 
he  has  been  an  unluckie  man  from  his  cradle,  and  is  now 
following  such  courses  that  he  is  likely  to  be  yet  more  unfor- 
tunat   than    ever   providence  seemed    to  designe  he    should. 


1  An  Englishman,  and  mightily  abused  by  Sinclair.     He   saw  considerable 
service  in  the  wars  in  the  Low  Countries. 

2  Captain  William  Erskine,  deputy-governor  of  Blackness  Castle.     He  married 
Margaret,  daughter  of  Colonel  John  Erskine,  deputy-governor  of  Stirling  Castle. 


TO  HIS  SON  175 

I  pray  God  that  he  may  soon  become  sensible  of  his  mistakes, 
and  amend  his  unaccountable  conduct  and  strange  ways,  which 
if  he  do  not,  he  is  like  eer  long  to  leave  himself  but  very  few 
friends,  to  make  the  restoration  of  the  royall  family  and  of 
our  country  by  it  uterly  impracticable  during  his  being  in  this 
world  at  least,  if  not  to  extinguish  the  cause.1  And  by  his 
actings  already  it  has  but  too  much  the  appearance  of  his 
indifference,  and  little  regard  to  anything  of  that  kind.  Some 
of  his  predecessors  had  the  misfortoun  to  be  led  away  by 
worthless  favourites  as  he  is,  tho1  non  of  them  (not  even 
K.  J.  3rd  of  Scotland)  to  such  a  degree.  There  was  some 
remedy  always  with  them  for  that  at  home,  but  there  is  like  to 
be  non  for  it  with  him  abroad,  when  he  is  blind  to  all  that  can 
be  said  to  him  by  anybody  but  those  who  are  to  be  complained 
of.  God  help  him  and  honest  men  who  have  their  dependance 
on  him.  When  the  right  comes  to  be  in  his  children,  if  they 
have  mettle  and  good  understanding,  and  that  the  situation  of 
Europe  then  chance  to  be  favourable,  they  may  perhaps  suc- 
ceed in  recovering  pocession  of  their  right ;  but  their  ffather's 
odd  conduct  may  be  so  fresh  in  people's  memories  that  it  may 
be  a  heavie  load  upon  them,  and  they  run  a  great  hazard, 
both  by  their  education  and  another  ffamilies  being  so  long 
and  well  esteablished  and  fixt  on  the  thron ;  and  at  best  at 
this  time  there  can  be  no  prospect  of  it  for  a  good  number  of 
years.  What  is  therefore  to  be  done  in  the  meantime  ?  Are 
those  who  are  true  lovers  of  their  country  to  be  idle 
spectators,  and  let  it  be  pulFd  to  pieces,  oppresst  more  and 
more  every  day,  as  it  cannot  fail  of  being  the  longer  it  goes 
on  in  the  way  it  is,  without  endeavouring  to  prevent  it  ?  Are 
people  to  let  their  families  and  poor  remains  of  their  fortouns 
(shipwrackt  for  the  cause)  go  entirely  to  ruin  and  starve,  for 
the  king's  being  monopolized  and  govern'd  by  insignificant 
favourits  when  honest  men,  lovers  of  their  country,  are  not 
suffered  to  do  anything  for  its  relise,  and  that  of  their  sinking 
families  upon  the  king's  account,  and  only  to  feed  themselves 
with  the  distant  and  uncertain  hopes  of  an  event  which  is 
more  likely  never  to  happen  than  that  it  will  ?     No.    Sure,  it  is 


1  An  allusion  to  the  Prince's  unfortunate  quarrel  with  his  consort. 


176  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

impossible  the  laws  of  God,  of  natur,  or  of  man  can  require  it 
of  them.  They  must  do  the  best  way  they  can,  conforme  to 
the  circumstances  in  which  providence  has  placed  them  and 
things.  Their  country  and  ffamilies  require  the  best  service 
always  they  can  do  in  one  way,  if  there  be  no  opportunity  of 
doing  it  in  another  more  agreeable  to  their  own  sentiments. 
And  if  it  be  design'd  by  him  who  disposes  of  kingdomes  as 
seemeth  good  to  him,  that  things  should  take  another  turn,  he 
will  make  opportunitys  for  bringing  it  about  so  to  offer  and 
incline  peoples  hearts  to  lay  hold  of  them,  which  honest  men 
and  lovers  of  their  country  will  not  fail  of  doing,  and  submit 
to  his  good  will  and  pleasur  in  the  meantime,  and  how  he  shall 
think  fit  to  dispose  of  them  therafter. 

You  ow  many  obligations  to  Lady  Mar,  and  tho  she  has  not 
a  way  of  making  a  show  of  her  concern  for  anybody,  she  has 
been  as  much  so  about  you,  and  realie  kind  as  if  she  had  born 
vou.  I  doubt  not  of  her  continueing  to  be  so  when  I  am  gone, 
and  assisting  you  every  way  she  can. 

Do  not  repine  at  .her,  or  yr  sister's  x  provisions,  tho  they  may 
seem  too  great  for  the  esteat,  as  things  have  happned  they 
were  reasonable  in  the  way  I  was  at  the  makeing  of  them, 
and  things  would  have  answerd  for  the  good  of  the  ffamilie  by 
that  mariage  had  not  unforseen  accidents  prevented,  of  wch  non 
of  the  least  was  my  being  oblidgd  to  apply  Lady  Mar's 
fortoun  or  portion  to  the  paying  of  my  debts  at  London,  on 
my  leaveing  it,  and  going  to  Scotland  by  the  king's  comands 
wch  had  not  been  just  for  me  to  have  left  unsatisfied,  or  a  fond 
for  doing  it,  nor  had  it  been  for  the  king's  honour  nor  mine 
considering  the  bussiness  I  was  going  about.  My  being  thus 
oblidgd  to  apply  this  money  wch  I  had  designed  for  clearing 
the  remaining  old  debts  on  the  esteat,  was  occasioned  by  my 
not  being  pay'd  my  appointments  in  Queen  Anne's  time,  when 
I  was  one  of  the  three  principall  secretarys  of  state  for  Great 
Britain,  above  six  thousand  pounds  being  still  due,  as  it  is 
likly  ever  to  be.  My  being  in  the  service,  and  in  that  station 
oblidg'd  me  to  live  at  London,  and  in  the  maner  I  did,  so  that 
mv  contracting  these  debts  there  was  unavoidable,  and  non  of 

1  Lord   Erskine's  half-sister.      She    married  James   Erskine,    son    of    Lord 
Grange,  Lord  Mar's  brother. 


TO  HIS  SON  177 

my  fault,  expecting  (as  I  had  reason  to  do)  my  appointments 
for  the  clearing  of  them,  by  all  wch  you  may  see  that  Ldy  Mar's 
money  not  being  apply 'd  for  clearing  the  esteat  was  more  by 
misfortoun  than  anything  else. 

That  mariage  has  proved  happie  to  me.  It  gave  me  a 
virtuous  woman  of  very  good  sense,  and  admirable  good  equall 
temper,  that  I  had  long  loved,  and  who  has  since  been  an 
agreeable  companion  and  kind  friend  in  my  misfortouns,  she 
looking  always  on  our  intrests  to  be  the  same,  and  bearing  our 
hard  fate  with  a  good  heart,  and  without  repining.  She  has 
behaved  herself  w*  such  prudence  both  at  home  and  abroad  that 
she  has  acquired  the  esteem  of  all  who  know  her,  and  since  our 
mariage,  it  was  the  more  a  time  of  tryall  of  her  good  sense  and 
discretion,  that  she  is  of  and  was  bred  up  in  a  ffamily  wch  thought 
and  acted  in  a  very  different  way  from  me  in  publick  affairs, 
but  neither  that  nor  what  might  be  her  own  oppinion  of  those 
maters  did  not  hinder  her  from  behaveing  herself  as  became 
my  wife  both  on  my  going  (without  acquainting  her)  to  Scot- 
land, and  the  time  of  ray  being  in  amies  there,  and  also  on  her 
being  at  Rome  wl  me  in  the  king's  family,  and  attending  after- 
wards on  the  Queen,  where,  in  his  Maj.  and  my  absence,  she  met 
w*  such  treatment  from  him x  who  had  the  direction  of  the 
king's  affairs  there  as  gave  her  occasion  for  all  her  temper,  wch 
she  likewise  had  at  the  time  of  the  King  and  Queen's  mariage. 
She  never  likt  or  inclined  to  medle  in  politicks,  nor  was 
solicitous  or  inquisitive  to  know  any  thing  of  them  from  me, 
nor  did  she  ever  offer  to  advise  me  in  them,  nor  w*  reguard  to 
myself  or  the  uneasie  situation  I  have  been  in  for  these  severall 
years  abroad,  but  with  a  true  reguard  to  my  honour  preferable 
to  any  worldly  interested  concern.  By  these  try  alls,  and  my 
knowing  her  otherways  so  well  I  may  venture  to  assure  you 
that  notwithstanding  of  her  education  in  another  way  of 
thinking  as  to  the  politicks  from  us,  and  of  her  being  of 
another  country,  whose  interest  may  seemingly  sometimes 
appear  to  clash  wrt  that  of  ours,  yet  that  she  will  never  advise 
you  to  any  thing  inconsistant  with  your  honour  or  the  interest 
of  yr  country  and  farr  less  make  a  bad  use  of  any  thing  she  may 

1  Colonel  Hay. 

M 


178  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

chance  to  discover  of  designs  for  the  service  of  it  in  any  way.  It 
will  be  yr  intrest  as  it  is  your  duty  to  be  observant  of  her, 
avoiding  all  disputs  about  what  may  in  strickness  or  nicity  be 
thought  to  belong  to  you  or  her,  as  I  doubt  not  but  she  will 
with  reguard  to  you,  and  this  will  be  the  way  of  makeing  an 
usefull  friend  of  her,  as  well  as  a  kind  mother.  .   .  . 

Clanshipe  in  our  country  is  what  ought  to  be  encouraged 
and  keept  up  as  much  as  possible,  both  upon  account  of  the 
publick  and  privat  intrest.  You  are  to  be  at  the  head  of  one 
wch  tho  not  so  numerous  as  those  in  the  highlands,  is  perhaps 
as  old,  and  has  not  been  inconsiderable  in  Scotland.  There 
are  severall  of  our  name  I  am  oblidg^  to,  and  I  doubt  not  but 
that  all  of  them  will  be  assisting  to  you  when  they  see  you 
have  the  intrest  of  yr  country  and  familie  at  heart.  Endeavour 
to  keep  them  united,  wch  is  the  way  to  make  them  considerable, 
and  if  you  be  assisting  to  one  another,  and  act  with  good  and 
upright  intentions  you  may  surly  be  so  there,  and  consequently 
elsewhere,  however  things  go,  and  I  hope  it  may  come  to  be  in 
yr  power  to  be  servicable  to  them,  as  I  intended  to  be,  had  it 
pleased  God  to  have  prospered  my  endeavours.  But  let  not  fond- 
ness for  those  of  your  own  clan  and  kindred  make  you  neglect 
those  of  merit,  who  shall  deserve  well  of  you  of  another.  .  .  . 

You  have  providence  to  thank  that  you  have  been  more  luckie 
in  yr  education  than  I  was,  and  I  bless  God  that  you  seem  to 
have  profited  of  it.  May  he  in  his  goodness  indue  you  with 
wisdome,  wch  is  what  you  ought  to  ask  w1  earnestness  of  him. 

My  designe  of  geting  you  placed  in  the  ffrench  service, 
was  to  keep  you  from  being  idle,  and  to  make  you  by  times 
know  something  of  what  belongs  to  a  souldier,  that  you  may 
be  the  fitter  for  service  of  yr  king  and  country  when  an  op- 
portunity shall  offer.  Had  the  late  Duke  of  Orleans  lived, 
you  would  have  been  soon  preferrd,  but  unless  a  young  man 
have  such  a  support  there  is  little  encouragment  for  a 
stranger  in  the  ffrench  service,  so  I  leave  it  to  yr  self  to  consider 
whether  to  continue  in  it  or  not,  and  you  will  determine  as  you 
shall  find  most  conduceing  to  the  wellfair  of  yr  affairs.  .  .  . 

Let  your  chife  care  and  studdie  ever  be  how  you  can  be 
most  servicable  in  the  station  in  wch  Providence  places  you, 
to  God  in  the  first  place,  to  your   country  in  the  next,  and 


TO  HIS  SON  179 

consequently  to  your  king,  and  then  to  your  ffamily  and 
friends,  in  wch  you  yourself  is  comprehended.  You  ought 
to  wait  and  studdy  fitt  opportunitys  for  all,  and  recall  to 
your  mind  the  great  and  noble  things  you  may  see  in  history 
that  our  ancestors  the  brave  Scots  have  done  in  their  days 
for  the  ffreedome  and  preservation  of  our  country,  when  it 
was  as  low,  and  some  tymes  lower  still  than  it  now  is,  wch 
their  resolution  effectuated,  and  let  us  not  in  these  latter 
times  seem  unworthie  to  be  come  of  them. 

You  have  such  principalis  already  that  I  hope  honesty  in 
all  your  ways  and  dealings  will  be  naturall  to  you.  Do  not 
neglect  acquireing  riches  when  you  have  becomeing  oppor- 
tunitys, but  let  not  that  be  your  chife  view  and  aim,  and 
endeavour  more  to  be  good  than  rich. 

Being  a  good  friend,  and  observant  of  those  to  whom  you 
ow  it,  and  are  civil  to  you,  will  be  of  great  use,  pleasur  and 
advantage,  and  it  is  the  way  to  make  others  so  to  you  ;  but 
be  very  cautious  in  the  choise  of  yr  intimat  friends,  and  try 
them  by  degrees  before  you  trust  them  entirely,  and  when  you 
have  once  trusted  them,  be  as  cautious  of  throwing  them  off 
or  becomeing  cool  to  them. 

I  should  be  glad  that  you  were  well  w*  those  with  whom 
I  have  been  in  friendshipe,  and  it  is  natural  to  think  that 
they  will  be  readier  to  be  true  friends  to  you  than  others. 

Those  who  have  once  been  in  friendshipe  w*  one,  and  have 
failed  one  by  unkindness,  ill  offices,  or  ingratitud,  whether  rela- 
tions or  others  (and  who  has  been  without  meeting  w*  such  ?)  for- 
give them  as  I  do,  but  be  on  yr  guard  with  them,  and  knowe  them 
thoroughly,  and  have  new  and  good  experience  and  convinceing 
proofs  of  their  amendment  before  you  trust  much  to  them. 

The  situation  of  our  affairs  and  the  good  of  our  family 
require  yr  marying  as  soon  as  you  can  find  and  compass  an 
advantagous  match.  The  choise  of  a  wife  is  perhaps  the  step 
in  a  man's  life  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  him,  and  on  wch 
his  own  peace,  happiness,  and  tranquility  most  depends,  and 
there  is  nothing  wch  shews  more  his  good  or  bad  sense,  discretion 
and  conduct,  so  that  it  ought  to  be  gone  about  w*  great  circum- 
spection, thought,  and  caution.  Take  care  you  mary  not  for 
love  alone,  that  soon  goes  off  where  there  is  not  a  foundation  of 


180  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

other  good  qualitys  to  support  it,  but  be  sure  you  do  not  mary 
where  you  cannot  love.  Avoid  a  disagreeable  woman,  but  be 
carefull  that  beauty  temp  you  not  to  judge  wrong,  and  a  good 
temper  and  being  well  made  in  her  person  is  much  more  to  be 
wished  for  in  a  wife  than  beauty,  so  let  the  mind  and  temper  charm 
you  more  than  the  body,  and  the  resonableness  of  the  body  more 
than  the  beauty  of  the  face.  Where  any  great  defect  has  been 
much  or  frequently  in  a  family,  espetially  those  distempers  wch 
run  in  the  blood,  avoid  the  marying  into  it.  One  in  yr  circum- 
stances, espetially  who^  has  a  good  old  family  to  support  and 
keep  from  sinking,  is  oblidg1d  in  the  choise  of  a  wife  to  have 
great  regard  to  convenience  and  the  fortoun  she  has,  but  this 
ought  not  to  be  pushed  so  farr  as  evidently  to  make  himself 
unhappie  by  it,  Happiness  not  consisting  in  great  riches  but  a 
competence  is  necessary.  It  ought  to  be  great  and  valuable 
considerations  that  should  make  you  mary  much  below  your 
own  quality  and  degree.  Non  of  yr  predecessors  have  hitherto 
done  it,  but  in  these  days  there  is  but  too  little  regard  had  to 
this  both  in  England  and  ffrance.  It  is  more  reasonable  for 
one  to  mary  one  of  his  own  country  than  of  another  if  a  party 
can  be  found  and  obtaind  there  sutable  to  his  circumstances, 
and  tho  her  fortoun  should  not  be  quite  so  great  as  he  might 
perhaps  find  elsewhere,  she  is  to  be  preferd  if  the  person  of  the 
woman  please,  and  she  be  of  good  parents  and  suitable  quality. 
After  all  yr  care  in  the  choise  of  a  wife,  and  wch  you  are 
oblidg'd  to  have,  yr  happening  well,  depends  on  God,  his 
directions  and  assistance  you  ought  to  ask  w*  earnestness,  and 
I  hope  he  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  take  care  of  you  and 
guid  you  aright  in  it.  May  you  be  no  less  luckie  than  I  was 
in  the  choise  of  yr  mother,  who  it  was  my  misfortoun  to  loose 
much  too  airly,  and  tho  her  fortoun  was  but  small,  wch  was 
what  I  minded  less  than  my  circumstances  required,  she  made 
it  up  in  her  good  qualitys. 

Tho  your  friends,  Lords  Grange  and  Dun,  have  purchest  the 
old  esteat  of  the  ffamily  for  you,  there  is  great  occasion  for  yr 
looking  carefully  after  it,  all  endeavours  to  be  made  to  get 
them  repay'd,  w*  thanks  for  their  trouble,  and  its  being  estab- 
lished and  fixt  on  your  own  person  and  then  to  have  it  well 
manadged  and  the  old  debts  still  remaining  or  what  comes  in 


TO  HIS  SON  181 

place  of  them  to  yr  tuo  friends  cleard  and  extinguished.  I  hope 
and  trust  that  the  same  good  providence  that  has  hitherto  so 
evidently  taken  care  of  us,  will  find  out  and  put  in  yr  way 
means  to  enable  you  to  do  this.  I  still  believe,  as  your  affairs 
are  at  present,  that  it  will  be  for  yr  interest  to  dispose  of 
the  esteat  in  the  north,  as  you  wrote  to  yr  unckle  last  year, 
the  jurisdictions  being  taken  away  and  yr  unckle  being  under 
engadgments  to  sell  the  superioritys,  makes  the  rest  not  worth 
keeping,  and  the  money  that  may  be  got  for  it  can  be  laid  out 
to  better  advantage.  I  would  still  have  keept  there  some 
mark  of  its  haveing  belong'd  to  the  ffamily  upon  many  accounts 
and  I  do  not  see  a  better  way  for  that  than  what  was  proposed 
in  the  letter  above  mentioned  to  Ld  Grange.1 

In  the  course  of  yr  life,  when  you  come  to  be  settled  and 
that  business  absolutely  necessary  leads  you  not  else  where,  it 
will  be  yr  interest  to  live  at  home  as  much  as  yr  affairs  in  the 
world,  and  pushing  yr  fortoun  in  an  honourable  way,  will  per- 
mitte,  and  endeavour  to  take  pleasur  in  doing  so. 

Alloa,  the  seat  of  the  ffamily,  is  a  fine  place  as  any  in  our 
country  and,  after  yr  knowing  of  it  well,  it  will  induce  you  to 
like  and  improve  it  as  I  always  was  a  doing,  and  if  I  judge 
right  of  yr  disposition  the  more  you  do  in  that  way,  the  fonder 
you  will  be  of  liveing  much  there. 

If  ever  you  come  to  be  rich  enough  to  incress  the  esteat,  it 
will  be  your  intrest  and  that  of  the  ffamily  to  purchess  near  to 
Alloa  than  anywhere  else  and  the  nearer  it  be  still  the  better. 
The  esteat  of  Clackmanan  wch  joins  it  would  be  the  most  con- 
venient purchess  you  can  make. 

If  Capt.  Bruce  or  his  son  be  able  to  keep  the  mantion-house 
and  that  part  of  the  esteat  of  wch  they  are  now  posesst,  be  sure 
not  to  envie  them  of  it,  but  on  the  contrair  it  will  be  an 
honourable  part  for  you  to  do  all  you  can  to  help  and  conduce 
to  their  keeping  of  it,  even  tho  you  should  make  the  purchess 
from  Mr.  Dalrimple  (proprietor  of  the  estate  of  Clackmanan), 
as  also  what  you  otherwise  can  to  serve  that  honest,  honour- 
able, ancient  family,  as  is  becomeing  one  of  ours  who  has  so  long 


1  I  am  unable  to  say  what  that  proposition  may  have  been,  as  the  letter 
referred  to  is  not  included  in  either  the  Memorial  or  Legacy. 


182  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

been  their  neghbours  ;  but  should  they  unluckily  not  be  able 
to  keep  it,  or  that  their  own  convenience  make  them  incline  to 
dispose  of  it,  do  all  you  can  to  be  the  purchasser.  In  the  case 
of  its  becomeing  yrs,  the  hill  on  wch  the  house  stands,  w*  the 
wood  on  the  north  side,  if  inclosed  with  a  wall,  would  make  a 
fine  and  beautiful  Park  for  Red  and  any  other  kind  of  deer,  and 
lying  so  near  to  the  parks  of  Alloa  would  be  as  if  it  were  a 
part  of  them,  wch  it  should  be  continued  to  be  by  you  and 
those  who  succeed  to  you. 

I  was  to  blame,  as  my  ffather  was,  for  going  about  repairing 
the  old  House  of  Alloa,  wch  was  more  fitt  to  be  made  a  quarrie, 
but  we  were  both  led  into  it  by  degrees  for  present  convenience, 
and  never  being  rich  enough  to  undertake  the  building  of  "a 
new  house  all  at  once.  That  may  come  to  be  yr  case  too, 
and  is  likely  to  be  so.  The  house  is  now  in  such  a  way  to 
be  made  a  tolerable  good  and  agreeable  one  within,  tho  not 
very  beautiful  and  regular  without,  with  no  great  charge,  so 
that  it  is  not  to  be  quite  dispised,  and  I  would  not  advise  you 
to  pull  it  down,  unless  you  come  to  be  more  opulent  than 
there  is  at  present  any  appearance.  By  the  latest  Draughts 
and  designes  for  it  you  will  find  amongest  my  drawings,  you  will 
see  that  it  can  be  made,  by  degrees  and  a  little  at  a  time,  con- 
venient and  agreeable  w*  a  great  deal  of  Loding,  and  not  a 
very  bad  figur  of  an  irregular  one,  not  pretending  to  Arche- 
tectur,  and  such  a  one  as  any  subject  may  live  handsomely  in, 
and  its  being  to  be  made  so  by  degrees  will  make  the  doing  of 
it  easie  to  you,  without  incomoding  yr  affairs.  There  is  some- 
thing in  the  old  Tower,  espetially  if  made  conforme  to  the 
new  designe,  wch  is  venerable  for  its  antiquity  and  makes  not  a 
bad  appearance,  and  would  make  one  regrait  the  being  oblidg'd 
to  pull  it  down,  wch  must  be  done  were  there  a  new  house  to 
be  built,  the  gardens,  avenues,  and  courts  and  the  whole 
designe  of  all  about  it,  being  so  farr  made  to  answer  to  the  old 
house,  that  a  new  one  behoved  to  be  built  in  the  same  place. 
My  naturall  genious  running  much  after  things  of  this  kind, 
occasion^  perhaps  my  bestowing  too  much  of  my  time  that 
way,  but  it  was  a  pritty  amusement,  and  you  may  profet  by  it 
from  the  designs  I  have  made  and  leave  you  for  this  place,  and 
so  bestow  yr  own  time  to  better  purpose.     The  Plan  you  caried 


TO  HIS  SON  183 

home  w*  you  of  Alloa,  is  a  pritty  good  one  and  the  designes  of 
the  gardens  and  Parks  were  mostly  made  by  me  before  my 
being  abroad  and  had  not  much  opportunity  of  seeing  things 
of  that  natur,  I  altred  very  little  when  I  lastly  made  this  plan. 
I  am  farr  from  tying  you  down  to  it,  the  liberty  of  pleasing 
ones  own  fancy  in  this  as  in  other  things  being  what  gives  the 
great  pleasur,  but  because  I  have  thought  so  much  on  these 
designes,  know  the  place  so  thoroughly,  and  have  some  know- 
ledge and  understanding  of  these  matters,  you  ought  to  be  well 
advised  before  you  alter  them  or  follow  any  other. 

You  should  endeavour  to  live  well  w*  all  yr  nighbours  and  in 
good  friendshipe  and  intelligence.  When  there  happens  at  any 
time  what  may  occasion  difference  w*  any  of  them,  as  often 
does,  take  care  not  to  be  the  agressor  and  endeavour  always  to 
have  things  accomodated  w*  them  in  a  friendly  maner,  with- 
out going  to  law,  rather  than  that  yealding  in  things  not  very 
essentiall  and  to  be  usefull  to  them  wch  is  the  way  to  live 
agreeablie  at  home  and  to  make  yr  own  life  easie. 

So  long  as  you  have  the  esteat  in  Aberdineshire  it  will  be 
for  your  advantage  to  visit  it  some  times,  and  to  pass  the 
months  of  August  and  September  in  Braemar,  once  in  tuo 
years  is  not  too  often  :  that  will  make  you  know  yr  people  and 
give  them  occasion  of  knowing  you,  wch  is  absolutly  requiset 
in  a  highland  interest  espetially.  It  will  give  you  an  oppor- 
tunity too  of  being  acquainted  with  the  gentelmen  of  the  rest 
of  the  highlands  and  of  being  in  concert,  friendshipe,  and  good 
understanding  w*  them,  wch  may  come  to  be  of  service  and 
advantage  to  yr  country  in  general  and  yr  self  in  particular,  so 
it  is  what  I  earnestly  recomend  to  you  and  even  should  you 
come  to  sell  that  esteat,  it  will  still  be  worth  yr  while  to 
visit  that  country  sometimes,  to  hunt  in  it  and  keep  up 
acquaintance  w*  the  inhabitants,  since  you  are  to  reserve  a 
right  to  the  huntings  and  being  attended  there,  as  by  the 
scheme  you  sent  to  your  unckle  last  year  about  disposeing  of 
that  esteat  w*  some  reservations,  wch  still  appears  to  me  the 
more  fitt  and  necessary  the  longer  I  think  of  it. 

If  you  be  ever  so  luckie  to  recover  yr  hereditary  right  of  gover- 
nour,  constable,  and  keeper  of  Stirling  Castle,  it  will  not  be  amiss 
for  you  to  live  sometimes  there  in  winter  as  yr  predecessor  the 


184  LORD  MARS  LEGACY 

Treasurer  often  did,  even  after  our  king  went  to  England  and 
that  there  was  no  court  there ;  but  should  our  king  come  to  be 
desirous  to  have  all  such  goverments  w*  other  jurisdictions 
restord  to  the  crown  (as  I  judge  were  Ave  again  a  free  people 
and  kingdome  of  ourselves  it  is  for  the  interest  of  our  country 
they  should)  be  not  you  refractiory  in  quitting  w*  yrs  for  an 
adequate  price,  wch  certainly  the  king  and  Pari,  would  give. 

Tho  you  should  not  have  the  Castle  of  Stirling  to  live  in, 
you  have  a  good  shell  of  a  house  in  the  town,  wch  cost  your 
predecessor,  the  Regent,  considerablie.  It  wants  to  be  repaired 
wch  is  necessar  to  be  done  and  w*  some  alterations  and  additions 
wch  Would  not  cost  much  would  be  a  very  good  convenient 
house  *  for  you  to  live  in,  as  is  proposed  yr  doing  in  the  Castle 
should  it  be  restord  you.  The  principall  apartment  of  this 
house  has  been  designdly  and  rightly  made  so  high  up  that  it 
might  overlook  the  town  and  have  the  prospect  of  the  country 
wch  it  has  fully  and  is  as  fine  an  one  as  is  to  be  seen  anywhere. 
The  house  has  a  fine  appearance  to  the  street  and  out  of 
regard  and  respect  to  the  builder,  it  behoves  the  ffamily  that 
is  to  come  of  him  not  to  part  w*  this  house  or  to  let  it  go 
to  ruin,  so  I  recomend  the  preservation  of  it  to  you. 

There  is  no  liveing  in  the  world  without  trust,  but  be  very 
cautious  of  trusting  entirely  the  sole  manadgment  of  yr  affairs 
to  any  one  servant :  understanding  of  them  yr  self,  looking 
often  into  them,  and  haveing  the  chife  direction,  will  make 
you  be  well  served  and  be  of  great  advantage  to  you  many 
ways.  The  oftner  accounts  are  cleard  w*  servants  the  better, 
and  to  ease  you  in  such  a  troublesome  task,  w^  was  ever  very 
disagreeable  to  me,  as  perhaps  it  may  be  to  you,  you  will  do 
well  to  get  a  friend  or  two  to  assist  you,  as  my  brother  and 
Ld  Dun  used  to  do  me. 

I  had  two  very  good  servants  in  their  stations,  who  are 
both  now  emploied  again  in  yr  affairs,  John  Watson  and  Alex- 
ander Rait,  who  served  me  w*  great  affection,  application,  and 
honesty,  as  I  doubt  not  of  their  still  doing  you.   Be  kind  to  them 


1  Much  more  of  the  building,  now  commonly  known  as  'Mar's  work,'  must 
have  been  standing  at  the  period  Lord  Mar  writes  about  it,  as  very  little  now 
remains  of  it.  It  is  still  the  property,  however,  of  the  head  of  the  Erskine 
family. 


TO  HIS  SON  185 

and  it  will  be  for  yr  advantage,  I  think,  and  ease  that  they  agree 
and  live  well  together,  haveing  no  personall  broils  nor  drawing 
different  ways,  wch  you  should  take  care  to  prevent  and  cure  if 
any  be.  I  know  some  may  not  be  of  this  oppinion,  thinking 
when  servants  disagree  the  master  is  the  less  apt  to  be  imposed 
upon  and  cheated,  but  that  is  not  just  reason  in  my  oppinion, 
who  hate  to  see  people  out  of  humour  w*  one  another,  whether 
inferiors  or  equalls,  an  honest  man  will  be  an  honest  man  still 
and  serve  honestly,  and  so  will  a  rogue  follow  his  own  ways 
and  cheat  you  in  spite  of  all  cheques  upon  him. 

Be  kind  to  those  who  have  served  me  or  my  ffather  well,  as 
I  doubt  not  you  will  be  to  those  who  serve  you  so.  It  is  a 
creditable  thing  to  see  old  servants  about  a  house  or  ffamily 
and  their  children  taken  care  of  and  comeing  into  the  service 
in  their  own  time  or  after  them.  This  has  been  much  the 
custome  w*  our  predecessors  and  it  is  too  comendable  to  be 
forgot.  Good  servants  are  seldome  found,  but  when  they  are, 
deserve  to  be  well  and  kindly  used  and  yr  doing  so  will  be  a 
great  mean  of  yr  being  well  served. 

Be  not  bookish  or  sedentary ;  use  such  sports,  diversions, 
and  exercises  as  you  shall  like  best  in  a  moderat  way  and 
without  giveing  yourself  up  too  much  to  them  ;  those  on  horse- 
back or  walking  will  be  better  for  yr  health  than  phisick  and 
keep  you  from  laziness  wch  renders  one  unfit  for  the  service  of 
his  country. 

I  have  not  observed  you  to  be  overfond  of  play,  a  great 
happiness,  but  be  still  on  yr  guard  against  it  since  it  wants  but 
a  beginning  and  a  little  habitud  to  take  too  much  hold  of  one 
and  scarce  ever  fails  ruining  those  given  up  to  it.  I  do  not 
mean  tho  by  this  that  you  should  follow  my  example,  since  the 
time  you  can  remember  me,  in  not  playing  at  all,  wch  is  an 
extream  on  the  other  side  for  wch  I  am  to  blame ;  But  I  am 
too  old  now  to  learn  the  games  of  cardes,  wch  I  never  likt,  and 
this  absteaning  from  play  was  occasiond  by  my  over  love  of 
one  kind  of  game  when  young,  the  Dice  or  hazard,  of  wch  I 
was  passionatly  fond  and  playd  for  a  good  deal  of  money  and 
more  than  was  fitt  or  convenient  for  my  affairs,  tho  I  came  off 
with  little  or  no  loss.  When  one  loves  any  game  to  such  a 
degree,  it  is  scarce  to  be  cured  without  quitting  of  it  entirely, 


186  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

wch  was  the  resolution  I  toke,  first  for  a  year,  wch  I  observed, 
and  that  toke  away  my  itch  for  playing  at  any  game  of  chance, 
that  I  never  after  had  any  inclination  to  play  at  any  again  :  I 
somtimes  tho  play'd  at  some  of  the  little  gams  of  cardes  and 
at  dice  too,  but  rarly  at  either  and  only  when  in  a  maner 
forced  to  it  and  for  complesance  to  the  company.  A  little 
moderat  play  when  the  company  is  for  it  is  allowable  and  even 
necessary  everywhere,  but  in  ffrance  there  is  no  keeping  com- 
pany almost  without  it,  and  I  have  been  often  angrie  w*  myself 
for  not  knowing  all  the  games  of  cards  a  little,  it  giveing  a 
man  an  ill  and  acquard  air  in  company  not  to  do  as  others 
do  in  such  innocent  things  :  and  when  nighbours  and  ffriends 
come  to  see  you,  it  looks  as  if  you  did  not  mind  them  enough 
or  atend  to  what  is  for  their  entertainment,  wch  is  always  dis- 
agreeable and  offencive  and  what  you  should  be  on  yr  guard 
against. 

I  must  not  forget  to  mention  yr  musick,  than  wch  there 
cannot  be  a  more  agreeable,  innocent  amusement,  and  amuse- 
ments of  one  kind  or  other  are  absolutly  necessary,  and  the 
man  who  has  a  taste  of  non  is  to  be  pitied  ;  But  pray  take  care 
of  giveing  up  too  much  of  yr  time  to  such  a  bewitching  thing, 
as  perhaps  I  did  to  my  archetectur  and  designing.  Amuse- 
ments, tho  necessary,  to  recreat  and  unbend  our  spirits  and 
minds  from  more  serious  things  and  of  moment,  they  ought 
never  to  make  us  neglect  our  affairs  or  what  we  may  be  more 
usefully  emploied  about,  for  the  service  of  our  ffamily,  genera- 
tion or  country,  in  respect  of  wch  amusements  or  what  the 
Italians  call  virtu  are  but  trifles. 

I  had  the  service  of  the  Church  of  England  sett  up  at  Alloa, 
for  wch  I  made  a  chaple,  it  being  nearest  to  my  own  way  of 
thinking  in  those  maters,  a  medium  betwixt  the  bare  unbe- 
comeing  nakedness  of  the  Presbiterian  service  in  Scotland,  and 
the  gadie,  affected,  and  ostentive  way  of  the  Church  of  Rome.1 
You  may  be  perhaps  too  in  this  way  of  thinking  about  it,  and 
may  have  a  mind  to  have  that  service  set  up  again  there,  but 
be  sure  to  choose  a  fitt  time  for  it.  The  minister  of  the  place 
will  be  angrie  about  it,  but  I  would  not  fall  out  w*  him,  do 


1  See  also  the  letter  printed  for  the  first  time  in  the  Appendix  to  this  Book. 


TO  HIS  SON  187 

what  he  could,  and  I  would  not  scruple  going  sometimes  to  his 
church  and  joining  in  the  service.  Endeavour  in  that  case  to 
keep  good  agreement  betwixt  those  who  frequent  the  one  and 
t'other  service,  and  never  let  their  frequenting  either  be  the 
occasion  of  yr  kindness,  dislike  or  neglect  of  any. 

You  know  this  long,  constant  and  closs  friendshipe  that  has 
been  betwixt  my  Lord  Loudon 1  and  me  and  also  Lord  Stair,2 
tho  differing  much  in  publick  affairs  for  some  years  past,  but 
that  should  be  no  cause  of  breach  of  privat  friendshipes,  as  it 
never  was  w*  us,  and  tho  the  correspondance  has  ceased  between 
us,  I  believe  we  are  still  the  same  to  one  another.  I  hope  you 
shall  find  them  friends  to  you  too,  and  let  it  not  fail  on  yr  side. 

There  was  a  strick  friendshipe,  and  real  affection  too,  betwixt 
the  late  Duke  of  Queensberry3  and  me,  as  there  had  been 
betwixt  our  fathers.  I  had  many  substantiall  obligations  to 
the  last  Duke,  who's  memory  is  very  dear  to  me.  I  en- 
deavoured all  I  could  to  requitt  his  friendshipe  to  me  what- 
ever the  malice  of  some  made  them  say  to  the  contrary,  I 
never  feald  in  the  least  title  to  him  and  I  had  been  unworthie  if  I 
had.  He  knew  this  well  himself,  as  appeard  by  the  kindness 
he  exprest  for  me  on  his  death  bed  a  little  before  his  expiring, 
and  his  recomending  to  those  who  were  with  and  had  a  depend- 
ance  on  him  to  have  thereafter  the  same  on  me.  I  heartily  wish 
and  hope  that  the  like  friendshipe  may  be  betwixt  our  sons. 

You  are  no  stranger  to  the  intimacie  and  true  friendshipe 
that  is  betwixt  Ld  Lansdown 4  and  me,  he  is  a  worthie  honest 
man,  and  has  less  of  that  humour  of  oppressing  and  keeping 
at  under  our  country  than  any  of  the  English  who  has  been  in 
business  I  ever  knew,  tho  I  believe  there  is  not  one  of  them 
who  likes  their  own  country  better  nor  would  do  more  to  serve 
it.  This  goodness  and  justness  of  his  ought  to  recomend  him 
much  to  all  our  countrymen,  and  I  know  yr  esteem  for  him  is 
such  that  there  is  no  need  of  my  recomending  to  you  the 
continuance,  and  cultivating  your  friendshipe  w*  him. 


1  Hugh  Campbell,  third  Earl  of  Loudon.     He  was  a  strong  Presbyterian,  and 
fought  against  Mar  at  Sheriffmuir. 

-  The  well-known  diplomatist  and  politician. 

3  The  second  Duke.     He  died  July  6th,  171 1. 

4  The  well-known  poet  and  politician. 


188  LORD  MAITS  LEGACY 

There  is  another  countryman  of  his  and  friend  of  yr8  as  well 
as  mine,  tis  Ld  Blanford.1  He  has  a  good  oppinion  of  you  and 
I  believe  loves  you.  He  will  have  it  in  his  power  to  be  of 
use  to  you,  but  his  friendshipe  is  as  valuable,  and  as  much  to 
be  courted  for  his  vertuous  good  qualitys  as  for  his  high  con- 
dition in  the  world. 

You  have  had  obligations  yr  self  from  the  Duke  of  Argyll 
and  Ld  Islay,  as  yr  unckle  Grange  informed  you.  Tho  they 
and  I  have  been  often  on  different  sides  in  publick  affairs,  yet 
we  have  been  frequently  on  the  same  side  too  and  good  friends. 
I  have  had  essentiall  obligations  myself  from  the  Duke  of 
Argyll,  of  which  I  am  still  sensible,  and  wish  I  had  it  in  my 
power  to  return,  wch  I  would  not  fail  doing  if  ever  it  be.  I 
hope  they  will  continue  their  friendshipe  to  you,  and  I  have 
too  good  an  oppinion  of  your  good  heart  to  think  you  will  ever 
give  them  or  others  cause  to  repent  of  the  favours  that  have 
or  shall  be  shewen  to  you.  Our  family  has  twice  maried  into 
theirs,  so  we  are  come  of  it,  and  as  is  comonly  said  in 
Scotland,  Blood  is  thicker  than  water  and  ought  to  be  minded. 

There  are  other  two  cousins  of  ours  who  have  had  occasion 
to  give  proofs  of  their  worth,  honesty,  and  good  heart.  Lord 
Pitsligo  2  and  Sr  John  Erskine  of  Alva.3  I  hope  the  same  love 
and  friendshipe  will  go  on  and  continue  betwixt  you  and  them 
that  was  betwixt  them  and  me,  as  also  w1  their  children. 

There  is  a  gentleman  in  Scotland  who  has  had  a  great 
friendshipe  for  me,  and  I  for  him,  ever  since  we  were 
acquainted  when  young  at  Edinbrugh,  Robert  Moray,  brother 
to  Abercarnie,4  he  is  a  very  honest  man,  and  it  has  been  often 
my  great  regrait  that  by  one  thing  or  other  it  never  was  in  my 
power  to  get  something  done  for  him  for  makeing  his  circum- 
stances in  the  world  more  easie.  Should  it  chance  ever  to  fall 
in  yr  way  to  be  servicable  to  him,  do  not,  pray,  fail  it,  upon 
the  account  of  the  long  friendshipe  that  was  betwixt  us. 


1  William,  Marquis  of  Blandford,  son  of  Henrietta,  Duchess  of  Marlborough, 
and  Lord  Godolphin. 

2  Alexander  Forbes,  fourth  and  last  Lord  Forbes  of  Pitsligo.     He  took  part 
in  the  affair  of '15  and  subsequently  in  that  of '45. 

3  The  Erskines  of  Alva  were  a  branch  of  the  Mar  family. 

4  William  Moray  of  Abercairney,  Perthshire. 


TO  HIS  SON  189 

Mr.  Stewart  of  Invernity  was  my  companion  and  school 
fellow  at  the  coledge,  and  the  friendshipe  that  was  betwixt  us 
then  has  never  lesned  since.  He  was  also  my  fellow  traveller 
and  prisoner  when  I  was  arested  at  Geneve,  and  all  the  time 
of  my  confinement  there,  as  you  know.  I  am  pleased  w*  seeing 
that  there  is  also  now  a  friendshipe  betwixt  you  and  him,  so  .1 
need  not,  I  know,  say  anything  to  you  for  the  doing  him  all 
the  service  that  shall  be  in  yr  power. 

You  know  honest  Mr.  Symmer  and  Mr.  Minize  so  well  yr 
self,  as  also  Doct  Stewart,  who  to  all  I  am  much  oblidged,  that 
there's  no  occasion,  I  know,  to  recomend  them  to  you,  but 
forget  not  to  make  them  my  last  and  kind  compliments. 

You  should  endeavour  to  be  at  pains  to  have  the  geneologic 
and  historicall  account  of  our  ffamily  made  up  truely  in  writing, 
wch  yr  unckle  Grange  and  severall  others  in  Scotland  can  help 
you  in,  and  you  will  find  amongst  my  papers  here  something  of 
it  wrote  by  me  from  such  helps  and  lights  as  I  could  find  here. 

If  it  shall  please  God  that  I  die  in  fFrance  or  anywhere  else 
abroad,  I  hope  you  will  join  w*  Ldy  Mar  in  seeing  what  debts 
I  may  be  owing  to  tradspeople,  servants,  and  otherways  for 
liveing,  cleard  and  satisfied.  You  know  how  farr  we  were  from 
liveing  extravagantly,  but  Lady  Mars  jointure,  and  the  interest 
of  yr  sister's  mony  was  all  we  had  to  live  on  for  severall  years 
past,1  wch  was  neether  fully  nor  regularly  pay'd  til  yr  unckle 
and  cousin 2  purchest  the  esteat,  wch  with  the  severall  falls  of 
the  mony  made  it  unavoidable  for  us  not  to  run  in  some  debt, 
and  once  being  so,  it  was  as  impossible  for  us  to  live  and  clear 
that  beside,  when  we  came  to  be  regularly  payd,  only  by  these 
fonds,  even  when  the  ariars  of  this  jointure  were  pay"d  up. 

It  is  no  great  matter  what  becomes  of  a  man's  body  when 
the  breath  of  life  is  once  out  of  it ;  But  tho  I  should  die  abroad, 
I  wish  to  be  buried  w*  my  ancestors  at  home.  Wherever  my 
death  hapen,  I  hope  I  shall  not  be  so  destitut  of  friends  to 
have  non  to  take  care  to  find  some  proper  place  where  to 
put  my  body  to  rest  and  remain  free  from  insult,  until  it  can 


1  This  frank  confession  of  poverty  is  scarcely  agreeable  to  the  accounts  of  the 
large  sums  of  money  which  Mar  is  said  to  have  received  from  the  British  Govern- 
ment, in  return  of  his  services  in  betraying  Jacobite  secrets  to  the  Ministers  of 
King  George.  2  Lord  Dun. 


190  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

conveniently,  by  the  advice  and  direction  of  you  and  such 
friends  and  relations  as  you  shall  think  fit  to  consult,  be  trans- 
ported to  Alloa,  and  there,  without  falat  or  giveing  disturb- 
ance to  any,  to  be  decently  and  privatly  interd  by  a  few  of 
my  friends  and  relations. 

If  it  shall  please  God  so  to  order  that  you  shall  come  to  be 
tolerablie  easie  in  yr  affairs,  wch  in  his  goodness  I  hope  he 
shall,  I  recomend  to  you  the  haveing  a  Monument  of  Marble 
made  and  erected  for  the  ffamily,  in  the  Isle  of  the  church  of 
Alloa,  over  the  vault  or  burying  place,  conforme  to  a  Designe 
wcb  is  amongest  my  Drawings.  This  monument  and  the  altera- 
tion of  the  Isle  would  not  be  very  chargable,  but  I  do  not  strictly 
tey  you  down  to  this  designe  for  it,  leaveing  you  at  liberty  to 
alter  it  according  to  yr  own  fancie  w*  the  advice  of  those  you 
may  consult,  who  understand  and  have  a  right  teast  of  such 
things,  as  yr  acquaintance  Mr.  Gibb,1  to  whom  pray  make  my 
compliments.  I  leave  you  also  at  freedome  as  to  the  inscrip- 
tions to  be  put  on  the  monument,  and  I  shall  leave  amongst 
my  papers  what  occurs  to  me  for  them. 

I  shall  inlarge  no  more  here,  my  dear  Tom,  on  advices  to  you. 
I  hope  yr  own  good  sense  and  understanding  will  be  such  that 
you  shall  have  no  occasion  for  them,  but  those  I  have  here 
given  occurring  to  me  now  when  my  thoughts  were  much  and 
concernedly  taken  up  about  you  at  writeing  these  sheets,  and 
seeming  so  necessary  to  me  for  your  conduct,  honour,  and 
happiness  in  the  world,  that  I  could  not  keep  myself  from 
recomending  them  to  you.  I  shall  conclud  w*  this  one,  To 
have  always  in  yr  view  and  endeavour  to  come  up  to  merit  and 
deserve  such  a  character  as  was  given  by  an  excellent  Poet,2 
tho  bad  yet  great  man,  of  our  Predecessor  the  good  Regent, 
your  great  grandfathers  great  grandfather  the  Earle  of  Mar. 

'  Si  quis  Areskinum  memorit 
Per  bella  ferocem 
Parce  gravem  nulli 
Tempore  utroque  Prium/  etc. 


1  The  well-known  architect.     Lord  Mar  started  him  in  business  in  London, 
out  of  gratitude  for  which  Gibb  left  his  children  the  whole  of  his  fortune. 

2  Buchanan. 


TO  HIS  SON  191 

My  hard  fortoun  haveing  made  me  have  little  or  rather  nothing 
to  leave  you,  you  must  accept  of  my  papers  as  my  Legacie,  for 
want  of  a  better  wch  you  would  have  got  if  I  had  had  it.  And 
as  my  endeavours  to  serve  my  king,  country,  ffriends,  Relations, 
and  ffamily,  even  in  the  way  wch  appeard  to  be  most  honour- 
able, just,  and  right  (an  wherein  if  I  was  mistaken  I  hope  I  shall 
be  forgiven)  has  ever  been  my  intention  and  chife  designe,  I 
trust  to  the  goodness  of  that  great  exalted  and  eternall  Being 
who  made  and  governs  us  all,  and  has  still  provided  for  me, 
will  also  be  graciously  pleased  to  do  so  for  you,  who  is  like  to 
begin  the  world  w*  as  many  difficulties  as  I  did,  but  who,  I 
hope,  shall  finish  his  course  more  luckily  than  I  am  like  to  do, 
tho  you  cannot  do  it  with  more  peace  of  mind,  submission  and 
resignation  to  the  will  and  pleasur  of  our  Maker  than  I  am 
now  readie  to  do,  and  hope  in  his  goodness  to  be  when  it  shall 
please  him  to  call  me  out  of  this  transitory,  troublesome  world. 
The  hopes  I  have  in  you  and  my  little  giiie  contributing  not  a 
little  to  it,  and  I  must  heartily  thank  him  for  haveing  blest  me 
w*  such  children,  who,  I  beg  and  earnestly  pray,  he  may  alwayes 
have  in  his  protection  w*  our  ffamily,  keep  it  from  perishing, 
and  make  it  of  use  in  his  service,  and  in  that  of  our  king  and 
country  for  many  ages  to  come. 

Now,  my  dear  son,  may  all  blissings  on  this  side  of  time  and 
t'other  attend  you  and  my  dear  Daughter.  May  you  be  an 
honour  to  yr  country,  ffamily,  friends,  and  Relations.  May  you 
be  indued  with  parts  and  qualitys  suetable  to  your  station, 
and  the  part  you  are  to  act  in  the  world,  and  may  you  live 
long  and  comfortablie.  These  are  the  earnest  wishes  and 
fervent  prayers  of  a  very  affectionat,  Loveing,  tender  ffather, 
who  is  sorry  for  his  faults  towards  God  and  man,  and  hopes  to 
die  in  peace  and  forgiveness  with  all  the  world,  when  it  shall 
please  the  Great  God  Almighty  to  call  him  from  it,  who  was 
so  graciously  pleased  to  creat  and  give  him  being  in  [the  ?] 
world,  and  to  call  him,  he  hopes,  to  a  better,  Resigning  and 
trusting  his  Soul  to  his  Mercy  and  forgiveness,  through  the 
Merits  of  our  blessed  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  our 
Redeemer.  MAR. 


DIRECTIONS  CONCERNING  THE  MONU- 
ment to  be  erected  in  the  isle  of  the 
Church  of  Alloa. 

Chilian,  March  1726. 

The  Monument  to  be  an  obilisk  of  Black  marble,  w*  a 
heart  on  the  tope  of  which,  and  a  flame  comeing  out  of  it  of 
o-uilt  brass.  The  obilisk  standing  on  a  Pedestall  of  a  different 
colour*  d  marble,  and  Trofies  of  guilt  brass  to  be  on  the  four 
sides  of  the  obilisk.  Two  sides  to  be  made  up  of  Broad  swords, 
targets,  Highland  guns  and  pistols,  powder  horns  and  bagpipes, 
after  the  way  of  the  Highlanders  armeing.  The  other  two 
sides  to  be  of  the  ordinar  and  modern  armour  as  now  used  and 
a  comander  in  chifes  batton. 

In  one  place  of  the  Tropheis  to  be  a  representation  of  a 
bundle  of  Papers  teyd  togither,  and  Indorsed  Jewels  for  Scot- 
land, anno  1722  and  1723. 

One  one  side  of  the  Pedestall,  on  a  scutchon  stuck  to  it,  to 
be  the  armes  of  Mar  and  Erskine  as  is  now  used  by  me.  On 
the  side  opposit,  The  Earle  of  Mar's  armes  w*  the  Earle  of 
Panmure's  impaled.  On  another  side  Earle  Mar's  armes  w* 
Earle  Kinnours  impaled.  And  on  the  forth  side,  Ld  Mar's 
armes  wt  the  Duke  of  Kingston's  impaled. 

The  obilisk  to  be  placed  on  the  pedestall,  the  angles  of  the 
one  contrair  to  the  other,  and  supported  on  two  Lyons  and  two 
grifons  couchant  of  Brass  guilt. 

On  the  four  corners  of  the  Pedestall  to  be  four  weeping  boys 
of  white  marble  standing. 


THE  MONUMENT  193 

The  plain  field  on  each  side  or  Dado  of  the  pedestall  to  be 
of  white  marble,  on  wch  to  be  cut  or  ingraved  such  inscriptions 
as  shall  be  thought  proper  by  Ld  Erskine. 

The  Monument  to  be  placed  over  the  vault  or  Burying  place, 
betwixt  the  two  stairs  that  lead  up  to  Ld  Mars  seat  in  the 
church.  A  stair  to  be  made  from  the  door  of  Ld  Mar's  low 
seat  into  the  body  of  the  church,  down  to  the  vault  or  burying 
place,  wch  stair  to  be  so  coverd  comonly  wl  planks  or  shutters, 
that  they  can  be  easily  taken  up  or  opned  when  ther  's  occasion 
of  entering  into  the  vault. 

The  vault  of  the  Isle  to  be  taken  away,  for  the  roof  to  be 
made  higher  on  account  of  the  Monument,  and  a  cupola  made 
directly  over  it,  w*  rooms  made  of  each  side  of  the  Isle,  all  wch 
will  be  more  clearly  seen  by  the  Designe  or  Drawght.1 


1  This  Monument  was  never  erected.  The  tower  of  the  old  church  of  Alloa 
is  still  standing,  but  little  else.  The  modern  church  is  close  to  the  site  of  the 
old  one. 


Aft* 


v  ate!  <s 

</)i  i  ( a  r  i  u 

Of  »>  • 


194  LORD  MARS  LEGACY 


TO  MY  DEAR  SON  THOMAS,  LORD  ERSKINE 

My  dear  Tom, — /  cannot,  I  think;  better  Jill  ujj  this  booh'  than 
with  inserting  my  schemes  and  designs  for  the  good  of  our 
country,  calVd  in  the  forgoing  slieets  JEWELS,  and  which  I 
may  noio  entitle 

MY  LEGACIE  TO  SCOTLAND 

Considerations  and  proposals  for  the  several  parts  of  the 
constitution  and  government  of  Scotland  upon  a  restoration. 

By  the  Restoration,  the  Union  of  the  two  kingdomes  made 
in  Queen  Anne's  time  is  naturally  suposed  to  be  broke,  and 
the  King  has  sacredly  promist  it  in  severall  Declarations,  so 
that  Scotland  would  in  that  case  be  a  free  kingdome  of  itself, 
and  to  prevent  the  many  inconveniences  which  experience  has 
shewen  to  have  happened  in  that  country  by  the  union  of  the 
two  crowns  in  the  same  person  (which  nevertheless,  if  rightly 
improved,  may  be  an  advantage  to  both  kingdomes),  and  to 
make  some  amends  also  for  the  loss  of  Scotland  suffers  by  the 
king's  reciding  alwayes  in  England,  there  are  severall  altera- 
tions necessary  to  be  made  in  the  goverment  and  constitution 
of  Scotland,  from  what  it  was  when  it  had  separat  kings  of  its 
own  reciding  amongest  themselves :  which  alterations  are  as 
much  for  the  king's  interest  and  advantage  as  for  that  of  the 
People.  Therfore,  after  the  first  Pari,  of  that  kingdome's 
meeting  and  declaring  itself,  and  the  Nation  free  and  inde- 
pendant  of  any  but  the  king  and  his  lawfull  Heirs. 

1st.  To  be  enacted,  that  ix.  all  time  comeing  a  new  Pari, 
shall  be  calFd  every  seven  years,  and  to  be  alow'd  to  meet  at 
least  once  in  two  years. 


TO  SCOTLAND  195 

2nd.  That  the  lords  of  the  Articles  as  before  the  Revolution 
be  abolished,  and  all  business  to  be  prepard  by  comitties  of 
Pari,  as  referr'd  to  them  by  Parliament. 

3rd.  The  Act  of  Peace  and  War,  as  it  past  in  queen  Anne's 
time  before  the  union,  to  be  reinacted,  by  which  the  nation 
cannot  be  brought  into  war  without  the  consent  of  Parliament. 

4.  To  be  enacted,  that  in  all  time  comeing  the  officers  of 
state  shall  be  chosen  and  nominated  by  the  king  out  of  a  list 
of  three  for  each  office  to  be  made  by  Pari,  and  presented  to 
his  Maj.,  and  these  to  hold  their  places  no  longer  than  seven 
years,  but  to  be  capable  to  be  presented  again  to  the  king  by 
Pari,  at  the  end  of  the  said  seven  years :  and  that  it  shall  be 
in  the  king's  power  to  change  any  of  the  said  officers  of  state 
before  the  end  of  the  said  seven  years  respective,  if  he  shall 
think  fitt,  and  to  put  in  his  place  one  of  the  other  two 
recomended  to  him  by  Pari,  to  the  same  office,  or  to  change 
one  officer  to  the  post  of  another ;  and  in  case  of  Death,  to 
name  another  to  that  post  out  of  those  recomended  by  Pari, 
for  the  said  office  or  charge. 

5.  The  Privie  or  Secret  Council  to  be  chosen  and  named  in 
the  same  maner  as  the  officers  of  state,  and  to  consist  of  the 
officers  of  state,  the  three  vice  Precidents  of  the  courts  of 
justice,  ten  noblemen  and  ten  gentlemen,  and  to  hold  their 
places  as  the  officers  of  state  do  theirs. 

6.  The  judges  or  Lords  of  session  and  justiciary  court,  the 
Barrons  of  Exchequer,  and  judges  of  the  admiralty  court,  to  be 
named  by  the  king  as  the  officers  of  State.  That  the  Lists  for 
the  ordinary  Judges  to  be  presented  to  his  Majesty  shall  be 
chosen  by  Pari,  out  of  the  first  class  of  advocats,  and  these 
judges  also  to  hold  their  places  only  for  seven  years,  and  be 
able  to  be  deprived  sooner  by  tryall  and  conviction  for  crimes 
or  malversation,  and  in  case  of  death  the  king  to  supply  the 
vacancie  immediatly  out  of  lists  made  by  Pari,  for  that  pur- 
pose:  and  all  those  judges  to  be  capable  to  be  recomended  to 
the  king  again  at  the  end  of  every  seven  years.  The  king  to 
name  the  vice  Precident  of  the  session  out  of  the  ordinary 
judges  of  that  court,  but  his  comission  to  be  only  for  seven 
years,  tho1  to  be  in  the  king's  power  to  renew  it  when  that 
expires. 


196  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

7.  The  Lords  of  the  justiciary  to  be  four  besides  the  justice 
generall  and  justice  dark  or  vice-president  of  the  justiciary, 
but  not  of  the  Lords  of  session  as  now  to  be  named,  and  to 
hold  their  places  as  the  Lords  of  session. 

8.  Two  Lords  of  session  to  go  the  circuits  with  each  of  the 
three  classes  of  the  lords  of  justiciary,  for  trying  the  lesser 
civil  causes,  not  exceeding  the  value  of  [here  is  a 
blank  space]  ;  and  their  sentances  in  these  cases  to  be  final. 
Likewise  to  have  power  to  try  all  other  civil  causes  of  whatever 
value  which  shall  be  brought  before  them,  but  those  above  the 
value  of  the  lesser  causes  to  be  transferable  to  the  full  session 
at  Edinb.  or  else  where,  either  by  the  two  lords  or  by  either 
of  the  partys.  In  case  of  the  two  lords  determination  or  pro- 
nuncing  sentance  in  any  of  the  greater  causes  at  the  circuits, 
an  appeal  to  ly  open  to  the  full  session  by  either  of  the  partys, 
as  also  from  the  full  session  to  the  Pari.  The  Lords  of  session 
to  have  no  additional  alowance  for  the  circuits,  and  all  the 
ordinar  Lords  to  take  the  circuits  by  turns.  Sallerys  to  be 
appointed  for  the  necessary  inferior  officers  to  attend  the  Lords 
at  the  circuits. 

9.  The  Exchequer  Court  to  continue  as  it  is  constituted  at 
present  since  the  Union ;  but  the  Saleries  to  the  Barrons  to  be 
less  than  those  of  the  Lords  of  session,  haveing  less  business  and 
trouble.  They  to  be  named  and  to  hold  their  places  as  the 
judges  of  the  other  courts  of  justice,  and  the  chife  barron  or 
vice-precident  to  be  named  as  the  vice-precident  of  the  session. 

10.  The  court  of  admiralty  to  consist  of  the  Lord  High 
Admirall  and  two  ordinary  judges,  to  be  chosen  by  the  king 
out  of  a  list  made  by  Pari,  out  of  the  two  classes  of  advocats, 
or  either  of  them,  and  to  hold  their  places  as  the  ordinary 
judges  as  above. 

11.  The  first  class  of  advocats  to  be  restricted  and  limited 
to  the  number  of  ten,  and  to  have  a  fixt  salary  from  the 
goverment  of  two  hundred  pounds  apice,  for  serving  the 
Lieges  in  consulting  and  pleading  their  Law-suits,  which  they 
shall  be  oblidg'd  to  do  under  severe  penaltys,  without  any 
other  reward  than  the  sum  of  [here  is  a  blank  space] 
from  their  clients  every  time  they  write  an  information  or 
plead  for  him  at  the  Barr  of  any  of  the  Courts  of  justice,  and 


TO  SCOTLAND  197 

punishable  if  they  take  more  than  the  said  ffee.  The  said  ten 
advocats  to  be  chosen  by  the  Lords  of  session  out  of  the  second 
class  of  advocats,  as  those  of  the  first  class  are  taken  to  be 
judges  of  any  of  the  courts  of  justice,  or  fail  by  death  or 
malversation. 

Those  of  the  second  class  of  advocats  to  consist  of  Twentie, 
and  each  of  them  to  have  a  fixt  salery  from  the  goverment  of 
one  hundred  pounds.  This  number  to  be  made  up  out  of 
those  who  shall  enter  advocat,  by  the  antiquity  of  their  tryalls, 
and  to  have  a  smaller  ffee  from  their  clients  than  those  of  the 
first  class. 

No  other  but  these  thirty  advocats  to  be  alow'd  to  practice 
or  plead  at  the  Barrs  of  justice. 

12.  The  Writers  of  the  Signet  to  be  only  ten  in  number,  and 
non  of  them  to  be  alow'd  to  have  more  apprentices  than  four 
at  one  time,  and  no  such  thing  as  agents  to  be  alow'd.  This 
regulation  of  the  coledge  of  justice  would  free  the  Lieges  of 
aboundance  of  trouble  and  inconvenience,  by  the  multyplicity 
of  that  vermine  of  the  law  who  feed  upon  the  bowels  of  the 
nation  and  render  the  people  so  ligitious.  It  would  obligde 
most  of  the  youth  of  the  gentry  to  follow  other  emploiments, 
more  useful  to  their  country,  and  there  would  still  be  enough 
for  supplying  the  Barr  by  those  who  would  have  a  genious 
that  way,  and  would  studdy  the  law  and  enter  advocats,  for 
which  there  would  be  as  above  encouragement  enough. 

13.  It  is  to  be  presumed  that  the  nation  is  sufficiently  weary 
of  the  sower  Presbiterian  Church  goverment  which  enervates 
the  minds  of  the  people.  Therefore  it  is  proposed  that  the 
church  goverment  shall  be  Episcopall,  but  the  Byshops  to 
have  no  place  or  vote  in  Parliament  or  council,  and  yet  their 
Comisarry  Court  shall  be  regulated.  The  Byshops  to  be 
named  by  the  King  out  of  lists  made  by  Pari,  of  three  for  each 
Byshoprick,  which  lists  to  be  made  by  Pari,  out  of  lists  made 
by  the  clergy  in  the  maner  that  shall  be  regulated,  of  five 
for  each  Bishoprick. 

14.  That*  there  shall  be  an  act  of  toleration  for  other 
Protestants  who  have  scrouples  of  complying  with  the 
Established  Church  goverment  that  all  may  have  liberty  of 
worshiping  God  in  their  own  way ;  but  the  tolerated  ministers 


198  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

to  be  incapable  of  possessing  any  Parish  church,  until  they 
comply  with  the  goverment  of  the  church  by  Byshops  as 
established. 

15.  That  a  particular  care  be  had  to  the  visiting  and 
regulating  of  coledges  and  universitys,  by  proper  and  qualified 
persons,  the  right  education  of  youth  being  of  great  conse- 
quence to  a  country. 

That  the  king  and  Pari,  shall  appoint  a  competent  number 
of  comissioners,  out  of  the  most  eminent,  learned,  and  most 
judicious  men  of  the  nation  for  this  work,  to  examine  into  the 
original  and  present  constitution,  establishment,  and  situation 
of  all  these  societys,  and  to  consider  of  the  most  proper 
measures  that  can  be  taken  for  encouragment  of  usefull 
knowledge,  such  as  mathematicks  in  its  severall  parts,  History, 
the  Belles  Lettres,  Medicin,  Botany,  the  ground  and  marrow 
of  the  civill  laws,  and  of  our  own  municipall  laws,  besides 
Theoligie,  and,  in  short,  these  profitable  and  liberall  sciences 
that  forme  the  minds  of  youth  to  the  best  advantage,  are  most 
conforme  to  natural  and  solid  reason,  and  most  useful  in 
humane  life,  without  infecting  tender  minds  with  the  useless 
and  pernicious  jargon  of  the  scools.  These  comissioners  to 
make  a  full  and  impartiall  report  to  Pari,  on  which  such 
regulations  to  be  made  as  shall  be  found  most  proper  and 
practicable. 

16.  That  the  king  leaves  to  the  Pari,  to  reenact  and 
confirme  by  a  generall  act  such  of  the  acts  of  Pari,  made 
since  the  Revolution  as  shall  be  thought  fitt  and  usefull,  and 
to  abrogat  the  rest. 

17.  That  the  King  shall  oblidge  himself  and  actually  con- 
sent to  the  converting  all  the  ward  holdings  of  the  crown  to 
Blanch  or  few,  the  vassels  paying  a  certain  price  to  be  fixt  by 
Pari,  for  such  convertions. 

18.  An  Act  to  be  passed  reviveing  an  old  one,  which 
declairs  all  mines  to  belong  to  the  proprietors  of  the  lands  in 
which  they  are  found,  paying  a  tenth  part  of  the  free  profits  to 
the  crown. 

19.  If  the  king  shall  at  any  time  think  fitt  to  creat  a  Scots 
peer  a  peer  of  England,  his  peerage  of  Scotland  to  become 
void   and   null,   and   those   who  chance   to  be  peers  of  both 


TO  SCOTLAND  199 

kingdomes  at  the  end  of  the  first  session  of  the  first  Scots 
Pari,  after  the  Restoration,  to  be  oblidged  to  make  their 
election  which  of  them  to  hold ;  and  to  be  declair'd  incapable 
for  any  to  hold  both  in  time  comeing. 

20.  The  king  to  declare  to  Pari,  at  their  first  meeting  his 
pleasur  as  to  those  Peers  that  have  been  made  or  advanced 
since  the  Revolution  before  they  be  admited  to  take  their 
places. 

21.  The  king  to  agree  to  the  restoring  to  the  former 
owners  the  forfeiturs  in  King  Charles  2nd  and  King  James 
7th,s  time,  that  they  may  continue  in  possession  as  since  the 
Revolution,  excepting  such  as  shall  not  submit  to  his  Majy"s 
goverment. 

22.  To  be  enacted  that  all  those  who  hold  lands  of  subjects 
shall  have  right  to  purchess  these  holdings  from  such  superiors, 
who  shall  be  oblidged  to  sell  them  when  required,  at  a  certain 
price  for  each  kind  of  holding,  to  be  appointed  by  the  said 
act ;  and  after  these  purchesses  to  hold  these  lands  few  or 
Blanch  of  the  crown  as  the  king's  other  vasseles. 

23.  To  be  enacted,  that  when  the  greatest  part  of  ten 
vasseles  of  any  subject  shall  have  thus  bought  their  holdings, 
the  said  superiors  shall  be  oblig,d  to  sell  to  the  crown  their 
jurisdictions  of  j usticiarys,  Regalitys  or  Shirifships  at  a  certain 
price  to  be  appointed  by  the  said  act,  and  the  crown  to  be 
oblidged  to  make  such  purcheses  and  never  to  alianat  them 
again. 

24.  To  be  enacted  that  an  Envoy  or  Minister  on  the  part  of 
Scotland  (beside  the  Minister  for  England)  shall  be  always 
sent  by  the  King  to  reside  at  fforaigne  courts,  particularly 
those  of  firance,  Spain,  Germanie,  and  Holland,  and  to  be 
chosen  as  the  officers  of  state. 

25.  The  garisons  of  Edinburgh  Castle,  Stirling  Castle,  and 
Inverlochie  to  be  alwayes  one  hundred  men  each,  beside  the 
officers,  and  those  of  Dumbarton,  Blackness,  Dunoter,  and 
Home  Castles,  50  men  each,  and  the  citadels  of  Leith  and 
Perth  to  be  repair1  d  and  improved. 

26.  That  there  be  always  two  thousand  or  fivetien  hundred 
regular  troops  kept  on  foot.  The  Highlanders  to  be  modled 
into  Regiaments,  to  the  number  of  fivetien  or  sixtien  thousand 


200  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

men,  conforme  to  a  particular  scheme  for  that  affair,  which 
would  be  the  best  armie  of  such  a  number  for  so  small  a  charge 
in  Europe. 

The  militia  of  the  rest  of  the  kingdome  to  be  modled  and 
well  lookt  after,  conforme  to  a  particular  scheme  for  that 
purpose. 

27.  That  three  ships  of  war  at  least  be  always  keept  in  pay 
for  protecting  the  trade  of  the  kingdome. 

28.  The  general  or  Comander-in-Chife  of  the  troops  and 
militia  to  be  named  by  the  king  out  of  a  list  of  three  to  be 
made  by  Pari,  as  the  officers  of  state,  of  which  he  to  be  one, 
and  he  to  hold  his  comission  as  they,  and  to  have  place  and 
vote  in  Pari,  and  council  as  such.  He  to  give  brevets  to  all  the 
officers  of  the  troops  and  militia,  which  the  king  is  either  to 
confirme  by  comission  or  ordering  the  generall  to  recomend 
others  for  the  said  comissions,  when  he  approves  not  of  those 
to  whom  the  brevets  had  been  given. 

29.  An  agreement  to  be  made  betwixt  the  king  and  king 
of  ffrance  for  five  thousand  men  of  Scots  troops  being  always 
entertained  in  the  ffrench  service  at  that  king's  charge.  The 
officers  of  which  to  have  their  comissions  from  the  king  of 
ffrance,  but  on  the  recomendation  of  the  king  of  Britain  and 
the  K.  of  ffrance  to  be  oblidgM  to  alow  the  said  troops  or  any 
part  of  them  to  return  home  at  any  time  the  king  and  Pari. 
shall  think  fit  to  recall  them,  six  months  after  the  said 
requisition. 

The  king  of  ffrance  to  be  likewise  oblidged  after  the  first 
three  years  of  those  troops  being  in  ffrance,  to  alow  one 
thousand  of  them  to  go  home  every  year,  upon  the  like 
number  of  new  men  being  sent  from  Scotland  to  reimplace 
them. 

30.  Acts  to  be  made  for  encouraging  trade  and  particularly 
the  ffishing,  as  by  the  particular  scheme  for  this  article. 

31.  Acts  to  be  made  for  the  encouragment  of  tilage  in  the 
low  countrys  and  pastorage  in  the  Highlands  and  other  places 
not  fit  for  tilage.  The  leaces  or  tacks  of  land  to  tennant  as 
to  the  duration,  etc.,  to  be  regulated  by  Pari.,  and  also  the 
distructive,  oppresive,  and  unfrugall  way  of  tennants1  services 
to  their  masters. 


TO  SCOTLAND  201 

32.  Proper  laus  to  be  revised  and  made  for  encouraging  and 
preserving  of  planting  and  preserving  the  game. 

33.  Provision  to  be  made  by  Pari,  from  time  to  time  for  the 
necessary  expences  of  the  goverment  civil  and  military. 

It  is  thought  that  four  months  cess  yearly,  in  time  of  peace 
with  what  may  arise  from  the  crown  rents,  the  Customs  and 
Excise,  Post  office  and  Ld.  of  sessions  fixt  stock,  may  with 
good  managment  answer  the  said  expences. 

34;.  An  act  to  be  made  for  encouraging  a  good  corespondance 
betwixt  the  kingdomes  of  Scotland  and  Irland  in  relation  to 
their  trade,  etc.,  giveing  in  Scotland  all  the  priviledges  of  Scots 
men  to  the  subjects  of  Irland  upon  the  Pari,  of  Irland  doing 
the  same  in  that  kingdome  for  the  subjects  of  Scotland. 

35.  It  may  seem  an  unfavourable  time  for  some  years  (til  the 
enormous  abuses  in  the  affair  of  Misisipi  and  the  South  Sea 
Companys  be  forgot,  which  perhaps  to  after  ages  may  be  as 
hard  to  do,  as  to  belive  all  the  extravagances  of  that  time)  to 
recomend  anything  of  paper  credit  for  Scotland,  but  were 
something  of  that  kind  rightly  adjusted  and  keept  within 
bounds,  so  that  the  paper  could  not  exceed  more  than  a  certain 
quantity,  suitable,  and  in  proportion  to  the  specie  in  the 
nation,  as  by  a  Land  Bank  or  some  such  scheme,  it  might  be 
of  great  advantage  to  that  country.  It  would  raise  the  value 
of  land,  which  would  be  profitable  to  the  greatest  part  of 
Scotland.  It  would  augment  the  trade  and  comerse  of  the 
nation,  extend  it  farther  than  can  be  done  by  the  small 
quantity  of  specie  now  in  that  country. 

36.  It  is  to  be  wished  that  the  Metropolis  were  in  a  more 
convenient  situation  for  the  whole  nation  than  that  of  Edin- 
burgh, but  it  is  too  late  now  to  think  of  removing  it  from 
thence  on  account  of  the  insurmountable  difficulties  for  a  poor 
country  which  would  attend  such  a  work.  Therefore  for  the 
universal  good  and  comodity,  all  ways  of  improving  it  should 
be  thought  of,  as  in  particular  making  a  large  bridge  of 
three  storys  of  arches  over  the  low  ground  betwixt  the  Norloch 
and  phisick  garden  from  the  High  Street  at  Halkerston's  wind 
to  the  Moultrie  hill,  where  there  might  be  many  fine  streets 
built  as  the  inhabitants  increast,  the  access  to  them  would  be 
easie  on  all  hands  and  the  situation  would  be  agreeable  and 


202  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

convenient  haveing  a  noble  prospect  of  all  the  fine  ground 
towards  the  sea  and  the  ffirth  of  fforth  and  cost  [coast]  of  ffife. 
One  large  and  long  street  in  a  streight  line  where  the  long  gate 
is  now,  on  one  side  of  it  would  be  a  fine  opportunity  for 
gardens  down  to  the  Norloch  and  on  the  other  side  towards 
Brughton.  No  houses  to  be  on  the  bridge,  the  breadth  of  the 
Norloch,  but  selling  the  places  on  the  ends  of  the  bridge  for 
houses  and  the  vaults  or  arches  below  for  warehouses  and  cellers, 
the  charge  of  the  bridge  might  be  near  defryed. 

Another  bridge  might  also  be  made  on  the  other  side  of  the 
toun  and  almost  as  useful  and  comodious  as  that  on  the 
north.  The  place  where  it  could  be  most  easily  made  is  St. 
Mary's  Wind  and  the  Pleasants.  The  hollow  there  is  not  so 
deep  as  where  the  other  bridge  is  proposed,  so  that  'tis  thought 
that  two  story  of  arches  might  raise  it  near  upon  a  leavell 
with  the  street  at  the  head  of  St.  Mary's  Wynd.  Betwixt 
the  south  end  of  the  Pleasants  and  the  Potterrow,  and  from 
hence  to  Bristow  Street  and  by  the  back  of  the  wall  at  Heriot's 
Hospital  there  is  a  fine  situation  for  houses  and  gardens.  There 
would  be  fine  avenues  to  the  toun,  and  outlets  from  it  for 
airing,  walking,  etc.,  and  by  these  bridges  and  [word  omitted], 
Edinburgh  from  being  a  bad  incomodious  situation  would 
become  a  very  beautiful  and  convenient  one ;  and  to  make  it 
still  more  so  a  branch  of  that  river  called  the  Water  of  Leith 
might  'tis  thought  be  brought  from  somewhere  about  the  Colt 
Bridge  to  fill  and  run  through  the  Norloch,  which  would  be 
of  great  advantage  to  the  convenience,  beauty,  cleanliness,  and 
healthfulness  of  the  toun.  There  would  be  no  occasion  then, 
from  a  confined  situation  to  make  the  houses  so  monstrously 
high  as  they  are  now.  The  nobility  and  gentry,  besides  the 
burgesses  would  be  encouraged  to  make  fine  buildings  (stone 
being  near) ;  it  being  desirable  for  all  or  most  people  of  con- 
dition to  have  Houses  and  be  well  and  agreeable  lodged  where 
there  affairs  so  often  oblidge  them  to  be,  upon  account  of  the 
government  and  courts  of  justice.  The  markets  of  Edinburgh 
now  inconveniently  keept  on  the  high  and  main  street  to  be 
removed  to  more  convenient  and  proper  places  :  Publick  gardens 
and  walks  with  a  cour  or  ring  for  coaches  to  be  made  in  St.  James's 
Yards  and  Clockmill  Park,  for  which  the  ground  to  be  purchest 


TO  SCOTLAND  203 

from  the  Duke  of  Hamiltone.  These  would  also  serve  for  the 
gardens  to  the  King's  Palace  of  Hollyrud  house,  and  if  the 
hills  in  the  Park  were  planted  and  those  called  Calton  craigs, 
it  would  add  very  much  to  the  beauty  of  the  place. 

37.  The  Palace  of  Holyrud  House  to  be  put  in  repair  and 
the  King's  apartments  to  be  furnisht  at  the  publick  charge,  in 
which  the  comissioner  to  be  lodged  where  there  is  one  and  all 
officers  of  State  to  have  apartments  in  the  Palace. 

The  toun  of  Leith  (the  port  of  Edinburgh)  to  be  made  easier 
in  its  priviledges,  for  which  Edinburgh  would  be  fully  com- 
pensated by  the  improvements  now  proposed  and  the  citadel  to 
be  repaired. 

38.  The  chancelor  being  the  first  great  and  constant  officer 
of  State  in  the  Kingdome,  ffor  the  dignity  of  the  govorment, 
a  country  house  near  the  toun  to  be  bought  by  the  publick  for 
him  and  an  appartment  of  it  to  be  for  the  comissioner  when 
there  is  one.  Dalkeith  would  be  a  proper  place  for  that  as 
would  be  also  Pinkie,  Newbotle,  and  Roiston. 

39.  The  making  a  canal  betwixt  the  Rivers  fforth  and  elide 
would  be  a  great  improvement  to  Scotland  as  well  as  of  great 
service  to  the  trade  of  the  whole  Island,  especially  the  Indian 
trade,  by  saveing  a  dangerous  long  passage  round  Britain,  since 
by  that  canal  the  west  and  east  sea  would  be  joined.  The  way 
for  leading  this  canal  is  from  near  Glasgow  by  Kilsyth,  to  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Carron,  below  ffalkirk.  ...  It  is  com- 
puted that  thirty  thousand  pounds  sterling  might  do  the  work, 
but  should  it  cost  the  double,  it  would  be  well  bestowed  and 
be  soon  repayed  the  profit  araiseing  from  the  canal,  if  there 
were  any  trade  in  the  country.  There  might  be  also  a  good 
road  easily  made  for  transporting  merchandise  by  land  betwixt 
Glasgow  on  Glide  and  the  fforth,  by  Takmedoun,  St.  Ninians, 
and  the  Throsk,  where  large  barks  can  come  up  the  fforth  and 
great  ships  to  Alloa  which  is  but  three  miles  lower.  .  .  .  The 
Merchands  might  have  warehouses  at  Throsk  for  their  goods, 
and  from  thence  it  is  easie  bringing  them  by  water  to  Alloa, 
where  they  could  be  shift  for  Edinburgh,  London,  etc.  This 
road  would  cost  but  a  very  small  charge,  and  be  of  great  ad- 
vantage for  trade  and  comerce  and  would  not  be  useless, 
though  the  canal  should  come  afterwards  to  be  made. 


204 


LORD  MAITS  LEGACY 


£ 

3 
o 


The  appointments  for  the  officers  of State 

The  chancelor,  who  is  to  Preside  in  the  Coun- 
cill,  Session,  and  Exchequer  when  present 
and  to  be  keeper  of  the  great  Seal, . 

The  Lord  Privie  Seal, 

The  Justice  general,  . 

The  Lord  High  Admirall,      . 

The  Principal  Secretary  of  State,  who  is  pre 
sumed  to  reside  mostly  out  of  the  kingdome 
about  the  king's  person,  beside  the  profits 
of  the  signet,  which  to  be  regulated, 

The  Treasurer  Deput  or  first  Lord  of  the 
Treasury,    ..... 

The  general  of  the  Mint, 

The  Lord  Regester,  and  the  fees  of  that  office 
to  be  regulated,       .... 

The  Lord  Advocat,  who  is  to  be  concerned  in 
no  causes  but  those  of  the  crown,  . 


Pounds 
sterl. 

2,000 

1,000 

800 

800 


2,000 

800 
800 

800 

600 


(Total)    9,600 
Ministers,  but  no  officers  of  State,  so  to  have  no 
place  or  vote  in  Pari,  as  such  or  by  virtue  of  their 
office. 

Four  coraissioners  of  the  Tresury,  two  to  be 
noblemen  and  two  of  them  gentlemen  only 
and  to  have  five  hundred  pounds  each,         .    2,000 
The  vice  President  of  the  Session,        .  .       800 

The  vice  President  of  the  Justiciary,   .  .       600 

The  chife  Barron  or  vice   precident   of  the 

Exchequer,  ....       600 

The  fourtien  ordinary  Lords  or  judges  of  the 

Session,  four  hundred  pounds  each,  .    5,600 

The  four  Lords  or  Judges  of  the  Justiciary, 

300  p.  each,  ....    1,200 

The   Three    Barrons    or  judges   of  the   Ex- 
chequer, 300  p.  each,  .  .  .       900 
The  two  judges  of  the  admiralty  Court,  100 

each,  .  ,  ,  ,  ,200 


TO  SCOTLAND  205 

Pounds 
The  Generall  Receiver  of  the  Public  Revenues       sterl. 

and  Cash-keeper,      ....       400 
The  Under  Master  of  the  Mint,  .  .       300 

The  Ten  advocats  of  the  first  class,  200  pounds 

each,  .....    2,000 

The   Twenty   advocats    of  the    second    class, 

100  pounds  each,     ....    2,000 
The  Master  of  the  Works,  with  the  servants 

of  that  office,  .  .  .  .500 

The  Lyon  King  at  Arms,  with  the  officers  be- 
longing to  that  office,  .  .  .       200 
The  Director  of  the  Chancery,              .              .100 
The  Knight  Marischall,           .             .             .100 


(Total)     17,500 
9,600 

The  whole  expenses  of  the  constant 

civil  government,  .  27,100 

N.B. — The  Ministers  abroad  to  be  added  beside  the  charsres 

o 

of  the  under  officers  for  the  circuits. 

The  commissioner  for  holding  the  Parliaments  to  be  always 
one  of  the  officers  of  state  as  the  king  shall  think  fit  to  ap- 
point, and  his  allowances  as  such  to  be  twenty  Pounds  a  day, 
for  his  whole  expenses. 

The  expences  and  charges  of  the  Military  Force  of  the  Nation. 

Pounds  sterl. 
The  garisons,     ....  [Here  are  blank 

The  two  thousand  regular  standing  forces,  spaces  in  Lord 

The  sixtien  thousand  highlanders, 
TheMilicia,      .... 
The  general  officers, 
The  three  ships  of  war, 


206  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 


Lord  Mar  haveing  sent  a  scheme  to  the  king  to  the  same  purpose 
with  the  Joregoing  one,  His  Majesty  zcas  pleased  some  time 
thereafter  to  write,  and  send  him  the  Jollow'mg  letter  and  Instruc- 
tions, at  different  times  as  markt  by  the  dates : 

COPIE  OF  THE  KING'S  LETTER  TO 
LORD  MAR  from 

Rome,  Jan.  1st,  1722. 
The  many  instances  I  have  had  of  the  unparalelled  zeal  of 
my  Scots  subjects  towards  me  and  my  ffamily,  hath  made  me 
often  consider  of  wayes  and  means  how  to  settle  the  goverment 
of  that  my  ancient  kingdome  upon  a  more  advantageous  and 
solid  foundation  than  it  hath  been  hitherto,  to  the  end  that 
when  it  pleases  God  to  restore  me  to  my  Kingdomes  I  may  be 
prepared  to  propose  what  may  be  conduceing  thereto,  as  I  shall 
be  always  ready  to  second  my  first  free  Pari,  in  every  thing 
that  may  tend  to  the  prosperity  of  that  country  as  well  as  to 
the  tranquility  of  my  government. 

The  principles  of  gratitude  and  the  tender  and  fFatherly 
affection  I  bear  towards  my  people  oblidge  me  to  omitt  nothing 
that  may  be  any  wayes  for  their  interest  and  satisfaction. 
Providence  seems  now  to  have  so  disposed  matters  as  that  I 
hope  it  will  not  be  long  before  my  Scotish  subjects  have  an 
opportunity  of  giveing  fresh  proofs  of  their  readiness  to  assert 
and  suport  my  just  cause,1  and  in  all  appearance  my  service 
as  well  as  the  comon  good,  will  soon  require  your  personall 
attendance  in  your  own  country  ;  Wherefore  I  think  it  but 


Jacobite  hopes  ran  high  in  1722. 


LETTERS  FROM  THE  CHEVALIER  207 

just  that  I  should  comunicate  to  you  some  particulars,  which 
in  my  opinion,  if  rightly  executed,  may  be  very  much  for  the 
advantage  of  my  ancient  kingdome,  and  I  am  resolved  to  lay 
them  before  my  first  free  Pari,  whose  advice  I  shall  be  always 
ready  to  follow  in  any  thing  that  may  tend  to  the  good  of  the 
nation. 

I  am  persuaded  that  both  you  and  such  of  my  faithful  1 
Scotish  subjects  as  you  shall  think  fit  to  comunicat  my  thoughts 
to,  will  have  some  satisfaction  to  observe  how  much  they  are 
emploied  towards  the  providing  for  their  future  happiness, 
and  how  favourable  my  intentions  are  towards  the  promoting 
anything  that  may  be  for  their  good. 

I  need  say  nothing  at  present  of  what  relates  to  the  union. 
It  is  not  only-  void  in  itself  as  haveing  been  esteablished  by  an 
illegal  authority,  but  I  have  also  in  different  Declarations 
declarM  it  such,  and  shall  be  ready  to  repeat  the  same  when 
occasion  offers. 

What  I  am  now  desirous  of  is  to  make  that  my  ancient 
kingdome  a  free,  independant,  and  flourishing  People,  and  to 
that  end  I  shall  not  scruple  the  yielding  of  some  points  which 
may  even  seem  in  some  measure  to  lessen  the  power  of  this 
Crown. 

As  to  my  particular  views  and  reflections  I  send  you  some 
of  them  with  this  in  a  paper  apart,  and  shall  transmitt  more 
to  you  in  the  same  maner  as  they  ocurr  to  me  without  delay,  my 
intention  being  that  this  Pari,  immediatly  after  my  Restora- 
tion should  take  the  speediest  means  towards  settling  the 
goverment  in  the  maner  which  may  be  most  advantageous  and 
satisfactory  to  the  nation,  and  they  may  be  assured  that  I  shall 
be  always  ready  to  confirme  whatever  my  Pari,  may  offer  me 
for  that  effect ;  and  I  shall  refer  to  it  the  reenacting  and  con- 
firmeing  by  a  generall  act  such  acts  made  since  the  Revolution 
as  it  shall  be  found  proper  so  to  do. 

As  to  the  Peers  created  since  the  Revolution,  the  same  is  to 
to  be  said  as  to  them  as  hath  been  mentioned  already  in 
respect  to  the  Union,  for  haveing  been  created  by  an  unlawfull 
authority,  they  are  in  elect  no  peers  :  I  shall  nevertheless  con- 
sider to  favour  in  a  particular  maner  those  of  that  number  who 
shall  put  themselves  in  a  condition  of  receiveing  from  me  such 


208  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

dignitys  as  recompenses  for  loyall  and  honourable  actions,  for 
which  they  were  always  designed :  and  I  shall  exclud  non  from 
partakeing  of  my  favour  but  such  as  manifestly  prove  them- 
selves unworthie  of  it. 

To  conclude  this  letter,  what  I  have  further  to  add  is  that  as 
in  the  Reflections  I  now  send  you,  or  in  such  as  I  may  here- 
after add  to  them,  I  have  nor  shall  have  nothing,  but  the 
generall  good  of  the  country  in  my  view.  It  may  be  that  I 
may  propose  some  things  which  may  more  or  less  affect  par- 
ticular persons,  but  should  that  hapen  I  am  persuaded  that  all 
concern1  d  will  on  reflection  follow  my  example,  and  cheerfully 
yield  small  personall  interests  for  considerable  advantages  to 
the  comon  and  publick  weelfare,  which  will  esteablish  a  solid 
happiness  both  to  my  posterity  and  theirs. 

Your  interest  in  your  country  had  once  very  near  made  you 
the  chife  Instrument  in  freeing  it  from  oppression  and 
slavery.  May  you  be  blessed  with  success  in  your  present 
endeavours  towards  that  glorious  end,  and  may  you  have  the 
honour  and  satisfaction  of  not  only  contributing  to  its  de- 
livery, but  after  that  of  haveing  a  particular  share  in  the 
execution  of  my  views  towards  its  future  liberty  and  happiness. 

(Sic  sub.),  James  R. 

In  consequence  of  my  letter  to  you  of  this  date,  my  views 
are  as  followeth  : 

1st.  That  a  New  Pari,  should  be  called  every  seven  years, 
and  that  they  meet  at  least  once  in  two  years. 

2d.  That  the  Lords  of  the  Articles  as  before  the  Revolu- 
tion should  be  abolished,  and  all  business  to  be  prepared  by 
Comittes  as  referrd  to  them  by  Pari. 

3.  That  the  act  of  Peace  and  War  as  it  was  passed  not 
loner  before  the  union  should  be  re-enacted. 

4.  That  the  officers  of  state,  the  judges  of  the  Courts  of 
Session,  Justiciary,  Exchequer,  and  Admiralty  should  be  named 
by  me  out  of  a  list  of  three  for  each  vacancie  to  be  made  by 
Pari.,  and  to  be  sent  to  me. 

5.  That  the  Privie  Councill  be  chosen  in  the  same  maner  as 
likewise  the  Byshops,  but  the  last  to  be  proposed  to  me  by 
Pari,  out  of  lists  made  by  the  clergy  for  that  effect. 


LETTERS  FROM  THE  CHEVALIER  209 

6.  That  all  mines  should  belong  to  the  proprietors  of  the 
lands  in  which  they  are,  paying  a  tenth  part  of  the  clear  profits 
to  the  crown. 

7.  That  no  man  whatsoever  shall  be  capable  of  sitting  in 
both  Parls.  of  England  and  Scotland. 

8.  That  the  L,63  of  justiciary  shall  be  oblidg'd  to  go  their 
circuits  twice  a  year  as  they  do  now,  and  that  two  Lords  of 
Session  shall  go  their  circuits  with  the  two  setts  of  the  Ld3  of 
Justiciary  for  trying  civill  causes  at  the  same  time  that  the 
Lds  of  Justiciary  try  what  is  criminall,  and  that  both  one  and 
t'other  should  have  reasonable  sallarys  alow'd  them. 

9.  That  an  Envoy  or  Minister  on  the  part  of  Scotland 
besides  the  Minister  of  England  should  be  always  sent  by  the 
king  to  reside  at  the  Courts  of  ffrance,  Spain,  Vienna,  and 
Holland,  to  be  chosen  as  the  officers  of  State. 

10.  That  provision  should  be  made  by  Pari,  for  the  necessary 
expences  of  the  goverment,  civill  and  military,  and  that  the 
sallarys  of  the  officers  of  state  be  also  regulated  by  Pari. 

(Sic  sub.)  James  R. 

Rome,  Jan.  1st,  1722. 

In  consequence  of  my  letter  to  you  of  the  first  of  January, 
I  think  it  would  be  very  advantageous  for  Scotland, 

1.  That  the  crown  should  be  oblidged  to  convert  all  the 
lands  holding  [word  omitted]  of  it  to  feu  or  Blench,  the  vassalls 
paying  a  certain  price  for  it  to  be  fixt  by  Pari. 

2.  That  all  those  who  hold  their  lands  of  subjects  should 
have  right  to  purchase  their  holdings  from  such  at  a  certain 
price  to  be  appointed  by  Pari,  for  each  kind  of  holding,  and 
that  after  such  purcheses  they  should  hold  their  lands  of  the 
crown  with  the  same  priviledges  as  the  king's  former  vassals. 

3.  That  when  the  generality  of  any  subject's  vassals  have 
bought  their  holdings,  the  said  superiours  should  be  oblidged  to 
sell  to  the  crown  their  jurisdiction  either  of  Justiciarys  or 
Royalitys,  at  a  certain  price  to  be  apointed  by  Pari.,  and  that 
the  crown  should  be  obliged  to  make  such  purcheses  and  never 
to  alianat  them. 

(Sic  sub.)  James  R. 

Rome,  Jan.  20th,  1722. 

o 


210  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

In  consequence  of  my  letter  to  you  of  the  first  of  jan.  I 
think  it  would  be  very  advantageous  for  Scotland, 

1.  That  the  castles  of  Edinburgh,  Stirling,  Inverlochie, 
Dumbarton,  Blackness,  and  Dunnoter  should  be  provided  with 
sufficient  garisons. 

2.  That  there  should  be  always  two  thousand  Regular 
Troops  on  foot  in  the  kingdome,  and  that  the  Highlanders 
should  be  modled  into  regiaments  to  the  number  of  fiftien 
or  sixtien  thousand  men,  which  last  will  be  a  small  expence 
to  the  goverment. 

3.  That  three  ships  of  war  should  be  constantly  keept  in 
service  and  pay  for  protecting  the  trade  of  the  kingdome,  and 
that  their  comanders  shall  be  named  by  the  king. 

(Sic  sub.)  James  R. 

Rome,  Jan.  29th,  1722. 

In  consequence  of  my  letter  to  you  of  the  first  of  jan.  I 
think  it  would  be  for  the  honour  and  interest  of  Scotland  that 
I  should  make  an  agreement  with  the  King  of  ffrance  after  my 
restoration  for  his  entertaining  a  certain  number  of  Scots 
Troops  in  his  service,  which  I  am  persuaded  the  Pari,  will 
approve  of. 

(Sic  sub.)  James  R. 

Rome,  ffeb.  5th,  1722. 

Upon  your  going  to  Scotland  and  seeing  appearance  of  suc- 
cess in  the  endeavours  for  our  Restoration,  you  are  hereby 
authorized  to  call  a  Pari,  or  Convention  of  Esteats  of  that  our 
ancient  kingdome,  conform  to  the  power  given  to  you  by  our 
comission  of  comissioner,  bearing  date  the  28  day  of  June 
1721.  To  meet  and  to  hold  at  such  a  place  or  places  as  shall 
seem  most  expedient  to  you,  to  consult  on  the  weighty  affairs 
of  the  nation  and  the  esteablishing  of  our  government,  and 
particularly  such  other  things  for  the  good  of  that  our  king 
dome  as  are  recomended  to  you  in  a  letter  of  the  1st  of  January 
last.  (Sic  sub.)         James  R. 

Rome,  thefifiienth  of  May  1722. 
Directed  :  For  the  Duke  of  Mar.1 

1  Lord  Mar  was  created  Duke  by  the  Prince, 


LETTERS  FROM  THE  CHEVALIER  211 

In  our  Pari,  of  Scotland,  which  we  hope  is  soon  to  be  holden 
by  you  there,  you  are  Hereby  authorized  and  impower  d  to  give 
our  consent  to  such  act  or  acts  as  shall  be  past  by  the  said 
Pari,  for  Rescinding  and  annulling  such  forfeitures  as  had  passed 
in  the  reigns  of  our  unckle  King  Charles  the  2nd,  or  our  ffather 
King  James  the  Seventh,  and  restoring  esteats  to  such  of  the 
antient  owners  or  their  heirs  as  shall  own  and  acknowledge  our 
title  to  the  crown  of  our  dominions.     (Sic  sub.)       James  R. 

Rome,  May  16th,  1722. 

Addressed  :  For  the  Duke  of  Mar. 

You  are  hereby  authorized,  when  you  are  in  Scotland,  to 
institute  a  new  Military  Order  of  Knighthood,  consisting  of 
[here  is  a  blank  space]  persons,  to  be  call'd  the  Restoration 
Order,  whereof  one  to  be  the  head  or  Sovereigne,  and  to  make 
such  institutions,  laws,  and  orders,  as  to  you  shall  seem  ex- 
pedient, which  we  hereby  promise  to  confirm  :  and  to  bestow 
the  said  order,  with  all  the  Badges  of  it,  on  such  persons  as 
you  shall  think  fit,  to  the  number  of  [here  is  a  blank  space], 
and  particularly  to  the  chifes  of  clans,  as  you  shall  find  them 
act  heartily  in  our  service.  (Sic  sab.)         James  R. 

Rome,  May  16,  1722. 

Addressed  :  For  the  Duke  of  Mar. 

At  a  time  when  I  formerly  designed  to  make  an  attempt  on 
Scotland  for  the  recovery  of  my  Dominions,  I  thought  it  for  the 
good  of  my  service  to  send  to  you  the  following  papers,  viz., 
Comission  for  your  being  High  Comissioner  of  our  Pari,  of 
Scotland,  dated  June  28,  1721. 

A  letter  in  my  own  hand  directed  to  you,  dated  Jan.  1st,  1722. 

Ten  Articles  of  Instructions  in  consequence  of  the  said 
letter,  dated  Jan.  20th,  1722. 

Also  three  other  articles  of  Instructions  in  consequence  of 
the  said  letter,  dated  Jan.  29th,  1722. 

One  other  article  of  Instruction  in  consequence  of  the  said 
letter,  dated  ffeb.  5,  1722. 

Also  two  other  articles  of  Instructions  dated  May  15th  and 
16th,  1722, 


212  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

A  warrant  impowering  you  to  erect  a  new  order  of  Knight- 
hood in  Scotland,  dated  May  16,  1722. 

An  order  under  my  hand  to  the  comander  in  chife  of  Scot- 
land, dated  Jan.  19,  1722.  Together  with  a  letter  from  me  to 
the  said  Comander  in  chife,  dated  Jan.  19th,  1722.  Together 
with  the  powers  and  authority's,  orders  and  instructions,  therin 
contain'd,  I  do  hereby  this  my  letter  confirm  to  you,  and 
require  and  order  you  to  follow  and  execute  as  they  are  therin 
specified,  and  hereby  require  all  my  loveing  subjects  to  give 
due  obedience  thereunto.  (Sic  sub.)         James  R. 

Received  at  Paris  by  Ld  Mar,  August  1723. 

Addressed  :  For  the  Duke  of  Mar. 

Lord  Mar  desired  the  king  to  send  him  the  following  order, 
as  he  gave  to  others  at  that  time,  that  he  might  show  it  when 
the  orders  were  given  them  ;  but  that  never  happned,  and  Lord 
Mar's  comission  and  comissioner  was  not  to  be  made  known  til 
he  should  be  in  Scotland,  except  to  Mr.  Dillon  alone,  with 
whom  all  was  concerted. 

The  generall  good  disposition  of  my  faithfull  subjects,  of 
which  they  have  given  me  such  remarkable  instances  of  late, 
has  encouraged  me  to  make  an  attempt  at  this  time  for  the 
recovery  of  my  Dominions  and  the  relise  of  my  opprest  people, 
and  though  I  have  condescended  to  your  request  that  you 
should  not  have  the  principall  conduct  and  comand  of  this 
undertakeing  upon  Scotland,1  yet  I  do  not  doubt  of  your  readi- 
ness in  giveing  all  the  assistance  you  can  to  Generall  Dillon, 
whom  I  have  apointed  my  generall  and  comander  in  chife 
there,  and  for  which  intent  I  do  hereby  require  and  direct  you 
to  repair  to  Scotland,  and  there  follow  and  obey  such  directions 
as  you  shall  receive  from  our  said  comander  in  chife,  as  he  shall 
think  most  for  our  service.  Your  ready  complyance  with  what 
I  now  require  of  you  will  thereby  intitle  you  to  those  marks  of 
my  favour  you  so  justly  deserve  of  me. 

(Sic  sub.)         James  R. 

Received  by  Ld  Mar  at  Paris,  August  1723. 

Addressed  :  For  the  Duke  of  Mar. 

Evidently  Mar  did  not  again  wish  to  head  a  military  rising  in  Scotland, 


PROPOSALS  FOR  IRELAND  213 


CONSIDERATIONS    AND     PROPOSALLS 
FOR  IRLAND   ON   A   RESTORATION 

Jidhj  1722. 
1.  The  Pari,  and  kino-dome  of  Irland  to  be  declared  in  the 
most  solemne  and  authentick  maner  ffree  and  Independant  of 
all  but  the  king  himself  and  his  lawfull  heirs  and  successors, 
and  Poinings  Act,  etc.,  to  be  anuled. 

2.  The  Pari,  to  consist  as  now  of  an  House  of  Lords  and 
another  of  Comoners,  and  all  acts  and  Laws  to  be  past  by  the 
Pari,  of  Irland  only,  w*  the  consent  of  the  king  or  his  Ld  Live- 
tenant,  without  being  revised  by  the  Councill  of  England,  and 
no  sentance  or  order  of  either  or  both  houses  of  the  English 
Pari,  to  be  of  any  force  in  Irland. 

3.  A  new  Pari,  to  be  calFd  every  seven  years,  and  to  meet 
once  in  two  years  at  least. 

4.  No  Peer  of  England  to  be  capable  of  being  a  Peer  of 
Irland  unless  he  renounce  his  English  Peerage. 

5.  All  the  officers  of  state  and  civill  goverment  to  be  named 
by  the  king  out  of  lists  to  be  recomend  by  Pari.,  of  three  for 
each  office,  and  these  to  hold  their  places  no  longer  than  seven 
years,  unless  recomended  again  by  Pari. 

6.  The  Judges  and  Bishops  to  be  named  and  hold  their 
places  in  the  same  maner  as  is  proposed  for  Scotland. 

7.  Not  to  be  in  the  king's  power  to  make  peace  or  war  for 
the  kingdome  of  Irland  but  by  the  consent  of  Pari. 

8.  The  Militia  to  be  regulated  and  esteablishd  by  the  king 
and  Pari,  conforme  to  the  way  proposed  for  Scotland. 

9.  The  esteablished  church  of  Irland  and  its  g-overment  to 


214  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

be  as  now  by  Bishops,  Arch  Bishops,  etc.,  but  liberty  of  con- 
tience  to  be  alowed  to  all  to  worshipe  God  in  their  own  way, 
and  no  exclusion  to  be  on  any  one  on  account  of  Religion,  from 
Pari,  or  any  publick  Emploiment. 

10.  A  comission  to  be  appointed  by  king  and  Pari,  for 
regulating;  the  affair  of  the  fforfitours,  so  that  all  since  the 
Revolution  may  be  restord  to  their  ancient  properties,  on  such 
conditions  as  the  Pari,  shall  by  an  act  appoint. 

11.  The  trade  of  the  kingdome  to  be  regulated  and 
esteablished  as  the  Pari,  shall  judge  fit. 

12.  A  good  correspondance  to  be  esteablished  betwixt  Irland 
and  Scotland,  and  ways  taken  to  encourage  it,  as  giveing  Scots- 
men the  same  priviledges  in  Irland  as  Irish  men  shall  have  in 
Scotland,  and  the  trade  betwixt  the  two  countrys  to  be  regu- 
lated for  the  advantage  of  both. 

13.  An  agreement  to  be  made  betwixt  the  king  and  the 
kings  of  ffrance  and  Spain  for  each  of  these  kings1  entertaining 
in  their  service  5000  Irish  troups,  as  is  proposed  betwixt  Scot- 
land and  ffrance. 

14.  Ministers  or  envoys  from  the  king  on  the  part  of  Irland 
to  be  keept  at  fforeigne  courts,  and  recomended  to  the  King 
by  the  Pari,  of  Irland,  as  is  proposed  for  Scotland. 

15.  Twelve  thousand  regular  troups  to  be  keept  always  on 
oot  in  Irland. 

16.  A  competent  Navie  or  fleet  to  be  always  entertain^  for 
protecting  the  trade  of  the  kingdome,  etc. 

17.  Tilage  to  be  encouraged  for  the  better  peopleing  the 
country,  and  sheep  walks  or  pastur  to  be  restricted,  by  alowing 
only  a  certain  and  reasonable  number  of  sheep  to  each  tennant 
or  farmer,  conforme  to  the  extent  of  his  grounds. 

18.  The  Linnen  Manufactur  to  be  regulated  as  found  most  for 
the  interest  of  the  country,  and  the  propogation  of  Hemp  (for 
wch  a  great  part  of  the  Kingdome  is  exceeding  proper)  and  the 
Manufacture  of  sail  cloath  and  cordage  to  be  encouraged. 


A  SCHEME  FOR  SCOTLAND  215 


A  SCHEME  FOR  RESTORING  SCOTLAND 
TO  ITS  ANCIENT  MILITARY  SPIRIT, 

the  only  thing  which  can  make  it  considerable 
or  significant  within  itself  or  serviceable  to  its 
allies  Abroad  ;  and  for  esteablishing  the  Militia 
of  the  Kingdome  upon  the  Restoration,  and  of 
the  26th,  28th,  and  29th  Articles  of  the  generall 
scheme  for  the  goverment  of  Scotland  after 
that  time. 

If  the  Scots  were  accustomed  as  of  old  to  the  use  of  Amies, 
it  is  plain  to  demonstration  that  they  could  furnish  and  bring 
to  the  field  at  any  time  for  the  service  of  their  king  and 
country  fifty  thousand  good  men  and  near  double  that  number 
in  case  of  necessity,  by  an  invasion  from  without  or  comotions 
within  the  island  of  Great  Britain.  In  order  to  what  is  pro- 
posed, it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  change  the  whole  present 
economie  of  that  country  which  has  been  introduced  since 
their  misfortoun  of  their  king's  resideing  in  England  and  being 
governed  by  English  councills  and  influence.  Since  that  time 
the  old  military  spirit  has  been  laid  aside  and  lost,  and  in  place 
of  the  youth  of  the  kingdome  being  brought  up  to  military 
exercises  as  in  the  days  of  yore,  they  have  run  to  follow  the 
studdy  of  the  law,  phisick,  chirurgiry,  etc.,  in  hopes  of  raising 
their  fortunes,  and  tho1  not  one  in  ten  succeed  that  way,  yet 
most  of  the  gentry  breed  their  children  up  with  a  view  towards 
it,  by  putting  them  to  what  is  called  the  Letteron1  at  Edinburgh 
(which  is  to  write  things  relaiting  to  processes,  securitys,  and 


1  Letteron  or  Lettrin,  a  desk.     To  be  bred  to  the  Letteron,  to  be  educated  as 
a  Writer. 


216  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

by  that  lean  on  the  chican  of  lawers),  which  makes  them  a  pest 
to  all  their  nighbours,  their  morals  and  honesty  being  ruined 
by  it.  Others  send  their  sons  to  studdy  the  law  abroad,  and 
when  they  return  it  is  lookt  on  as  an  affront  if  they  enter  not 
advocat,  whether  fitt  for  it  or  not,  by  which  that  class  of  men 
become  so  numerous  that  they  are  an  useless  load  to  the  comon 
wealth  and  most  of  them  still  continue  a  burthen  to  their 
families  or  in  a  maner  starve. 

It  is  therfore  proposed  to  discourage  this  way,  and  for  that 
end  in  the  general  scheme  for  modeling  the  goverment  on  a 
Restoration,  the  number  of  advocats  and  those  who  follow  the 
practice  of  the  law  is  restricted !  to  a  certain  moderat  number, 
by  which  means  the  writer  would  be  oblid'g  to  follow  the 
sword  when  they  would  see  encouragment  given  to  it  and  no 
other  way  of  employing  themselves. 

ffor  the  encouraging  this  project,  and  for  haveing  a  numerous 
and  well  dissipliii'd  Militia,  the  following  methods  are  proposed 
for  armeing  and  dissiplining  the  whole  fensible  men  of  the 
nation  : 

1.  As  by  the  generall  scheme  above  mentioned  there  is  to 
be  always  mentain'd  in  ffrance  at  that  king's  charge  the 
number  of  five  thousand  Scots  Troops,  which  will  serve  as  a 
nursery  of  war  for  the  youth  of  Scotland  of  all  ranks,  and  afford 
a  good  mentinance  for  a  good  number  of  the  young  gentry,  by 
being  officers  in  that  corps,  the  officers  being  to  have  their 
comissions  on  the  recomendation  of  the  King  of  Britain. 

A  thousand  of  that  body  of  men  being,  by  the  generall 
scheme,  to  be  exchanged  every  year  after  the  first  three  years 
of  their  haveing  been  in  ffrance,  would  much  contribut  to  the 
putting  the  Militia  at  home  into  the  way  of  exercise  by  those 
who  have  served  abroad  and  retuni'd  annually  in  training 
them  up  in  a  military  way. 

This  would  also  in  some  years  make  all  the  Scots  as  ffrench 
men,  since  most  of  the  best  of  them  would  have  served  five 
years  of  their  youth  in  that  country,  which  could  not  but  be  a 
very  great  tye  betwixt  the  two  nations. 

A  law  to  be  made  oblidgeing  the  whole  gentry  to  send  their 
eldest  sons  to  serve  in  the  Scotts  troups  in  ffrance  voluntires,  at  a 
certain  age,  for  two  or  three  years,  besides  those  who  have  comis- 


A  SCHEME  FOR  SCOTLAND  217 

sions  in  the  troops  there,  which  would  not  cost  their  parents  more 
than  keeping  them  at  the  Letteren  at  Edinburgh  used  to  do, 
and  without  expence  to  the  goverment,  By  which  these  young 
gentlemen  would  have  an  opportunity  of  good  education  and 
going  to  the  accadimie  there  and  makeing  themselves  fit  for  the 
service  of  their  king  and  country  when  they  return1  d  home. 

There  would  soon  rise  an  emulation  whose  children  did  best 
in  this  way,  and  those  who  did  so  would  be  most  recomended 
to  emploiments  civil  and  military  at  home,  as  well  as  to  comis- 
sions  in  the  Scots  troops  in  ffrance,  and  it  would  afford  aboun- 
dance  of  good  officers  to  be  put  at  the  head  and  training  of 
the  militia  of  Scotland. 

The  thousand  men  to  be  sent  from  Scotland  yearly  to  relive 
the  like  number  of  troops  from  thence,  not  to  be  vagabounds, 
but  the  sons  of  the  best  sort  of  fFarmers  and  tradesmen,  betwixt 
18  and  25  years  of  age,  and  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  find- 
ing of  them,  there  being  one  thousand  parishes  in  Scotland,  in 
each  of  which  the  best  of  the  youth,  as  above,  might  cast  lots 
whose  turne  it  should  be  ;  and  they  being  to  serve  but  five 
years,  there  would  be  soon  an  emulation  and  desire  who  should 
go,  for  on  their  comeing  back  and  returning  to  their  trades  or 
former  occupations,  they  would  be  more  esteenVd  than  those 
who  had  continued  at  home,  and  even  the  women  would  prefer 
them  for  husbands,  which  would  go  a  great  way  with  the  young 
fellows. 

2.  That  there  should  be  Lord  Livtenants  of  each  county  or 
shire,  who  should  have  the  comand  of  the  Militia  therof,  and 
to  have  a  strict  eye  over  all  the  inferiour  officers  and  oblidge 
them  to  fullfill  their  duty  in  training  up  all  the  people  who  are 
fit  for  amies  in  the  military  art  and  exercise,  and  assemble  them 
as  often  as  can  be  without  interupting  their  labours. 

3.  The  kingdome  to  be  divided  into  severall  districts,  and 
over  each  of  which  to  be  an  expert  generall  officer  appointed 
who  should  be  oblidged  to  make  a  circuit  of  his  district  at  cer- 
tain times  to  informe  himself  of  the  diligence  and  care  of  the 
under  officers,  as  a  cheque  over  the  Lords  Livetenants,  and  he 
also  to  see  the  people  exercised  by  their  officers  and  to  make 
their  report  to  the  councill,  in  order  to  the  councilFs  informe- 
ing  the  king  who  best  deserves  his  royall  favour  and  bounty. 


218  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

4.  That  the  Councill  each  session  of  Pari,  lay  before  it  the 
state  of  the  Militia  of  the  whole  kingdome,  to  informe  his 
majesty  of  it  and  which  officers  deserve  best.  By  this  means 
the  different  districts  will  be  prompted  to  a  noble  emulation 
and  a  military  spirit  would  soon  run  through  the  whole 
nation. 

5.  The  generall  officers  to  change  their  districts  every  third 
or  fourth  year,  so  that  they  may  not  look  on  them  as  their 
own  property,  and  the  Pari,  to  have  a  regard  to  the  Lord 
Livtenants  and  generall  officers  who  do  their  duty  well,  in  the 
recomendation  to  the  king  for  those  who  are  to  have  civill 
emploiments  as  well  as  military,  by  which  means  the  military 
service  would  be  recompenced  not  only  with  military  posts  but 
civill,  and  so  all  the  nobility  and  gentry  would  be  stirr'd  up 
and  encouraged  to  apply  themselves  to  the  studdy  of  what  con- 
cerns both  the  civill  and  military  business,  as  it  was  in  ancient 
Rome,  where  their  principal  men  were  fit  both  for  being  Legis- 
lators and  captains. 

6.  ffor  giveing  the  more  luster,  esteem  and  respect  amongst 
the  people  to  the  officers  of  the  Militia,  they  to  have  their 
comissions  from  the  king  himself,  upon  the  recomendation  of 
the  comander  in  chife,  who  in  the  meantime  is  to  give  them 
Brevets  as  he  is  to  do  the  standing  forces,  and  severe  laws  to 
be  made  to  prevent  the  soldiers  being  maltreated  by  words  or 
blows  from  the  officers  and  for  the  soulders  giving  exact  obedi- 
ence to  their  officers. 

7.  A  Royall  Military  order  of  Knighthood  to  be  erected  and 
confer'd  by  his  Majesty  or  the  comander  in  chife  from  him,  on 
those  who  shall  distinguish  themselves  in  that  service.  Likewise 
the  order  of  St.  Louis  in  ffrance. 

8.  In  the  proper  and  fair  seasons  of  the  year,  the  Militia  to 
be  led  to  the  field  to  form  camps,  counterfit  batles,  learn  the 
march  of  armies,  and  thereby  be  instructed  in  the  three  great 
branches  of  the  military  art. 

9.  The  whole  Militia  to  be  regularly  cloathed  in  their 
respective  regiaments,  which  may  be  done  without  putting  the 
state  or  people  to  any  extraordinary  charge.  All  the  peasants 
and  tradsmen,  or  comon  people,  their  children  and  most  of 
their  servants,  have  a  Sunday's  or  holyday's  coat,  and  'tis  but 


A  SCHEME  FOR  SCOTLAND  219 

their  being  oblidg'd  to  have  this  coat  of  the  livery   of  the 
regiament  they  belong  to. 

10.  It  is  greatly  for  the  interest  of  Scotland  that  the  High- 
land Clans  be  encouraged  and  kept  up,  and  their  whole  people 
armed.  They  are  all  to  send  to  the  field  five  and  twentie  good- 
men  upon  an  extraordinary  occasion,  but  there  may  be  easily 
fifetien  or  sixtien  thousand  of  them  modled  into  regiaments,  if 
comanded  by  their  different  chiefs,  which  will  be  better  than 
militia  of  any  kind,  and  almost  equall  to  regular  troups  and  of 
much  less  expence.  This  is  an  advantage  to  Scotland  in 
particular,  and  ought  not  to  be  neglected.  The  chiefs  who 
can  easily  furnish  five  hundred  men,  to  have  two  hundred 
pounds  a  year  settled  on  them  by  the  goverment,  and  such 
who  cannot  furnish  that  number  to  have  in  proportion,  joining 
their  men  with  other  little  chiefs  of  their  nighbourhood  to  make 
up  a  butalion  or  Regiament.  They  to  have  all  targets,  broad- 
swords, and  fusies,  and  their  exercise  to  be  conforme  to  their 
armour.  To  be  cloathed  in  the  Highland  habit  with  plaids, 
westcoats,  and  treus  in  winter,  which  may  be  of  different  colours 
and  different  marks  on  their  targets,  as  their  chiefs  shall  think 
fitt,  to  distinguish  what  regiament  they  belong  to. 

Nothing  can  be  more  advantageous  to  the  state  and  to  the 
Royall  ffamily  than  to  support  such  a  body  of  Highland 
troops.  They  are  generally  loyall,  and  have  a  great  affection 
for  their  country.  They  are  already  in  the  use  of  amies,  so 
the  more  necessary  til  the  militia  of  the  rest  of  the  Kingdome 
be  traind  and  inurd  to  them.  Those  of  the  same  name  and 
clan  look  on  themselves  all  as  gentlemen  and  bretheren,  and  the 
chief  as  the  comon  father  or  parent  from  whom  they  all  come 
and  count  their  liniall  descent  so  that  they  fight  not  only  as 
good  subjects  for  their  king  and  country,  but  as  children  of 
the  same  ffamily  joined  in  regiaments  togither,  which  gives 
them  an  emulation  to  outdo  one  another. 

In  the  time  of  war  all  but  the  chiefs  to  have  regular  pay. 
The  yearly  pensions  of  the  chiefs  will  not  amount  to  above 
6000  pounds  sterl.,  which  will  be  no  new  charge  to  the  gover- 
ment further  than  what  has  been  in  use  to  be  pay'd  since  the 
Revolution  to  independant  companys  for  supressing  thifts  and 
depredations  (which  cost  at  least  4000  pounds),  and  a  regia- 


220  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

ment  at  Inverlochie  (which  cost  about  13000  pounds),  where 
there  will  be  no  occasion  for  so  great  a  garison,  so  that  instead 
of  17000  it  will  cost  the  goverment  but  about  10000  thousand 
to  mentain  always  in  readiness  fiftien  thousand  good  troops, 
that  can  be  ledd  to  the  field  at  any  time  for  the  service  of 
the  king  and  country,  and  preserve  the  nation  at  all  times 
from  robries  and  depredations. 

11.  There  may  be  also  a  body  of  horse  and  dragouns  fornfd 
without  much  charge  to  the  goverment.  There  is  no  Lord 
nor  gentelman  who  have  esteats,  who  have  not  according  to 
their  circumstances  several  1  horse  for  themselves  and  servants 
beside  coach  and  work  horses  that  severall  of  them  keep.  They 
all  to  be  oblidged  to  have  most  of  these  horses  fit  for  mounting 
of  cavalrie,  which  will  be  no  more  charge  to  them  in  keeping 
than  the  horses  they  used  to  keep,  and  not  much  more  in  the 
first  buying.  The  masters  and  servants  to  be  oblidged  to 
mount  these  horses  at  certain  times,  and  to  go  to  the  places  of 
rendezvous  where  the  officers  for  the  horse  should  teach  them 
the  exercise  and  service,  which  officers  will  be  often  those 
masters  themselves. 

12.  By  the  esteablishment  of  the  Militia  in  this  good  order 
Edinburgh  and  the  other  great  towns  of  the  Kingdome  will 
not  find  it  necessary  to  have  trailed  bands  or  toun  guards,  so 
that  expence  may  be  better  emploied  in  buying  of  horses  to 
be  given  to  the  sons  of  the  richest  tradsmen  of  the  different 
towns,  and  five  or  sixpence  a  day  for  nurishing  and  mentaining 
of  them.  They  themselves  would  be  willing  to  be  at  the  rest 
of  the  charge  for  haveing  the  use  of  the  horses. 

By  these  means  the  noblemen,  gentelmen,  and  Burgesses  of 
the  great  towns  may  furnish  a  body  of  four  thousand  good 
horse  or  Dragouns  with  their  officers  all  well  mounted. 

13.  The  ffarmers  almost  over  all  Scotland  have  some  horses 
for  their  labour  and  tilage.  Each  ff'armer  to  be  oblidged  to 
have  one  or  two  of  these  horses  fit  for  the  horse  service, 
which  will  cost  but  a  little  more  at  first  buying  than  they 
pay  at  present,  and  they  to  be  allowed  twopence  a  day  for  each 
horse  they  so  keep.  This  would  be  such  an  encouragment 
that  they  would  do  it  willingly  and  mentain  them  in  good  con- 
dition, if  they  were   pay'd  this  small  pay  exactly  for  at  the 


A  SCHEME  FOR  SCOTLAND  221 

same  time  they  would  have  the  use  of  these  horses  for  labour 
and  tilage,  and  being  stronger  than  formerly  they  would  work 
the  more.  The  ffarmers  or  their  sons  and  servants  to  mount 
these  horses  and  attend  the  days  of  rendezvous  for  learning  the 
exercise,  and  they  likewise  to  be  uniformly  cloathed  as  the  foot 
militia  by  the  same  way. 

All  or  most  of  the  comons  being  by  this  to  be  of  the 
militia  one  way  or  other  those  ffarmers  or  their  sons  would 
picque  themselves  on  being  on  horseback,  by  which  they  would 
think  themselves  a  kind  of  gentelmen,  which  together  with  the 
pay  would  make  each  of  them  run  faster  than  another  into 
keeping  such  horses ;  and  for  a  further  encouragment  the 
goverment  to  be  oblidged  to  pay  the  loss  of  all  these  horses 
killed  in  the  publick  service,  and  all  the  regiaments  of  horse 
(into  which  they  should  be  formed)  to  have  full  pay  in  the 
time  of  war.  ffor  makeing  this  charge  easie  to  the  state,  in 
place  of  keeping  on  foot  three  thousand  regular  troops,  as  since 
the  revolution,  after  the  esteablishing  of  the  militia  as  above, 
fiftien  hundred  regular  and  standing  forces  may  be  enough  to 
be  kept  always  on  foot,  and  the  pay  of  the  other  fiftien  hundred 
will  according  to  this  scheme  men  tain  about  eight  thousand 
Dragouns  among  the  ffarmers. 

It  were  good  to  give  the  horsemen  curasses  and  helmets  or 
head-pices  (as  Cromwell  did,  which  thereafter  gave  them  mostly 
the  advantage  over  the  king's  forces,  which  they  seldome  had 
before),  and  it  would  be  but  the  first  charge  of  buying  them  to 
the  goverment,  they  to  whom  they  were  given  being  to  be 
accountable  for  them. 

14.  It  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  have  a  Roy  all 
accademie  for  rideing,  fenceing,  danceing,  and  the  exercise  of 
armes  esteabliehed  at  Edinburgh  for  the  youth  of  the  Kingdome, 
and  it  would  soon  become  the  mode  and  ffashion  for  all  to  go 
to  it,  in  place  of  writeing  chambers,  and  of  much  more  use 
to  their  king  and  country. 

By  this  project  Scotland  may  soon  save  fourty  or  fifty 
thousand,  have  troops  without  engadging  the  publick  to  much 
newer  extraordinary  charges  for  the  service  of  the  king  and 
country  within  the  island,  beside  the  five  thousand  in  ffrance, 
which  could  soon  be  made  up  ten  thousand  more  should  there 
be  occasion, 


222  LORD  MAITS  LEGACY 

15.  Scotland  is  a  very  proper  country  for  breeding  of  good 
and  usefull  horses,  so  that  all  ways  should  be  taken  for  encour- 
ageing  and  promoting  of  it  there. 

By  the  scheme  a  great  part  of  the  nobility,  gentry,  and 
comons  would  necessarily  pass  some  of  their  time  in  ffrance, 
and  would  become  as  of  that  country,  by  which  the  ancient 
friendshipe  betwixt  the  tuo  nations  would  be  renewed,  fortified, 
and  augmented. 

ffrance  might  have  also  from  Irland  five  thousand  men 
always  in  its  pay  and  service,  and,  upon  extraordinary  occa- 
sions, twenty  thousand  more,  so  that  ffrance  might  have  when 
she  pleases  fourty  thousand  good  troops  from  these  two 
countrys,  which  would  necessarily  be  as  faithfull  to  her  as  her 
own,  without  her  paying  more  ordinarily  and  in  time  of  peace 
than  ten  thousand. 

What  a  source  of  auxiliary  troops  is  this  for  a  nation  which 
is  attacqued  often  by  so  many  jealous  neighbours  !  ffor  a 
nation  whose  glorie  and  splendor  is  envy'd  by  all,  ffor  a  nation 
who  can  scarce  want  any  other  alyance  but  that  of  the  King  of 
great  Britain  restored  upon  the  foot  here  proposed  ? 


TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS 


THE  MEMORIAL  OF  JOHN,  EARL  OF 
MAR,  TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS. 

COPIE  OF  LORD  MAr's  LETTER  TO  THE  KING  AT  ROME,  ACCOMPANTNG 
THE  COPIE  OF  HIS  LETTER  AND  MEMORIALL  TO  HIS  ROYAL 
HIGHNESS  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS. 

Paris,  Sept.  29,  1723. 
Sir, — About  a  month  ago,  I  mentioned  to  yourself  and  Mr, 
Hay  my  being  about  a  thing  which  I  hoped  would  prove  the 
best  service  I  ever  did  you,  and  in  my  last  by  the  post,  I 
promist  to  give  you  a  full  account  of  it  by  this  sure  occasion. 
I  think  the  best  way  of  doing  it  is,  to  send  you  a  copie  of  the 
paper  itself;  and  it  is  here  enclosed,  with  the  copie  I  wrote 
along  with  it,  to  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  which  Mr.  Dillon 
did  me  the  favour  to  deliver  some  days  ago. 

Your  Maj.  will  see  that  you  are  no  ways  comitted  by  it, 
the  thing  being  entirely  from  myself,  and  it  was  with  a  view 
to  this  that  I  presumed  to  go  about  it  without  your  knowledge 
or  alowance. 

Should  this  project  chance  to  come  to  light  before  the  due 
time  by  any  cross  unforseen  accident,  nobody  can  take  offence 
at  your  Maj.  upon  the  account  of  it,  and  since  I  conceive  it 
so  much  for  the  interest  of  my  lawfull  Prince  and  native  country, 
any  risque  I  can  run  is  a  pleasur. 

I  have  had  this  project  long  in  my  head,  and  it  has  been 
matter  of  great  regrait  to  me  that  I  could  not  sooner  lay  it 
before  the  ffrench  Ministry,  but  as  long  as  Cardinal  Dubois 
lived,  who  was  so  close  linckt  with  the  goverment  of  England, 
there  was  no  venturing  a  thing  of  that  kind,     It  has  now 


224  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

pleased  God  to  remove  that  Impediment,  as  I  hope  he  soon 
will  whatever  else  stands  in  your  way.  So  I  thought  there 
was  no  time  to  be  now  lost  in  laying  it  before  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  who  has  plainly  so  much  interest  in  the  thing,  that  it 
is  nixt  to  a  certainty  that  he  will  make  no  bad  use  at  least 
of  it. 

It  is  not  to  be  expected,  let  him  relish  the  project  ever  so 
much,  that  he  can  enter  immediately  into  the  execution  of  it. 
He  has  been  long  persueing  other  measurs,  and  it  will  take 
him  some  time  to  get  free  of  them ;  but  being  once  possest  of 
this  scheme,  as  I  hope  he  now  will,  he  may  find  an  opportunity 
sooner  than  he  or  we  think  of  to  relise  himself  of  the  em- 
barasses  that  are  now  upon  him,  and  to  enter  heartily  into 
measurs  for  yr  Majs  Restoration,  which  appears  by  this  project 
(that  I  am  persuaded  is  quite  new  to  him)  so  much  for  his  own 
interest  and  that  of  ffrance. 

One  thing  I  may  venture  to  say  that  if  any  thing  be  capable 
to  make  ffrance  seriously  take  to  heart  your  restoration,  it  is 
this,  and  if  ever  they  go  about  it,  it  will  be  on  this  foot,  which 
I  take  to  be  the  only  solid  one  for  the  interest  and  security  of 
your  ffamilie. 

His  Royall  Highness  received  the  pacquet  very  graciously 
as  Mr.  Dillon  tells  me.  He  read  my  letter  immediately  before 
him,  and  said  that  he  expected  no  more  should  be  let  into  this 
affair  than  those  mentioned  in  my  letter,  and  that  nobody 
should  know  of  it  for  him,  nor  would  he  part  with  the  papers 
out  of  his  own  keeping.  He  said  that  the  Memoriall  was  long, 
and  that  he  would  take  a  time  to  read  it  by  himself  and  think 
of  it  seriously,  and  would  then  speak  of  it  to  Mr.  Dillon. 

Some  days  after  that  Mr.  Dillon  seeing  him  at  his  levie  in 
town,  the  Duke  of  Orleans  said  to  him  that  he  supposed  he 
should  soon  see  him  at  Versailles,  which  looks  as  if  he  had  read 
the  Memoriall  and  was  not  displeased  with  it,  but  Mr.  Dillon 
beinsr  to  <ro  there  one  of  these  days  I  shall  soon  know  what 
he  says  upon  the  matter,  of  which  you  shall  be  informed.1 

I  had  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans  some  time  before,  that 


1  Unfortunately  for  the  success  of  the  project,   the  Duke  died  before  Mr, 
Dillon  could  see  him, 


TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS  225 

haveing  a  designe  of  putting  my  son  into  the  ffrench  service,  I 
beg'd  a  comission  of  Capt.  Reformd  for  him  in  Links  regia- 
ment.  Mr.  Dillon,  after  speaking  to  him  of  the  other  affair,  put 
him  in  mind  of  this,  tho-'  he  told  him  he  had  no  comission  from 
me  for  so  doing,  as  indeed  he  had  not.  His  R.  H.  was  pleased 
to  say,  after  talking  some  time  of  it,  that  he  was  asham'cl  it 
had  been  so  long  delayed,  but  desired  that  he  might  tell  me  that 
it  was  agreed  to,  and  that  in  time  he  would  make  up  the  delay. 
He  then  desired  Mr.  Dillon  to  speak  of  it  to  M.  Bretuile,  the 
secretary  of  war,  that  he  might  prepare  the  comission. 

This  I  take  to  be  no  bad  signe  for  the  other  affair,  which 
make  me  much  the  more  pleased  with  it. 

My  chife  view  in  putting  my  son  into  the  ffrench  service 
there  is  to  fitt  him  the  more  to  be  of  use  to  you  and  yours, 
Sir,  and  the  service  of  his  country,  where  I  hope  he  will  in 
time  distinguish  himself  by  his  endeavours  for  esteablishing  and 
supporting  the  Royall  ffamily,  and  be  more  successful  than  his 
ffather  has  been.  But  I  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing;  that 
the  best  endeavours  I  could  use  have  not  been  wanting  as  they 
never  shall,  and  I  still  hope  that  I  may  be  so  happie  as  to  see 
your  Maj.  on  your  thron,  and  the  greatest  pleasur  I  have  in 
life  is  the  hopes  I  have  of  contributing  still  to  your  Restora- 
tion, and  by  that  to  the  relief  of  our  native  opprest  country. 
Soon  may  that  time  come,  and  that  all  happiness  may  ever 
attend  you  and  yours  are  the  constant  prayers  of  him  who  is 
with  all  submission,  Sir,  yrMaj.s  most  faithful,  most  obedient, 
and  most  humble  subject  and  servant,  (Sic  sub.)     Mar. 

P.S. — As  I  was  writing  what 's  above,  I  had  a  visit  from 
Lord  Southesque,1  who  is  to  be  the  bearer  of  this,  tho  he  knows 
nothing  of  the  contents;  and  speaking  of  your  Maj.s  situation 
he  mentioned  a  thing  to  me  which  I  think  worth  the  while  of 
adding  in  this  postscripte.  It  is  a  mariage  for  the  Prince,  your 
son,  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans's  youngest  daughter,  who  is 
betwixt  five  and  six  years  old.  Marying  great  folks  very  youno- 
is  become  now  to  be  very  much  the  custome,  and  why  may  it 
not  be  done  for  the  Prince  as  well  as  for  others  ?     He  can 


1  James,  fifth  earl.     He  engaged  in  the  affair  of  1715,  whereby  his  estates 
were  forfeited  and  himself  exiled. 


226  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

never  have  a  match  in  Europe  more  suitable  to  his  quality, 
and  the  difference  of  their  ages  is  so  small  that  it  is  but  a 
small  objection  to  it.  The  advantages  of  this  aliance  are  as 
great  as  can  be,  and  I  doubt  not  if  it  were  mentioned  to  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  by  one  well  authorized  of  its  being  well 
received,  and  of  its  being  a  great  inducement  for  his  comeing 
into  the  scheme  and  project  inclosed.  You'll  be  pleased  to 
think  of  it,  Sir,  and  I  shall  be  glad  to  know  your  thoughts  on 
the  subject.1 

Copie  of  LD  Mar's  letter  to  R.  H.  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  incloseixg  the  Memoriall.2 

Moxseigxeur, — Je  demande  tres  humblement  pardon  a  votre 
altesse  Royal  de  Fimportuner  de  nouveau  de  mes  lettres.  Je 
ne  prens  la  liberte  de  luy  presenter  ce  Memoire,  que  par  le 
desire  ardent  que  j'ay  detre  en  quel  que  maniere  utile  a  la 
Nation  ffrancoise  autrefois  Tamie  et  Tallie  fidelle  de  TEcosse 
et  de  voir  mon  Prince  legitime  retably  et  ma  Patrie  reunie  avec 
la  ffrance  d'une  maniere  stable  et  advantageuse  pour  Tune  et 
pour  Tautre  Nation. 

Je  supplie  instament  V.  A.  R.  de  vouloir  bien  se  donner  la 
peine  de  lire  ce  que  j'ay  Thoneur  de  luy  envoyer  et  je  me  flatte 
qu'elle  y  trouverra  quelque  chose  de  nouveau.  II  contient  un 
Project  qui  pourra  etre  un  jour  utile  a  la  ffrance  aussy  bien  qua 
mon  Prince  et  ma  patrie. 

II  nappartient  qua  votre  A.  R.  de  savoir  les  temps  et  les 
momens  qu'elle  voudra  bien  entreprendre  quelque  chose  de 
cette  nature,  Je  ne  dois  faire  la  dessus  aucune  question,  mais 
je  me  trouverrois  infiniment  heureux  si  je  voyois  ariver  ce  jour, 
et  si  J'avois  quelque  part  a  Texecution  de  ce  project  par  les 
ordres  de  V.  A.  R. 

(Test  a  elle  seule  que  je  confie  ce  Memoire,  conessant  la 

1  It  is  not  known  what  the  thoughts  of  the  Frince  were  ;  but  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  the  Duke  would  have  consented  to  the  match  if  he  had  lived. 

2  From  the  circumstance  of  General  Dillon's  having  done  the  English  of  this 
letter  and  the  following  Memorial  into  French  it  would  appear  that  Lord  Mar 
was  not  acquainted  with  the  French  language.  The  aforementioned  fact  is 
doubtless  quite  sufficient  to  account  for  the  numerous  blunders  which  appear  in 
Lord  Mar's  manuscript. 


TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS  227 

generosite  de  ses  sentimens.  Si  ce  projet  etoit  vu  par  quelque 
anglois,  quoique  meme  naturalize  en  ffrance,  la  chose  pouroit 
transpirer  et  cela  pouroit  rendre  la  nation  angloise  moins  zele 
pour  le  retablissment  de  sa  Roy  legitime  quelle  ne  Test  a 
present. 

Je  crois  ce  papier  sur  entre  les  mains  de  V.  A  R.  Je 
connois  la  fidelite  de  celuy  qui  la  traduit  et  transcrit  et  celle 
du  porteur  est  assez  conue  a  V.  A.  R. 

Je  fais  cette  demarche  a  Finseu  du  Roy  mon  Maitre,  mais  si 
V.  A.  R.  goute  le  project  je  ne  desespere  pas  de  pouvoir 
engager  saMajeste  de  l'envoyer  ici  des  pouvois  necessaires  pour 
conclure  cette  affaire. — J'ay  fhoneur  d'etre  avec  un  tres  profond 
respect,  Monseigneur  V.  A.  R.  le  tres  humble  et  tres  obeisant 
serviteur.  (Sic  Sub.)         Le  Due  de  Mar. 

A  Paris  le      Sep*"  1723. 

Translation  of  the  foregoing  letter  from  Ld  Mar  to  the  Duke 
of  Orleans : — 

Monseigneur, — I  humblie  ask  pardon  of  your  Royal  Highness  for 
importuning  you  again  with  my  letters.  I  only  take  the  liberty  of  pre- 
senting your  Highness  with  this  Memoriall  from  the  ardent  desire  I  have 
of  being  in  some  measure  servicable  to  the  ffrench  nation,  formerly  the 
faithfull  friend  and  ally  of  Scotland,  and  of  seeing  my  lawfull  Prince 
restored  and  my  country  reunited  to  ffrance,  in  a  maner  firm  and 
advantageous  to  both  countries. 

I  beseech  your  R.  H.  to  give  yourself  the  trouble  of  reading  what  I 
have  the  honour  to  send  you.  I  flatter  myself  you  will  find  something 
new  in  it;  it  contains  a  project  that  may  one  day  be  of  service  to 
ffrance,  as  well  as  to  my  king  and  country. 

It  only  belongs  to  your  R.  H.  to  know  the  proper  time  when  you 
would  undertake  an  affair  of  this  nature.  I  am  not  to  ask  any  questions 
upon  that  head  ;  but  I  should  think  myself  infinitely  happie  if  I  should 
live  to  see  the  day  when  this  should  happen,  and  I  should  have  any  share 
in  the  execution  of  this  project  by  the  comands  of  your  R.  H.  Tis  to 
you  alone  I  confide  this  Memoriall,  knowing  the  generosity  of  your 
sentiments.  "Were  this  scheme  seen  by  any  Englishman,  tho'  naturalized 
in  ffrance,  the  business  might  take  air,  and  it  might  make  the  English 
nation  less  jealous  for  the  restoring  of  their  lawfull  king  than  they  are 
at  present. 

I  belive  this  paper  will  be  safe  in  the  hands  of  your  R.  H.  I  know 
the  fidelity  of  him  who  translated  and  transcribed  it 1  and  the  character  of 
the  bearer 2  is  sufficiently  knowen  to  your  R.  H.     I  make  this  step  un- 

1  General  Dillon.  2  Lord  Southesk. 


228  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

knowen  to  the  king  my  master;  but  if  your  R.  H.  should  approve  this 
scheme,  I  don't  despair  of  prevailing  on  his  Maj.  to  send  the  necessary 
powers  to  conclud  this  affair. — I  have  the  honour  of  being  with  the 
profoundest  respect,  Monseigneur,  Your  R.  H.'s  most  humble  and  most 
obedient  servant.         (Sic  sub.) 

Le  Due  De  Mar. 


copie  of  the  memoriall  inclosed  in  the  fore- 
going letter  to  his  r.  h.  the  duke  of 
Orleans  from  Ld  Mar. 

A  son  Alt  esse  Roy  ale 

Monseigneur  Le  Due  D1  Orleans. 
Memoire  sur  L'Interet  de  la   France   par  raport  L'Ecosse   a 
LAngleterre  et  Flrlande. 

Le  Desein  de  ce  Memoire  est  cPexaminer  s'il  est  de  Flnteret 
de  la  France,  de  Retablier  le  Roy  Jacques  ou  d'acquiescer  a 
raffermisement  du  Roy  George  et  de  sa  Maison  sur  le  Trone 
d'angleterre,  etc. 

Ce  nest  pas  sans  raison  que  les  anglois  pretend ent  tenir  la 
Ballance  de  LLurope,  dans  leurs  mains,  et  pouvoir  la  pancher 
de  tel  cote  quils  voudront  par  leurs  forces  sur  mer  et  sur  Terre. 

II  ya  long  temps  que  la  maison  d'autiriche,  et  ses  allies  on 
fait  une  triste  experience,  de  cette  verite.  lis  avaient  eprouve 
pendant  la  premiere  guerre  D'Holland  en  1672,  quil  ne 
saffisoit  pas  que  LAngleterre  retat  dans  la  Neutralite  comme 
elle  avoit  fait  durant  le  Regne  de  Charles  2nd  et  pendant  les 
quatre  premieres  annees  du  Regne  du  Roy  Jaques  son  Frere. 
Dans  cet  Intervalle,  La  France  prit  autant  de  villes  qiielle  en 
assiegea,  et  remporta  autant  de  victoires  quelle  donna  de 
Battailles. 

Cest  ce  qui  determina  les  Imperiaux  assembles  a  Auxbourg 
a  fair  tout  leur  possible  pour  engager  le  feu  Roy  Jacques 
d'entrer  avec  eux  dans  une  Ligne  contre  la  France.  Les  am- 
bassadeurs  de  L'Empereur,  de  L'Espagne  et  D'Hollande  qui 
etoient  alors  a  Londres  firent  d'abord  tous  leurs  efforts  pour 
gagner  ce  Prince  par  les  Insinuations  mais  voyant  qu'il  etoit 
inflexible,  Les  Hollandois  (comme  il  avoit  etre  concerte  a 
Auxbourg)  preterent  des  Troups  et  des  vaisseaux  au  Prince 
d'Orange  pour  envader  L'Angleterre.     C'est  ainsy  que  Tattache- 


TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS  229 

ment  du  Roy  Jaques  pour  la  France  luy  couta  en  quelque 
faeon  sa  couronne. 

Apres  que  ce  Prince  eut  ete,  depossede  de  ses  etats,  quel 
changement  n'arriva  pas  dans  les  affair  de  France  par  le 
jonction  des  Troupes  angloises  avec  celles  des  Imperiaux  ?  a 
quelles  extremites  ne  fut  elle  pas  reduite  pendant  le  cours  d'une 
longue  guerre  qui  prodiga  le  sang  de  ses  sujets,  qui  epuisa  les 
Tresors  du  Roy,  et  qui  diminua  beaucoup  L'etendue  de 
L'Empire  Francois  ? 

Depuis  Tavenement  du  Roy  George  a  la  couronne  la  paix  a 
subsiste  entre  la  France  et  la  Grande  Britagne  parcque  ce 
Prince  n'avoit  point  d"autre  moyen  pour  le  maintenir  sur  le 
Trone,  que  par  l'amitie  et  par  la  Protection  d'un  voisin  aussy 
puisant  que  le  Roy  de  France.  Mais  cette  alliance  est  elle 
ou  peut  elle  demurer  long  temps  affermie  ? 

La  Maison  D'Autriche  et  les  Princes  Allemans  son  les 
ennemis  et  les  Rivaux  naturelles  de  la  grandeur  Francoise,  Les 
Desire  secrets  et  les  pretextes  specieux  ne  leur  manqueront 
jamais  pour  attaquer  la  France  sur  tout  tandis  quelle  sera 
Maitresse  D'Alsce  et  de  Strasbourg. 

En  cas  dune  Rupture  semblable  quel  party  prendra  le  Roy 
George  ?  II  est  electeur  de  L'Empire.  II  prefer  sagment  ses 
Etats  Heriditaires  et  ceaux  qu'il  a  nouvellement  acquis  en 
Allemagne  au  Royaume  D'Angleterre,  ou  il  se  voit  meprise  luy 
menie  et  sa  famile  en  Horreur.  It  est  done  naturel  de  croire 
quil  s'unira  contre  la  France  et  qu"il  entrainnera  avec  luy 
L'Angleterre  tandis  qu"il  ensera  la  maitre. 

Ce  ne  seroit  pas  de  meme  si  le  Roy  Jaques  remontoit  sur  son 
Trone.  Ce  Prince  n^a  acunes  mesures  a  garder  avec  L'Empereur, 
nul  lieu,  nulle  obligation  ne  Tattache  a  1" Allemagne,  ni  a  acun 
Prince  que  pourvoit  devinir  TEnnemy  de  la  France  mais  il  a 
un  Interet  puisant  de  cultiver  Taunt ie  du  Roy  tres  Chretian 
comme  on  verra  bientot. 

On  objectera  peutetre  que  le  Pari.  d'Angleterre  pourroit 
forcer  le  Roy  malgre  ses  inclinations  et  ses  interets  de  se  declarer 
contre  la  France,  dememe  il  est  de  son  interet  et  de  luy  de  ses 
Heritiers  d'etre  dans  une  telle  situation  quils  ne  soyent  jamais 
contraints  de  ceder  aux  humeurs  eapricieuses  que  le  Pari,  anglois 
pourroit  avoir  pour  troubler  cette  unnion. 


230  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

Ce  Pari,  a  diminue  Tautorite  et  les  Prerogatives  de  la  cou- 
roume.  II  a  empiete  sur  les  droits  et  sur  les  priveleges  des 
Royaumes  d'Ecosse  et  dlrland.  II  a  aneanty  le  Pari,  de  Tune 
en  rincorporant  depuis  peu  avec  le  sien.  II  tient  depuis  longues 
annees  le  Pari,  de  Fautre  dans  sa  dependance.  II  veut  tout 
gouverner  par  ses  propes  councils.  Les  deux  autres  nations  en 
gemissent,  et  ne  cherchent  qu'a  secourer  le  joug. 

De  plus  le  peuple  anglois  est  ennemy  et  rival  de  la  grandeur 
Francoise  autant  que  les  Princes  Allemandes.  II  a  ete  nourry 
pendant  plusiers  siecles  par  des  guerres  presque  continuelles 
dans  une  haine  inveteree  contre  la  fr'rance. 

Voila  les  causes  du  Mai.  II  parroit  d'abord  que  le  moyen  le 
plus  prop  re  dy  remedier  est  d'entretenir  toujours  en  Angleterre 
une  armee  mais  rien  ne  servoit  plus  dangereux  pour  la  maison 
de  Stuart  ne  plus  incompatible  avec  le  genie  anglois. 

Le  seul  Remede  efficace  et  salutaire  est  de  Retablier  les 
Royaumes  d'Ecosse  et  dlrlande  dans  leur  ancienne  Liberte  et 
independance  du  Royaume  et  du  Pari.  D1  Angleterre.  Par  la 
ces  deux  Royaumes  egaleroient  LAngleterre  en  force,  II  seroit 
de  leur  interet  de  sustenir  leur  Roy  Legitime  contre  rhumeur 
altiere  des  anglois  et  il  seroit  de  son  Interet  de  les  soutenir 
reciproquement. 

Par  la  les  Roys  D'Angleterre  seroient  plus  puissans,  plus 
libres,  plus  maitres  d'eux  memes  pour  suivre  leur  Interets  et 
leurs  Inclinations  et  en  meme  temps  plus  obliges  que  jamais  a 
conserver  une  union  inviolable  avec  la  France.  Cest  elle  seule 
qui  peut  par  sa  force  et  par  son  voisinage  maintenir  sur  le 
Trone  d' Angleterre  un  Roy  catolique  et  un  Roy  que  sera 
toujours  expose  (independament  de  sa  religion)  aux  Brigues, 
aux  caballes  et  aux  troubles  qui  arrivent  souvent  depuis  temps 
immemorial  dance  ce  Royaume  et  qui  semblent  naitre  comme 
dans  Tancienne  Rome  de  la  Forme  de  son  gouvernment,  ou 
sous  preterite  de  soutenir  la  liberte  du  peuple  on  attaque 
souvent  Pautorite  des  Roys. 

Par  la  TEcosse  et  llrlande  s'attacheront  naturellement  au  Roy 
tres  Chretien  comme  au  guardien  de  leur  Liberte,  et  de  cette 
facon  ces  Royaumes  luy  seroient  plus  utiles  que  si  lun  d'eux 
luy  appartenoit.  Un  Roy  d'Angleterre  avec  trois  Pari,  anisey 
Independans  dont  deux  auroint  toujours  un  interet  essentiel  de 


TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS  231 

menager  la  France  seroit  un  allie  tres  utile  a  la  nation  Fran- 
coise  laquelle  seroit  a  jamais  affranchie  des  craintes  ou  elle 
a  toujours  ete  de  ses  anciens  ennemis  et  rivaux  Les  Anglois. 

Par  la  enfin  tous  les  Traittes  Desadvantageux  que  la  France 
a  fait  avec  EAngleterre  depuis  la  Revolution  pourient  etre 
aneantis  et  la  France  entrevoit  dans  tous  les  droits  dont  elle 
jouissoit  sous  le  Regne  de  Jaques  2d. 

Pour  effectuer  ce  changement  on  propose  qu'il  y  ait  une 
ligue  offensive  et  defensive  entre  sa  Maj.  tres  Chretienne  et  le 
Roy  Jaques  et  que  par  cette  ligue  II  soit  stipule : 

1.  Que  le  Roy  de  France  fera  tout  son  possible  pour  retablir 
Le  Roy  Jaques  sur  le  Trone  de  ses  ancetres  en  luy  fournissant 
des  Troupes,  des  amies  des  vaisseaux  et  generalement  tout  ce 
que  sera  necessaire  pour  faire  une  Descent.  Que  le  Roy  Jaques 
sera  oblige  de  payer  et  d'entretenir  ces  troupes  a  ses  depens 
huit  jours  apres  qu'eiles  seront  descendiies  dans  la  grande 
Bretagne  et  que  les  frais  de  cette  expedition  seront  rembourses 
par  le  Roy  D'Angleterre  apres  son  Retablissement. 

2.  Que  le  Roy  Jaques  sera  oblige  par  le  dit  Traitte  de 
Retablir  Les  Royaumes  d'Ecosse  et  d'Irlande  dans  leur  ancienne 
Liberte  et  dans  leur  Independance  du  Royaume  du  Pari,  et 
des  conseils  D^ngleterre  pour  etre  gouvernes  dans  les  propres 
Pari  de  ces  deux  Royaumes,  et  quel  essentiel  de  ces  Lois  sera 
concerte  et  arrete  avant  que  les  Troupes  francoises  quittent  la 
grande  Bretagne. 

3.  Que  le  Roy  Jaques  sera  oblige  de  fournir  au  Roy  de  France 
cinq  mille  homines  des  troups  Ecossoises  et  autant  d'Irlandois 
et  meme  le  Double  si  le  Roy  tres  Chretiene  le  demande,  que  la 
Roy  de  France  sera  oblige  d'entretenir  ces  troupes  a  ses  depens 
que  leurs  officiers  receveront  de  luy  leurs  comissions,  mais  qiuls 
seront  recommandes  par  le  Roy  Jaques  et  par  ses  Heritiers 
legitimes  et  que  les  dites  troupes  auront  permission  de  retourner 
dans  la  grande  Bretagne  quand  le  Roy  D'Angleterre  les 
demandera  mais  dans  les  temps  et  de  la  maniere  dont  il  sera 
convenu  avec  le  Roy  tres  Chretien  par  les  articles  du  Traitte. 

4.  Enfin  que  le  dit  Traitte  a  tout  ce  que  y  aura  du  rapport 
sera  ratifie  et  confirme  pour  avoir  Parlemens  D'Ecosse  D'Angie- 
terre  et  DTrlande  avant  que  les  troupes  ffrancoises  sortent  de 
ces  Royaumes. 


232  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

II  seroit  impossible  cTexecuter  les  articles  de  ce  traitte  si  on 
le  disseroit  jusqua  ce  que  le  Roy  Jaques  fut  remonte  sur  son 
Trone.  Ce  Prince  seroit  alors  entre  les  mains  des  anglois  qui 
s'opposeroient  a  ce  projet  avec  vigeur,  et  il  n'oseroit  y  con- 
sentir  mais  tout  sera  facile  de  la  maniere  qu'on  la  propose. 

Les  Anglois  ne  pourroient  pas  se  plaindre  avec  Raison  de  ce 
que  le  Roy  auroit  recompense  la  fidelite  de  la  nation  Ecosse  et 
Irlandoise  en  les  retablissant  dans  leurs  premiere  Indepen- 
dance.  L'Ecosse  jouissoit  de  cette  Liberte  il  n'y  a  pas  long 
temps  et  TAngleterre  est  deja  lasse  de  F union  derniere  quelle  a 
fait  avec  cette  nation.  Quoique  les  Irlandois  se  soumettent 
au  Roy  d'Angleterre  et  qu'ils  luy  seront  toujours  attaches 
cen'etait  pas  ce  pendant  pour  etre  les  esclaves  du  peuple  et  du 
Pari,  anglois.  Les  anglois  pourront  ils  se  plaindre  de  ce  que 
le  Roy  rend  justice  a  deux  Royaumes  dont  il  es  autant  le 
pere  que  de  celuy  d'Angleterre.  Ne  peut  il  pas  dire  aux  anglois 
qnapres  les  avoir  sollicite  pendant  plus  de  Trente  ans  a  le 
rappeller,  ou'est  effort  enfin  a  le  Retablir  d'une  maniere 
honorable  et  avantageuses  pour  la  France  son  allie,  pour  ses 
deux  Royaumes  D'Ecosse  et  Dlrlande  et  pour  sa  Maison 
Royale,  sans  prejudice  neamoins  aux  vrayes  Libertes  ni  aux 
Loix  antique  du  peuple  anglois. 

II  n'y  a  cun  Prince  etranger  avec  qui  la  France  est  en 
Liaison  qui  pourroit  seblesser  de  ce  Traitte,  mais  au  contraire 
tous  y  trouverroient  leurs  avantages.  L'Espagne  sera  bien 
aise  de  voir  les  Irlandois  ses  anciens  amis,  et  ses  allies  rede- 
venir  un  peuple  libre,  pour  les  memes  raisons  que  la  ffrance  le 
sera  de  voir  ses  anciens  amis  et  allies  les  Ecossois  retablis 
dans  leur  premiere  Liberte  et  Independance.  De  plus  les 
Traittes  desavantageuse  faits  entre  L'Espagne  et  L'Angleterre 
depuis  a  Revolution  pourroient  etre  aneantis. 

Les  Hollandois  Rivaux  des  anglois  pour  le  commerce 
seroient  charmes  de  ce  project,  par  ce  qu'il  rendrait  leur 
Negoce  avec  L'Ecosse  et  Llrlande  plus  facile  et  plus  libre. 
Cela  paroit  evidement  par  le  chagrin  que  la  Republique 
d'Hollande  marqua  au  sujet  de  la  derniere  union  de  TEcosse 
avec  L'angleterre. 

Le  Czar  trouverrait  ses  Interets  dans  ce  project  et  II  y  a  lieu 
de  croire  qu'il  y  entrevoit,  et  qu'il  enverroit  ou  des  troupes  en 


TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS 

angleterre  selon  que  S.  A.  R.  le  jugeroit  a  propos,  ou  qu'il 
attaqueroit  less  etats  du  Roy  George  en  allemagne  dans  le 
meme  temps  que  la  France  seroit  une  descente  dans  la  grand 
Bretagne. 

Si  les  Suedois  songeoient  a  leurs  Interets  propres  plus  qua 
ceux  du  Prince  etranger  qui  le  gouverne,  lis  gouteroient  ce 
projet,  mais  dans  Tetat  ou  ils  sont  ce  desein  leur  doit  etre 
indifferent  assy  bien  qu'aux  Danois. 

L'Empereur  et  les  Princes  Allemans  Rivaux  de  la  France  ne 
seroient  pas  a  la  verite  contens  de  ce  project  parcequil  les 
priveroit  du  secours  des  anglois  en  cas  d'une  Rupture  avec  la 
France.  Mais  ils  sont  trop  Elignes  pour  en  empecher  Texecution 
si  ce  n'est  en  fflandres  ou  la  France  peut  aisement  les  arreter 
sur  tout  puisque  les  Hollandois  ne  s"y  opposeroient  pas. 

Si  S.  A.  R.  juge  a  Propos  dcntrer  dans  ce  project  une 
grand e  flotte  ne  sera  pas  necessaire  pour  fair  une  descente  en 
Angleterre.  Des  petits  Batimens  et  des  Batteaux  de  Pescheurs 
suffiroient  pour  transporter  dans  une  seul  nuit  des  troupes,  des 
armes,  et  tout  ce  qu'il  faut,  de  sorte  que  la  flotte  angloise  ne 
pourroit  pas  empecher  le  Debarquement  de  ces  troupes,  quand 
elle  sauroit  leur  dessein. 

Les  sujets  des  trois  Royaumes  sont  generalement  mecontent 
du  gouvernement  et  en  demandent  meme  en  angleterre,  quun 
chef,  un  corps  des  troupes  et  des  armes  pour  se  Rassembler  et 
pour  faire  un  soulevement  general. 

L'Ecosse  est  comme  un  seul  homme  pour  le  Roy  Jaques  avec 
un  peu  de  secours  II  s'enrendoit  maitre  en  trois  semaines  et 
dans  trois  autres  il  pourroit  envoyer  de  la  une  armee  de  quinze 
on  de  vingt  mille  hommes  en  Angleterre. 

Les  amys  du  Roy  Jaques  en  Irlande  nont  point  d,armes, 
mais  avec  un  peu  de  secours,  Ils  pourroient  en  peu  de  temps 
non  seulement  empecher  les  troupes  du  gouvernement  present 
de  passer  de  la  dans  la  G.  Bretagne,  mais  ils  seroient  bientot  en 
etat  eux  memes  d"envoyer  des  troupes  en  Ecosse  et  dans 
TAngleterre. 

Pour  executer  done  le  Projet  en  question,  II  suffiroit  d'en- 
voyer  cinq  ou  sex  mille  hommes  en  Angleterre  avec  vingt 
mille  armes :  Deux  mille  hommes  en  Ecosse  avec  quinze  mille 
armes  et  quatre  mille  hommes  en   Irlande  avec  quinze  mille 


234  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

amies.  Le  tout  en  monteroit  qu'a  Douze  mille  hommes  et 
cinquante  mille  armes  avec  toutes  les  Munitions  necessaires  ce 
qui  est  un  petit  object  pour  la  ffrance.  Mais  si  Ton  trouve  que 
ce  soit  trop,  on  peut  ce  contenter  de  moins,  cependant  ce  qu'on 
propose  rendroit  le  succes  assure. 

II  ne  seroit  pas  difficile  d'engager  le  Roy  Jaques  d'envoyer 
de  Rome  de  pouvoirs  a  une  ou  deux  personnes  de  confiance  ny 
pour  traiter  avec  eux  que  S.  A.  R.  nommeroit,  non  settlement 
de  ce  qui  est  propose,  mais  de  tout  ce  qifelle  voudroit  proposer 
de  sa  part  ou  de  celle  de  la  ffrance.  Le  tout  pourroit  se  faire 
avec  un  secret  impenetrable  a  d'une  maniere  si  prompte  que 
le  Roy  Jaques  pourroit  etre  Retably  dans  FEspace  de  deux 
mois.  Peu  de  temps  apres  les  articles  qui  regardent  Tlnde- 
pen dance  de  FEcosse  et  d'Irlande  pourroient  etre  ratifies  dans 
leurs  Pari,  des  trois  Royaumes. 

Par  tout  cecy  les  desseins  que  S.  A.  R.  peut  avoir  ne  seroient 
ni  deconcertes  ni  retardes,  au  contraire,  Us  reussiroient  mieux 
apres  le  Retablissement  d'un  allie  sur  et  puissant  dont  les  vues 
ne  pourroient  etre  necessairement  que  celles  de  S.  A.  R.  Quelle 
gloire  Immortelle  pour  elle  d'avoir  acheve  un  ouvrage  que 
Louis  le  grand  n'a  pas  pu  consommer  nonobstant  ses  efforts 
redoubles  ! 

Par  la  S.  A.  R.  se  rendroit  a  jamais  chere  a  la  France,  a 
TEcosse  a  Tlrlande,  a  trois  nations  qui  y  trouverroient  leurs 
Interets,  et  des  avantages  dans  tous  les  siecles  a  venir.  Par 
la  Elle  se  reandroit  chere  a  la  Maison  Royale  de  Stuart,  a  la 
meilleure  et  la  plus  grande  partie  de  la  nation  Angloise.  Par 
la  elle  avoit  seule  Thonneur  d'avoir  repare  les  injures  faites  a 
la  Majeste  dans  la  personne  d'un  Roy  qui  est  comme  Elle  petit 
ffils  de  Henry  le  grand. 

Sir  S.  A.  R.  croit  avoir  des  Raisons  pour  ne  pas  entrer  dans 
ce  projet,  ou  pour  en  differer  Texecution,  Les  amis  du  Roy 
Jaques  n'ont  d'autre  ressourse  que  de  Tentreprendre  par  eux 
memes,  avec  le  concours  de  leur  Roy  qui  y  entrera  volontiers. 

L'oppression  est  parvenue  a  son  comble  elle  ne  peut  aug- 
menter  qu'en  les  auctissant.  Le  government  medite  a  desarmer 
tout  fait  les  Ecossois  et  a  les  accabler  par  ce  nouvelles  Taxes 
comme  on  a  fait  le  Catoliques  et  les  non  jurans  en  Angleterre. 
Les  Proscriptions  regnent  part  tout,  Que  n'entreprendra  pas  un 


TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS  235 

peuple  desespere,  pousse  a  bout  et  resolu  de  perir,  ou  de  savoir 
la  Labite  ? 

S'il  succombe  sous  poids  de  ses  malheurs  ou  s"il  s'en  delivre 
tout  seul,  quels  regrets  rTaura  pas  La  France  d'avoir  manque 
une  occasion  si  felicitant  de  former  une  alliance  stable  et  advan- 
tageuse  avec  le  Roy  d'angleterre  et  en  meme  temps  de  se 
mettre  a  libre  d'un  peuple  et  d'un  Pari,  que  depuis  plusieurs 
siecles  sont  jaloux  de  la  gloire  de  nom  Francois. 

Fin. 

N.B. — The  following  paragraph  of  the  Memoriall  forgot  in 
the  copying : — II  est  par  consequent  Tinteret  de  La  France 
d'avoir  toujours  Tangleterre,  pour  son  allie,  mais  quels  sont  les 
moyens  les  plus  surs  d'affermir  cette  alliance. 

The  forgoing  Memorial  and  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans 
haveing  been  sent  by  Mr.  Hay  to  the  Bishope  of  Rochester, 
Doct  Attesbury,  as  soon  as  Mr.  Hay  returnd  to  the  King,  from 
the  copie  his  Maj.  had  from  L°  Mar,  it  was  by  the  Bishope's 
directions  printed  at  London  in  ffrench  and  English  an.  1728, 
dispersed  there,  and  severall  copies  of  it  sent  into  ffrance  at 
Thizy  [?],  intending  to  make  Lord  Mar  odious  to  the  English, 
without  the  least  regard  to  the  prejudice  the  publishing  of  it 
might  have  to  the  king  he  pretends  to  serve,  his  affairs,  or  the 
jealousies  it  may  put  betwixt  the  two  nations. 


Translation  of  the  foregoing  Memoriall  to  His  Roy  all  Highness 
the  Duke  of  Orleans. 

Memorial  touching-  the  interest  of  ffrance  with  respect  to 
Scotland,  England,  and  Ireland. 

The  design  of  this  Memoriall  is  to  examine  whether  it  be  most  for  the 
interest  of  ffrance  to  esteablish  King  James,  or  to  acquiesce  in  the  settle- 
ment of  King  George  and  his  ffamily,  on  the  Throne  of  England,  etc. 

It  is  not  without  reason  that  the  English  pretend  to  hold  the  Ballance 
of  Europe  in  their  hands,  and  to  be  able  to  incline  it  to  what  side  they 
please  by  reason  of  their  strength  by  land  and  sea. 

'Tis  now  a  long  time  since  the  House  of  Austria  and  its  allies  have 
made  a  melancholy  experience  of  this  truth.  They  found  during  the 
first  Dutch  war  in  1672,  that  it  was  not  sufficient  England  should  remain 
in  a  state  of  neutrality,  as  she  did  during  the  reign  of  King  Charles  2nd, 


236  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

and  during  the  first  four  years  of  the  reign  of  his  brother,  King  James  ; 
for  in  the  interval  France  took  as  many  towns  as  they  beseig'd,  and 
obtained  as  many  victories  as  she  fought  battles. 

It  was  this  that  determined  the  Imperialists  assembled  at  Ausburgh  to 
do  all  that  was  possible  to  engage  the  late  King  James  to  enter  into  an 
alliance  with  them  asrainst  France.  The  ambassadors  of  the  Emperor  of 
Spain  and  of  Holland,  who  were  then  at  London,  at  first  made  all  their 
efforts  to  gain  over  that  Prince  by  insinuations  ;  but  finding  that  he  was 
inflexible,  the  Hollanders  (as  it  had  been  concerted  at  Ausburgh)  lent 
troops  and  ships  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  invade  England.  It  was 
thus  that  the  attachment  of  King  James  to  France  in  some  measure  cost 
him  his  crown. 

After  the  Prince  had  been  disposessed  of  his  Dominions,  what  a  chance 
did  there  happen  in  the  affairs  of  France,  by  the  joining  of  the  English 
and  Imperial  forces  ?  To  what  extremities  was  she  not  reduced,  during 
the  course  of  a  long  war  which  exhausted  her  blood  and  treasure  and 
mightily  reduced  the  extent  of  her  Dominions  ?  Consequently,  it  is  the 
interest  of  ffrance  always  to  have  England  for  its  ally  ;  but  what  are 
the  surest  means  of  confirming  this  alliance  ?  Since  the  accession  of 
King  George  to  this  crown,  Peace  has  subsisted  between  ffrance  and 
Great  Britain,  because  that  Prince  had  no  other  way  of  meutaining  him- 
self upon  the  Throne,  but  by  the  friendship  and  protection  of  so  powerful 
a  nighbour  as  the  King  of  ffrance.  But  can  this  alliance  remain  long 
on  a  sure  footing  ? 

The  House  of  Austria  and  the  Princes  of  Germany  are  the  natural 
enemies  and  rivals  of  ffrench  grandeur.  Secret  inclinations  and  specious 
pretences  will  never  be  wanting  to  them  for  attacking  ffrance,  especially 
whilst  she  continues  mistress  of  Alsace  and  Strasburg. 

In  case  of  a  rupture  what  party  would  King  George  take  ?  He  is  an 
elector  of  the  Empire,  and  would  wisely  prefer  his  hereditary  dominions, 
and  those  which  he  has  lately  acquired  in  Germany,  to  the  Kingdom  of 
England,  etc.,  where  he  sees  himself  despised  and  his  whole  ffamilly 
hated.  'Tis  therefore  natural  to  belive  he  would  join  against  ffrance, 
and  would  also  draw  England  after  him  1  as  long  as  he  continued  master 
of  it. 

But  it  would  not  be  so  if  K.  James  should  ascend  the  Throne.  This 
Prince  has  no  measurs  to  keep  with  the  Emperor,  no  alliance,  no 
obligation  attaches  him  to  Germany,  nor  to  any  Prince  that  may  become 
an  Enemy  to  ffrance,  but  he  will  have  a  powerfull  interest  to  cultivate 
peace  with  his  most  Chris.  Maj.  as  shall  be  shewn  immediately. 

It  may  perhaps  be  objected,  that  the  Pari,  of  England  may  force  the 
king  against  his  inclinations  and  interest  to  declare  against  ffrance, 
examples  of  which  have  often  been  seen. 


1  The  Georges  were  not  without  reason  suspected  of  preferring  their  Con- 
tinental to  their  British  Dominions. 


TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS  237 

As  it  will  be  the  interest  of  King  James  to  hold  a  lasting  union  with 
France,  it  will  also  be  his  interest,  and  that  of  his  heirs,  to  be  in  such  a 
situation  as  not  to  be  oblidged  to  yield  to  the  capricious  humours  which 
an  English  Pari,  may  have  of  disturbing  that  union. 

That  Pari,  has  diminished  the  authority  and  prerogatives  of  the 
crown  ;  it  has  encroached  upon  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  Parlia- 
ments of  Scotland  and  Ireland  ;  it  has  abolished  the  Pari,  of  the  one  and 
lately  incorporated  it  with  itself,  and  keept  the  Parliament  of  the  other 
these  many  years  in  a  state  of  dependancy.  It  governs  all  by  its  own 
proper  councills,  the  two  other  nations  groaning  and  only  endeavouring 
to  sbake  off  the  yoke.  Moreover,  the  people  of  England  are  enemies  and 
rivals  of  the  ffrench  grandeur  as  much  as  the  princes  of  Germany ;  they 
have  been  bred  for  many  ages  in  almost  continuall  wars  and  in  an 
inveterat  hatred  against  the  ffrench. 

These  are  the  causes  of  the  evil.  It  appears  at  first  sight  that  the 
proper  means  of  remedying  them  is  to  have  a  standing  army  in  England, 
but  nothing  would  be  more  dangerous  to  the  family  of  Stuart  nor  more 
disagreeable  to  the  genius  of  the  English. 

The  only  effectual  and  wholesome  remedy  is  to  Reestablish  the  King- 
domes  of  Scotland  and  Irland  in  their  ancient  Libertys,  and  free  them 
from  their  dependance  on  the  kingdome  and  Pari,  of  England. 

By  this  means  these  two  nations  will  be  equall  in  strength  to  England  ; 
it  will  be  their  interest  to  support  their  lawfull  King  against  the  incon- 
stant humours  of  the  English,  and  of  course  it  will  be  his  interest 
reciprocally  to  support  them.  Thus  the  Kings  of  England,  etc.,  would 
become  more  powerfull,  more  free,  more  masters  of  themselves  to  follow 
their  interest  and  inclinations,  and  at  the  same  time  would  be  more  than 
ever  oblidged  to  preserve  an  inviolable  union  with  ffrance.  'Tis  she 
alone  that  by  her  strength  and  nighbourhood  will  be  able  to  support  a 
Catholick  King  upon  the  tbrone  of  England,  and  a  king  who  will  be 
always  exposed  (independent  of  his  religion)  to  the  cavils,  cabals,  and 
troubles  which  time  immemorial  have  hapned  in  that  kingdome,  where 
like  ancient  Rome  from  the  form  of  her  government,  when  under  pre- 
tence of  maintaining  the  Liberty  of  the  People,  the  Royal  authority  is 
often  infringed. 

Tli us  Scotland  and  Irland  would  be  naturally  attached  to  the  most 
Christian  King  as  the  guardian  of  their  Libertys  ;  and  these  Kingdomes 
would  become  more  beneficial  to  ffrance  than  if  one  of  them  beloug'd  to 
her.  A  King  of  England  with  these  independent  Parliaments  (two  of 
which  would  have  an  essential  interest  to  keep  well  with  ffrance)  must  be  a 
very  usefull  ally  to  the  ffrench  nation  who  would  be  delivered  from  the 
fears  they  have  long  entertained  of  their  ancient  enemies  and  rivals  tbe 
English.  In  fine  by  this  method  all  the  disadvantageous  treaties  which 
ffrance  has  made  with  England  since  the  Revolution  might  be  rendered 
void,  and  ffrance  would  rest  possest  of  all  the  rights  which  she  enjoyed 
in  the  reign  of  King  James  the  2nd. 

To  bring  about  this  change,  it  is  proposed  that  there  be  a  league 


238  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

offensive  and  defensive  between  his  most  Christian  Maj.  and  King  James, 
and  by  this  League  it  shall  be  stipulated  : 

1.  That  the  king  of  ffrance  shall  do  all  that  in  him  is  possible  towards 
the  restoring  King  James  to  the  Throne  of  his  ancestors,  by  furnishing 
him  with  troops,  amies,  ships,  and  generally  with  all  things  that  shall  be 
necessary  for  a  descent,  and  that  King  James  shall  be  oblidged  to  pay 
and  maintain  these  troops  at  his  own  expence  after  they  shall  be  landed 
eight  days  in  Great  Britain ;  and  that  the  expence  of  the  expedition 
shall  be  reimbursed  by  the  King  of  England  after  his  esteablishment. 

2.  That  King  James  shall  be  oblidged  by  the  said  treatie  to  settle  the 
kingdomes  of  Scotland  and  Irland  in  their  ancient  priviledges  and  inde- 
pendant  of  the  kingdome,  Pari.,  and  Councils  of  England.  To  be 
governed  at  all  times  hereafter  by  laws  made  in  the  proper  Paris,  of 
those  his  kingdomes,  and  that  this  shall  be  actually  agreed  in  and  ratified 
before  the  ffrench  troops  depart  great  Britain. 

3.  That  King  James  shall  be  oblidged  to  furnish  the  king  of  ffrance 
with  3000  Scots  and  3000  Irish  troops,  and  even  double  that  number,  if 
his  most  Christian  Maj.  shall  desire  it.  That  the  king  of  ffrance  shall 
be  oblidged  to  mentain  these  troops  in  his  own  pay.  That  the  officers 
shall  receive  their  comissions  from  him,  but  shall  be  recomended  by 
King  James  and  his  lawfull  heirs  ;  and  that  the  said  troops  shall  be 
permitted  to  return  to  great  Britain  whenever  the  King  of  England,  etc. 
shall  demand  them,  but  in  such  time  as  shall  be  agreed  upon  with  his 
most  Christian  Maj.  by  the  articles  of  the  said  treatie. 

4.  In  fine,  that  the  said  Treatie,  and  every  thing  that  has  relation  to 
it  shall  be  ratified  and  confirm'd,  and  have  the  force  of  a  law  immutable 
in  the  three  Paris,  of  Scotland,  England,  and  Irland,  before  the  ffrench 
troops  shall  depart  those  kingdomes. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  execute  the  articles  of  this  treatie  if  it  should 
be  deferr'd  til  K.  James  shall  be  esteablished  upon  the  Throne  ;  That 
Prince  would  then  be  in  the  hands  of  the  English  who  would  vigorously 
oppose  this  project,  nor  would  he  venture  to  consent  to  it ;  but  all  would 
be  easie  in  the  maner  here  proposed.  The  English  could  not  in  reason 
complain  that  the  King  had  recompensed  the  fidelity  of  the  Scots  and 
Irish  nations  in  restoring  them  to  their  ancient  independancy.  Scot- 
land enjoyed  its  liberty  not  long  since,  and  England  is  already  wearie  of 
the  last  Union  which  she  made  with  that  kingdome.  Although  the 
Irish  submitted  to  the  King  of  England,  and  will  be  always  attached  to 
him,  yet  it  was  not  to  be  the  slaves  of  the  people  and  Pari,  of  England. 
Could  the  English  complain  of  the  King's  doing  justice  to  two  kingdomes, 
of  which  he  is  as  much  the  father  as  he  is  that  of  England  ?  Might  he 
not  very  well  tel  the  English  that  after  haveing  solicited  more  than 
thirty  years  to  be  called  home  an  offer  was  at  length  made  to  him  to  be 
restored  in  a  maner  honourable  and  advantageous  to  France  his  ally,  to 
his  two  kingdomes  of  Scotland  and  Irland  and  to  his  Royal  ffamily, 
nevertheless  without  prejudice  to  the  real  liberties  and  and  ancient  laws 
of  the  people  of  England  ? 


TO  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS  239 

There  is  no  foreign  Prince  with  whom  ffrance  is  in  alliance  that  could 
be  injured  by  this  Treatie  ;  on  the  contrary  all  would  find  their  advantage 
by  it. 

Spain  would  be  pleased  to  see  the  Irish  their  ancient  friends  and 
allies  become  a  free  people,  for  the  same  reason  that  ffrance  would  be 
also  pleased  to  see  her  ancient  friends  and  allies  the  Scots  re-established 
in  their  ancient  Liberty  and  Independancie.  Moreover,  the  disadvan- 
tagous  treaties  made  betwixt  Spain  and  England  since  the  revolution 
might  therby  be  rendered  void. 

The  Hollanders,  who  are  rivals  of  the  English  in  trade  will  be  charmed 
with  this  project,  because  it  would  render  the  trafick  with  Scotland  the 
more  easie  and  free.  This  appears  evidently  by  the  disgust  which  the 
Republick  of  Holland  shewd  upon  the  union  betwixt  Scotland  and 
England. 

The  Czar  will  find  his  interest  in  this  scheme,  and  there  is  room  to 
belive  he  would  enter  into  it,  and  that  he  would  either  send  troops  into 
Britain,  according  as  H.  R.  H.  should  judge  proper,  or  that  he  would 
attack  the  dominions  of  King  George  in  Germany  at  the  same  time  that 
ffrance  should  be  makeing  a  descent  upon  Great  Britain. 

If  the  Swedes  would  regard  their  own  proper  interest  more  than  that 
of  the  foreign  Prince1  who  governs  them,  they  would  relish  this  designe  ; 
but  in  the  condition  they  are  in,  it  may  be  altogether  indifferent  to  them, 
as  well  as  to  the  Danes. 

The  Emperor  and  Princes  of  Germany,  rivals  of  ffrance,  would  not 
indeed  be  contented  with  this  project,  because  it  would  deprive  them  of 
the  assistance  of  England,  in  case  of  a  rupture  with  ffrance  ;  but  they 
are  too  far  distant  to  hinder  its  execution,  except  in  fflanders  where 
ffrance  might  easily  stop  them,  especially  seeing  the  Dutch  would  not 
oppose  it. 

If  his  R.  H.  should  judge  it  proper  to  engage  in  this  scheme,  a  great 
ffleet  would  not  be  necessary  to  make  a  descent  upon  England.  Small 
barks  and  ffishing  boats  will  serve  to  transport  in  one  night,  troops, 
armes,  and  every  thing  that  shall  be  necessary,  in  so  much  that  the 
English  ffleet  will  not  be  able  to  prevent  the  sending  of  these  forces, 
tho'  they  should  be  acqueuted  with  the  Design. 

The  subjects  of  the  three  kingdomes  [are  ?]  for  the  most.part  disaffected 
to  the  present  government ;  and  even  in  England  they  require  nothing 
but  a  comander,  a  body  of  troops  and  armes  to  assemble  themselves  and 
make  a  general  riseing. 

Scotland  is  like  one  man  for  K.  James,  who  with  a  little  assistance 
might  make  himself  master  of  it  in  three  weeks,  and  in  three  more  he 
would  be  able  to  send  an  armie  of  15  or  20,000  men  into  England. 

The  friends  of  K.  James  in  Irland  have  no  armes,  but  with  a  very 
little  succour,  they  might  be  able,  not  only  to  hinder  the  troops  of  the 
present  government  from  passing  into  Britain,  but  would  be  also  in  a 


1  The  Kins:  of  Denmark. 


240  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

condition  themselves  to  send  troops  over  into  Scotland  and  from  thence 
to  England. 

To  execute,  therefore,  the  scheme  in  question,  it  would  be  sufficient 
to  send  5  or  6000  over  into  England,  with  20,000  arms ;  2000  men  into 
Scotland  with  15,000  arms,  and  4000  men  into  Irland  with  15,000  arms. 
The  whole  would  amount  to  no  more  than  12,000  men  with  50,000  arms 
and  all  the  necessary  amunition,  which  would  be  a  very  trifle  to  ffrance  ; 
and  if  that  should  be  thought  too  much,  even  less  might  serve,  neverthe- 
less what  is  here  proposed  would  render  the  success  certain. 

It  would  be  no  difficult  thing  to  engage  King  James  to  send  powers 
from  Rome  to  one  or  two  persons  in  trust  for  him  here,  to  treat  with 
such  as  his  R.  H.  should  name,  not  only  concerning  what  is  here  pro- 
posed, but  of  all  that  may  be  proposed  on  the  part  of  his  Royall  Highness 
or  that  of  ffrance.  The  whole  might  be  conducted  with  such  impenitrable 
secrecy  and  in  so  expeditious  a  maner,  that  King  James  might  be  restored 
in  the  space  of  two  months.  In  a  little  time  after,  the  articles  that 
regard  the  Independancy  of  Scotland  and  Irland  might  be  ratified  in 
the  Paris,  of  the  three  kingdomes. 

By  all  this  no  designs  which  his  R.  H.  may  have  will  be  either  discon- 
certed or  retarded  ;  on  the  contrary  they  will  succeed  the  better  after  the 
esteablishment  of  so  powerfull  an  ally,  whose  views  must  necessarily  be 
the  same  with  those  of  his  R.  H.  What  an  immortal  glory  will  it  be  to  his 
R.  H.  to  finish  a  work  which  Lewis  the  great  was  not  able  to  compass 
notwithstanding  his  repeated  efforts  !  By  this  his  R.  H.  will  for  ever 
endear  himself  to  ffrance,  Scotland,  and  Irland,  three  nations  who  will 
find  their  interest  and  advantages  in  it  to  all  ages.  By  this  his  R.  H. 
will  endear  himself  to  the  ffamily  of  Stewart,  and  to  the  best  and  greatest 
part  of  the  English  nation.  By  this  he  will  alone  have  the  honour  of 
repairing  the  injuries  done  to  Majesty  in  the  person  of  a  king,  who  as 
well  as  himself,  is  great  grandson  to  Henry  the  Great. 

If  his  R.  H.  should  think  he  has  reasons  not  to  enter  into  this  project 
or  to  defer  its  execution,  the  friends  of  King  James  have  no  other  ex- 
pedient but  to  undertake  it  themselves  with  consent  of  their  king,  who 
will  readily  engage  in  it.  Oppression  is  at  the  highest  pitch,  and  cannot 
increase  but  by  a  total  extirpation  of  them  [it?].  The  government 
threatens  entirely  to  disarm  the  Scots  and  to  load  them  with  new  taxes, 
as  the  Catholicks  and  nonjurors  have  already  been  in  England.  Pro- 
scriptions abound  everywhere.  When  pressed  to  extremities,  what  will 
not  a  desperat  people  undertake,  resolved  to  die  or  recover  their  liberty  ? 
If  they  sink  under  this  weight  of  sufferings,  or  if  they  should  alone 
deliver  themselves,  how  would  ffrance  regret  her  haveing  missed  so 
glorious  an  occasion  for  formeing  a  lasting  and  advantageous  alliance 
with  the  King  of  England,  etc.,  and  at  the  same  time  of  being  freed  from 
all  apprehensions  of  a  people  and  Pari,  who  have  been  for  many  ages 
jealous  of  the  ffrench  name  and  glory. 


A  THOUGHT  WITH  REGARD  TO  SCOT- 
LAND on  the  Foregoing  Memorial  to  H.R.H. 
the  late  Duke  of  Orleans,  occasioned  by 
the  Emberas  appearing  to  the  general  Peace, 
Novemb.  1727. x 


Should  there  be  difficultys  found  in  the  scheme  in  the  above- 
mentioned  Memoriall  with  regard  to  the  interest  of  Kinsr  James 
and  the  king  and  kingdome  of  ffrance  by  King  George  being  so 
well  esteablished  on  the  thron  of  Great  Britain  and  the  King 
of  ffrance  being  so  far  engaged  by  treaties  for  the  support  of 
the  ffamily  of  Hanover  there,  another  scheme  much  to  the 
same  purpose  may  be  fornVd,  which  might  perhaps  more  easily 
be  brought  about ;  and  in  great  measur  answer  the  ends  pro- 
posed by  the  Memoriall,  and  for  the  advantage  of  most  of  the 
powers  concerned  in  the  present  dispute  about  the  settlement 
of  Europe. 

There   is  ground  to  belive  that  the  late  Kins  of  Sweden2 


1  This  paper  or  pamphlet  is  the  basis  of  the  so-called  Hanover  '  Plot.' 
Burton,  the  historian,  has  the  following  reference  to  it  in  his  History  of  Scotland 
(vol.  ii.  p.  229)  :  '  He  (Mar)  did  not,  however,  omit  such  opportunities  as 
occurred  of  plotting  for  his  adopted  cause  when  he  conveniently  could  ;  and  so 
he  appears  to  have  communicated  with  Sunderland,  the  British  Minister,  a  plan 
for  enlarging  the  Elector  of  Hanover's  continental  dominions  on  the  condition  of 
his  consenting  to  a  restoration — a  project  about  which  Sunderland  seems  to  have 
consented  to  hear,  from  the  chance  so  afforded  him  of  penetrating  the  real 
designs  of  the  enemy.'  It  is  said  on  good  authority  that  King  George  himself 
was  favourably  impressed  with  Mar's  scheme. 

2  The  design  of  bringing  the  King  of  Sweden  into  the  Prince's  measures  is 
generally  accredited  to  Lord  Mar.  Lockhart,  in  his  Memoirs,  says  :  '  There 
was  ...  a  surmise  that  the  king  had  some   hopes   of  gaining  the   King  of 

a 


24-2  LORD  MAR'S  MEMORIAL 

in  the  Design  he  had  of  re-esteablishino;  K.  James  and  the 
ffamily  of  Stewart,  about  which  he  was  going  when  he  was 
unfortunately  killed,  did  not  intend  to  restore  him  to  all  the 
Dominions  his  ffather,  King  James,  was  possest  of,  but  only  to 
part  of  them. 

To  follow  out  a  design  of  this  kind,  the  plan  might  be  that 
K.  James  and  his  children  should  be  restor'd  to  the  kingdomes 
of  Scotland  and  Irland,  with  some  of  the  Plantations  in 
America,  where  a  great  number  of  the  natives  of  these  two 
countrvs  are  esteablished,  and  to  leave  England,  with  the  other 
settlements  and  plantations  in  the  East  and  West  Indies,  now 
belonging  to  that  kingdome,  to  King  George  and  his  posterity. 
King  James  and  his  lawfull  heirs  might  perhaps  be  happier  by 
this  than  his  predecessors  ever  were  by  the  possession  of  the 
three  kingdomes.  King  George  and  his  heirs  could  have  no 
reason  to  complain,  since  they  would  therby  get  the  peacable 
and  sure  possession  of  the  valuable  and  rich  kingdome  of  Eng- 
land ;  and  that  to  be  confirmed  to  them  by  a  renounciation  by 
King  James  and  his  children,  as  King  George  and  his  should 
renounce  to  them  the  other  two  kingdomes,  etc.,  as  above,  all 
to  be  guaranted  by  the  Emperor,  ftrance,  Spain  and  Holland, 
and  the  King  of  Sardinia  his  queen  and  his  son  as  next  heirs  in 
blood  to  King  James  and  his  children,  which  powers  would  all 
find  their  accounts  by  it. 

England  ought  not  in  justice  to  complain  of  this  division, 
since  by  it  they  would  be  more  surly  delivered  from  their  fears 
of  the  Pretender,  as  they  call  him,  than  ever  they  can  other- 
wise be.  All  their  comerce,  trade,  and  most  of  their  planta- 
tions would  be  left  to  them  in  place  of  Irland  (which  sub- 
mitted to  the  king  and   not  to  the  people  of  England)  the 


Sweden  to  espouse  his  cause  ;  and  the  first  nottice  therof  to  be  depended  upon 
was  a  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Mar  to  Captain  Straiton  which  he  directed  to  be 
communicated  to  the  Bishop  of  Edinburgh,  the  Lord  Balmerino,  and  myself, 
wherin  he  signify'd  that  if  5  or  6000  boles  of  meal  would  be  purchased  by  the 
king's  friends  and  sent  to  Sweden,  where  there  was  then  a  great  scarcity,  it 
would  be  of  great  service  to  the  king.  But  we  foresaw  so  many  difficulties  in 
raising  a  sum  sufficient  for  it,  and  withal  so  impracticable  to  collect  and  embark 
such  a  quantity  of  meal  without  being  discouvered  and  creating  some  suspicion 
in  the  government,  that  we  could  not  think  of  undertaking  it  with  any  hopes  of 
succeso    (vol.  ii.  p.  7). 


A  THOUGHT  FOR  SCOTLAND  243 

Dominions  of  King  George  in  Germany  would  depend  on 
them. 

This  division  would  be  agreeable  to  the  people  of  Scotland 
and  Irland,  who  are  both  of  one  stock.  A  ff'ederal  union  to  be 
esteablished  at  the  same  time  between  these  two  kingdomes,  by 
which  the  laws  and  seperat  Parliaments  of  both  to  be  reserved, 
which  would  be  much  more  advantagous  to  these  two  countrys 
than  any  kind  of  conjunction  with  England. 

Neither  King  James  nor  King  George  will  never  willingly 
and  of  their  own  accord  agree  to  this  Division,  the  one  think- 
ing he  has  an  hereditary  right  to  the  whole,  and  the  other 
being  in  posession  of  all ;  but  it  would  be  easie  for  the  powers 
above  mentioned  to  oblidge  them  to  it,  since  the  people  of 
Scotland  and  Irland  would  gladly  assist  in  bringing  it  about 
when  they  see  these  powers  interest  themselves  heartily  in  the 
affair,  which  they  might  do  without  any  danger  to  themselves 
or  disturbance  to  the  affairs  of  Europe,  but  on  the  contrair 
very  much  for  its  tranquility. 

THE    END. 


244  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 


APPENDIX 

LETTER  FROM  THE  EARL  OF  MAR 

TO  THE  CHEVALIER 

Rome,  ffeb.  5th,  1719- 
Sire, — I  think  it  my  duty  and  incumbent  on  me  at  this  time, 
when  yr  Majesty  may  be  in  England  before  I  have  the  happiness 
of  seeing  you  again,  to  lay  before  you  for  yr  own  privat  use  what 
occurrs  to  me  by  my  haveing  been  a  considerable  time  in  business 
there,  wch  gave  me  opportunitys  of  knowing  things  and  persons 
that  yr  Majesty  cannot  possiblie  have  til  some  time  after  yr  arivall, 
and  I  offer  this  to  yr  Majesty  w*  all  submission  as  the  best  service 
I  am  capable  of  rendring  you  at  this  junctur. 

As  the  Church  of  England  and  the  party  that  goes  by  its  name, 
wch  is  now  calld  Torys,  are  the  Majority  of  the  people,  so  have  they 
ever  been  the  supporters  of  the  Crown,  and  yr  Majesty  will  find  by 
supporting  and  countenancing  of  them  that  you  will  have  a  quiet 
and  happie  reine. 

Yr  Royall  unckle  King  Charles  found  the  fatall  consequences,  as 
the  late  King  yr  ffather  and  yr  Majesty  have  dearly  since,  of  his 
neglecting  those  at  his  restoration  who  had  been  most  zealous  for 
him  and  the  royall  cause  and  preferring  in  too  partiall  and  eminent 
a  way  those  who  had  been  otherways  in  hopes  by  that  to  gain 
them. 

Yr  Majesty  possesses  the  charactaristick  of  yr  ffamily,  Good 
nature,  gentelness  of  temper  and  reddyness  to  forgive,  yr  showing 
that  to  those  who  have  opposed  you  and  forgetting  the  Injurys 
they  have  done  to  the  King  yr  ffather  and  yr  self  when  they  come 
to  alter  their  wayes  is  becomeing  a  great  Prince,  and  the  doing  so 
will  be  I  know  no  pain  to  you,  but  justice  and  equity  require  that 
those  who  have  suffred  so  long  for  you  and  been  instrumentall  in 
yr  service,  should  find  the  first  fruits  of  yr  favours  in  haveing  yr 


APPENDIX  245 

countenance  in  the  first  place  and  being  principally  consulted  and 
advised  with  in  yr  affairs,  this  will  encourage  and  confirme  yr 
friends  and  lessen  yr  enimies,  wch  is  the  way  to  establish  you  and 
yr  posterity  upon  the  thron. 

Some  exceptions  there  must  be  w*  regard  to  fitt  persons  and  of 
experience  and  knowledge  in  business  to  be  emploied  under  you, 
when  there  are  not  such  to  be  found  of  the  party  you  emploie,  wch 
is  often  the  case  there  and  I  belive  eveiy  where.  And  should  it 
be  so  when  yr  Majesty  comes  to  be  restord,  alow  me  to  informe 
you  of  one  who  In  my  humble  oppinion  is  one  of  the  most  proper 
to  serve  you  as  one  of  yr  principal  ministers.  It  is  Mr.  Henry 
Boyle,  unckle  to  the  present  Earle  of  Burlingtone  and  who  is  now 
call'd  Ld  Carleton.  He  has  been  always  what  they  call  a  moderat 
man  as  to  partys,  but  more  Tory  than  whigg.  When  he  was  in  the 
Secretary  office  in  yr  Sister's  time,  no  body  ever  did  the  business 
better  in  it,  and  there  was  no  body  of  whom  that  great  minister, 
Ld  Godolphin,  had  a  better  oppinion.  He  had  very  good  under- 
standing and  an  agreeable  temper  and  no  man  is  easier  in  concert 
of  business.  He  has  always  been  well  w*  the  Duke  of  Ormond, 
tho  not  of  his  principall  advisers  and  I  belive  wou'd  still  be  agree- 
able to  him.  Mr.  Boyle  was  once  a  great  friend  of  Mr.  Primroses 
and  it  was  much  against  his  will  that  he  quitted  his  emploiment  at 
the  change  of  Ld  Godolphins  ministry  when  all  those  w*  whom  he 
had  served  were  turnd  out,  yet  he  acted  a  very  moderat  part  after- 
wards. He  avoided  being  of  the  new  Pari,  and  was  very  well  w4, 
Mr.  Primrose  and  the  then  ministry  tho  not  in  business  w*  them,  for 
wch  Ld  Maryborough  and  the  whigg  party  have  never  yet  forgiven 
him.  It  is  true  he  has  been  made  a  Peer  by  George,  but  has  never 
gone  into  their  exti'avagant  and  violent  measurs.  He  was  long 
Chancelor  of  the  Exchequer  and  sub  treasurer,  so  is  well  seen  in 
the  affairs  of  the  treasury  and  funds  wch  are  very  intricat,  and  I 
verily  belive  there  are  not  two  men  in  England  who  are  more 
capable  to  advise  yr  Majesty  in  those  important  affairs  than  he  and 
Ld  Bingly  who  served  in  Ld  Oxfords  time  in  the  same  post,  and 
they  could  be  helpfull  one  to  another.  Mr.  Boyle  was  never  one 
of  those  for  bringing  the  power  of  the  Crown  too  low  and  by  the 
reputation  he  has  generally  got,  the  people  wou'd  have  confidence 
in  him  that  might  make  him  very  usefull  to  you.  Upon  the  whole 
he  is  well  worth  gaining  to  yr  intrest  wch  I  belive  will  be  no  diffi- 
cult work. 

As  I  have  said,  it  is  highly  reasonable  and  for  yr  intrest  that 
those   who   have   appeard    most   zealous   for  yr  service   hitherto 


246  LORD  MAR'S  LEGACY 

when  yr  affairs  were  at  the  lowest  should  be  most  regarded  and 
first  emploied  in  the  eminent  posts  by  yr  Majesty.  Mr.  Rigg  has 
undoubtedly  a  very  good  claim  on  this  respect  as  well,  as  on 
account  of  his  eminent  parts,  to  have  such  distinguishing  marks  of 
yr  favour  bestowd  on  him  in  his  way,  as  yT  Majesty  shall  judge 
proper.  And  I  hope  you  may  be  able  to  contrive  it  so  that  Mr. 
Boyle  wou'd  not  be  disagreeable  to  him,  as  I  know  he  wou'd  have 
been  very  acceptable  to  yr  friend  the  Duke  of  Shrewsbery  had  it 
pleased  God  to  have  alowd  him  to  see  yr  restoration,  wch  he  so 
much  wisht  for. 

Ld  Bingly  had  always  a  warme  side  for  yr  Majesty,  and  when  yr 
business  shall  once  begin  to  go  well  when  you  come  to  England, 
as  I  hope  in  God  it  soon  will,  you  want  but  to  lay  yr  comands 
on  him. 

As  to  Scotland,  I  hope  I  may  be  so  happie  to  be  w*  yr  Majesty 
at  furthest  before  the  time  of  yr  settling  yr  affairs  there,  when  I 
shall  lay  my  thoughts  of  them  humblie  before  you,  so  all  I  will 
trouble  yr  Majesty  w*  at  this  time  in  relation  to  them  is  in  generall, 
that  notwithstanding  of  yr  Restoreing  that  yr  ancient  Kingdome  to 
its  old  constitution  and  forme  of  Goverment,  by  reliving  it  from 
the  Union,  wch  by  experience  has  proved  so  grivous,  yet  so  long  as 
Presbitry  is  the  esteablisht  goverment  of  the  Church  there,  you 
can  never  riene  peacablie  nor  be  in  quiet.  Esteablishing  the 
Church  there  as  it  is  in  England  wk  the  like  toleration  to  those  who 
cannot  comply  w*  it,  will  in  time  make  yr  affairs  there  easie  and 
them  a  happie  people  w*  that  and  the  encouragments  yr  Majesty 
may  other  wayes  give  them  as  to  their  trade,  etc.,  without  any  loss 
to  yr  Kingdome  of  England  ;  But  the  sooner  after  yr  restoration 
you  endeavour  what  shall  be  found  just  and  reasonable  that  way, 
the  more  easily  you  will  get  it  done,  because  the  doing  of  it  will 
in  some  measur  depend  on  England. 

You  will  have  little  difficulty  in  getting  a  Parliament  in  Scotland 
that  will  settle  that  country  in  that  just  way  yr  Majesty  will  pro- 
pose, nor  will  you  want  fitt  people  to  serve  you  there. 

I  know  thers  no  occasion  for  my  recomending  the  Highlanders 
to  yr  Majesty,  you  have  seen  and  know  them  and  the  great  atach- 
ment  they  have  had  to  yr  family.  By  encourageing  of  them  and 
giveing  them  armes  and  some  reasonable  alowance  to  their  chifes 
and  superiours  and  preventing  their  being  oprest  by  those  who  have 
jurisdictions  over  them  until  yr  Majesty  shall  think  fitt  to  purchess 
them  wch  were  much  yr  intrest  to  do,  will  cost  but  little  expence 
and  trouble,  nothing  in  Scotland  or  from  it  can  ever  hurt  you.      It 


APPENDIX  247 

will  save  yr  keeping  any  troops  there  but  a  few  gards  and  garrisons 
and  be  of  no  burthen  to  the  country. 

I  beg  yr  Majesty  may  pardon  this  presumption  and  may  you 
soon  have  occasion  for  putting  things,  or  what  are  better  in 
practice. 

[Indorsed]  D.  Mar.  Feb.  4.  and  5.  1719. 


LETTERS    WRITTEN    BY 

MRS.   GRANT    OF   LAGGAN 

CONCERNING  HIGHLAND  AFFAIRS  AND 
PERSONS  CONNECTED  WITH  THE  STUART 
CAUSE   IN   THE   EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY 

Edited  by 
J.   R.    N.   MACPHAIL 


INTRODUCTION 

The  writer  of  the  following  letters  was  the  only  child  of 
Duncan  Macvicar  and  Catharine  Mackenzie,  his  wife,  and  was 
born  in  Glasgow  in  the  year  1755.  Her  father's  family 
belonged  to  Craignish  in  Argyll,  while  her  mother  was  on  the 
maternal  side  descended  from  the  Stewarts  of  Invernahyle. 
Three  years  after  her  birth  the  77th  Regiment,  in  which  her 
father  held  a  commission,  was  ordered  to  America,  where  she 
and  her  parents  remained  some  ten  years.  In  1768  they 
returned  to  Scotland,  and  resided  in  Glasgow  till  1773,  when 
Mr.  Macvicar  was  appointed  Barrack-master  at  Fort  Augustus, 
where  his  daughter  lived  till  her  marriage  in  1779  to  the  Rev. 
James  Grant,  minister  of  the  parish  of  Laggan,  which  lies  in 
the  centre  of  Inverness-shire.  Of  good  Highland  blood  on 
both  sides,  Mrs.  Grant  had  all  along  been  deeply  interested 
in  everything  that  related  to  her  race,  and  she  spared  no  pains 
in  becoming  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  customs,  the 
traditions,  and  the  language  of  the  people  among  whom  she 
now  had  her  home.  Soon  after  the  death  of  her  husband  in 
1801,  Mrs.  Grant  removed  with  her  family  from  Laggan  to 
Woodend,  near  Stirling,  and  in  1810  she  finally  settled  in 
Edinburgh,  where  she  died  in  1838,  at  the  ripe  old  age  of 
eighty-three. 

In  1803  Mrs.  Grant  published  a  volume  of  poems,  the  most 
ambitious  of  which  was  entitled  '  The  Highlanders.'  In  1806 
this  was  followed  by  a  selection  from  the  correspondence 
which  she  had  kept  up  with  her  south-country  friends  from 
1773,  when  her  family  settled  at  Fort  Augustus.     The  High- 


252  INTRODUCTION 

lands  of  Scotland  were  at  that  time  an  unknown  land,  and 
from  their  matter,  as  well  as  from  their  literary  merit,  these 
Letters  from  the  Mountains  attracted  considerable  attention, 
and  secured  for  the  writer  recognition  as  an  authority  of  some 
importance  on  Highland  affairs — a  reputation  which  was 
enhanced  by  the  appearance  in  1811  of  her  Essays  on  the 
Siqierstitions  of  the  Highlands  of  Scotland. 

One  of  Mrs.  Grant's  neighbours  at  Woodend  was  Mr. 
(afterwards  Sir  Henry)  Steuart  of  Allanton,  with  whose  wife — 
a  Miss  Seton  of  Touch — she  was  on  terms  of  intimate  friend- 
ship. A  county  gentleman  of  no  ordinary  attainments,  he 
had  the  intention  of  writing  'An  historical  Review  of  the 
different  attempts  to  restore  the  Stewart  family  to  the  throne, 
from  the  Revolution  in  1688  to  the  Suppression  of  the  Rebel- 
lion in  1745.''  To  Mrs.  Grant,  amongst  others,  he  applied 
for  assistance  in  the  collection  of  materials,  and  in  response 
to  his  request  the  following  letters  were  written.  Sir  Henry 
Steuart,  however,  never  succeeded  in  carrying  out  his  design, 
and  Mrs.  Grant's  letters,  along  with  the  other  papers  which  he 
had  accumulated,  including  The  Lyon  in  Mourning,  passed 
into  the  hands  of  Dr.  Robert  Chambers,  to  the  courtesy  of 
whose  grandson  and  representative,  Mr.  C.  E.  S.  Chambers, 
their  publication  is  now  due. 

It  is  indeed  rather  as  embodying  what  had  already  become 
tradition — but  tradition  of  a  very  rich  and  special  kind — than 
as  authoritative  statements  of  historical  facts  that  the  Society 
has  given  them  a  place  in  this  volume.  And  in  spite  of  many 
inaccuracies,  some  of  which  have  been  corrected  in  the  notes, 
the  value  of  such  tradition,  even  for  historical  purposes,  will 
not  be  gainsayed.  Dr.  Chambers  himself  made  use  of  these 
letters  when  writing  his  well-known  history  of  the  Forty-five, 
and  Mr.  John  Hill  Burton  also  had  access  to  them,  as  is 
acknowledged  in  the  preface  to  his  Life  of  Lord  Lovat.  But 
they  are  now  published  for  the  first  time. 


MRS.    GRANT'S    LETTERS 

Melville  Place,  Janry.  91st,  1808. 

Dear  Sir, — I  plead  guilty  to  inexcusable  delay  in  fulfilling 
my  promise  relative  to  the  anecdotes,  but  indolence  always 
frames  excuses  for  procrastinating,  and  that  with  which  I  lulled 
my  conscience  on  this  occasion,  was  that  having  wrote  to  Miss 
Ferguson  for  Lady  Stuart's  reminiscences,  I  thought  it  would 
be  a  species  of  frugality  to  wait  for  their  arrival,  in  case  some 
of  her  anecdotes  should  be  similar  to  my  own,  and  so  preclude 
the  necessity  of  my  writing  such  as  she  had  anticipated. 

She,  however,  has  not  as  yet  answered  my  letter.  I  have 
therefore  confin'd  myself  to  a  branch  of  the  subject,  on  which 
I  imagine  myself  particularly  well  informed.  You  may  probablv 
think  me  both  minute  and  diffuse.  It  may  be  so,  but  I  am  satis- 
fied with  being  authentic  and  sure  of  my  ground.  Much  more  and 
much  worse  might  be  said  of  Lovat,  but  here  is  abundance 
of  the  dark  side  of  human  nature.  We  shall  next  bend  our 
attention  to  a  more  luminous  object  while  we  contemplate 


I  shall  detail  the  anecdotes  I  know  of  Lochiel  '  con  amorc,'' 
and  you  may  expect  them  very  soon.  But  first  I  must  know 
how  you  approve  of  the  manner  in  which  I  have  executed  this 
part  of  my  task.  It  is  worth  your  while  to  look  into  the  late 
Earl  of  Orford's  reminiscences  for  the  anecdote  I  refer  to.1  I 
have  seen  among  Lovafs  relations  a  little  pamplet,  published, 
I  suppose,  to  distribute  among  his  friends,  containing  an 
account  very  plainly  and,  I  doubt  not,  accurately  detailed,  of 
his  behaviour  and  conversation  with  his  friends  in  the  Tower, 
etc.     It  contains  many  interesting  and  curious  particulars. 

1  See  p.  268. 


254  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

If  you  will  take  the  trouble  of  looking  over  the  notes  on  the 
Poem  of  the  Highlanders,1  which  I  think  you  have,  you  will 
find  some  anecdotes  relative  to  the  Prince,  but  those  perhaps 
are  too  well  known.  I  think  I  can  recollect  many  others,  but 
to  these  perhaps  the  same  objection  may  lie ;  but  from  Ralia  I 
shall  expect  information  both  curious  and  authentic. 

Miss  Colquhon  has  obliged  me  with  a  detail  of  the  treacher- 
ous apprehension  of  the  Marquis  of  Tullibardine,  by  the 
elder  and  younger  Buchanans  of  Drumakiln.  This  last,  by- 
the-bye,  was  married  to  a  daughter  of  Murray  of  Polmaise. 

I  am  astonish'd,  Dear  Sir,  that  in  your  search  for  anecdotes 
of  the  '45,  you  should  have  overlooks  a  fertile  source  in  your 
immediate  neighbourhood.  I  am  told  Miss  Lilly  Wilson  at 
Murrays  Hall  is  a  perfect  magazine  of  that  kind  of  knowledge, 
to  which  she  had  great  access. 

Ballacheulish,2  who  you  know  resided  there,  had  the  most 
extensive  memory  and  the  most  extensive  knowledge  on  these 
subjects  of  any  person  I  ever  knew,  and  he  was  not  more 
knowing  than  communicative. 

Pray  be  kind  enough  to  assure  Mrs.  Mackenzie  of  my  sin- 
cerest  veneration,  and  offer  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  and  Miss 
Stuart.  I  inclose  a  line  of  introduction  to  Miss  Ferguson ; 
but  can  only  say  of  Ormiston  that  it  is  four  or  five  miles  from 
Edr.  I  am,  Dear  Sir,  with  respect  and  regard,  Your  obedt. 
servt.,  Axne  Grant. 


Dear  Sir, — I  promisM  to  send  you  some  anecdotes  of  Lovat 
and  Lochiel,  who  were  certainly  the  two  prime  movers  of  the 
northern  insurrection  in  ''45.  This,  if  my  memory  does  not 
fail  me,  is  much  in  my  power  to  do,  having  liv'd  in  great 
intimacy  with  persons  to  whom  these  extraordinary  and  very 
opposite  characters  were  very  well  known. 

Willing  to  perform  the  most  unpleasant  part  of  my  task 
first,  I  shall  begin  with  Lovat,  who  might  at  his  outset  in  life 


1  Vide  Introduction. 

2  John  Stewart  fifth  of  Ballachelish,  married  Margaret,  daughter  of  William 
Wilson  of  Murray's  Hall,  near  Stirling.  Mrs.  Grant's  spelling  of  proper  names 
is  preserved  throughout. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  255 

be  styl'd  a  daring  and  unprincipled  adventurer,1  and  who  began 
his  career  of  wickedness  very  early  in  a  manner  that  would 
have  expeird  any  other  person  for  ever  from  society. 

Simon  Fraser,  afterwards  Lord  Lovat,  was  born  about  the 
year  1665.  I  do  not  recollect  his  first  title,  but  his  father 2  was 
a  gentleman  possess^  of  some  inconsiderable  property  in  the 
Aird,  the  peculiar  abode  of  the  Clan  Fraser.  Tho1  not  very 
nearly  related  to  the  former  Lord  3  (who  left  only  a  daughter) 
he  was,  I  believe,  the  nearest  male  heir.  But  not  having  at 
that  early  period  learnt  to  disguise  the  prominent  features 
of  his  character,  which  were  cunning  and  ferocity,  his  pre- 
decessor took  a  dislike  to  him,  and  devis'd  the  estate  to  Hugh 
Fraser,4  sometime  styl'd  Lord  Lovat,  who  was  either  his  cousin 
or  nephew  (I  think  the  latter)  by  the  female  side:  this  vouth 
was  then,  I  think,  a  minor  studying  at  some  university. 
Meanwhile  Simon  Fraser  rais"d  a  number  of  men  who  had  been 
accustonVd  to  follow  him  in  all  his  dubious  enterprises,  with 
the  intention  of  joining  Lord  Dundee  in  the  'lS^tho"  in  hopes 
of  securing  the  inheritance,  he  had  before  courted  the  higher 
powers  then  presiding. 

I  know  he  was  not  at  Killiecrankie,  nor  do  I  think  he  was 
engag"d  in  any  instance.  If  he  had  any  principle  of  action 
beyond  mere  self-love,  the  exil'd  family  would  certainlv  be  more 
congenial  to  his  early  prejudices.  Yet  it  was  generally  thought 
that  this  loyalty  to  the  unfortunate  serv"d  merely  as  a  pretext  to 
add  to  his  followers  numbers  whom  his  own  personal  influence 
could  not  attach  to  him.  But  having  them  once  under  his 
command,   that   undefinable    magic   by  which   he  all   his  life 


1  He  was  not  in  the  least  an  adventurer,  but  after  his  father  and  elder  brother, 
the  rightful  heir  to  the  title  and  estates  of  Lovat,  of  which  the  Atholl  Murrays 
unsuccessfully  attempted  to  deprive  him.  For  a  succinct  account  of  this  whole 
matter  vide  Lieut. -Col.  Ferguson's  introduction  to  Major  Eraser's  Manuscript. 

2  Thomas  Fraser  of  Beaufort,  third  son  of  the  ninth  Lord  Lovat  and  grand- 
uncle  of  the  eleventh  Lord. 

3  Hugh,  eleventh  Lord  Lovat,  by  his  wife,  Amelia  Murray,  daughter  of  John, 
first  Marquis  of  Atholl,  left  four  daughters,  of  whom  the  eldest,  Amelia,  born 
1686,  married,  in  1702,  her  cousin,  Alexander  Mackenzie,  son  of  Roderick 
Mackenzie  of  Prestonhall.  This  lady  and  her  husband  long  pretended  right 
to  the  title  and  estates,  a  claim  which  continued  to  be  maintained  by  their  son, 
known  as  Hugh  Fraser  of  Fraserdale,  wrho  only  died  in  1770. 

4  This  is  nonsense.  5  An  obvious  mistake. 


256  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

sway'd  the  minds  of  those  who  neither  lov'd  or  esteem'd  him, 
made  them  follow  his  desperate  fortunes.  Indeed,  he  at  this 
period  somewhat  resembFd  David  when  in  the  cave  of  Adullam, 
for  '  every  one  that  was  discontented,  and  every  one  that  was 
in  debt1  literally  resorted  to  him. 

The  former  Lord  Lovat  in  the  meantime  died.     The  suc- 
cession was   consider'd  as  doubtful,  and   the  doubts  in  such 
cases  seldom  were  decided  by  law.     The  claimant  who  had  the 
strongest  party  in  the  clan,  especially  if  sanction'd  by  the  will 
of  the  deceas'd,  was  generally  acknowledge  as  heir.     In  this 
case  the  good  and  peaceable  members  of  the  clan  were  all  on 
the  side  of  Hugh,1  in  the  absence  of  Simon  who  headed  all  the 
needy  and  turbulent.     Hugh  was  receiv'd  as  heir  to  the  late 
Lord,  whose  daughter  he  married,  whose  Dowager,  then  residing 
at  Castle  Dunie,  added  all  her  influence  in  his  favour,  and  put 
him  in  formal  possession  of  the  Castle,  which  he  relinquish^ 
immediately  to  her  use,  returning  back  to  pursue  his  studies. 
Simon  immediately  march'd   back   to  the   Aird,  resolving  to 
take  forcible  possession  of  the  estate,  where  he  was  so  much 
dreaded  that  there  appear'd  none  to  oppose  him,  except  the 
Dowager  Lady  Lovat,  who  refus'd  him  entrance  to  the  Castle. 
This,  however,  he  soon  forcM,  and  without  respect  to  her  age 
or  quality  (she  was  daughter  to  the  Marquis  of  Tullibardin),2 
reveng'd  himself  by  treating   her  in  presence  of  his  brutal 
followers  in  a  manner  too  shocking  and  cruel  for  description. 
She  immediately  took  refuge  with  her  family,  who  were  about 
to  institute  a  criminal  prosecution  for  this  unheard-of  outrage  ; 
to  avoid  this  he  fled  to  the  Court  of  St.  Germains ;  being  well 
aware  that  his  life  was  doubly  endanger' d  in  Britain,  as  he 
was  liable  to  a  trial  for  treason  on  account  of  levying  forces  in 
the  name  of  King  James  ;  which  might  have  been  hush'd  up 
had  not  this  last  exploit  exasperated  all  the  Athol  family  and 
their  connections,  and  even  the  public  mind  against  him.     His 
matchless  art  and  assurance  stood  him  in  good  stead  at  the 
Court  of   St.    Germains,   where    he    represented   himself  as  a 
sufferer  for   loyalty,  got  into   great   favour,  and   finally  was 

1  i.e.  Alexander  Mackenzie.     The  title  and  estates  were  claimed  by  Amelia 
Fraser  on  her  father's  death  in  1696. 

2  Marquis  of  Atholl.    The  Marquisate  of  Tullibardine  was  not  created  till  1703. 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  257 

trusted  with  secrets  of  the  most  momentous  import,  and  sent 
over  the  year  after  as  a  secret  agent  to  negotiate  with  the 
English  adherents  of  the  unfortunate  monarch. 

This  mission  he  the  more  readily  accepted,  as  important 
business  of  his  own  now  demanded  his  attention  at  home. 
Hugh,  the  rival  heir,  was  by  this  time  dead,  and  he  became 
undoubted  successor  to  the  family  honours.1  His  credit  at  the 
Court  of  St.  Germains  was  no  small  recommendation  to  him 
among  his  clan,  and  many  thought  highly  of  his  address  and 
abilities.  Of  these  he  was  now  about  to  exhibit  a  dis- 
tinguisird  proof.  On  his  way  from  France  to  England  2  (1709), 
where  he  was  coming  upon  the  mission  which  has  been  already 
■mentioiVd,  he  was  seiz'd  in  a  French  fishing-boat,  with  some 
others,  and  carried  prisoner  to  London,  where  he  was  soon 
recognis1d  in  spite  of  his  disguise,  and  affected  ignorance  of  the 
English  language.  For  Lovat  had  a  countenance  highly  ex- 
pressive of  his  character,  and  so  mark'd  by  a  peculiar  style  of 
homeliness  that  no  one  who  had  ever  seen  it  could  forget  it. 

The  Earl  of  Godolphin  was  then  Prime  Minister.  With 
regard  to  his  personal  virtues  and  public  wisdom  opinions  have 
been  much  divided ;  but  in  respect  to  his  utter  dereliction  of 
all  moral  delicacy  in  regard  to  the  instruments  he  employ1  d 
to  obtain  his  political  ends,  I  believe  there  has  not  been  any 
difference  of  opinion.  Never  was  a  stronger  proof  of  this  than 
the  present  occasion  afforded.  This  caitiff,  already  steepM  in 
crimes  and  treachery,  and  knowing  his  life  had  before  been 
forfeit  to  the  laws  of  his  country,  purchas'd  a  present  immunity 
by  discovering,  without  the  least  reserve,  all  the  secrets  en- 
trusted to  him.  At  the  same  time  that  he  laid  the  lives  and 
fortunes  of  so  many  others  at  the  mercy  of  exasperated  and 
powerful  enemies,  he  took  good  care  to  give  an  exaggerated 
account  of  his  own  influence,  power,  and  connections,  and  of 
the  rank  he  was  now  entitled  to  hold  in  his  own  country ; 
representing  that  the  obstructions  he  met  with  in  asserting  his 
just  claim  had  thrown  him  thro-1  desperation  into  the  arms  of 
the  opposite  faction,  but  that  if  his  life  was  spar'd,  and  his 
income   augmented    without   adding   to    the   burdens   of   his 

1  Wholly  inaccurate,  vide  p.  255,  note  3. 

2  Lovat  left  this  country  in  1703  and  did  not  return  till  17 14. 

R 


258  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

people,  he  would  prove  a  grateful  and  useful  servant  to 
Government,  and  extinguish  in  the  minds  of  all  his  friends 
those  delusive  hopes  which  supported  their  attachment  to 
the  exird  Prince. 

The  English  in  those  days  were  shamefully  ignorant  of 
everything  relative  to  the  Highlands  of  Scotland.  Montrose's 
wars  had  given  them  some  idea  of  Argyllshire,  and  a  faint 
view  of  Breadalbane  and  Athol ;  but  beyond  that,  all  was  to 
them  a  formless  chaos,  and  they  fear  d  the  more  from  not 
knowing  the  limits  of  the  object  that  excited  their  appre- 
hension. They  had  now  got  into  their  toils  one  of  these 
monsters  they  least  knew,  and  most  dreaded,  a  Highland 
chieftain  possessing  power  and  property  in  the  unknown 
regions  of  the  north,  and  they  were  determine!  to  derive 
some  lasting  advantage  from  an  alliance  with  depravity  so 
formidable.  The  sentence  passed  against  him  was  not  re- 
scinded, but  merely  allowed  to  lie  dormant.  He  had  secretly 
a  pension  of  three  hundred  a  year  settl'd  on  him,  which  he 
regularly  received  till  the  year  of  his  death  ;  and  was  permitted 
to  return  in  peace,  if  not  in  triumph,  to  the  possession  of  his 
inheritance,  and  of  an  influence  which  with  these  additional 
means  he  did  not  fail  to  extend  considerably. 

Meantime  Godolphin  made  a  wise  and  moderate  use  of  the 
intelligence  purchased  at  so  high  a  price.  Few  if  any  of  the 
English  Jacobites  were  publicly  call'd  to  account.  They 
possibly  ow'd  their  safety  to  their  numbers,  it  being  rather 
dangerous  to  strike  at  so  wide  a  confederacy.  But  this  artful 
statesman  did  not  fail  to  let  them  know  individually  that  they 
were  in  his  power,  and  to  watch  and  distrust  them  afterwards. 
This  was  perhaps  the  principal  reason  why  the  Jacobite  interest 
in  England  (tho1  possessing  far  more  power  and  property  than 
that  in  Scotland)  lent  such  feeble  aid  to  the  insurgents  after- 
wards. 

Lovat,  once  settled  in  the  abode  of  his  ancestors,  did  all 
that  a  man  could  possibly  do  without  reforming  his  life,  to 
efface  the  memory  of  the  past,  and  to  redeem  the  good  opinion 
of  the  neighbouring  chiefs.  But  being  by  this  time  accounted 
a  spy  for  Government,  and  distrusted  by  both  parties,  he  had 
but  partial  success.    Yet  such  were  his  numberless  artifices  to 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  259 

gain  popularity,  and  his  Proteus-like  readiness  to  take  every 
shape  that  suited  the  present  occasion,  that  at  length  he 
obtain'd  a  degree  of  influence  that  might  appear  incredible 
when  one  considers  that  his  appearance  was  disgusting  and 
repulsive,  his  manners  (except  when  he  had  some  deep  part  to 
act  among  his  superiors)  grossly  familiar  and  meanly  cajoling, 
and  that  he  was  not  only  stain'd  with  crimes,  but  well  known 
to  possess  no  one  noble  or  amiable  quality,  if  we  except  forti- 
tude, which  he  certainly  display'd  eminently  in  the  last 
extremity.  Tho1  his  most  valuable  possessions  and  his  family 
seat  were  in  the  Aird,  the  true  centre  of  his  power  and  popu- 
larity was  in  Stratheric,  a  high-lying  wild  district  between 
Inverness  and  Ft.  Augustus.  There  he  contrivM  to  be  really 
belov'd  by  the  common  people,  and  there  he  was  both  popular 
and  patriotic.  He  very  frequently  resorted  there,  and  every 
year  spent  some  time  regularly  among  them  ;  making  it  his 
study  to  secure  their  affections,  he  would  go  easily  and  unlook'd 
for  into  the  houses  of  the  petty  gentry,  dine  or  stay  the  night 
with  them,  banish  reserve  by  his  perpetual  good  humour  and 
frankness,  and  by  a  peculiar  strain  of  jocularity  perfectly 
suited  to  his  audience.  He  came  from  any  distance  to  the 
christening  of  every  gentleman's  first  son,  or  the  next,  if  it 
was  to  be  call'd  Simon.  He  us'd  to  walk  alone  on  the  road, 
and  whenever  he  met  a  peasant,  examine  him  with  regard  to 
the  number  of  his  children  and  state  of  his  welfare,  redress  his 
grievances  if  such  he  had,  and  mingle  sound  advice  with  the 
ludicrous  fancies  and  cunning  blandishments  which  abounded 
in  his  ordinary  discourse.  If  he  met  a  boy  on  the  road,  he  was 
sure  to  ask  who  he  belong'd  to,  tell  him  of  his  consequence  and 
felicity  in  belonging  to  the  invincible  Clan  Fraser,  and  if  he 
said  his  name  was  Simon,  to  give  him  half  a  crown,  at  that 
time  no  small  gift  in  Stratheric.  But  the  old  women  of  all 
others  were  those  he  was  at  most  pains  to  win,  even  in  the 
lowest  ranks.  He  never  was  unprovided  of  snuff  and  flattery, 
both  which  he  dealt  liberally  among  them :  listenM  patiently 
to  their  old  stories,  and  told  them  others  of  the  King  of 
France,  King  James,  etc.,  by  which  they  were  quite  captivated, 
and  concluded  by  entreating  that  they  impress  their  children 
with  attachment  and  duty  to  their  Chief,  and  they  would 


260  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

not  fail  to  come  to  his  funeral  and  assist  in  the  Coronach 
there. 

At  Castle  Dunie  lie  always  kept  an  open  table  to  which  all 
comers  were  welcome,  for  of  all  his  visitors  he  contrived  to 
make  some  use,  from  the  nobleman,  or  general,  by  whose 
interest  he  could  provide  for  some  of  his  followers,  and  by  that 
means  strengthen  his  interest  with  the  rest :  to  the  idle  hanger- 
on,  whose  excursions  might  procure  the  fish  and  game,  which 
he  was  barely  suffer'd  to  eat  a  part  of  at  his  patron's  table. 
Never  was  there  a  mixture  of  society  so  miscellaneous  as  was 
there  assembl'd.  From  an  affectation  of  loyalty  to  his  new 
masters,  Lovat  paid  great  court  to  the  military  station'd  in 
the  North.1  Such  of  the  nobility  in  that  quarter  as  were  not 
in  the  sunshine  received  his  advances  as  from  a  man  who 
enjoy 'd  court  favour,  and  he  faiFd  not  to  bend  to  his  purposes 
every  new  connection  he  fornfd. 

In  the  meantime  the  greatest  profusion  appeared  at  table, 
while  the  meanest  parsimony  reigii'd  thro"  the  household.  The 
servants  who  attended  had  little  if  any  wages.  Their  reward 
was  to  be  recommended  to  better  service  afterwards,  and  mean- 
time they  had  no  other  food  allow'd  to  them  but  what  they 
carried  off  on  the  plates.  The  consequence  was  that  you  durst 
not  quit  your  knife  and  fork  a  moment,  your  plate  was 
snatclfd  if  you  look'd  another  way.  If  you  were  not  very 
vigilant  you  might  fare  as  ill  amidst  abundance,  as  the  Gover- 
nor of  Barataria  ;  a  surly  guest,  once  cut  the  fingers  of  one  of 
these  Harpies  when  snatching  his  favourite  morsel  away  un- 
tasted.  I  have  heard  a  military  gentleman  who  occasionally 
din'd  at  Castle  Dunie  describe  those  extraordinary  repasts. 
There  was  a  very  long  table  loaded  with  great  variety  of  dishes, 
some  of  the  most  luxurious,  others  of  the  plainest,  nay  coarsest 
kind.  These  were  very  oddly  arrang'd.  At  the  head  were  all 
the  dainties  of  the  season,  well  drest,  and  neatly  seiVd  in ; 
about  the  middle  appear'd  good  substantial  dishes,  roasted 
mutton,  plain  pudding,  and  such  like ;  at  the  bottom,  coarse 
pieces  of  beef,  sheep's  heads,  haggies,  and  other  national  but 
inelegant  dishes,  were   serv'd  in  a  slovenly  manner  in  great 


1  Cf.  Burt's  Letters  from  the  North  of  Scotland.     Letter  VIII. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  26l 

pewter  platters.  At  the  head  of  the  table  were  plac'd  guests 
of  distinction,  to  whom  alone  the  dainties  were  off'erM.  The 
middle  was  occupied  by  gentlemen  of  his  own  tribe  who  well 
knew  their  allotment  and  were  satisfied  with  the  share  assign"^ 
to  them.  At  the  foot  of  the  table  sat  hungry  retainers,  the 
younger  sons  of  younger  brothers,  who  had  at  some  remote 
period  branded  out  from  the  family,  for  which  reason  he 
always  address'd  them  by  the  title  of  '  Cousin. ,  This,  and  a 
place  however  low  at  his  table,  so  flattercl  these  hopeless 
hangers-on,  that  they  were  as  ready  to  do  Lovafs  bidding  '  in 
the  earth  or  in  the  air,1  as  the  spirits  were  to  obey  the  com- 
mands of  Prospero. 

The  contents  of  his  sideboard  were  as  oddly  assorted  as  those 
of  his  table,  and  servM  the  same  purpose.  He  began  :  '  My 
Lord,  here  is  excellent  venison,  fine  turbot,  etc.,  call  for  any 
wine  you  please,  there  is  excellent  Claret  and  Champagne  on 
the  sideboard.  Pray,  now,  Dumballoch,  or  Kilbockie,  help 
yourselves  to  what  is  before  you,  these  are  Port  and  Lisbon, 
strong  ale  and  porter,  excellent  in  their  kind.-'  Then  calling 
to  the  other  end  of  the  table  :  '  Pray,  dear  cousin,  help  your- 
self, and  my  other  cousins,  to  that  fine  beef  and  cabbage. 
There  is  whisky  punch  and  excellent  table  beer.'' 

His  conversation,  like  his  table,  was  varied  to  suit  the 
character  of  every  guest.  The  retainers  soon  retir'd,  and 
Lovat  (on  whom  drink  made  no  impression)  found  means  to 
unlock  every  other  mind,  and  keep  his  own  designs  impene- 
trably secret,  while  the  ludicrous  and  careless  air  of  his  dis- 
course helpM  to  put  people  off  their  guard,  and  searchless 
cunning  and  boundless  ambition  were  hid  under  the  mask  of 
careless  hilarity. 

When  he  was  perfectly  establish^,  he  form'd  an  alliance 
that  completely  suited  his  purpose.  He  married  a  daughter 
of  the  Laird  of  Grant *  (about  the  year  "SS),  thus  connecting 
himself  with  a  family  of  distinguish^!  worth,  and  with  another 
powerful  clan  and  family  by  means  of  her  sisters,  one  of 
whom  was  married  to  Sir  Roderick  Mackenzie  of  Scatwell,  and 
the  other  to  Grant  of  Ballandalloch.     To  this  Lady,  whose 


1  Margaret,  daughter  of  Ludovick  Grant  of  Grant. 


262  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

modest  virtues,  and  pious  resignation  deservM  a  better  fate, 
he  made  a  harsh  and  negligent  husband.  She  liv'd  but  a  few 
years  after  (died  about  1728)  her  marriage,  and  left  four 
children.  Two  sons,  one  of  whom  was  the  well-known  General 
Simon  Fraser,  the  second  was  a  Brigadier  in  the  Portuguese 
service,  and  afterwards  among  his  friends  in  Strath  eric ; 1  and 
two  daughters,  the  eldest  of  whom  was  married  to  Macpherson 
of  Clunie,  and  the  youngest,  who  died  unmarried,  was  so  deeply 
affected  by  her  fathers  violent  and  impenitent  death,  that  she 
mourn,d  incessantly  and  survived  him  but  a  very  short  time. 

After  the  death  of  the  first  Lady  Lovat,  he  married  a  Miss 
Campbell,2  who  was  mother  to  the  present  Lovat,3  and  liv'd  to 
a  great  age,  having  surviv'd  her  Lord  above  forty  years.  He 
went  now  and  then  to  London,  and  got  somehow  introduc'd 
to  the  younger  branches  of  the  Royal  Family,  whom  even  in 
childhood  he  strove  to  win  by  the  grossest  flattery. 

After  the  death  of  the  first  Lady  Lovat,  all  restraint  was 
thrown  off  at  Castle  Dunie.  The  young  ladies,  who  inherited 
the  modesty  and  piety  of  their  mother,  could  not  endure  the 
profane  and  licentious  manners  of  their  father  and  his  re- 
tainers, and  generally  resided  at  Scatwell,  where  nothing  was 
to  be  seen  but  sanctity  and  decorum. 

Meantime  the  restless  and  intriguing  spirit  of  Lovat, 
unrestrain'd  by  the  sentence  that  hung  over  him,  was  meditat- 
ing another  revolution  and  laying  trains  to  excite  that  spirit 
in  others,  which  he  durst  not  discover  himself.  He  us'd  to 
frequent  the  fairs  at  Inverness  (from  about  the  year  thirty-five 
to  forty  when  he  became  infirm)  and  pay  court  to  the  meanest 
of  the  people ;  nay,  I  have  heard  my  mother-in-law  declare, 
that  she  saw  him  once,  in  the  street  there,  embrace  the  Laird 
of  Grant's  piper. 

Meanwhile  years  came  on,  and  Lovat,  long  since  unwieldly 
from  excessive  corpulence,  lost  the  use  of  his  lower  limbs,  and 


1  •  Brigadier '  was  a  nickname  given  to  him  when  a  child,  and  not  derived 
from  any  military  service  ;  vide  Transactions  of  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness,  xii. 
p.  ^382. 

2  Primrose  Campbell,  daughter  of  the  Hon.  John  Campbell  of  Mamore,  and 
sister  of  the  fourth  Duke  of  Argyll. 

3  Archibald  Campbell  Fraser,  died  1815. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  263 

was  carried  from  place  to  place  in  a  litter.  He  had  a  great 
easy-chair,  too,  made  for  his  accommodation,  carried  after  him 
wherever  he  went.  Yet  this  man  whom  few  loy'd  and  none 
trusted,  who  was  old  without  being  venerable,  and  infirm 
without  being  pitied,  and  over  whose  head  the  axe  impended, 
had  still  subtlety  and  address  to  move  the  whole  North  to  his 
purposes,  without  laying  himself  open  to  detection.  When 
the  invasion  was  projected  he  gave  secret  orders  to  his  son, 
then  a  lad  of  sixteen,  studying  at  Glasgow  College,  to  rouse 
the  Frasers  of  Stratherick  and  join  the  adventurer1  whenever 
he  should  arrive.  Meantime  he  was  sending  to  the  Court  of 
St.  James1  the  strongest  professions  of  loyalty  and  concern  for 
the  approaching  danger.  He  knew  it  was  in  vain  to  tamper 
with  his  daughter,  Lady  Clunie,  to  influence  her  husband. 
That  excellent  person,  tho1  a  zealous  Jacobite,  would  never 
persuade  him  to  break  his  oath  and  forsake  his  colours,  for 
he  had  accepted  a  Company  in  the  Black  Watch2  (now  the  42d) 
and  of  consequence  sworn  allegiance  to  the  reigning  family. 
Lovat,  however,  invited  two  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the 
Clan  to  Castle  Dunie  and  so  imprest  their  minds  with  regard 
to  the  probability  of  success,  which  was  the  only  objection, 
that  they  went  home  resolv'd  to  engage  their  young  Chief  in 
this  perilous  enterprise.  The  conference  was  held  at  Clunie. 
When  the  Chief  began  to  waver,  his  lady  urg'd  the  dishonour 
and  treachery  of  forsaking  the  service  in  which  he  was  engag'd, 
on  which  a  leading  man  of  the  Clan  sternly  told  her,  stamping 
with  his  foot,  that  she  came  there  to  bring  heirs,  not  counsel. 
Clunie,  in  consequence,  led  out  his  Clan,  and  I  have  told  in 
another  place  what  was  the  result.3 

Lovat  having  secretly  set  this  great  machine  in  motion,  and 
having  his  emissaries  everywhere,  carrying  on  his  plans  and 
bringing  him  intelligence,  lay  quiet  in  his  Castle,  affecting 
great  concern  for  what  was  going  on,  and  railing  at  his  son's 
disobedience  and  sedition. 

When  the  Chevalier  mov'd  northward  after  the  disastrous 
irruption   into   England,  Lovat  retird   up  to  Stratherick  to 


1  The  Prince.  2  His  company  seems  to  have  been  in  Loudon's  Regiment. 

3  'A  Ballad  founded  on  Fact.'     Cf.  p.  276. 


264  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

avoid  the  appearance  of  any  understanding  between  him  and 
the  Prince.  He  had  no  house  there,  but  while  he  stayed,  resided 
in  that  of  Gortulig  his  Chamberlain. 

I  have  heard  the  daughter  of  this  gentleman,  who  is  still 
living,  describe  with  great  naivete  a  scene  to  which  she  was 
witness  the  day  on  which  Culloden  was  fought.  Tho"1  the 
probability  of  success  was  greatly  against  the  highlanders, 
they  were  somehow  infatuated  with  the  most  sanguine  ex- 
pectations, all  but  the  Prince  and  his  veteran  counsellors, 
who  saw  too  well  the  enemies1  superior  advantage.  Both  at 
Stratheric  and  Inverness  the  adherents  of  the  cause  were 
making  the  most  exulting  preparations  to  receive  their  vic- 
torious Prince  after  the  battle  should  be  decided.  The  lady 
I  have  mention^  was  then  a  girl  of  ten  years  old.  It  was 
decided  that  if  the  Prince  conquer' d  he  should  immediately 
make  his  way  to  seize  on  Fts.  Augustus  and  William,  and 
thus  possess  himself  of  the  Glenmore  which  extends  from  sea 
to  sea,  and  that  he  should  consult  with  Lovat  on  his  way. 

For  two  or  three  days  before,  preparations  were  making  for 
the  reception  of  the  Prince  and  his  train.  To  regale  them,  a 
very  ample  cold  collation  was  preparing.  All  the  women  in  the 
vicinity  were  calFd  in  to  bake  cakes,  and  roast  meat,  poultry, 
and  venison  for  the  occasion.  Such  was  the  urgency  of  the 
time  and  the  quantity  of  food  dress'd,  that  every  room  in  the 
house,  even  that  which  Lovat  occupied,  was  us'd  for  culinary 
purposes,  and  filPd  with  bread  and  joints  of  roasted  meat. 

On  the  fatal  day  of  Culloden,  the  highlanders  at  first  gained 
some  partial  advantage,  and  some  one  came  up  express  to  say 
that  the  fortune  of  the  day  was  in  favour  of  the  Prince. 
The  house  soon  filFd  with  people,  breathless  with  anxiety  for 
tidings  of  their  friends  who  were  engasfd.  The  little  girl  was 
considered  as  an  encumbrance,  and  order"d  into  a  closet,  where 
she  continued  a  little  while  an  unwilling  prisoner.  Below  the 
house  was  a  large  marshy  plain,  in  the  centre  of  which  was  a 
small  lake  that  in  winter  overflow1  d  it,  but  was  now  nearly 
dry.  This  spot  the  superstitious  believ'd  to  be  a  rendevouz 
of  the  Fairies.  All  of  a  sudden  the  tumultuous  noise  that 
fiird  the  house  was  succeeded  by  deep  silence.  The  little 
prisoner,  alarm'd  at  this  sudden   stillness,  ventur'd  out  and 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  265 

saw  no  creature  in  the  house,  but  Lovat  sitting  alone  in  deep 
thought.  Then  she  ventur'd  to  the  door,  and  looking  down 
saw  above  a  thousand  people  in  one  ghastly  crowd  in  the 
plain  below.  Struck  with  the  sudden  shifting  of  the  scene 
and  the  appearance  of  this  multitude,  she  thought  it  was  a 
visionary  show  of  fairies  which  would  immediately  disappear. 
She  was  soon,  however,  undeceivM  by  the  mournful  cries  of 
women  who  were  tearing  off  their  handkerchiefs  for  bandages 
to  the  wounded.  In  an  instant  quantities  of  linen  were  carried 
down  for  the  same  purpose,  and  the  intended  feast  was  dis- 
tributed in  morsels  among  the  fugitives,  who  were  instantly 
forc'd  to  disperse  for  safety  to  the  caves  and  mountains  of 
that  rugged  district.  The  Prince  and  a  few  of  his  followers 
came  to  the  house ;  Lovat  express'd  attachment  to  him,  but 
at  the  same  time  reproactfd  him  with  great  asperity,  for 
declaring  his  intention  to  abandon  the  enterprise  entirely. 
'  Remember '  (said  he  fiercely)  '  your  great  ancestor  Robert 
Bruce,  who  lost  eleven  battles  and  won  Scotland  by  the  twelfth.1 

The  Prince  made  little  answer,  but  immediately  set  out  for 
a  place  of  more  safety.  The  first  thing  set  about  was  to 
dispose  of  Lovatfs  great  chair  least  it  should  be  the  means  of 
tracing  his  flight.  (It  was  loaded  with  lead  and  sunk  in  the 
lake.)  He  was  then  carried  off  in  his  litter  thro1  the  night 
and  lodg'd  in  a  cave  to  the  northward  of  Fort  Augustus, 
where  he  might  have  remain"d  long  enough  had  he  not  been 
betray'd  by  one  of  his  own  adherents.1  In  this  extremity  the 
subtlety  and  craft  which  had  ever  marked  his  character  were 
display W  in  their  full  extent.  He  insisted  on  carrying  his 
sword  with  him  to  this  retreat.  When  the  party  from  Fort 
Augustus  came  to  seize  him  there,  he  affected  to  mistake  them 
for  a  detachment  from  the  Rebel  forces,  started  up  on  his 
knees,  and  drew  his  sword,  crying,  '  Traitors,  you  need  not 
hope  to  bring  me  to  your  purpose,  I  will  draw  my  sword  for  my 
lawful  sovereign,  King  George,  as  long  as  I  live.1 

This  finesse  did  not  avail,  yet  when  he  found  himself  caught, 
like  an  old  lion  in  the  toils,  he  conducted  himself  in  a  manner 
that  would   have    done  credit  to   a  worthier  character.      No 


1  Another  story  is  that  he  was  captured  on  an  island  in  Loch  Morar. 


266  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

complaint  or  reproach  was  heard,  nor  did  his  wonted  good 
humour  forsake  him.  The  Coronach  of  the  old  women,  on 
which  he  always  laid  such  stress,  preceded  his  funeral.  For  on 
seeing  him  carried  a  prisoner,  they  rent  the  air  with  their 
howlings.  His  old  Bard  followed  the  litter  in  which  he  was 
carried,  and  begg'd  permission  of  the  guard  to  be  allow'd  to  kiss 
his  hand.  He  stretch'd  it  out,  and  when  the  Bard  perceiv'd  it 
lank  and  fallen  off  by  what  it  was  formerly,  he  burst  into  tears, 
crying  in  his  own  language,  '  Alas  for  the  white  hand  and  blue 
veins  of  my  Master.1  Tho1  easy  and  even  facetious  with  some 
of  his  humble  friends  who  follow1d  his  march,  and  attended  him 
at  the  inns  where  he  stopp'd,  he  did  not  wish  to  be  exhibited 
like  a  wild  beast,  to  use  his  own  words,  to  the  people  who 
surrounded  his  travelling  conveyance.  Governor  Trapaud, 
who  long  fiird  that  station  at  Fort  Augustus,  was  then  a  Capt. 
and  commanded  the  party  who  carried  Lovat  over  Drimochter, 
being  then  a  lively,  bustling  young  man.  He  was  impatient  to 
see  Lovat,  who,  keeping  the  curtains  of  the  litter  close  about 
him,  and  being  help'd  out  and  in  by  his  friends,  long  evaded 
the  young  officer's  curiosity,  who,  tho1  dying  to  see  this  singular 
personage,  did  not  choose  to  force  an  intrusion  on  his  privacy, 
but  frequently  peep'd  into  the  litter  to  observe  whether  he 
were  sleeping,  hoping  then  to  have  a  full  view  of  him.  Lovat, 
perceiving  this,  affected  one  day  to  snore  while  his  friend  rode 
slowly  by.  The  latter,  delighted  to  obtain  at  length  his 
object,  put  his  head  into  the  litter  and  bent  it  over  the 
supposM  sleeper,  who,  rising  with  a  sudden  jerk,  snapp'd  at  the 
nose  of  the  terrified  Capt.,  and  then  seenVd  highly  amus'd  at 
his  consternation,  yet  deign'd  not  during  the  whole  journey  to 
exchange  a  word  with  him.  His  behaviour  while  in  the  Tower 
was  strongly  mark'd  with  all  the  leading  traits  of  his  character. 
Even  there  he  was  busy,  intriguing,  fawning,  and  insolent  by 
turns,  and  while  his  usual  good  humour  and  coarse  jocularity 
never  forsook  him  for  a  moment,  he  left  no  method  untried  to 
defeat  or  evade  the  rigours  of  the  law,  and  to  soften  the  hearts 
of  his  enemies.  I  have  seen  letters  of  his  address^  to  Prince 
Frederic  and  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  vulgarly  familiar  as  his 
usual  style  was,  yet  written  with  an  air  of  simplicity  not 
devoid  of  pathos,  and  proofs  of  a  deeper  and  more  renVd 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  267 

subtlety  than  the  most  eloquent  and  polish'd  productions.  It 
was  this  frank  and  familiar  simplicity  that,  by  throwing  others 
off  their  guard,  had  thro1  life  assisted  him  to  deceive.  To 
the  desire  of  prolonging  a  life  stain'd  with  dishonour,  and 
which  had  already  extended  beyond  the  common  limits  of 
nature,  he  affected  to  be  superior.  All  he  wish"d  was,  as  he 
express'd  it,  '  to  end  his  days  in  his  own  country,  and  to  attain 
what  all  his  life  he  had  most  desir'd,  the  honour  of  being 
buried  with  his  brave  ancestors,  of  having  all  his  clan  in  tears 
following  his  funeral,  and  the  Coronach  of  the  old  women  of 
the  country  over  his  grave. , 

This  same  Coronach  had  certainly  taken  possession  of 
Lovat's  imagination  in  a  most  forcible  manner.  In  all  his 
petitions  and  conversations  he  recurr'd  to  it,  and  when  the 
motives  for  dissimulation  were  extinguished  with  the  hopes  of 
life,  still  the  long  anticipated  Coronach  seem'd  to  ring  in  his 
ears,  and  he  earnestly  entreated  that  his  corpse  might  be 
carried  down  to  be  interred  in  the  North,  still  urging  the  same 
motive,  and  hoping  no  doubt  that 

'Their  plaintive  cries  would  sooth  his  hovering  Ghost.' — Hammond. 

There  can  be  no  greater  proof  of  the  strong  tendency  the 
mind  has  to  lean  at  the  last  on  the  posthumous  approbation 
even  of  our  fellow-mortals  than  the  solicitude  which  even  the 
godless  and  heartless  Lovat  show'd  to  be  the  subject  of  praise 
and  lamentation  to  these  abject  and  ignorant  beings.  It  was 
one  of  these  strange  caprices  of  human  nature  which  made 

'  A  perjur'd  Prince  a  leaden  saint  revere, 
A  godless  Regent  tremble  at  a  star.' — Pope. 

The  fancy  and  humour  which  this  strange  personage  show'd 
on  the  brink  of  death,  the  serene  dignity  with  which  he  sub- 
mitted to  it,  and  the  noble  sentiment  he  quoted  from  Horace, 
when  the  axe  was  about  to  fall,  are  well  known  to  the  public. 
Yet  it  is  not  perhaps  equally  well  known  that  the  rancour  of 
revenge  displayed  itself  on  that  awful  occasion.  He  knew  him- 
self to  have  been  betray'd  by  one  whom  he  had  long  cherisli'd 
and  trusted,  and  in  reference  to  this  person  gave  out  on  the 
scaffold    the  Psalm  expressive  of  bitter  resentment  in  which 


268  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

David  appeaFd  to  the  divine  justice  to  avenge  the  cruelty  of 
Doeg. 

Lovat  could  not  die  uniformly  great. 

The  Ministry,  who  seem"d  still  to  smart  from  the  wounds  of 
the  highland  claymore,  appear'd  to  consider  Lovat  as  terrible 
even  in  death,  and  dreaded  the  influence  his  bones  might  have 
on  his  countrymen  should  they  return  to  their  native  soil.  To 
this  purpose  Horace  Walpole  in  his  Reminiscences  records  an 
anecdote  of  the  Duke  of  Newcastle's  terror  and  perplexity  about 
the  funeral  of  Lovat,  which,  told  in  his  ludicrous  manner, 
is  highly  amusing,  and  strongly  marks  the  spirit  of  the  times. 

Thus  liv'd  and  thus  died  Simon  Lord  Lovat,  in  his  eightieth 
year,  always  formidable,  yet  always  contemptible,  who,  had  he 
been  sincere  and  consistent,  with  the  same  address  and  ability 
might  have  been  despotic  among  his  own  connections,  might 
have  swayM  the  whole  North  with  unbounded  influence,  and 
finally,  might  have  liv'd  esteemed  and  honourM,  and  died 
belov'd  and  lamented. 

He  was  in  a  very  high  degree  crafty,  rapacious,  and  treacher- 
ous, subtle,  cruel,  and  revengeful,  voluptuous  and  addicted 
to  every  the  grossest  sensual  indulgences,  yet  possessing  the 
most  perfect  command  of  temper,  and  perpetual,  easy,  ludicrous 
gaiety,  such  as  Shakespeare  ascribes  to  Falstaff.  No  man  was 
ever  subject  to  more  wounding  sarcasms  from  his  fellow 
chieftains  and  other  associates,  which  he  either  bore  with  calm 
indifference,  or  return'd  with  smooth  yet  keen  irony.  But 
these  insults  were  all  treasurd  up  in  his  mind,  to  be  reveng'd 
on  some  future  occasion. 

Lovafs  private  life,  even  in  advanc'd  years,  was  such  as 
would  greatly  disgust  in  description,  and  is  really  better  con- 
signed to  oblivion.  In  the  first  Lady  Lovafs  time  he  us'd 
regularly  to  visit  once  a  year  at  Castle  Grant,  and  Ballan- 
dalloch,  on  pretence,  of  indulging  her,  but  in  fact  to  cultivate 
and  strengthen  his  alliance  with  these  families. 

She  never  complained  of  him,  but  had  always  a  drooping 
and  dejected  appearance.  The  lady  he  afterwards  married  by 
his  recommendation  liv'd  with  his  first  wife  as  a  companion. 
Tho1  inferior  in  understanding  and  capacity  to  the  first  Lady, 
Miss  Campbell  much  excelFd  her  in  figure  and  carriage  ;  to 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  269 

which  advantage  he  was  at  pains  to  direct  the  attention  of 
others.  At  Castle  Grant,  he  us'd  to  say,  '  I  am  bringing  this 
Lady  of  mine  to  Court  to  mend  her  carriage  ;  is  it  not  wonder- 
ful that  she  does  not  learn  to  make  the  most  of  her  little 
person  when  she  sees  her  companion's  fine  carriage?1 

His  second  wife,  however,  had  much  patience  and  good 
nature,  which  was  very  severely  tried.  She  rarely  ever  sat  at 
the  head  of  his  table ;  and  I  knew  a  person  to  whom  she  us'd 
to  give  an  account  of  the  manner  in  which  he  us'd  to  feed  her. 
Everything  on  the  table  became  the  prey  of  the  attendants, 
except  untouched  birds  and  pastry.  These  were  laid  by  in  a 
little  room  of  the  Hall  of  Hearts  of  which  Lovat  kept  the 
key,  and  reproduced  till  they  were  nearly  mouldy,  when  they 
were  sent  up  for  the  Lady;  dinners,  which  if  she  rejected,  he 
would  go  up  in  a  rage,  draw  her  about  the  room  by  the  hair, 
and  treat  her  in  the  most  cruel  manner.  He  continually 
taunted  his  first  wife  for  want  of  beauty,  and  equally  re- 
proached the  second  with  want  of  understanding.  He  seem'd, 
however,  much  concern1  d  at  the  death  of  the  first  Lady,  which 
happen'd  after  the  birth  of  her  yonngest  daughter  Sibylla. 
He  was,  however,  a  kind  and  indulgent  father,  and  when  his 
daughters  as  they  grew  up  shew'd  a  disgust  to  the  profligacy 
of  Castle  Dunie,  and  preferred  residing  generally  with  the  only 
aunt  they  had  then  living,  Lady  Mackenzie  of  Scatwell,  he 
did  not  resent  their  leaving  him,  but  rather  seem'd  pleas'd  with 
the  delicacy  and  good  principles  which  always  govern'd  their 
conduct.  He  always  regretted  that  the  first  Lady  was  not 
sufficiently  attended  to  in  the  lying-in  which  prov\l  fatal  to 
her.  When  his  daughter,  Lady  Clunie  (who  every  way  much 
resembl'd  her  mother),  was  about  to  lie-in  of  her  first  child, 
he  had  the  precaution  to  send  for  her  to  Castle  Dunie,  that 
she  might  have  the  attendance  of  physicians,  if  required,  more 
commodiously  than  in  that  remote  country.  He  always 
restraint  the  coarseness  of  his  witticisms  in  presence  of  his 
daughters,  whom  he  seeufd  to  regard  not  only  with  tenderness, 
but  a  degree  of  respect. 

Sybilla,  the  youngest,  possess'd  a  high  degree  of  sensibility, 
which  when  strongly  excited  by  the  misfortunes  of  her  family, 
exalted  her  habitual  piety  into  all  the  fervour  of  enthusiasm. 


270  MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS 

When  Lovat  pass'd  thro-1  Badenoch,  where  she  then  was  with 
her  sister,  Lady  Clunie,  she  (Sybilla)  follow,d  him  to  Dal- 
whinny,  and  there  in  the  most  pathetic  manner  implore!  him 
with  floods  of  tears  and  extreme  agony  to  avail  himself  of  the 
impending  stroke  by  withdrawing  his  thoughts  from  all  earthly 
things,  and  making  this  danger  the  happy  means  of  reconciling 
himself  to  his  Saviour. 

Lovat  seenfd  to  consider  all  this  as  womanish  weakness,  and 
endeavour'd  to  reassure  her  spirits  by  talking  lightly  of  the 
danger,  and  setting  his  enemies  in  a  most  ludicrous  point  of 
view,  while  he  ridicuPd  them  with  a  levity  of  mind  almost 
incredible  in  such  circumstances.  Sybilla  departed  almost  in 
despair,  pray'd  night  and  day,  not  for  his  life,  but  for  his  soul ; 
and  when  she  heard  soon  after  that  he  '  died  and  made  no 
sign,''  grief  in  a  short  time  put  an  end  to  her  life. 

The  Brigadier,  as  Lovat's  second  son1  was  calFd  (I  do  not 
remember  his  name),  was,  by  the  Prince's  influence,  recom- 
mended into  the  Portuguese  service,  where  he  staid  some  years. 
But,  being  excessively  attached  to  the  country  where  he  was 
greatly  belov'd,  he  came  home  to  visit  his  friends,  where  he 
became  greatly  attached  to  a  Lady  of  his  own  name,  and 
acquir'd  rather  too  great  a  relish  for  the  convivial  mode  of 
living  and  hospitality  frequently  carried  to  excess,  which  was 
then  too  prevalent  there.  He  could  not  endure  to  go  abroad 
again,  and  had  too  much  honour  to  take  the  oaths  to  Govern- 
ment, which  would  have  in  that  case  employed  him.  With 
much  truth,  honour,  and  humanity,  he  inherited  his  father's 
wit  and  self-possession  with  a  vein  of  keen  satire  which  he 
indulg'd  in  bitter  epigrams  against  the  enemies  of  his  family. 

Some  of  these  I  have  seen,  and  heard  songs  of  his  composing, 
which  shew'd  no  contemptible  powers  of  poetic  genius,  tho1  rude 
and  careless  of  polish.  He  sunk  into  a  habit  of  dissipation, 
and  became  hopeless  and  careless  of  himself,  and  died  belov'd 
and  regretted  by  adherents  of  his  party  about  the  year  '58, 
leaving  his  watch  and  what  little  he  had  to  bequeath  to  the 
Lady  he  was  attach'd  to,  who  is  still  alive  and  unmarried.  The 
last  Lady  Lovat  was  doom'd  like  her  Lord  to  die  in  extreme  old 

1  Alexander,  died  1762,  said  by  Mackenzie,  History  of  the  Frasers,  p.  435,  to 
have  been  for  some  time  in  the  Dutch  service.     Cf.  p.  262,  note  1. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  27"» 

age  a  violent  death.     She  was  poison,d  by  a  very  near  relation 
in  the  100th  year  of  her  age  about  16  or  17  years  since.1 

The  estate  of  Lovat,  there  being  now  no  male  heir  of  his 
line  remaining,  will  go  at  the  death  of  the  present  Lovat  to 
Fraser  of  Breiagh,  a  distant  relation,  who  possesses  considerable 
property  in  Aberdeenshire.'2 

It  would  at  this  distance  of  time  be  as  impossible  as  un- 
profitable to  detail  Lovafs  tricks  and  stratagems,  exerted  in 
his  transactions  with  his  neighbours,  whom  he  invariably  cosen'd 
and  over-reach'd.  Were  Gaelic  wit  and  humour  (of  all  things 
the  most  volatile  and  evanescent)  translatable,  the  good  things 
said  by  or  to  Lovat  would  furnish  a  little  jest-book.  He  indeed 
was  like  Falstaff,  not  only  witty  himself,  but  the  cause  of  wit 
in  other  men,  and  '  all  ranks  did  take  a  pride  to  gird  at  him.1 

Benchar,  who  was  very  intimate  with  James  Macpherson, 
the  translator  of  Ossian  (who  also  wrote  some  historical  tracts), 
used  to  talk  of  a  life  and  character  of  Lovat  which  he  had  seen 
in  manuscript  written  by  that  author. 

By  what  I  remember  of  his  account  of  this  performance, 
Lovat's  life  only  made  part  of  an  intended  larger  work,  which 
I  imagine  was  never  published.  I  heard,  however,  of  its  being 
shown  to  some  of  the  Edinburgh  literati,  who  observed  that  if 
his  character  of  Lovat  was  a  just  one,  his  depravity  exceeded  all 
parallel.  I  imagine  it  was  supprest  in  tenderness  to  his  family. 
I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  that  you  receive  this  safely.  I  ought  to 
have  said  that  the  title  of  the  rival  candidate  for  the  honours 
of  Lovat  in  the  beginning  of  last  century  was  Fraserdale. 

I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  that  this  reaches  you  safely,  and 
much  regret  that  the  indistinctness  of  my  recollection,  and  the 
inaccuracy  of  my  orthography,  will  occasion  you  so  much 
trouble  in  arranging  the  facts  I  send  vou. 

The  want  of  early  education  is  never  to  be  got  over  even  by 
those  whose  powers  of  mind  urge  them  on 

'  To  daring  aims,  irregularly  great ; ' 


1  She  died  23rd  May  1796,  att.  86. — Scots  Magazine. 

-  The  Lovat  estates  when  restored  to  General  Simon  Fraser  were  entailed  by 
him.  The  Frasers  of  Brea  are  not  included  in  that  entail,  and  the  family  which 
Mrs.  Grant  plainly  had  in  view  was  that  of  Strichen,  sprung  from  the  second  son 
of  the  seventh  Lord  Lovat,  who  now  enjoy  both  title  and  estates. 


272  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

far  less  by  a  person  so  prest  down  by  adverse  circumstance, 
and  a  perpetual  crowd  of  occupations  as  Your  obliged  obedt. 
Servant,  Anne  Grant. 


Melville  Place,  Feb.  1st,  1808. 
'Dear  Sir, — I  cannot  pretend  insensibility  to  approbation 
such  as  yours,  but  I  greatly  regret  that  I  was  not  made  sooner 
sensible  of  my  own  importance  as  a  narrator  of  facts,  because  in 
that  case  I  should  have  taken  some  pains  to  correct  my  vicious 
orthography »  which  constant  hurry  and  great  carelessness  have 
confirmed  into  habit.  I  should  likewise  have  distinguished 
periods,  and  left  a  margin  had  I  ever  dreamt  that  I  was  doing 
anything  more  than  furnishing  materials  for  you  to  arrange  in 
their  own  places,  and  digest  into  order  in  your  own  language. 
On  looking  over  these  desultory  pages,  however,  I  find  they 
have  more  the  air  of  a  connected  narrative  than  I  thought.  I 
shall  consequently  do  all  that  can  now  be  done  to  render  it 
more  distinct.  I  would  not  have  you  rely  on  Johnson's  account 
of  anything  relative  to  the  Highlands.  A  pedantic  prejudice 
unworthy  of  his  great  mind,  blinded  him  to  all  the  worth  and 
wisdom  that  could  possibly  exist  among  people  unacquainted 
with  the  dead  languages.  Coarse  as  he  was  himself,  the 
luxuries  and  elegancies  of  life  had  too  great  sway  over  his 
mind,  and  of  self-denial  he  did  not  possess  a  sufficient  share  to 
know  its  value  or  assign  it  the  proper  rank  among  the  manly 
virtues.  Strangers  to  classical  literature,  and  to  modern 
elegance,  were  with  him  decided  savages.  He  did  not  do 
justice  to  his  own  great  powers,  nor  was  he  aware  what  a  noble 
savage  he  would  have  been  himself  tho  he  had  never  seen 
Oxford  nor  had  any  light  but  that  of  the  gospel,  which  shone 
even  on  these  remote  Isles,  where  ladies  knew  not  how  to  make 
a  pudding.  Boswell,  vain,  fantastic,  and  credulous,  often  mis- 
led him  without  intending  it.  The  polity  of  the  clans,  and  the 
wisdom  and  humanity  that  appear1  d  in  many  of  their  customs 
and  regulations,  could  only  be  known  by  a  person  acquainted 
with  the  language  and  residing  among  them.  Tales  of  wonder 
are  always  told  to  strangers,  and  it  is  in  the  fury  of  exasperated 
passions  that  the  wild  and  wonderful  originates.     The  ancient 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  273 

state  of  the  Isles  (where  tales  too  true  were  told  him)  was 
calculated  to  cherish  a  vindictive  and  sanguinary  spirit. 
Before  the  Bruce  and  Baliol  contention,  which  swallow'd  up 
the  regulations,  the  arts,  the  learning,  and  the  very  national 
spirit,  as  well  as  national  records  of  this  ancient  and  com- 
paratively enlightn\l  kingdom,  all  predatory  incursions  came 
from  the  North,  and  spent  their  first  fury  on  these  Islands. 
Even  in  time  of  peace,  they  were  often  attacked  by  Norwegian 
pirates,  so  often  indeed  that  all  their  possessions  were  pre- 
carious. And  many  submitting  to  those  invaders,  while  others 
preserved  their  loyalty.  These  different  parties,  exasperated  to 
savage  severity  at  each  other,  bequeathed  the  most  rancorous 
feuds  to  their  successors.  The  Lord  of  the  Isles,  courted  by 
both  the  kings  of  Norway  and  Scotland,  became  himself  a 
rebel  and  a  pirate,  and  threw  his  force  into  each  scale  by  turns. 
He  even  set  up  for  an  independent  Prince  in  later  times, 
encourag'd  by  those  long  minorities  at  once  bloody  and  feeble, 
which  prevented  Scotland  from  ever  recovering  its  primitive 
importance,  and  by  strengthening  the  hands  of  a  turbulent 
aristocracy,  rendei-'d  the  talents  and  the  virtues  of  her  last 
race  of  Monarchs  of  little  avail  to  themselves  or  their  country. 
This  way  of  telling  you  what  you  already  know  much  better 
than  I  do,  is  not  meant  for  your  information,  but  merely  to 
serve  for  a  basis  to  some  details  and  reflections  I  mean  to 
trouble  you  with  hereafter.  There  is  nothing  in  which  the 
ignorance  of  the  learncl  and  the  folly  of  the  wise  appears  more 
in  than  the  absurd  and  imperfect  accounts  given  of  a  people 
who  are  so  well  worth  knowing  more  of,  were  it  but  for  the 
singularity  of  being  without  any  defhfd  head  or  pretension  to 
independence,  for  so  many  centuries  a  people  by  themselves, 
with  manners,  customs,  and  language  entirely  distinct  from 
those  of  their  rulers.  Can  anything,  for  instance,  be  more  con- 
tradictory than  to  see  the  very  same  writers,  who  at  one  time 
represent  the  clans  as  hordes  of  ferocious  barbarians  who 
blindly  rush'd  on  to  pillage  and  to  slaughter  at  the  bidding  of 
their  chiefs,  without  the  least  moral  sense  to  distinguish  good 
from  evil,  but  merely  actuated  by  passive  obedience  and  love 
of  plunder  ?  To  see  these  writers  immediately  after  record  of 
the  same  people  instances  of  fidelity,  disinterestedness,  and  true 

s 


274  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

magnanimity  that  do  honour  to  human  nature  ?  Is  virtue, '  that 
self-given,  solar  ray  of  pure  delight,"1  a  paroxysm,  or  how  were 
so  many  people  of  all  ranks  at  one  critical  period  affected  with 
this  paroxysm,  who  were  before  strangers  to  native  probity  and 
generous  feeling  ? 

To  return  to  Dr.  Johnson's  anecdote  of  Lovat,  half  of  it  is 
true.  Did  you  not  discover  under  the  decent  terms  which 
I  made  use  of  what  was  the  nature  of  the  crime  perpetrated 
by  Lovat,  of  which  the  Dowager  Lady  Lovat  was  the  object? 
She  was  not  to  this  miscreant  the  object  of  any  passion,  but 
the  most  rancorous  hatred,  being  a  woman  advanced  in  years,1 
and  in  some  degree  defornVd  on  the  shoulders  or  back.  Her 
personal  disadvantages  were  balanc'd  by  worth  and  under- 
standing, and  by  the  high  alliances  she  brought  to  her  family, 
for  the  house  of  Athol  was  greatly  look'd  up  to  in  the  north. 
The  motive  of  this  crime  and  the  public  mode  in  which  it  was 
perpetrated  have  no  parallel  in  the  history  of  mankind,  but 
one  to  which  I  refer  you,  2nd  Samuel  chap.  16th  ver.  22nd.  If 
I  do  add  any  more  particulars  of  Lovat's  shocking  life,  I  think 
they  will  be  best  inserted  as  notes,  not  to  break  the  unity  of 
what  has  been  done.  I  cannot  comprehend  how  Lovat's  letters 
were  dated  at  Beaufort ; 2  I  should  suppose  it  Beaulieu,  for  so 
he  affected  to  style  his  residence,  which  was  a  very  mean  tho1 
defencible  building,  calFd  by  the  country  people  Castle  Dunie. 
The  spot  on  which  it  stood  was  calFd  Lamamonach,  or  the 
place  where  Monks  dwelt,  a  monastery  of  French  Monks, 
calFd  the  Abbey  of  Beaulieu,  having  stood  there.  They  gave 
the  same  name  to  a  beautiful  small  river  which,  descending 
from  Strath  Glas,  pass'd  close  by  this  mansion  and  discharg'd 
itself  into  the  Firth  below  Inverness.  The  Airds  is  perhaps 
only  a  popular  term  by  which  the  district  occupied  by  the 
estates  of  Lovat,  Relick,  Belladrum,  and  other  old  families 
of  the  Frasers,  is  distinguish-^.  It  is  a  beautiful  and  fertile 
spot,  lying  immediately  below  Inverness,  on  the  north  side 
of  Kessock  ferry.  It  is  bounded  on  the  south  by  Inverness, 
on  the  west  by  Strath  Glas,  on  the  north  by  Ross-shire,  and 

1  She  was  only  thirty-four,  and  that  a  marriage  was  actually  gone  through 
seems  beyond  dispute. 

2  Beaufort  near  Beauly. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  275 

on  the  east  bv  the  Firth.  Airds  in  the  Gaelic  means  heights. 
in  contradistinction  to  hills  and  mountains,  and  is  here  applied 
to  a  stretch  of  high  yet  verdant  ground  which  runs  parallel  to 
the  sea  thro1  this  district. 

Of  General  Eraser,  whom  I  remember  and  [whose]  character  I 
well  knew,  I  can  say  little,  that  is,  he  differ1  d  from  his  father  only 
as  a  chain'd-up  fox  does  from  one  at  liberty.  A  slight  veil  of 
decorum  was  thrown  over  the  turpitude  of  his  heart  and  con- 
duct, and  he  was  a  well-bred,  shrew'd,  plausible  man  and  a 
good  enough  soldier.  His  impudence  and  craft  were  not  in- 
ferior to  his  father's,  tho1  less  obvious.  He  was  prosecuted  in 
England  for  seducing,  under  the  most  aggravating  circum- 
stances, the  wife  of  his  friend,  Major  Santlow  from  Boston. 
At  the  remarkable  trial  of  Alexander  Stuart,1  Acharn,  falsely 
accused  of  the  murder  of  Glenure  in  175'',  he  pled  at  the  bar 
(to  which  he  was  educated  after  being  out  in  the  '45)  for  the 
prosecutor,  and  was  wonder'd  at  for  his  assurance  in  alluding 
to  that  circumstance,  saying  thus,  '  On  an  occasion  which  I 
ought  to  blush  to  mention,1  and  then  went  on  with  great  cool- 
ness descanting  upon  the  '  unnatural  rebellion 1  and  the  crimes 
thence  arising.  He  was  too  much  a  man  of  sense  and  of  the 
world  to  forsake  the  straight  path  openly,  yet  no  heart  was 
ever  harder  or  no  hand  more  rapacious  than  his.  One  instance 
shall  suffice.  When  the  General's  estate  was  restore!  to  him 
the  whole  country  broke  loose  into  the  most  rapturous  joy  at 
having  once  more  a  head  to  the  Clan.  Songs  and  bonfires 
were  made  over  all  the  Aird  and  Stratheric,  and  he  returnM 
home  from  his  foreign  campaigns  like  a  belov'd  Prince  to  his 
faithful  subjects.  All  this  I  saw  and  heard,  being  then  the  "74 
or  thereabouts.  In  the  "76  he  rais'd  a  2d  battalion  to  his 
Regt.  to  go  out  to  America.  There  was  very  little  time  for 
this,  and  to  fill  up  this  Corps  suddenly  he  promis1d  high 
bounties,  which  were  to  be  paid  when  they  reach'd  head- 
quarters at  Glasgow,  and  solemnly  assure!  many  that  they 
should  be  dismiss1d  after  standing  the  review.  The  wretch'd 
creatures  were  all  cheated  and  deceived,  and  from  their  want 


1  The  reference  is  obviously  to  James  Stewart  (Seumas-a-Glinne),  whose  misfor- 
tunes form  the  basis  of  Mr.  R.  L.  Stevenson's  Kidnapped  and  its  sequel  Catriona. 


276  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

of  letters  and  the  English  language  could  obtain  no  redress. 
These  poor  people  were  followed  by  numbers  of  wretched 
women,  who,  barefoot  and  half  cloth'd,  were  invoking  the 
divine  vengeance  on  their  perjurd  chief.  Mrs.  Donaldson, 
daughter  to  Colonel  Gordon  Graham,  and  married  to  Major 
Donaldson  of  the  42d,  was  then  with  her  husband  at  Glasgow. 
General  F.  gave  a  public  dinner  to  the  42d  and  their  ladies 
in  return  for  one  he  had  received  from  them.  He  calFd  on 
Mrs.  Donaldson,  and  with  great  politeness  escorted  her  to 
the  Inn  where  they  din'd.  She  assur'd  me  she  had  very  near 
fainted  by  the  way,  and  was  indisposM  for  days  after,  and  I 
have  not  known  a  firmer-minded  woman,  but  thus  it  was. 
She  understood  the  Gaelic  language — a  circumstance  of  which 
the  General  was  not  aware.  While  she  leant  on  his  arm  as 
they  proceeded  along  they  were  follow,d  by  the  wretch  M  wives 
and  mothers  of  these  men  whom  he  had  betray'd  into  the 
service  and  cheated  of  their  bounty.  These,  perishing  with 
hunger  and  cold,  pourM  forth  'Curses  both  loud  and  deep"'  in 
their  native  tongue  with  all  the  emphasis  of  rage  and  anguish, 
praying  that  he  would  never  see  heaven,  etc.  All  this  he 
heard  with  an  unmov'd  countenance,  thinking  she  did  not 
understand  it,  and  talk'd  to  her  the  whole  time  in  the  gallant 
and  disenga'd  manner.  Meanwhile  the  clothing  of  his  Regt. 
was  so  poor  in  quality  and  so  scrimp  in  make  that  the  poor 
men  were  starving.  Now  this  man  was  suddenly  enriclfd, 
was  old,  and  had  no  family  ;  moreover,  he  despis'd  his  heir, 
the  present  Lovat,  and  had  he  treated  his  people  with  common 
justice  they  would  adore  him.  Yet  I  speak  much  within  the 
truth.  I  would  not  wish  to  be  known  to  say  this  on  account 
of  his  widow,1  to  whom  I  was  obligVl  for  civilities  when  last  in 
London,  as  well  as  to  the  Lyttleton  family.  Lady  Lyttleton 
is  her  sister.  I  will  endeavour  to  recollect  dates  by  circum- 
stances, but  the  persons  to  whom  I  was  most  indebted  for 
intelligence  dated  one  thing  by  another,  and  never  mentioned 
the  year  of  the  Lord.  Immediately  after  the  poem  of  the  'High- 
landers1 2  you  will  find  one  calPd  'A  Ballad  founded  on  fact.1 
« 

1  He  died  1782,  having  married  Catherine,  second  daughter  of  John  Bristowe 
of  Quiddenham  Hall,  Norfolk. 

2  Vide  Introduction. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  277 

This  fact  is  the  burning  Clunie's  Castle,  and  in  the  notes  at 
the  end  vou  will  find  a  sketch  of  that  transaction,  to  which  I 
will,  if  vou  wish  it,  add  many  curious  particulars.  Lovat  was 
eio-hty  years  old  when  he  suffered.  In  the  succession  of  this 
family  it  has  pleas'd  providence  to 

'  Change  nature's  law  and  curse  his  race  with  fools/ 

but  these  are  now  extinct,  and  the  estate  goes  to  a  distant 
branch.  I  am  in  haste  after  all  this  prolixity,  Dr.  Sir,  yours 
respectfully,  Axxe  Graxt. 

I  have  sent  to  Dr.  Gleg,  and  write  to  Inverness  tonight  for 
the  pamphlet  of  the  Tower  transactions.  I  shall  observe  your 
directions  punctually. 

Lochiel  will  be  soon  forth  coming,  but  I  must  not  be  heard 
of  as  an  anecdote-monger  on  this  occasion. 


Melville  Place,  Febry.  3d,  1808. 

Dear  Sir, — How  shall  I  excuse  myself  for  breaking  thro'1 
both  your  injunctions  and  my  own  resolutions  with  regard  to 
the  accuracy  and  distinctness  necessary  to  make  what  I  say 
intelligible  ?  You  would  pity  me  if  you  knew  how  extremely 
nervous  the  occurrences  of  the  last  year  have  render'd  me. 
A  large  family  in  a  small  house  create  so  many  interruptions 
that  it  is  impossible  to  write  with  composure.  When  I  saw 
you  I  hop'd  to  have  been  able  to  spend  two  or  three  weeks 
at  Jordanhill,  where  I  could  have  my  mornings  to  myself  and 
perform  the  little  task  you  set  me  in  quiet.  The  rambling 
anecdotes  I  send  you  are  merely  for  your  own  amusement,  and 
to  help  vou  to  form  some  judgment  of  the  highland  character. 
If  any  part  of  them  illustrates  your  subject,  you  are  heartily 
welcome  to  use  it.  But  I  should  think  them  too  detach'd 
for  your  purpose. 

You  see  I  have  proceeded  but  a  short  wray  in  my  account 
of  that  admirable  character  Lochiel,  to  which,  bv-the-bye, 
I  think  that  of  Sir  Evan  Du  no  improper  prelude.  Do  not 
think    I  have  been  embellishing  his  daughters.     Were  I  not 


278  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

afraid  of  appearing  fabulous,  I    could  tell   you   many  more 
singular  particulars  about  tbem. 

The  present  Fassfern,1  whom  I  knew  very  well,  is  nephew 
to  Donald  of  Lochiel,  and  knows  all  that  can  be  known  of 
his  own  family.  But  then  he  communicated  many  interesting 
particulars  to  John  Hume,2  and  was,  I  believe,  very  much 
displeas'd  at  the  manner  in  which  that  writer  garbl'd  the 
intelligence  entrusted  to  him.  I  doubt,  under  these  circum- 
stances, whether  he  (Fassfern)  would  have  comprehension  or 
liberality  enough  to  answer  more  inquiries  on  the  same  sub- 
ject, at  least  in  writing. 

Many  years  ago,  when  I  liv"d  at  Ft.  Augustus,  I  had  a 
friend  whose  brother,  in  consequence  of  my  intimacy  with 
her,  was  very  well  known  to  me.  He  had  had  a  classical 
education,  a  great  thirst  of  knowledge,  and  a  violent  en- 
thusiasm for  highland  poetry,  music  and  antiquities.  Of  the 
Rebellion  few  of  our  contemporaries  knew  so  much.  His  father 
was  out  with  the  Prince,  and  his  uncle,  Macpherson  of 
Fleigherty,  march'd  a  company  with  him  to  Derby. 

This  person  was  also  a  great  collector  of  scarce  papers  relat- 
ing to  the  events  of  former  times,  and  I  am  much  of  opinion 
had  once  in  his  possession  a  manuscript  memoir  of  Sir  Evan 
of  Lochiel,3  which  exists  somewhere  among  his  descendants. 

This  gentleman  married  and  settl'd  in  the  country.  But 
his  affairs  being  embarrass'd,  about  ten  years  since  he  set  about 
to  amuse  his  melancholy  by  publishing  an  old  manuscript 
history  in  his  possession,  of  Sir  Eneas  Macpherson,4  the  hero 
of  his  clan,  but  relinquish-^  the  design,  justly  fearing  the 
subject  would  not  have  sufficiently  general  interest.  He  then 
went  into  the  army,  and  has  been  long  a  Capt.  in  the  22d, 
and  Brigade  Major.  When  I  was  in  London  last,  he  came 
up  from  Colchester  and  saw  me  very  frequently. 

1  Ewen  Cameron,  created  a  baronet  in  1815  in  recognition  of  the  conspicuous 
gallantry  of  his  son,  the  well-known  Colonel  John  Cameron  of  the  92nd  High- 
landers, who  fell  at  Quatre  Bras. 

2  John  Home,  author  of  Douglas  and  The  History  of  the  Rebellion  in  1745. 

3  Probably  that  published  by  the  Abbotsford  Club  in  1842,  cf.  Preface,  p.  xliii. 

4  /Eneas,  second  son  of  William  Macpherson  of  Invereshie,  '  a  learned  advocate 
and  antiquary  of  the  reign  of  Charles  11.,  who  received  the  honour  of  knighthood,' 
and  the  author  of  a  history  of  his  clan  still  extant  in  MS. , penes  Cluny  Macpherson. 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  279 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  hear  since  that  he  has  distinguished 
himself  at  Copenhagen,  and  reapM  some  solid  advantages  in 
consequence. 

Now  this  Major  Macpherson  is  the  person  of  all  others  of 
whom  I  could  best  depend  on  for  ability  and  inclination  to 
furnish  me  with  anecdotes  regularly  dated  in  chronological 
order.  I  do  not  spare  my  own  pains,  they  will  be  mere  dry 
facts,  and  if  you  prefer  my  mode  of  narrating  them,  I  will 
with  great  pleasure  arrange  them  for  you. 

I  should  scarce  have  time  to  hear  from  him  here,  being  to 
set  out  for  London  in  a  fortnight,  but  if  you  are  satisfied 
with  my  account  as  I  can  give  it  (for  I  really  have  no  regular 
dates)  I  will  transmit  all  I  know  immediately.  If,  on  the 
contrary,  you  prefer  the  more  accurate  and  circumstantial 
detail,  which  I  may  be  able  to  give  with  the  Major's  assis- 
tance, and  perhaps  write  more  legibly  amid  the  leisure  and 
repose,  which  I  hope  for  at  Sunbury,  tell  me,  and  I  shall 
so  arrange  it,  but  let  me  know  immediately. 

My  authorities  for  the  facts  I  have  given  and  mean  to  give 
you,  are  very  good  ones.  I  knew  well  two  granddaughters 
of  Lochiers,  sisters  of  the  late  Clunie,  who  were  our  next 
neighbours  at  Laggan.  I  was  very  intimate,  too,  with  Miss 
Margaret,  daughter  to  the  unfortunate  Dr.  Cameron,  LochieFs 
brother.  A  ladv  so  distinguish'd  for  the  homeliness  of  her 
person  and  the  superior  qualities  of  her  mind,  that  I  am 
sure  Mrs.  Stuart  must  have  known  or  heard  of  her.  My 
mother,  too,  remembers  much  of  the  Lochiels,  whose  memory 
she  adores.  I  retain  Lovat  to  make  a  correction  of  impor- 
tance. Sir  Robert  gave  him  the  pension,  but  it  was  Godolphin 
who  examined  him  in  the  year  nine,  when  he  was  taken 
coming  from  France.  It  was  for  Killicrankie  and  not  for 
Panmure1  that  he  rais'd  his  troops.  At  this  latter  period  the 
noose  was  about  his  neck,  and  he  made  a  merit  of  forbearance. 
On  this  he  got  the  pension.  Macpherson  of  Benchar,  who 
knew  the  whole  race,  was  my  particular  acquaintance.  When 
Lovafs  daughter  was  married  to  Clunie,  a  young  woman  came 
home  as  a  humble  companion  witli  her  from  Castle  Dunie, 
who,  being  uncommonlv  sensible  and  well  principPd,  was 
always    retain'd    in    the   family,    and    was    so    useful    by   her 

1  Lord  Panmure  was  '  out'  in  the  '15. 


280  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

fidelity  and  ingenuity  during  the  nine  years  which  Clunie 
lay  conceaPd  in  the  country,  that  the  family  ever  after  had 
the  highest  value  for  her,  and  treated  her  more  like  a  relation 
than  a  dependant.  This  person  went  to  France  afterwards 
with  this  unfortunate  family,  and  return,d  with  Mrs.  Mac- 
pherson  after  Clunie's  death.  When  the  estate  was  restore], 
Clunie  built  a  house  for  her  and  settled  a  pension  on  her. 
She  was  a  very  distinct,  intelligent  person,  and  from  her  I 
heard  more  of  the  fate  of  the  exiles  in  France,  as  well  as  of 
the  Lovat  family,  than  from  any  one,  except,  indeed,  my 
mother-in-law,  who  was  nearly  related  to  Lady  Lovat,  and 
saw  her  often  after  her  marriage. 

I  shall  endeavour  to  enclose  the  account  I  received  from  Miss 
Colquhoun  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Marquis  of  Tullibardine 
was  betray'd  by  Drumakiln. — I  am,  dear  Sir,  With  sincere 
good  wishes  towards  all  your  family,  Your  faithful,  humble 
servant,  Anne  Grant. 

I  write  so  rapidly  that  I  run  my  periods  together  un- 
consciously. I  shall  send  you  memoirs  of  the  Brigadier,  the 
only  honest  man  of  the  family,  with  those  of  his  father. 

Memoir  relative  to  the  Marquis  of  Tullibardine 

About  three  weeks  after  the  battle  of  Culloden,  the  Marquis 
of  Tullibardine1  came  across  the  moors  and  mountains,  thro 
Stratheric  and  Lochaber,  in  search  of  a  place  of  safety  and 
repose,  he  being  a  very  infirm  old  man,  and  so  unfit  for  travel- 
ling on  horseback,  that  he  had  a  saddle  made  on  purpose  some- 
what like  a  chair,  in  which  he  rode  in  the  manner  ladies 
usually  do. 

When  he  came  down  towards  Loch  Lomond,  he  was  quite 
worn  out,  and  recollecting  that  a  daughter  of  the  family  of 
Polmaise  (who  were  connected  with  his  own)  was  married  to 
Buchanan  of  Drumakiln,2  who  liv'd  in  a  detach'd  peninsula 

1  The  eldest  son  of  the  first  Duke  of  Atholl.  He  had  been  attainted  for  his 
share  in  the  '15,  and  the  estates  and  titles  were  settled  by  Act  of  Parliament  on 
the  next  heir. 

2  /',£.  to  the  eldest  son  of  the  old  laird. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  ~\$& £>■    '* 

(I)  ii  l  a  1 1  u 

running  out  into  the  Lake,  thought  on  these  accounts  xn&t 

this  place  might  be  suitable  for  a  temporary  refuge. 

He  was  attended  by  his  French  secretary,  two  servants  of 
that  nation,  and  two  or  three  highlanders  who  had  guided  him 
thro'  the  solitary  passes  of  the  mountains.  Against  the  judg- 
ment of  these  faithful  attendants,  he  bent  his  course  to  the 
Ross,  for  so  the  house  of  Drumakiln  is  called.  I  should  have 
mention'd  that  the  old  Laird  of  Drumakiln  was  still  alive  and 
in  the  house  with  his  son.  The  Marquis,  after  alighting, 
begged  to  have  a  private  interview  with  his  cousin.  He  told 
him  he  was  come  to  put  his  life  into  her  hands,  and  what  in 
some  sense  he  valued  more  than  life,  a  small  casket,  which  he 
delivered  to  her,  entreating,  whatever  became  of  him,  that  she 
would  keep  that  carefully,  till  demanded  in  his  name,  it  con- 
taining papers  of  consequence  to  the  honour  and  safety  of 
many  other  persons.  In  the  meantime,  the  younger  Drumakiln 
rudely  broke  in  upon  them,  and,  snatching  the  casket  from  her 
hand,  said  he  would  secure  it  in  a  careful  place,  and  went  out. 
This  casket  was  never  more  seen.  It  was  suppos'd  to  contain 
family  jewels. 

Meantime  the  French  secretary  and  the  servants  were  (they 
arrived  in  the  evening)  watchful  and  alarafd,  seeing  the  father 
and  son  walking  in  earnest  consultation,  and  observing  horses 
saddFd  and  despatched  with  an  air  of  mystery,  and  every  one 
seeming  to  regard  them  with  compassion.  All  this  time  the 
Marquis  was  treated  with  seeming  kindness.  While  he 
partook  of  some  refreshment,  some  of  the  children  running  in, 
cried  out,  '  Mamma,  we  never  saw  such  odd  men  as  the 
Marquis's."'  'How  are  they  so  odd?'  answer  d  the  mother. 
'  They  are  all  greeting  and  roaring  like  women.1  This  in- 
cident, the  lady  (who  was  a  person  of  mean  capacity)  after- 
wards told  her  neighbours  as  a  strange  instance  of  effeminacy 
in  these  faithful  adherents. 

At  night  the  secretary  went  secretly  to  his  master's  bed-side, 
and  assur'd  him  there  was  treachery.  He  answer'd  he  could 
believe  no  gentleman  capable  of  such  baseness,  and  at  any  rate, 
was  incapable  of  escaping  thro''  such  defiles  as  those  they  had 
pass'd.  Told  him  in  that  case  it  would  only  aggravate  his 
sorrow  to  see  him  also  betrayed,  and  advis"d  him  to  go  off  im- 
mediately, which  he  did. 


282  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

Early  in  the  morning  a  party  from  Dumbarton,  summorTd 
for  that  purpose,  arrived  to  carry  the  Marquis  away  prisoner, 
who  bore  his  fate  with  calm  magnanimity.  The  fine  horses  he 
brought  with  him  were  detain'd,  and  he  and  one  attendant 
who  remainM  were  mounted  on  sorry  horses  belonging  to 
Drumakiln.  The  officer  who  commanded  the  party  taunted 
that  gentleman  in  the  bitterest  manner,  and  the  commander  of 
Dumbarton  Castle  treated  his  noble  prisoner  with  the  utmost 
respect  and  compassion,  but  regarded  Drumakiln  with  the 
coldest  disdain. 

Very  soon  after  young  D —  mounted  the  Marquis's  fine 
horse  (his  servant  riding  another  which  had  belong'd  to  that 
nobleman)  and  set  out  on  a  visit  to  his  father-in-law, 
Polmaise. 

When  he  alighted  he  gave  his  horse  to  the  groom,  who, 
knowing  the  Marquis  well,  instantly  recognis'd  him.  '  Come 
in,  poor  beast,'  said  he,  '  times  are  changed  with  you  since  you 
carried  a  noble  and  worthy  Marquis,  but  you  shall  always  be 
welcome  here  for  his  sake.1  D —  ran  in  to  his  father-in-law, 
complaining  that  his  servants  insulted  him.  Polmaise  made  no 
answer,  but  turning  on  his  heel,  rung  for  his  servant  to  bring 
out  that  gentleman's  horses. 

After  this,  and  several  similar  rebuffs,  the  father  and  son 
began  to  shrink  from  the  infamy  attach'd  to  this  proceeding. 
There  was  at  that  time  only  one  newspaper  published  at  Edin- 
burgh, conducted  by  the  well-known  Ruddiman.1  To  this 
person  the  elder  Drumakiln  address'd  a  letter  or  paragraph  to 
be  inserted  in  the  newspaper,  bearing  that  on  such  a  day  the 
Marquis  of  Tullibardine  surrender^  to  him  at  his  house. 
This  was  regularly  dated  at  Ross. 

Very  soon  after  the  father  and  son  went  together  to  Edr., 
and  waiting  on  the  person  appointed  to  make  payments  of 
this  nature,  demanded  the  reward. 

It  should  have  been  before  observed,  that  Government  were 


1   The  Caledonian  Mercury.     In  the  issue  of  April  29,    1746  the  following 
paragraph  appears  :  '  By  a  letter  in  Town  from  the  West,  there  is  advice  that  the 

Marquis  of  Tullibardine  with  five  others,  and Mitchell  the  young  Pretender's 

governor  had  surrendered  themselves  and  were  confined  in  Dumbarton  Castle. 
That  the  Marquis  was  in  a  very  bad  state  of  health,  and  it  was  thought  could 
not  live  many  days.' 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  283 

by  this  time  not  at  all  desirous  to  apprehend  the  Marquis, 
tho'  his  name  was  in  the  first  heat  inserted  in  the  proclamation. 

His  capture,  indeed,  greatly  embarrass1  d  them,  as  it  would 
appear  cruel  to  punish,  and  partial  to  pardon  him.  To  return. 
The  official  person  desir'd  them  to  return  the  next  day  for  the 
money.  Meanwhile  he  sent  privately  for  Ruddiman,  and 
examin'd  him  with  regard  to  the  paragraph  already  mentioned. 

He  found  it  on  his  file,  in  the  old  Laird's  handwriting,  and 
deliver'd  it  to  the  commissioner.  Next  day  the  Lairds  were 
punctual  to  the  assignation.  The  commissioner  deliver'd  the 
paragraph  in  his  own  handwriting  folded  up  to  the  elder  cul- 
prit, saying,  '  There  is  an  order  on  the  treasury  which  ought 
to  satisfy  you,"1  and  turnM  away  from  him  with  mark'd  con- 
tempt. Soon  after  the  younger  Laird  was  found  dead  in  his 
bed,  to  which  he  had  retir'd  in  usual  health.  Of  five  children 
whom  he  left,  it  would  shock  humanity  to  relate  the  wretched 
lives  and  singular  and  untimely  deaths.  Of  them,  indeed,  it 
might  be  said — 

'  On  all  the  line  a  sudden  vengeance  waits, 
And  frequent  hearses  shall  besiege  their  gates. 

And  they  were  literally  consider 'd  by  all  the  neighbourhood 
as  caitiffs 

( Whose  breasts  the  furies  steel'd 
And  curst  with  hearts  unknowing  how  to  yield.' — Pope. 

The  blasting  influence  of  more  than  dramatic  justice  or  of 
corroding  infamy  seenfd  to  reach  every  branch  of  this  devoted 
family.  After  the  extinction  of  the  direct  male  heirs,  a  brother, 
who  was  a  Capt.  in  the  army,  came  home  to  take  possession 
of  the  estate.  He  was  a  person  well  respected  in  life,  and 
possess'd  some  talent,  and  much  amenity  of  manners.  The 
country  gentlemen,  however,  shunn'd  and  dislik'd  him  on 
account  of  the  existing  prejudice.  Anything  may  be  endure! 
but  contempt.  This  person,  thus  shunn'd  and  slighted,  seem'd 
to  grow  desperate,  and  plung'd  into  the  lowest  and  most 
abandon'd  profligacy.  It  is  needless  to  enter  into  a  detail  of 
crimes  which  are  hastening  to  desir'd  oblivion.  It  is  enough 
to  observe  that  the  signal  miseries  of  this  family  have  done 
more  to  impress  the  people  of  that  district  with  a  horror  at 


284  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

treachery  and  a  sense  of  retributive  justice  than  volumes  of 
the  most  eloquent  instruction  could  effect.  On  the  dark  ques- 
tion relative  to  temporal  judgments,  it  becomes  us  not  to 
decide,  yet  it  is  of  some  consequence  in  a  moral  view  to  remark 
how  much  all  generous  emulation,  all  hope  of  future  excellence, 
is  quenclfd  in  the  human  mind  by  the  dreadful  blot  of  imputed 
infamy.  It  is  not  mere  wisdom  or  philosophy,  or  anything 
less  than  the  most  exalted  consolations  of  Christianity  that 
can  support  the  mind  in  such  a  state. 

The  last  wretched  Drumakiln,  whose  death  too  much 
resembl'd  his  life,  left  a  daughter  on  whom,  having  first 
legitimated  her,  he  settled  his  estate.  She  is  married  to 
Hector  M'Donald,  Esqr.,  of  Boisdale.  She  labours  with  much 
success  to  redeem  the  character  of  the  family. 


Melville  Place,  Febry.  11th,  1808. 

Dear  Sir, — The  high  praises  with  which  you  grace  efforts 
so  broken  and  imperfect  as  mine,  if  not  merited,  are  at  least 
encouraging,  and  have  produc'd  a  discovery  entirely  new  to 
me.  Like  Moliere's  Bourgeois  Gentillhome  who  had  made 
prose  all  his  life  without  knowing  it,  it  appears  that  I  have 
been  as  unconsciously  philosophising,  for  I  never  suspected 
that  the  depth  of  my  reflections  entitFd  them  to  be  accounted 
Philosophical. 

However  inadequate  any  feeble  aid  of  mine  may  be  to  that 
purpose,  I  rejoice  to  think  you  are  about  to  open  a  rich  mine 
of  materials  for  elucidating  our  views  of  human  nature  that 
has  been  too  long  trod  underfoot  with  stupid  negligence, 
while  we  have  been  compassing  sea  and  land  to  bring  from 
Africa  and  Otaheite,  pictures  of  man  degraded  by  tyranny 
and  gross  ignorance,  or  debas'd  by  voluptuous  sensuality. 

Lions,  unluckily,  are  no  painters,  and  Highlanders  are  no 
philosophers,  at  least  the  peculiarities  in  the  manners  and 
traditions  of  their  own  country  have  always  appear'd  too 
familiar  to  themselves  to  excite  much  wonder  or  reflection. 
And  it  has  not  occurred  to  them  how  much  amusement  and 
instruction    others  might  derive   from   the  contemplation    of 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  285 

a  state  representing  man  unpolished  and  unlearned,  yet  cour- 
teous, humane,  and  in  full  possession  of  his  native  energies. 

I  am  so  delighted  with  the  prospect  of  seeing  this  desidera- 
tum rescued  from  oblivion  that  I  too  long  delay  the  informa- 
tion which  it  is  the  intention  of  this  letter  to  communicate. 

Dr.  Macpherson's  treatise  on  highland  antiquities  is  accounted 
a  valuable  work.1  It  was  publish* d  previously  to  the  translation 
of  Ossian,  and  much  approved  by  the  Edr.  Literati.  He 
brought  to  the  [task]  great  literary  integrity,  strong  powers 
of  mind,  sound  and  extensive  learning,  and  the  most  extensive 
knowledge  of  his  subject.  Highland  antiquities  were  his 
darling  pursuit,  and  the  solace  of  a  life  spent  in  solitude 
and  study  after  the  early  death  of  a  belov'd  wife.  No 
character,  no  authority  stands  higher  than  his.  I  should 
have  told  you  that  he  was  minister  of  Slate  in  the  Isle  of 
Sky,  and  father  to  Sir  John  Macpherson,  a  learned,  worthy, 
and  amiable  man,  once  governor  of  our  Indian  possessions 
after  the  return  of  Hastings.2  His  other  son  is  now  minister 
of  Slate ;  he,  too,  is  a  learned  man,  has  an  unequal'd  memory 
and  a  rich  fund  of  anecdote,  but  being  wealthy,  proud  and 
indolent,  he  turns  his  time  and  talents  to  no  account,  but 
lives  always  surrounded  by  buffoons  and  parasites  who  are 
by  turns  the  objects  of  his  satirical  wit  and  indiscriminate 
bounty  and  hospitality.  Yet  this  lounger  is,  from  that  very 
circumstance,  possessed  of  materials  that  would  be  valuable  in 
other  hands.  Traditionary  remnants  of  the  wit  and  wisdom, 
the  wars  and  policy  of  their  ancestors  making  up  great  part 
of  these  people's  conversations,  if  I  saw  him  I  could  draw  much 
out  of  him,  but  he  is  far  too  lazy  to  write. 

He  is,  however,  in  possession  of  a  treasure  that  will  perish 
with  him  if  not  soon  rescued  from  his  hands.  He  has  a  great 
quantity  of  papers  by  him,  the  materials  of  a  great  work  which 
his  father  had  in  contemplation  on  his  favourite  subject. 

Sir  John  had  a  kindness  for  a  good  old  man  who  had  been 
domestic  tutor  to  him  and  his  brother,  and  who,  being  very 


1  Dissertations  on  thi  Ancient  Caledonians,  etc.,  by  the  Rev.  John  Macpherson, 
D.D. 

2  For  an  account  of  his  somewhat  remarkable  career,  vide  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography. 


286  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

unfortunate  in  life,  officiated  latterly  as  schoolmaster  at 
Laoo-an.  He  was  very  much  about  us.  At  length  Sir  John, 
fearing  he  might  want  some  comforts  which  his  advanc'd  age 
requir'd,  wrote  to  him  to  go  to  Slate  and  spend  the  rest  of  his 
days  in  his  brother's  family,  where  he  (Sir  John)  had  a  good 
right  to  make  a  guest  welcome.  Knowing  the  independent 
spirit  of  our  old  friend,  Sir  John  contriv,d  on  this  occasion  to 
make  himself  the  oblig'd  person,  requesting  that  Mr.  Evan 
Macpherson  would  employ  his  time  in  revising  and  arranging 
the  manuscripts  left  by  the  deceas'd  Dr.  Macpherson,  a  task 
which  he  (Sir  John)  had  often  in  vain  solicited  Martin  (his 
brother)  to  perform. 

Mr.  Evan,  who  was  very  well  fitted  for  this  employment,  set 
out  with  a  determination  to  engage  in  it  immediately  on  his 
arrival.  To  his  great  grief,  he  saw  his  friend's  manuscripts 
lying  in  a  closed  up  lumber  room  below  old  chests,  etc. 

Martin,  highly  piqued  at  seeing  this  task  transferred  to  our 
friend,  would  not  suffer  him  to  touch  them,  and  there  they  lie  to 
this  hour  I  am  persuaded.  Mr.  Evan,  disliking  the  society  with 
which  his  old  pupil  was  surrounded,  returned,  as  he  express'd 
it,  to  die  near  us,  which  happen"d  a  year  after,  in  101,  and 
much  Genuine  worth  and  valuable  knowledge  died  with  him. 

I  shall  very  likelv  meet  Sir  John  in  London.  My  distress 
and  hurry  prevented  it  last  year  when  he  was  ask'd  to  his 
friend,  Sir  Walter  Farquhar's,1  to  meet  me  at  dinner,  but  I 
could  not  come.  I  know  both  brothers  very  well ;  a  sister  of 
Sir  John's  having  been  married  to  a  brother  of  Major  Mac- 
pherson s  whom  I  formerly  mentioned.  If  you  would  write  me 
a  letter  saving  vou  had  been  inform'd  that  some  manuscripts 
relative  to  a  subject  you  wish'd  to  illustrate  remain  in  posses- 
sion of  Dr.  Macpherson's  family,  and  that  you  are  sure  a 
liberal  and  enlightened  person,  such  as  Sir  John  is  well  known 
to  be,  will  not,  on  a  proper  representation,  withhold  them  from 
such  a  purpose,  etc.,  etc. 

Now  if  you  will  send  a  letter  of  this  nature  addressed  to  me 
at  Mr.  HalFs,  Edr.,  where  I  propose  being  next  week,  I  shall, 

1  Son  of  the  Rev.  Robert  Farquhar,  minister  of  Chapel  of  Garioch  in  Aberdeen- 
shire, and  an  eminent  London  physician. 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  287 

by  shewing  or  sending  it  to  Sir  John,  induce  him,  I  doubt  not, 
to  lay  his  commands  on  Martin  to  give  up  the  manuscripts  for 
your  use.  I  know  he  would  willingly  oblige  me  from  a  circum- 
stance which  occurred  when  I  was  last  in  London.  James  Mac- 
phersons  Introduction  to  the  history  of  Great  Britain  contains 
materials  suited  to  your  purpose,  well  arranged  and  express'd. 
A  petulant  and  flimsy  book x  (wrote  as  a  refutation  of  many  of 
Johnson's  assertions  in  his  tour)  by  Macnicoll,  the  minister  of 
Lesmore,  contains  nevertheless  many  amusing  and  well 
authenticated  anecdotes.  I  forget  its  title,  but  every  gentle- 
man in  Argyleshire  has  a  copy  of  it. 

One  Alexander  Campbell,2  from  Rannoch,  has  lately  publish^ 
a  poem,  to  which  he  gives  the  title  of  'The  Grampians  left 
desolate,1  which  I  suppose  has  no  extraordinary  merit,  but  the 
notes  on  which,  I  am  told,  are  replete  with  such  traditional 
intelligence  as  you  wish  for.  There  are  manuscript  histories  of 
families  which  at  any  [rate]  contain  some  dry  facts  worth 
knowing  :  Clanranakfs,3  for  instance.  Mr.  Henry  Mackenzie  4 
could  procure  you  the  archives  of  the  Grant  family.  The 
Montrose  papers  too  might  be  useful.  An  introductory  essay 
such  as  you  mention  would  doubtless  add  great  interest  to  your 
subject.  I  mistook  if  I  spoke  of  being  6  weeks  in  England.  I 
fear  I  must  be  there  till  August,  but  will  from  thence  gladly 
communicate  all  I  know,  having  the  command  of  office  franks. 

I  have  a  correction  and  an  addition  to  make  with  regard  to 
LocliiePs  daughters.  There  was  not  of  that  set  married  to 
Auchalder,  but  there  were  two  married  in  this  country,  one  to 
Wright  of  Loss,  the  other  to  Macgregor  of  Bohawdie.5  Adieu, 
dear  Sir.  I  shall  write  once  more  from  Edr.  with  some 
anecdotes,  and  am  in  the  meantime,  Yours,  etc.,  etc. 

Axxe  Grant. 

Lord  Selkirk,  as  you  well  know,  has  written  a  book  on 
emigration,    and    that    with     much     candour    and    apparent 

1  Remarks  on  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson's  Journey  to  the  Hebrides,  by  the  Rev. 
Donald  MacXicol.  -  Born  at  Tonbea  1764,  died  1824. 

3  i.e.  The  Black  and  Red  Books  of  Clanranald,  now  published  in  Reliqnice 
Celtiac,  vol.  ii. 

4  The  Man  of  Feeling.  He  married  Penuel,  daughter  of  Sir  Ludovick  Grant 
of  Grant.  5  Cf.  p.  321  note. 


288  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

benevolence,  in  which  he  draws  from  false  premises  very  true 
and  just  conclusions.  In  the  appendix  of  this  book  you  will 
find  some  information  which  I  know  to  be  authentic. 

Thoughts *  on  the  attachment  of  the  clans  to  their  chiefs — 
On  filial  piety — On  enthusiasm — On  the  superstitions  of  the 
highlands,  their  origin  and  effect,  illustrated  by  authentic 
anecdotes — On  the  consequences  of  certain  immortalities  as 
the  system  of  life  was  affected  by  them — On  the  obscure  and 
mystical,  yet  fervid  and  exalted  ideas  of  the  Deity  and  the 
worship  He  requires  which  pervaded  the  minds  of  highlanders 
of  every  rank. 

Highland  villains  trembling  at  futurity  like  Shakspear's — 
Morality  founded  on  sentiment,  assuming  by  degrees  a  sys- 
tematic form  in  a  country  undisturbed  by  conquest  or  foreign 
wars,  where  the  essentials  of  Christianity  had  their  due  in- 
fluence, and  where  certain  lessons  of  practical  piety  were 
delivered  from  father  to  son  with  increas'd  effect  thro''  succes- 
sive ages — Peculiar  effects  produced  on  the  imagination  and  the 
heart  by  cherishing  with  unusual  care  the  memory  of  the  de- 
parted, dwelling  on  their  sayings  and  actions,  and  mixing  them 
as  it  were  with  their  surviving  friends  in  an  inexplicable  manner. 

Lastly,  on  the  utter  impossibility  of  preserving  in  any  other 
situation  the  spirit  and  character  of  a  people  so  localiz'd,  and 
bound  by  so  many  ties  of  fancy,  memory,  affection,  and  tradi- 
tion to  the  strong  featurcl  land  of  their  nativity. 

Debas'd  by  an  innate  sense  of  degradation  when  driven  to 
mingle  with  the  mob  of  other  countries  with  whom  they  have 
nothing  in  common.  This  spirit,  if  at  all  preserv'd  beyond 
the  limits  of  their  native  mountains,  is  chiefly  found  to  exist 
in  a  body  of  highlanders  devoted  to  arms,  who,  having  no 
new  abode  or  acqund  localities  to  efface  those  so  long  endeared 
to  them,  and  going  out  in  bodies  from  different  clans,  cherish 
both  that  martial  ardour  and  that  pathos  of  patriotism  which 
is  their  peculiar  [possession]. 

Strongly  exemplified  in  the  deservedly  celebrated  42d  Regt., 
which,  as  a  body  corporate,  is  worthy  to  have  a  little  history 


1  The  first  portion  of  this  letter  is  missing. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  289 

transmitted  of  its  achievements,  its  sufferings,  its  fidelity  and 
magnanimity  in  several  trying  and  distinguished  instances. 

On  the  additions,  or  cognomens,  of  the  chiefs. 

On  the  badges,  Marches,  Tartans,  etc.,  which  distinguish^ 
the  clans. 

Singular  origin  of  the  Macraws.1 

Remarkable  difference  of  character  and  manners  between 
the  different  clans. 

Honourable  strictness  among  the  chiefs  in  adhering  to  a 
promise  once  solemnly  given,  instanc'd  in  the  manner  in  which 
Glenmoriston  acquir'd  Dalentay,  etc.,  etc. 

Characteristic  peculiarities. 

There  are  many  singular  and  interesting  anecdotes  worth 
preserving  relative  to  the  escapes  and  adventures  of  these 
persons  who  were  attainted,  such  as  Ranald  Ratray  of  Rag- 
nagalion  in  Castle  Ratray,  Stirling  of  Craigbarnet,  Macdonald 
of  Teindrich,  the  convicts  sent  to  Maryland,  etc.,  etc. 

These  are  hints  whereon  to  found  queries.  Now,  I  am  so 
confusM,  and  the  materials  crowded  into  my  lumber  garret 
of  a  memory  so  disarranged,  that  I  could  not  without  some 
such  finger-posts  find  my  way  thro1  my  own  recollections. 

Will  you,  if  you  wish  for  such  aid  of  materials  as  I  can 
give,  demand  in  the  order  you  see  fitting  my  thoughts  and 
recollections  on  each  of  these  subjects,  these  letters  you  may 
afterwards  arrange  in  the  way  you  can  best  connect  them. 

I  am  going  to  give  you  a  little  anecdote  illustrative  of  the 
history  of  woman.  Drumakiln  (the  last),  of  whose  infamous 
life  and  shocking  death  I  had  occasion  lately  to  speak,  seduce! 
a  well  brought  up  and  rather  superior  young  woman  belonging 
to  the  lower  class,  to  live  with  him.  She  had  three  beautiful 
and  promising  children  who  were  her  consolation  under  the 
remorse  that  prey'd  on  her  mind. 


1  Probably  referring  to  the  story  told  by  Dr.  Johnson.  The  '  Macraes,'  he 
says,  '  were  originally  an  indigent  and  subordinate  clan,  and  having  no  farms  nor 
stock  were,  in  great  numbers,  servants  to  the  Maclellans  who,  in  the  war  of 
Charles  I.,  took  arms  at  the  call  of  the  heroic  Montrose  and  were  in  one  of  his 
battles  almost  destroyed.  The  women  that  were  left  at  home  being  thus 
deprived  of  their  husbands,  like  the  Scythian  ladies  of  old  married  their  servants, 
and  the  Macraes  became  a  considerable  race.'— Journey  to  Western  Islands,  p.  91. 

T 


290  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

When  the  eldest  was  seven  and  the  youngest  scarce  three 
years  old,  they  were  all  swept  away  by  a  scarlet  fever  or  some 
other  complaint.  AgonisM  with  grief  and  penitence,  the  young 
woman  retird  to  her  father's  house,  and  to  perpetuate  for  an 
example  or  warning  to  others  her  transgression  and  its  punish- 
ment, erected  a  stone  in  the  churchyard  of  Luss  with  the 
following  inscription, 

'  Under  this  stone  lie  three  children 
John,  Helen,  and  William  Buchanan, 
Who  by  the  sin  of  their  wicked  parents, 
John  Buchan[an]  and  Helen  Stuart, 
Were  brought  to  this  world, 
And  to  punish  these  sins 
And  preserve  them  from  such, 
Were  early  taken  out  of  it,  Anno  Domini,'  etc.,  etc. 

This  now  is  precisely  the  meaning  and  very  near  the  words 
of  the  epitaph,  which  I  think  is  still  more  forcibly  express'd. 

Think  of  the  power  of  early  good  impressions  and  the 
strength  of  the  mind  that  could  thus  sacrifice  all  ordinary 
feelings  and  considerations  to  set  up  this  perpetual  memorial 
of  her  own  disgrace  for  the  eventual  benefit  of  others. 

I  am  here  in  Rose  Street  with  my  old  friends  and  shall 
not  set  out  for  London  for  a  week.  You  will  please  address 
any  commands  you  have  for  me  in  the  meantime  here  under 
cover  to  James  Shearer,  Esq.,  Surveyor  of  the  Post  Office,  who 
has  lately  connected  himself  in  a  manner  with  me  by  marrying 
a  young  friend  of  ours. — I  am,  with  the  most  affectionate  wishes 
towards  all  your  family,  Dear  Sir,  Yours  faithfully, 

Anne  Grant. 

Brompton  grove,  17  March  1808. 

Dear  Madam, — I  was  truly  sorry  that  it  was  not  in  my 
power  to  have  had  the  happiness  of  being  of  your  party  at 
my  friend  Sir  Walter's  dinner.  When  you  return  to  town  I 
will  have  much  satisfaction  in  waiting  upon  you ;  and  by  that 
time  our  friend  the  Duchess  of  Gordon  will  be  here. 

Nothing  could  give  me  more  satisfaction  than  to  aid  your 
friend  Mr.  Stuart  in  his  literary  pursuits :  his  brother-in-law, 
Mr.  Seton  at  Delhi,  is  one  of  the  most  respectable  characters 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  291 

in  the  public  service  in  India.  A  true  Caledonian  ;  having 
had  the  advantages  of  foreign  education  and  all  admired  by 
the  people  of  India  for  his  superior  attention  to  business  and 
his  perfect  probity.  You  should  inform  Mr.  Stuart  that  when 
I  was  at  Rome  in  1792,  I  had  access  to  read  a  ms.  copy  written 
by  Prince  Charles,  of  the  History  of  his  Campaigns  in  Scotland 
in  1745,  etc.  It  was  communicated  to  me  by  the  keeper  of 
the  Stewart  Papers  in  Cardinal  York's  possession ;  and  on 
condition  that  I  should  neither  take  a  copy  of  it  or  make 
any  extracts  from  it.  I  obtained  permission  to  the  Duke  of 
Sussex,  then  in  Rome,  to  peruse  it  upon  the  same  conditions. 
It  is,  I  think,  possible  to  obtain  that  us.,  now  that  Cardinal 
York  is  no  more,  and  if  the  intercourse  with  Rome  were  open 
I  would  write  to  my  friend  Cardinal  Erskine  upon  the  subject. 

As  to  the  manuscripts  and  papers  that  my  father  has  left,  I 
do  not  believe  that  they  could  be  of  much  use  to  Mr.  Stuart. 
I  left  those  relative  to  his  deportation  with  the  late  James  Mac- 
pherson  of  Ossian  memory,  and  it  was  from  them  chiefly  that 
he  wrote  his  own  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Great  Britain. 

What  you  observe  relative  to  the  state  of  society,  of  which 
we  have  seen  the  last  characteristic  shades  in  our  native  country, 
is  perfectly  just.  Many  causes  combined  in  favour  of  that  state 
of  society  :  the  spirit  of  true  poetry  which  kept  the  memory 
of  noble  actions,  as  that  of  the  best  affections  of  the  heart, 
in  continued  admiration ;  the  hospitality  which  formed  the 
intercourse  of  the  chiefs  and  their  family  connections ;  the 
opportunities  which  the  cadets  of  those  families  had  of  seeing 
foreign  countries  and  serving  in  the  armies  of  France,  Germany, 
and  Italy,  always  anxious  to  return  to  their  native  soil  with  a 
good  name,  together  with  an  emulation  between  the  different 
clans  to  surpass  each  other  in  acts  of  liberality  and  renown. 
These  and  other  causes  gave  the  manners  of  the  last  century 
in  our  highlands  and  islands  much  of  the  old  early  Grecian 
character  mixed  with  the  loyalty  and  spirit  of  chivalry.  You 
remember  the  great  Lord  Chatham's  words,  '  I  sought  merit 
where  it  was  to  be  found  !  I  found  it  in  the  mountains  of  the 
north,  a  bold  and  a  hardy  race,'  etc.1 

The  antient  music  of  our  songs  was  the  great  inspirer  of 

1  The  idea  of  raising  Highland  regiments,  usually  attributed  to  Pitt,  was  really 
due  to  Duncan  Forbes  of  Culloden. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

the  whole  organisation  of  society  in  those  days,  and  it  is  a 
fact  elucidated  by  the  oldest  Italian  history  of  music,  that 
it  was  the  music  of  the  old  songs  of  our  hills  which  James, 
one  of  our  Scots  kings,  was  supposed  to  have  composed,  and 
which  the  Italians  called  the  new  species  of  music  '  lament- 
abile  et  lacrimabile,1  yes,  long  before  the  days  of  David  Rizzio. 

There  is  a  singular  characteristic  difference  between  our 
finest  and  most  pathetic  music  and  that  of  Italy.  With  us 
it  is  generally  a  plaintive  lamentation  relative  to  the  past, 
with  the  Italians  it  is  all  invocative  of  future  happiness  as 
in  Serenas,  etc. 

Letters  gave  early  instruction  to  our  native  land,  and  the 
good  old  schoolmaster,  Evan,1  whom  you  so  justly  esteemed 
was  one  of  the  last  schools  of  these  good  effects.  Our  clergy 
in  the  highlands  were  above  all  the  ranks  of  society  there 
exemplary  and  useful  members  of  instruction.  The  Literati 
who  formed  the  select  instructors  of  Scotland  about  seventy 
years  ago,  united  and  reanimated  the  spirit  of  highland  as 
of  the  lowland  renown  of  our  country  in  its  capital ;  and 
hence  perhaps  the  rise  and  prosperity  of  the  British  Empire 
with  Scots  migration  in  the  east  and  the  west  and  even  at  its 
capital  in  a  very  considerable  degree.  English  prejudices 
were  thus  done  away,  and  Ireland  is  now  in  train  of  joining 
the  works  and  deeds  of  her  ancient  genius  to  the  mass  of 
British  renown.  Do  you,  dear  madam,  continue  to  give  us 
so  classically  the  best  ideas  of  the  merits  and  renown  of  our 
Caledonian  ancestors,  and  like  a  daughter  of  Ossian,  you  will 
most  effectually  aid  your  country  and  the  ardour  to  defend 
it  against  our  enemies  and  our  own  commercial  and  civilisation 
dangers  you  see  how  sincerely  I  by  these  observations  would  wish 
you  to  continue  your  poetical  amusements,  and  how  anxious  I 
would  be  to  aid  your  friend  Mr.  Stuart  in  his  useful  pursuits. 
— I  have  the  honour  to  be,  dear  Madam,  Your  most  faithful 
and  most  humble  servt.  John  Macpherson. 

P.S. — What  you  have  written  about  Mr.  James  Macpherson 
and  Ossian,  etc.  etc.  is  most  correct  and  founded  upon  my 
early  knowledge  of  that  subject.     My  old  friend  Mr.  Grant 

1  Cf.  p.  286. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  293 

of  Coriemony  never  forgave  his  being  completely  taken  in  by 
the  Wish  of  the  Aged  Bard,  which  you  have  so  much  improved 
in  the  translation  of  it  into  superior  verses.  Honest  Evan 
Macpherson  copied  it,  and  as  he  valued  himself  on  spelling 
Gaelic  perfectly,  he  gave  it  its  complete  appearance  of  anti- 
quity to  Coriemony's  eyes.  You  have,  I  hope,  read  the  poem 
of  your  namesake,  Charles  Grant,  Esq.,  junr.,1  which  won  the 
prize,  on  the  Restoration  of  Learning  in  the  east.     Admirable  ! 

Sunbury,  Middlesex,  March  20,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, — I  was  disappointed  at  not  hearing  from  you 
when  I  left  Edinburgh,  from  a  fear  that  your  headache  had 
been  worse  than  usual,  or  some  of  you  indispos'd.  I  went  up 
with  an  old  friend  and  her  husband,  who  had  return-' d  from 
India  last  year,  and  was  now  oblig'd  to  return  to  London,  and 
too  delicate  to  bear  the  land  journey.  There  was  a  large 
party  of  us,  who  knew  each  other  very  well,  and  were  glad  to 
be  together.  We  came  up  in  four  days,  and  our  passage  was 
on  the  whole  a  pleasant  one.  It  is  not  possible  for  me  to 
express  how  much  I  was  hurried  for  nine  days  that  I  staid  in 
London,  by  the  kindness  of  my  friends,  who  wish'd  me  during 
that  little  time  to  see  everything,  and  be  introduce!  to  number- 
less people.  Among  these  kind  friends,  it's  but  just  that  I 
should  mention  Sir  W.  Farquhars  family,  Mr.  Fielding  of  the 
Palace,  Mr.  Hatsell  of  the  House  of  Commons,  his  brothers 
and  family,  and,  finally,  the  Bishop  of  London.2  The  atten- 
tions of  Mr.  Charles  Grant's  family  were  still  more  gratifying, 
and  may  in  some  respects  be  more  important  to  me.  I  have 
no  one  of  new  people  that  is  new  to  me  who  has  so  charm'd  me 
by  her  attentions  and  by  her  manners  as  the  Honble.  Mrs. 
Stuart,  who  is  married  to  the  Primate  of  Ireland,3  and  is  a 
daughter  of  that  Penn  4  who  now  represents  the  Legislator  and 
founder  of  Pensylvania  and  Philadelphia,  but  all  this  is  egotism 
quite  from  the  purpose.     Your  business  was  never  a  moment 


1  Afterwards  Lord  Glenelg.  2  Dr.  Beilby  Porteus. 

3  The  Hon.  W.  Stuart,  fifth  son  of  John,  third  Earl  of  Bute,  became  Archbishop 
of  Armagh  and  Primate  of  all  Ireland. 

4  Sophia  Margaret  Juliana,  daughter  of  Thomas  Penn  of  Stoke-Pogis. 


294  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

out  of  my  mind.  The  friend  I  came  up  with  is  a  Niece  of 
Major  Macpherson's.  I  wrote  directly  on  my  arrival ;  he  is  in 
a  distant  quarter,  the  name  of  which  I  forget.  He  answer'd  me 
immediately ;  hut  says  that  it  will  take  him  some  time  to  recol- 
lect and  look  thro'1  his  papers  before  he  can  send  me  any  intelli- 
gence worth  transmitting ;  yet  expresses  himself  delighted  that 
the  cause  is  in  so  good  hands.  Having  appointed  to  be  here 
at  a  certain  day,  I  broke  away  from  London  rather  abruptly, 
which  hurried  me  exceedingly.  Yet  I  must  return  for  a  few 
days  in  April,  and  shall  then  meet,  perhaps,  the  Major,  if  he 
comes  to  see  his  niece  embark  at  any  rate.  I  shall  hear  from 
him  again,  but  that  is  not  near  so  well.  Excessive  fatigue  and 
exertion,  with  the  addition  of  a  great  cold,  make  me  write  a 
very  stupid  letter,  but  I  hope  my  head  will  clear  when  [there 
is  an  improvement  in]  the  weather,  which  even  in  these  Elysian 
shades  is  bleak  and  cold.  I  daily  defend  writing  to  Sir  John,1 
from  an  expectation  of  dining  with  him  at  Sir  W.  Farquhar's, 
who  hop'd  to  induce  him  to  break  his  resolution  against  dining 
out.  He  is  indeed  a  very  great  invalid,  but  you  may  see  how 
zealous  he  is  to  promote  your  undertaking,  which  I  hope  nothing 
less  than  ill  health  will  induce  you  to  relinquish  or  defer. 

I  speak  my  very  conscience,  and  do  not  mean  a  compliment, 
when  I  say  you  are  the  fittest  person  I  think  in  the  Kingdom 
for  this  undertaking.  When  I  say  this,  it  is  because  I  know 
there  is  no  highlandman  existing  that  can  bring  to  it  the  pre- 
requisites of  learning,  Antiquarian  and  Genealogical  knowledge 
and  habitual  elegance  and  purity  of  style,  besides  vigour  of 
mind,  joi^d  as  it  seldom  is  with  unwearied  application.  Were 
there  an  existing  highlander  possessing  all  these  indispensables, 
who  was  at  the  same  time  a  gentleman  with  full  command  of 
time,  that  highlander  would  be  still  better  adapted  to  the 
work,  but  there  is  no  such  being.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  in 
this  case  you  are  only  an  architect.  It  is  not  to  be  suppos'd 
that  you  shall  create  the  marble  and  the  mortar,  "'tis  enough 
that  you  polish  and  arrange.  How  humbly  and  how  gladly 
would  I  drive  a  wheelbarrow  to  the  undertaking,  with  all  the 
materials  I  could  collect,  but  this  must  be  a  work  of  time  and 


Sir  John  Macpherson. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  295 

patience.  I  pick\l  up  some  anecdotes  from  a  relation  at  Edr., 
which  I  will  try  to  detail  hereafter.  Now  I  think  of  it,  Dr. 
Stuart  at  Luss  might  be  useful.  He  is  a  modest  man,  a  good 
scholar,  and,  I  should  think,  no  bigot  to  Whiggism.  Pray  let 
me  hear  from  you  soon,  to  know  how  your  undertaking  thrives. 
I  am  charm'd  beyond  measure  with  the  family  and  their  mode 
of  living  here.  I  write  Mrs.  Stuart  soon.  Excuse  headache, 
etc.,  and  believe  me,  dear  Sir,  yours  with  esteem, 

Anne  Graxt. 

Windsor,  14  June  1808. 
Dear  Sir, — I  am  sure  you  must  by  this  time  consider  me  as 
a  great  trifler,  and  begin  to  lose  all  dependence  on  my  pro- 
fessions of  zeal  in  the  cause  you  are  engaged  in,  and  of  industry 
in  gathering  together  antiques  for  the  cabinet  you  are,  I  hope, 
busily  constructing.  I  must  begin  my  vindication  by  telling 
you  a  secret.  At  the  request  of  particular  friends  I  have  been 
since  the  beginning  of  this  year  busily  engag'd  in  preparing 
for  the  press  Memoirs  of  a  deceas'd  worthy  well  known  in 
her  time  not  only  all  over  the  Continent,  but  to  all  the  dis- 
tinguished persons  who  in  her  day  led  the  British  army  to  the 
Canadian  frontier.1  But  I  shall  refer  for  particulars  to  the 
Memoirs  themselves,  which  will  very  soon  appear ;  by  very 
soon,  I  mean  before  Christmas,  for  the  delay  of  printers  you 
know  to  be  notorious.  The  conveniency  of  getting  these 
Memoirs  quietly  arrang'd  where  my  attention  would  not  be 
every  moment  call'd  off  by  family  cares  was  one  motive  for 
my  accepting  Sir  John  Legard's  in[vitation],  and  yet  I  find 
difficultv,  by  dint  of  early  rising,  etc.,  to  attend  closely  even 
for  a  few  hours  in  a  day  to  my  subject,  the  kindness  of  many 
excellent  people  making  many  demands  on  my  time.  I  was 
oblig'd  to  return  for  a  fortnight  to  London  to  see  several  of 
my  old  acquaintance  from  America,  who  being  near  relations 
or  intimate  friends  of  my  reverd  Patroness,  whom  I  am  now 
commemorating,  can  furnish  me  with  anecdotes.  One  of  my 
motives  in  returning  to  London  was  to  meet  Major  Ewan 
Macpherson,  who  wrote  to  me  that  he  deferr  d  his  communica- 


1  Madam  Schuyler. 


296  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

tions  till  we  should  meet,  and  I  being  at  any  rate  going  to 
London,  wislVd  to  time  my  return  there  so  as  to  meet  him. 
He  was  at  that  time  suddenly  appointed  to  some  office  which 
attached  him  to  the  troops  now  in  Sweden  ;  calFd  for  me  twice 
and  mist  me ;  I  sent  to  him,  but  found  he  was  gone  off'  express 
to  the  place  of  debarkation.  You  cannot  imagine  how  much 
I  was  disappointed.  I  wrote  to  Sir  John  Macpherson  some 
weeks  ago,  and  that  uncourtly  knight,  tho1  he  always  talks 
of  me  to  the  Farquhars  and  others  in  terms  of  the  warmest 
friendship,  did  not  condescend  to  answer  my  letter ;  possibly 
he  may  have  wrote  north  to  his  brother  Martin  and  waits  his 
answer,  and  in  that  case  he  may  wait  long  enough,  for  Martin 
is  the  very  Prince  of  Procrastination.  I  am  quite  of  your 
opinion  with  regard  to  Sir  John's  epistolary  talents ;  they  are 
certainly  of  the  lowest  order,  and  yet  he  governed  India  well, 
and  is  a  kind-hearted,  benevolent  man.  He  is  asthmatic  and 
in  very  bad  health.  I  was  strongly  tempted  to  call  on  him 
lately.  I  went  by  invitation,  as  you  may  suppose,  to  Fulham, 
the  Bishop  of  London's  Palace,  May  20th,  and  staid  four  days, 
and  there  I  saw  more  of  the  great  and  the  noble  than  ever 
I  imagin'd  it  could  fall  to  my  share  to  meet  with.  It  is 
delightful  to  see  the  filial  respect  and  attachment  which 
many  of  the  nobility  seem  to  entertain  for  that  venerable  and 
amiable  prelate.  He  was  recovering  from  a  serious  illness, 
and  from  one  o'clock  to  five  every  day  there  was  a  constant 
succession  of  visitors  of  the  first  rank,  both  eminence  of  merit 
and  station.  But  all  these  matters  I  hope  to  recount  at  leisure 
at  Allanton  on  my  return,  when  I  hope  to  be  admitted  to  pass 
a  fortnight  there.  For  you  see  there  will  be  no  such  thing  as 
returning  at  once  to  my  native  obscurity  after  having  saiPd 
like  a  paper  kite  so  far  out  of  my  element.  I  am  charm'd 
with  the  Bishop,  and  cannot  say  enough  had  I  leisure  of  Mrs. 
Porteous.  I  am  to  have  the  privilege,  for  such  I  account  it, 
of  passing  a  little  more  time  with  them  before  I  leave  England. 
You  will  think  me  a  perfect  fugitive  when  you  find  this  dated 
from  Windsor.  But  the  house  from  which  I  write,  were  I 
not  bound  down  by  prior  engagements,  has  a  more  legitimate 
claim  on  mv  time  and  attention  than  any  one  in  England. 
It  is  that  which   belongs  to  Miss  Grant,  alas  now  the  only 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  297 

representative  of  the  old  Arndiily  family.  She  and  I  have 
corresponded  for  two  years  past,  and  she  was  the  cordial  friend 
of  my  dear  Charlotte,  and  has  been  in  many  respects  a  most 
useful  friend  to  me.  She  lives  here  very  much  confin1d  by  her 
attention  to  two  declining  nervous  sisters,  but  is  a  person 
highly  valued  for  worth,  judgment,  and  singular  benevolence. 
She  is  cousin  to  Lady  ,  and  was  her  guide  and  monitor, 
while  the  state  of  her  mind  admitted  of  influence.  It  will 
be  a  sufficient  testimony  of  Miss  G/s  merit  to  say  that  she 
was  the  valued  friend  of  the  late  Mrs.  Eliza  Carter,  and  many 
other  eminent  persons,  and  that  the  Princess  of  Wales  greatly 
wish'd  to  have  her  about  the  young  Princess.  I  came  up  here 
a  day  before  with  Isabella,  but  was  hurried  about  seeing  the 
place.  I  wish  I  had  leisure  to  stay  a  little  longer  where  I 
have  met  with  so  much  affectionate  kindness  and  so  many 
objects  of  real  interest.  But  I  cannot  indulge  myself  in  a 
longer  holiday  from  my  book,  and  must  return  to-morrow. 
I  find  my  task  so  often  broke  in  that  I  have  vow'd  to  suspend 
correspondence  till  it  is  done.  But  this  is  a  holiday  at  any 
rate,  and  here  I  get  a  frank,  which  only  now  and  then  occurs 
at  Sunbury.  I  wish  at  leisure  to  charm  Mrs.  Stuart  by  telling 
her  of  the  fervent  devotion  of  the  good  old  King,  whose 
morning  prayers  in  his  private  Chapel  I  have  attended  at  8 
for  three  days  past.  I  have,  notwithstanding  my  constant  ap- 
plication, which  is  really  fatiguing,  wrote  to  the  Highlands 
for  anecdotes.  I  should  be  zealous  on  your  account  tho1  I  did 
not  care  for  the  work,  and  zealous  for  the  work's  sake  tho1  I 
did  not  care  for  you.  Excuse  the  hasty  and  homely  expression 
by  which  I  describe  this  double  stimulus.  Our  Rector  at 
Sunbury  is  a  Scotchman,  and  does  us  great  credit  as  our 
countryman.  Dining  in  his  house  last  week  I  was  awhile 
in  his  study,  and  happening  to  open  the  Statistical  Accounts, 
all  which  he  has,  I  lighted  on  that  of  an  old  acquaintance, 
Mr.  Grant's  co-  presbyter,  who  mentions  his  having  many 
papers  in  his  hands  that  give  light  regarding  the  history  of 
the  family  of  Lochiel,  which  it  appears  he  did  not  give  to 
John  Hume,  who  would  scarce  have  asked  the  favour,  keeping 
very  shy  of  his  old  brethren.  Fearing  to  overload  this  frank, 
which  I  got  after  I  had  folded  my  letters,  I  shall  merely  request 


298  MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS 

you  to  cover  and  forward  it  to  Killmallie,  free,  if  possible,  the 
within  note.  I  am  thus  hurried  for  fear  the  man  should  die, 
and  being  that  he  is  (I  whisper  this)  a  kind  of  gander,  I  can- 
not explain  matters  to  him  as  I  would  to  a  person  of  more 
comprehension,  and  therefore  simply  ask  the  favour  for  myself. 
I  am  quite  jealous  that  Mrs.  Stuart  has  not  wrote  to  me,  and 
beg  you  will  not  [omit]  to  mark  in  her  pocket  book  to  remember 
to  forget.1  Miss  Stirling  of  Kippendavy — I  forget  this  moment 
Miss  Steuarfs  cousin — was  at  Sunbury  with  Lord  Glenbervy  one 
day  lately.  They  were  Sir  John's  mother  and  sisters  that  you 
saw  at  York.  Convey  the  expression  of  my  sincere  veneration 
to  Mrs.  Mackenzie,  and  bid  Miss  Steuart  cherish  the  memory 
of  her  sincere  wellwisher  and  your  oblig'd  servant, 

Anne  Grant. 

Memoir  of  the  Family  of  Locrtel 

Dear  Sir, — It  is  in  tracing  the  history  of  Man  when  he  has 
ceas'd  to  be  a  savage,  and  when  his  faculties,  by  a  certain 
degree  of  moral  culture,  amid  the  benefits  of  social  order,  have 
begun  to  unfold.  In  short,  it  is  in  the  patriarchal  ages,  before 
the  coercion  of  laws  and  the  tyranny  of  customs  have  trans- 
form^ him  into  an  artificial  being,  that  we  can  study  nature 
undebas'd  by  ferocity,  and  undisguis'd  by  refinement. 

Of  these  patriarchal  ages,  however,  there  are  few  memorials, 
because  they  were  necessarily  illiterate  ones.  Somewhat  of  the 
substance  we  see  preserv'd  in  the  sacred  records,  and  somewhat 
of  the  shadow  reflected  in  the  compositions  of  the  earlier  poets 
of  every  nation. 

In  those  rugged  and  barren  districts  of  our  own  country, 
which,  shelter'd  by  mountains  that  shut  out  both  the  con- 
queror and  the  legislator,  retailed  traces  of  primitive  manners 
long  after  they  were  effac'd  in  all  other  places.  Some  remains 
of  ancient  attachment,  confidence,  and  simplicity,  subsisted 
even  within  the  last  century,  among  wide  extended  families, 
who  lov'd  their  head  more  than  they  fear'd  him,  and  whose 
ardent  and  faithful  attachment  was  the  result  and  the  reward  of 
paternal  kindness  and  protection,  ever  vigilant  and  unwearied. 

1    Vide  Peter  Pindar's  '  Birthday  Ode  '  :— 

'  Mem. 
'  To  remember  to  forget  to  ask 
Old  Whitbread  to  my  house  one  day.' 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  299 

It  may  be  thought  absurd  to  assimilate  societies  so  warlike 
as  these  with  the  patriarchal  modes  of  life.  But  it  must  be 
remember'd  that  their  habitation  was  not  assign'd  in  those 
fertile  meadows  and  extensive  plains,  where  the  primitive 
herdsmen  tended  their  flocks  amidst  peaceful  abundance. 
They  became  hunters  from  necessity,  and  the  transition  from 
the  hunter  to  the  warrior  is  a  very  short  one.  He  who  braves 
danger  in  the  forest  will  not  shun  it  in  the  field  ;  and  he  who 
goes  always  arafd,  will  not  readily  submit  to  injury  or  insult. 
The  hunter  Esau,  who  pursued  the  sylvan  chase  thro1  the 
forest  of  Mount  Seir,  was  bred  in  the  same  pastoral  tent,  and 
under  the  same  patriarchal  dominion,  with  the  shepherd  Jacob, 
who  fed  his  flocks  in  the  adjoining  plain,  and  seenfd  equally 
solicitous  to  obtain  the  paternal  blessing.  Yet  harden'd  by 
his  manner  of  life,  he  was  sturdy  and  self-righted,  and  evidently 
an  object  of  terror  to  those  who  had  injure!  him,  tho'  the 
sequel  shows  him  generous  as  brave. 

The  interior  of  this  mountainous  district,  which  afforded 
shelter  to  those  primitive  hunters,  was  by  the  hand  of  nature 
parcelFd  out  into  subdivisions,  the  limits  of  which  were  defin'd 
most  distinctly,  and  easily  defended. 

In  every  narrow  vale,  where  a  blue  stream  bent  its  course, 
some  hunter  of  superior  prowess,  or  some  herdsman  whom 
wisdom  had  led  to  wealth,  and  wealth  to  power,  was  the  founder 
of  a  little  community,  who  ever  after  look'd  up  to  the  head  of 
the  family  as  their  leader  and  their  chief.  Those  chains  of 
mountains  which  fornfd  the  boundaries  of  their  separate  dis- 
trict had  then  their  ascents  cover'd  with  forests,  which  were 
the  scene  of  their  hunting  excursions.  When  their  eagerness 
in  pursuit  of  their  game  led  them  to  penetrate  into  the  dis- 
tricts claim'd  by  the  chief  of  the  neighbouring  valley,  a  rash 
encounter  was  the  probable  consequence,  which  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  future  hostilities. 

These  petty  wars  gave  room  to  a  display  of  valour  and 
conduct  in  the  chiefs,  and  produe'd  a  still  closer  cohesion  and 
mutual  dependence  among  their  followers.  These  hasty  ani- 
mosities were  soon  hush'd  into  peace,  yet  often  renewed.  The 
consequence  was  that  the  clans  became  expert  in  arms,  cautious, 
vigilant,  and   enterprising.     They  forni'd    alliances,   offensive 


300  MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS 

and  defensive,  cemented  them  by  intermarriages  between  the 
chief  families  of  the  confederating  clans,  goverifd  their  fol- 
lowers by  a  kind  of  polity  not  ill-regulated,  and  the  chief  had 
the  power  of  life  and  death  over  all  his  large  family  (for  such 
he  considered  his  clan),  but  this  was  very  sparingly  us'd.  In 
cases  of  long  feud  and  much  mutual  exasperation,  a  chieftain 
might  be  cruel  to  his  enemies,  but  never  to  his  friends.  To 
their  own  people  they  were  invariably  clement  and  indulgent. 
Nor  were  these  paternal  rulers  in  any  sense  so  despotic  as  they 
have  been  represented ;  so  far  otherwise,  that  of  all  monarchs 
they  were  the  most  limited,  not  being  permitted  to  take  a  step 
of  the  least  importance  without  consulting  their  friends.  By 
this  expression  was  meant  the  elders  of  their  tribe,  including 
relations  so  distant,  that  in  any  other  country  they  would  not 
be  recognis'd  as  such.  But  then  in  this  council  of  elders,  those 
who  were  not  regarded  as  prudent  and  sagacious  persons  had 
no  weight.  It  can  scarcely  be  imagined  by  us,  who  depend  not 
so  much  on  the  wisdom  of  our  sages,  how  nicely  they  weigh'd 
and  discriminated  the  degrees  of  intellect,  and  how  carefully 
the  wise  or  witty  sayings  of  these  oracles  were  treasurd  up  and 
deliver'd  down  to  posterity.  The  poor  laird  could  neither 
marry  or  give  in  marriage,  raise  a  benevolence  or  levy  war 
without  the  full  consent  of  these  counsellors,  who,  unless  he 
happen'd  to  be  a  man  of  uncommon  talents,  govern'd  him 
much  more  than  he  did  them.  He  led  out  the  tribe  no  doubt, 
but  then  they  led  out  the  families  of  which  the  tribe  consisted, 
and  unless  perfectly  satisfTd  with  the  ground  of  quarrel  thev 
would  not  move. 

The  celerity  with  which  they  sometimes  appear'd  in  the 
field,  was  rather  a  proof  of  the  unanimity  of  the  clan  than  the 
despotism  of  the  chief. 

Of  the  bold  exertion  of  control  us'd  by  these  mountain 
Hampdens,  I  am  about  to  give  a  well-known  instance. 

Sometime  in  the  last  years  of  the  16th  century,  there  was 
a  Laird  of  Grant,  who  was  either  in  mind  or  body  so  enfeebFd 
that  he  was  not  able  to  maintain  the  requisite  authoritv,  even 
in  his  own  immediate  family.  His  eldest  son,  of  whom  the 
renown'd  Prince  Hal  seems  to  have  been  a  prototvpe,  was 
caird   Laird   Humphry.     He  was  remarkable  for  ready   wit, 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  301 

personal  graces,  bodily  strength,  and  superior  skill  and  dex- 
terity in  all  athletic  games  and  exercises,  but  he  was  volatile, 
unprincipled,  profuse  and  licentious.  He  gatbercl  up  among 
the  youth  of  the  country  a  train  as  far  as  possible  resembling 
himself,  and  thro'  Strathspey  and  Murray,  where  the  family 
had  then  large  possessions,  nothing  was  to  be  heard  of  but  the 
excesses  of  Laird  Humphry  and  his  dissolute  attendants. 
Having  drank  all  the  claret  in  Murray,  and  borrowM  and  run 
in  debt  till  no  one  would  trust  them,  he  then  return'd  to  his 
own  country,  and  honour"  d  every  house  by  turns  with  a  visit, 
which  lasted  till  he  and  his  banditti  had  left  nothing  eatable 
or  drinkable  within  the  walls,  besides  polluting  them  with  vice 
and  intemperance.  The  elders  in  this  extremity  held  a  council, 
the  result  of  which  was,  that  if  they  did  not  immediately  remove 
this  pest,  their  importance  and  dignity  as  a  clan  was  at  an  end. 
On  this  great  occasion  they  laid  not  only  their  wits  but  their 
purses  together,  bought  up  Laird  Humphry's  debts,  and  laid 
him  up  in  prison  at  Elgin,  where  he  was  confined  till  his  death 
many  years  afterwards,  the  next  heir  in  the  meantime  dis- 
charging all  the  functions  of  a  chieftain.  Now  the  chief 
justice,  by  whom  the  heir-apparent  was  imprison^,  showed  no 
greater  firmness,  and  ran  no  greater  risk. 

I  could  give  a  hundred  instances  of  the  freedom  of  speech 
allowed  the  subject  in  these  suppos'd  arbitrary  dominions,  but 
shall  confine  myself  with  a  very  modern  one  within  my  own 
knowledge. 

There  remain  yet  more  vestiges  of  this  dominion  of  the  affec- 
tions in  the  lesser  Hebrides  than  in  any  other  part  of  [the] 
highlands. 

The  Macniels  of  Barra  have  possess1  d  that  island  without  a 
rival  or  competitor  for  time  immemorial,  and  it  is  a  very 
singular  circumstance  in  the  history  of  that  family,  that  nine- 
teen Roderick  Macniels  l  in  succession  have  inherited  that  estate 
without  any  of  them  having  a  brother ;  the  lady  always  had 
one  son,  who  continued  the  family,  but  never  had  more.  Thus 
there  was  in  the  family  of  Barra  a  great  dearth  of  hereditary 
counsellors,  yet  every  islander  was  ready  in  his  own  humble,  or 
rather  familiar,  way  to  proffer  advice. 

1  This  is  not  so. 


302  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

About  twenty  years  ago  Barra,  without  asking  the  consent 
of  his  islanders,  came  to  Lochaber  to  solicit  the  hand  of  the 
beautiful  and  amiable  daughter  of  Cameron  of  Fassfern, 
nephew  to  the  banisli'd  Lochiel.  Among  the  rowers  that 
brought  his  boat  from  Barra  was  an  old  man  of  the  lower 
class,  who  had  been  perhaps  his  father's  foster-brother  or  one 
of  the  island  sages. 

A  few  days  after  his  arrival  he  was  walking  with  other 
gentlemen  in  the  street  of  Maryburgh,1  when  old  Ronald  calFd 
out  in  his  native  tongue,  '  Rory,  do  you  hear  ?  I  say,  Rory.1 
'  Yes,  I  hear  you  very  well,  but  am  engag'd  at  present.1  '  But 
wait,  Rory,  is  it  indeed  true  what  I  hear  of  your  marriage?1 
'  Be  quiet,  I  have  gentlemen  with  me ;  I  will  speak  with  you 
again.'  '  Nay,  but  Rory,  dear  Rory,  be  cautious,  'tis  the 
mother  of  your  children  you  are  seeking ;  you  do  not  need 
money  ;  but  is  she  prudent  and  modest,  tell  me  that,  Rory  ? ' 
And  all  this  in  a  loud  voice  in  the  open  street.  I  should  have 
premised  that  Barra  is  a  well-bred,  respectable,  worthy  man, 
whose  appearance  and  manners  might  claim  distinction  where- 
ever  he  is  seen.  The  man's  freedom  was  not  the  grossness  of 
vulgar  familiarity,  nor  Barra's  forbearance  the  want  of  dignity. 
It  was  the  earnestness  of  affectionate  simplicity  on  the  one 
side,  and  the  condescension  of  true  greatness  of  mind  on  the 
other.    There  is  a  volume  of  character  in  this  simple  anecdote. 

Yet  simplicity  in  that  sense  which  precludes  penetration 
into  human  character,  and  occasional  stratagem  and  finesse, 
made  no  part  of  the  highland  manners.  They  were  often 
necessitated  from  their  manner  of  carrying  on  their  hunting  or 
predatory  excursions,  to  be  like  Arviragus, 

'  Subtle  as  the  fox  for  prey, 
Like  warlike  as  the  wolf  for  what  they  eat ' ;  (Shakespeare) 

while  their  peculiarly  social  mode  of  living  together,  the 
address  necessary  to  conciliate  and  adjust  jarring  interests 
among  allied  clans,  and  the  habit  of  making  all  private  con- 
siderations subservient  to  the  good  of  the  community,  sharpened 
their  native  sagacity  and  enlarged   their  minds.      Meantime 


Now  Fort-William. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

their  excessive  delight  in  poetry,  music,  and  the  tales  in  which 
the  heroic  deeds  of  their  ancestors  were  preserved,  communi- 
cated to  their  imaginations  a  tender  and  romantic  enthusiasm, 
which  gave  a  high  and  peculiar  colouring  to  their  affections 
and  their  virtues.  Without  entering  into  any  discussion  of  the 
disputed  question  relative  to  the  antiquity  or  authenticity  of 
their  boasted  Ossian,  it  is  undeniably  certain  that  remains, 
undoubtedly  genuine,  of  poems  compos1d  by  the  bards  attach'd 
to  certain  great  families,  within  these  three  or  four  centuries, 
still  exist  sufficient  to  do  honour  both  to  the  genius  and  the 
virtues  of  this  secluded  people. 

These  remains  are  peculiarly  valuable  for  the  high  strain  of 
heroic  generosity  and  pure  morality  which  breathe  thro1  them 
and  entitles  the  Mountain  Muse  to  praise, 

'  Beyond  all  Greek,  beyond  all  Roman  fame.' 

It  is  to  be  observ'd  to  the  honour  of  those  untaught  bards 
that  their  wild  strains  of  eulogy  and  lamentation  never  fail'd 
to  wait  upon  departed  merit,  however  deprest  or  unfortunate. 
No  highland  worthv  ever  died  '  uncelebrated  or  unsung'.'' 

The  gallant  Marquis  of  Montrose,  tho1  no  highlander  him- 
self, had  often  led  the  clans  in  alliance  with  his  family  to 
victory,  and  finally  to  defeat.     He  who  was  indeed 

1  The  courtier's,  scholar's,  soldier's  eye,  tongue,  sword, 
The  observed  of  all  observers  ' —  {Hamlet) 

had  not  a  single  chaplet  hung  upon  his  hearse  but  those  woven 
by  the  hands  of  his  faithful  mountaineers.  Their  plaintive 
and  pathetic  strains  have  flow'd  abundantly,  and  the  Shion 
shu'il  Ghreumach — the  wine  blood  of  the  Grahame,  a  common 
figure,  to  express  generous  and  high  descended  blood,  in  the 
Celtic  poetry — shed  at  the  cross  of  Edinburgh,  still  wakes 
the  throb  of  indignant  sympathy  in  every  highland  cottage. 
Of  this  accomplished  Hero,  who  was  himself  an  elegant  and 
classical  poet,  no  one  tuneful  memorial  is  to  be  found  in  the 
English  language ;  yet  he  has  departed  in  the  light  of  his 
renown,  and  his  name  lives  in  the  song  of  the  bards. 

There  were  two  great  principles  held  in  the  utmost  reverence 
in  the  Highlands  on  which  much  of  the  peace  and  order  of 
society  depend  everywhere.     In  the  first  place,  the  violation  of 


304  MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS 

an  oath,  or  even  a  promise  once  solemnly  made,  was  regarded 
with  unspeakable  horror.  Then  the  conjugal  union  was  held 
so  sacred  that  infidelity  was  scarcely  heard  of,  and  the  criminal, 
when  such  there  was,  universally  detested. 

This  picture  of  Highland  society  may  appear  a  flattering 
one:  yet  those  best  acquainted  with  the  subject  will  allow  it 
to  be  a  sketch  very  faithfully  drawn.  No  doubt  there  are 
shades  and  some  very  dark  ones.  When  the  sword  and 
balance  are  not  plac'd  under  legal  sanctions  in  appropriate 
hands,  the  irregular  efforts  of  daring  individuals  to  execute 
summary  justice  or  redress  dubious  wrongs  produce  dreadful 
effects. 

Of  these  I  shall  give  one  or  two  striking  instances.  When 
feuds  ran  high  between  contending  clans,  their  last  resort  for 
security  was  to  fortify  a  small  island  in  one  of  the  lakes  with 
which  that  country  abounds.  Then  by  bringing  in  all  the 
boats  on  the  approach  of  an  enemy  they  were  secure  from  all 
danger.  The  south  side  of  Loch  Ness  is  calFd  Strath  Erick, 
from  some  powerful  Dane  who  once  attempted  to  force  that 
pass,  and  w-as  oppos'd  by  Cuming,  head  of  that  clan.1  This 
Cuming,  being  mortally  wounded,  sat  down  to  rest  on  the  top 
of  a  high  mountain,  over  which  the  military  road  has  been 
since  carried.  There  he  expire!, and  there  still  remains  a  cairn 
or  rude  monument  of  stones  erected  to  his  memory,  which  is 
perpetuated  by  the  name  of  the  mountain,  Sine  Chuiman, 
the  seat  of  Cuming.  Descending  from  the  mountain  you 
arrive  at  a  little  plain  beside  the  Tarfe,  where  the  warrior 
was  interred.  This  is  calfd  CiUchuiman,  the  tomb  of  Cuming, 
and  is  now  the  site  of  Fort  Augustus.  This  district  belonged 
to  the  Frazers,  who,  being  often  at  war  with  the  Macintoshes 
and  Macdonalds,  their  neighbours,  felt  the  want  of  an  island 
to  secure  their  families  in  when  they  went  on  expeditions. 
They,  like  the  Venetians,  made  an  artificial  one  in  a  small 
bay  of  Loch  Ness  by  sinking  piles  of  wood  and  then  heaping 
up  stones.  Part  of  this  artificial  island  still  remains,  and  is 
calPd  the  Cherry  Isle,  from  some  trees  of  that  kind  planted  on 
it.     There,  too,  are  to  be  seen  the  remains  of  a  castle  once 

1  The  Cumyns  at  one  time  seem  to  have  included  Lochaber  as  well  as  Badenoch 
in  their  vast  possessions. 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  305 

belonging  to  the  Lovat  family.  In  this  lonely  fortress,  some 
time  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  Lovat  left  his 
three  daughters  while  he  went  out  on  some  warlike  excursion. 
One  of  these  young  ladies  was  very  beautiful,  and  was  belov'd 
by  Lovafs  neighbour  to  the  westward,  Macdonald  of  Glengary. 
Not  liking  her  family,  however,  he  did  not  make  open  proposals, 
but  strove  privately  to  win  her  affections.  This  dishonourable 
attempt  was  repuls'd  with  due  indignation.  Resentment  and 
dislike  to  her  family  now  prompted  this  recreant  lover  to  take 
an  unmanly  revenge  by  slandering  the  object  of  his  passion. 

Appriz'd  of  this  the  injur1  d  fair  one  sent  a  message  in  the 
most  private  manner  to  Glengary  by  her  foster-father,  acquaint- 
ing him  that  on  the  following  night  she  should  send  her 
attendants  different  ways,  and  alone  in  the  castle  wait  to 
receive  him  at  midnight. 

Glengary  gladly  complied  with  the  assignation,  yet  did  not 
go  unarrrfd.  For  this  the  damzels  were  prepar'd.  The  en- 
trance to  these  castles  generally  led  to  a  kind  of  hall  on  the 
ground  floor,  to  which  three  or  four  steps  of  a  descent  led 
down.  In  the  dusk  of  the  evening  the  old  man,  by  direction, 
kilFd  a  bullock  and  spread  the  new-flay'd  hide,  with  the  inside 
outwards,  upon  these  steps.  Whenever  the  expected  lover  set 
foot  on  this  slippery  descent  he  slid  backwards,  as  was  in- 
tended. The  old  man,  who  waited  at  the  bottom  with  a 
Lochaber  axe,  sever'd  his  head  in  a  moment  from  his  body. 
The  lady  who  offer'd  this  victim  to  her  violated  fame  did  not 
long  enjoy  her  triumph  undisturb'd.  The  deed  (in  which  the 
perpetrators  gloried)  was  soon  known. 

The  Macdonalds  led  their  force  against  Lovat,  overpower'd 
and  took  him  prisoner.  They  carried  him  into  the  deepest 
recess  of  a  thick  wood,  where  swarms  of  flies  were  attracted 
by  the  close  sultry  heat.  There  they  bound  him  to  a  tree, 
and  opening  his  mouth  as  wide  as  possible  fixed  a  stick  to 
prevent  its  closing,  that  he  might  be  chok'd.  by  the  insects 
which  would  in  these  circumstances  fly  into  it.  In  this  ex- 
tremity some  one  propos'd  to  spare  his  life  on  condition  that 
he  would  take  the  great  oath  to  relinquish  the  estate  of  Aber- 
tarph  to  the  Glengary  family.  They,  the  Glengary  family, 
enjoy "d  it  till  the  late  General  Frazer  purchased  it  back  in  "16. 

u 


306  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

Abertarph  is  that  picturesque  district  water'd  by  the  rivers 
Tarph  and  Oich,  in  which  Fort  Augustus  lies,  and  which 
extends  westward  from  the  head  of  Loch  Ness  to  Loch  Oich 
by  Invergarrie  house. 

Lovat  on  this  occasion  departed  from  his  dignity  as  a  chief. 
According  to  the  receiv'd  notions  he  was  not  allow'd  to  part 
with  territory  for  the  preservation  of  his  life. 

The  clans  possess'd  unequal  shares  of  power  and  numbers, 
yet  the  prevalence  of  mind  was  here  strongly  mark'd.  A  clan 
which  had  been  rul'd  by  a  succession  of  wise  and  brave  leaders 
soon  derWd  such  consequence  from  the  abilities  of  its  chiefs 
as  made  it  greatly  preponderate  in  the  scale  of  political 
importance  over  others  more  numerous  and  possessing  more 
territory. 

Among  these,  that  of  the  Camerons  was  particularly  dis- 
tinguish'd.  Many  gentlemen  of  this  name  possess^  property, 
such  as  Dungallan,  Callart,  Glendissery,  Clunes,  etc.  etc.,  but 
all  acknowledge  Lochiel  as  their  chief,  and  literally  resigiVd 
their  lives  and  fortunes  in  whatever  cause  he  adopted.  A 
succession  of  able  and  honourable  men  supported  the  credit 
of  the  clan,  and  by  judicious  and  respectable  marriages  created 
useful  connections  to  the  family.  Perhaps  even  our  frugal 
country  did  not  afford  an  instance  of  a  family  who  liv'd  in  so 
respectable  a  manner  and  show'd  such  liberal  and  dignified 
hospitality  on  so  small  an  income. 

Their  authority,  supported  by  the  general  confidence  in 
their  personal  virtues,  was  indisputed.  Yet  justice  requires 
that  even  this  generous  clan  and  their  successive  gallant 
leaders  should  not  receive  unqualified  praise. 

The  clan,  with  very  little  scruple  of  conscience,  were  wont 
to  make  excursions  in  search  of  prey,  which  they  denominated 
a  spreath.1  They  were,  however,  more  honest  and  more  de- 
corous than  the  Elliots  or  Armstrongs  of  the  border.  Their 
chief  never  headed  their  excursions,  never  shard  their  prey, 
and  severely  punish'd  them  when  they  trespass'd  on  the  bounds 
of  any  ancient  ally  of  the  family.  To  this  effect  there  is  a 
letter  among;  the  archives  of  the  Grants,  written  with  all  the 


1  Probably  a  confusion  of  creachadh,  a  foray,  with  spreidh,  cattle. 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  307 

air  of  ceremonious  dignity  which  one  sovereign  might  be  sup- 
pos'd  to  use  in  addressing  another.1 

It  seems  there  had  been  an  alliance  by  marriage  between  the 
chiefs  of  the  two  clans,  in  consequence  of  which  a  close  friend- 
ship subsisted  between  the  tribes.  A  band  of  the  Camerons 
set  out  to  make  depredations  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  east 
coast.  They  had  to  cross  the  island  from  sea  to  sea  (their 
Avay  lying  thro-'  Badenoch  and  Strathspey)  before  they  arriv'd 
at  their  destination.  Returning  thro1  the  dark  passes  of  the 
mountains  with  a  heavy  prey  of  cattle  the  Grant  herdsmen 
saw,  or  thought  .they  saw,  some  of  their  own  cattle  among 
them.  These  they  reclaim'd  :  a  scuffle  ensu'd,  for  it  was  a 
point  of  honour  with  highlanders  to  rescue  their  cattle  from 
depredators  at  the  extreme  risk  of  life,  else  they  were  for 
ever  disgrac'd.  The  skirmish  between  these  enragfd  com- 
batants  was  so  sharp  that  some  lives  were  lost  on  the  part 
of  the  Grants.  The  Laird  of  Grant  wrote  to  his  Right  traist 
Cousin  Lochiel,  representing  how  utterly  impossible  it  was  to 
put  up  with  this  flagrant  violation  of  the  friendship  subsist- 
ing between  the  clans  without  due  satisfaction  for  the  injury 
receiv'd. 

Lochiel  in  answer  assured  his  good  cousin  of  his  great  con- 
cern for  the  injury  his  people  had  sustain'd.  '  We  would  not 
willingly,1  says  he,  'that  any  of  our  men  should  skaith  the 
lieges  in  your  bounds,  they  only  went  forth  to  make  a  spreath 
upon  the  land  of  Murray,  whence  all  men  take  their  prey.1 

A  Cameron  of  the  lower  [order]  was  condemn'd,  and  I  believe 
executed  to  appease  the  wrath  of  the  Clan  Grant ;  he  did  not 
suffer  for  taking  cattle  at  the  risk  of  his  life  from  those  whose 
business  it  was  manfully  to  defend  their  property.  Far  less 
was  he  condemned  for  defending  himself  when  attacked.  His 
crime  was  violating  the  arnTd  neutrality  and  breaking  the 
ancient  league,  offensive  and  defensive,  subsisting  between  the 
clans. 

The  Lochiels  had  for  some  generations  been  men  of  a  com- 
manding appearance,  robust,  athletic  make,  and  dark  hair  and 


1  The  letter  referred  to  is  seemingly  one  from  Allan  Cameron  of  Lochiel  to 
Sir  James  Grant  of  Freuchie,  dated  18th  October  1645.  Cf.  Chiefs  of  Grant, 
vol.  ii.  p.  76. 


308  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

complexion.  So  many  deeds  of  fame  had  been  achievM  by 
chiefs  of  this  complexion,  equally  brave  and  fortunate,  that 
superstition  began  to  note  it  as  a  lucky  one,  and  finally  it  was 
foretold  by  gifted  seers  that  a  fair  Lochiel  should  never  prove 
a  fortunate  one. 

In  the  year  1675  was  born  Ewan  du,  or  dark-hair1  d  Evan, 
who  was  fated  by  his  courage,  fidelity,  generosity,  and  loyalty, 
to  eclipse  all  his  predecessors.1  He  was  singularly  belov'd  by 
his  people  ;  and  besides  the  virtues  of  his  heart,  and  the  powers 
of  his  understanding,  possess1  d  that  vigilance,  prompt  exertion, 
and  determin'd  firmness,  which  peculiarly  fitted  him  for  those 
military  employments  in  which  he  afterwards  distinguish^ 
himself.  He  very  early  display'd  his  attachment  to  the  abdi- 
cated monarch,  having  led  a  considerable  body  of  Camerons  to 
the  assistance  of  Viscount  Dundee,  at  the  Pass  of  Killiecrankie.2 
Here  his  courage  and  conduct  went  near  to  turn  the  fortune  of 
the  day.  How  this  conduct  came  to  be  overlook"^  by  Govern- 
ment, at  the  very  time  that  Glencoe,  who  was  just  at  LochiePs 
door,  became  the  object  of  such  signal  vengeance,  does  not 
appear.  Nor  can  it  at  this  time  be  easily  accounted  for. 
His  popular  character,  and  powerful  connections,  might  make 
it  seem  worth  while  to  conciliate  him ;  but  if  that  was  the 
intention,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  succeeded. 

Some  time  after,  about  the  end  of  King  William's  reign,  his 
son  John  went  privately  to  France.  He  was  an  intelligent 
man,  of  frank  and  pleasing  manners,  who  had  more  knowledge, 
and  had  associated  more  with  his  superiors  than  was  usual  for 
the  chieftains  of  those  days.  There  is  reason  to  suppose  that 
it  was  about  this  time  that  he  became  acquainted  with  the 
Duke  of  Berwick,  who  had  a  great  friendship  for  him. 

About  this  time  too,  Barclay  of  Urie,  well  known  as  the 
acute  and  able  apologist  of  the  Quakers,  was  also  in  France  at 
that  time,  when  probably  commenced  the  acquaintance  which 


1  Eoghainn  Dubh  was  really  born  in  1629,  and  died  at  the  age  of  ninety  in 
1719.  He  married  (1.)  Mary,  daughter  of  Sir  Donald  MacDonald  of  Sleat ; 
(2.)  Isabel,  daughter  of  Sir  Lachlan  Maclean  of  Duart ;  (3.)  Jean,  daughter 
of  David  Barclay  of  Urie. 

2  At  Killiecrankie  he  carried  the  royal  standard.  For  a  description  of  his 
appearance,  vide  Macaulay's  History  of  England,  chap.  xiii. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  309 

soon  after  produce!  a  matrimonial  alliance  between  the  families 
of  Urie  and  Lochiel.1 

This  marriage  was  an  additional  proof  of  the  gallant  chief's 
independence  of  mind  and  deserved  [all  praise]. 

In  the  meantime  every  effort  was  made  by  the  ruling  powers 
at  home  to  detach  Lochiel  from  his  allegiance  to  the  abdicated 
monarch. 

Great  offers  were  made  him  on  the  part  of  Government. 
He  was  to  have  a  pension  of  ^300  a  year,  which  was  to  descend 
to  his  son  (whom  they  were  particularly  anxious  to  lure  back 
to  Scotland),  and  to  be  Governor  of  Fort  William. 

This  generous  chieftain,  however,  was  above  temptation. 
While  Government  were  thus  vainly  negotiating  with  him,  a 
very  different  kind  was  carrying  on  between  Sir  Ewan  and 
another  distinguish^  chief. 

Alaster  Du  (Dark  Alexander)  of  Glengarrie,  whose  territories 
border'd  on  those  of  Lochiel,  and  whose  castle  was  situated  on 
Loch  Oich,  not  many  miles  from  Achnacarrie,  is  still  celebrated 
in  the  poetry  and  traditions  of  his  own  country,  for  wisdom, 
valour,  and  magnanimity.2  He  was  the  head  of  a  very  powerful 
tribe  styling  themselves  Macdonells,  in  contra-distinction  to 
the  Macdonalds  of  the  Isles,  whose  claim  of  superiority  they 
always  resisted,  claiming  to  be  a  distinct  family  descended 
from  the  ancient  Earls  of  Antrim  in  the  north  of  Ireland. 
Indeed,  the  bards  and  sennachies  of  the  house  of  Glengarrie 
did  not  fail  even  here  to  claim  precedence,  alleging  that  the 
family  of  Antrim  deriv'd  of  them.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the 
Glengarrie  family  had  at  this  time  reach'd  the  acme  of  their 
power  and  popularity.  An  immediate  predecessor  of  the 
renown1d  Alaster  had  added  literary  and  civic  honours  to  the 
wild  wreathes  that  had  flourish,d  round  the  brows  of  his 
ancestors.  He  had  in  consequence  of  his  talents  and  attain- 
ments been  created  a  Lord  of  Session,  at  a  time  when  no  little 
power  and  consequence  was  attach'd  to  that  office.3     He  went 

1  Robert  Barclay  of  Urie,  the  Apologist,  bom  1648,  educated  at  the  Scots 
College,  Paris,  returned  to  Scotland  1664,  died  1690. 

2  Cf.  Macaulay's  History  of  England,  chap.  xiii. 

3  The  reference  is  probably  to  /Eneas  Macdonell,  ninth  of  Glengarry,  who 
■was  raised  to  the  peerage  in  1660  as  Lord  Macdonell  and  Arros.  No  Glengarry 
was  ever  a  Lord  of  Session. 


310  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

afterwards  to  Italy,  where  he  acquirM  a  taste  for  architecture ; 
and  on  his  return  built  the  Castle  of  Invergarrie  (part  of  the 
walls  of  which  still  remain  undemolish'd)  on  the  model  of  an 
edifice  of  the  same  kind  which  had  attracted  his  attention  at 
Padua. 

The  heroic  Alaster  du  succeeded  to  all  the  honours  and  all 
the  popularity  of  his  predecessor,  and  in  sincere,  however  mis- 
placd  loyalty  to  the  house  of  Stuart,  equalFd  his  neighbour 
Sir  Evan. 

Both  men  of  abilities,  integrity,  and  candour;  and  both 
stimulated  by  an  ardent  zeal  for  the  cause  which  to  them 
appear'd  just.  All  the  rivalry  so  usual  between  neighbouring 
clans  was  swallow'd  up  by  the  powerful  sentiment  which  united 
them. 

They  concerted  all  the  plans  of  their  political  measures 
or  military  operations  together,  and  led  their  united  clan 
to  guard  the  hard-disputed  Pass  of  Killiecrankie,  where  Glen- 
garrie  had  a  brother  kilid,  and  several  Camerons  of  note 
fell  victims  to  their  principles.  After  this  hard  struggle  the 
two  chieftains  returned  to  their  respective  abodes.  Glen- 
garrie,  for  some  reason  which  does  not  now  distinctly  appear, 
was  more  obnoxious  to  Government  than  Sir  Ewan,  who  very 
composedly  occupied  the  house  of  Achnacarrie,  tho-1  it  was 
not  verv  defensible  and  stood  near  the  garrison ;  while 
Glengarrie  found  it  necessary  to  retire  for  some  time.  His 
followers  being  at  that  time  uncivilised,  and  less  amenable 
to  regular  discipline  than  the  Camerons,  had  probably  by 
their  ravages  provok'd  a  more  aggravated  hostility. 

He  retire!  for  some  time  among  the  woods  and  mountains 
of  Glengarrie,  remaining  sometimes  for  days  together  in  a 
small  wooded  island  of  Locharkaig,  where  tradition  says  they 
contriv'd  a  stratagem  to  elude  the  threatened  vengeance  of 
Government,  which  was  afterwards  put  into  execution  with  a 
dexterity  and  resolution  equal  to  the  subtlety  and  secrecy 
with  which  it  was  plaivd.  It  is  said  that  some  young  men 
belonging  to  the  most  powerful  families  in  England  had  come 
down  with  a  certain  regiment  then  lying  at  Fort  William, 
to  see  the  country,  and  take  a  share  in  the  desultory  warfare 
then    carried    on.      These  youths  were   accounted    cadets   or 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  311 

volunteers.  Of  such  many  were  attached  to  every  regiment 
in  those  days,  who  got  a  soldier's  pay  if  they  chose  to  accept 
it,  were  considei-'d  as  pupils  in  the  art  of  war,  at  liberty  to 
retire  if  thev  chose,  and  eligible,  being  often  persons  of  family, 
to  fill  the  vacancies  which  war  or  disease  occasioned  among 
the  subalterns.  This  regiment  was  now  about  to  occupy  the 
garrisons  of  Stirling  and  Dumbarton,  and  was  most  probably 
succeeded  by  some  other  regiment.  These  who  had  been 
amusing  themselves  with  their  fowling  pieces  on  the  way  to 
the  Black  Mount,  were  engaged  with  each  other  in  conver- 
sation, and  bringing  up  the  rear  with  some  of  the  staff, 
and  little  dreading  an  assault  in  desolate  regions  where 
there  are  no  inhabitants  but  a  few  wandering  herds- 
man, and  in  a  country  which  they  consider'd  as  completely 
subdued. 

Two  hundred  well-arm "d  and  light-footed  highlanders, 
however,  lay  conceafd  in  the  heath  and  bushes  in  a  narrow 
pass,  confincl  on  one  side  by  a  steep  mountain,  and  on  the  other 
by  a  small  lake  by  the  path,  for  road  there  was  none,  that  led 
towards  Teyandrem  l  or  the  Black  Mount.  When  the  rear  of  the 
regiment  to  which  these  youths  were  passing  fearlessly  thro1 
the  deep  solitude,  as  they  thought  it,  of  this  savage  district, 
the  highlanders  sprung  so  suddenly  from  their  ambuscade, 
that  before  they  could  recollect  themselves  sufficiently  to  have 
recourse  to  their  arms  for  defence,  these  dexterous  partisans 
had  snatcli'd  away  their  prey.  This  consisted  of  eight  or  ten 
young  men  of  the  description  above  mention^,  and  a  few  more 
of  less  note,  whom  in  their  indiscriminate  haste  they  had 
swept  away  with  the  rest. 

There  were  some  shots  hVd  in  the  confusion  which  product 
little  effect  besides  alarming  the  regiment. 

This  sudden  and  mysterious  disappearance  of  their  young 
eleves  excited  the  utmost  concern  and  perturbation  among  the 
superior  officers.  They  could  not  possibly  define  the  purport 
and  tendency  of  this  manoeuvre ;  that  so  many  people  should 
venture  their  lives  in  this  bold  enterprise  against  unequal 
odds  was  very  wonderful,  if  the  intention  were  merely  to  cany 

1  Tyndrum. 


312  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

away  a  few  prisoners,  and  thus  incense  a  power  able  to  crush 
them  in  an  instant. 

What  they  knew  of  the  sagacity  and  forecast  of  the  chief- 
tains and  their  habit  of  acting  in  concert  on  emergencies, 
forbid  them  to  indulge  the  supposition  of  its  being  a  mere 
predatory  attack,  the  dictate  of  revenge  or  sudden  caprice. 
Utterly  at  a  loss  for  the  motive  of  this  well-concerted 
stratagem,  they  were  equally  puzzFd  how  to  act  in  con- 
sequence of  it.  To  pursue  them  was  useless,  being  entirely 
ignorant  of  their  route.  To  divide  into  parties  was  unsafe 
in  what  now  clearly  appeared  to  be  a  hostile  country.  To 
spoil  and  ravage  the  country  while  uncertain  from  what  district 
or  clan  this  unseen  blow  came,  was  to  shake  the  wavering 
allegiance  of  some,  and  kindle  others  into  fatal  desperation. 

After  revolving  all  things  in  their  minds,  it  appeard  to 
them  most  probable  that  this  plan  was  the  result  of  that 
smother'd  hostility  which  their  own  rashness  and  insolence 
had  fomented,  and  that  the  intention  was  to  engage  them  in 
a  pursuit  which  should  afford  advantage  to  some  large  arm'd 
body  lurking  in  the  fastnesses  for  that  purpose,  to  rush  upon 
them  and  destroy  them  when  invoWd  in  those  intricate  and 
dangerous  passes  which  were  only  safe  for  the  natives. 

Afraid  to  pursue  the  aggressors,  and  ash  am 'd  to  communi- 
cate to  Government  the  result  of  a  transaction  from  which  they 
derived  so  little  credit,  it  was  determin'd  they  should  march 
silently  on  and  suspend  all  measures  of  retaliation  till  they 
had  some  sure  grounds  to  go  on,  by  discovering  the  real 
aggressors  and  the  tendency  of  this  outrage.  At  Dumbarton 
they  found  a  letter  addressed  to  the  commander  of  the  corps, 
informing  them  '  that  certain  chiefs  of  clans  who  had  no 
objections  to  King  William's  ruling  in  England,  considering 
that  nation  as  at  liberty  to  choose  its  own  rulers,  but  that  they 
never  could  consistent  with  oaths  they  had  repeatedly  sworn 
on  their  arms  and  by  all  that  is  holy,  take  an  oath  to  any 
other  sovereign  while  any  of  the  family  at  St.  Germains  con- 
tinued to  exist.  That  they,  however  unwilling  to  perjure 
themselves  or  to  hold  their  lands  in  daily  fear,  subject  to  the 
insults  of  the  petty  instruments  of  power  and  to  the  ground- 
less accusation  of  treason  to  the  ruling  powers,  were  willing 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  313 

to  live  quietly  under  the  present  rulers  as  long  as  their  con- 
science was  not  forcM,  nor  their  possessions  disturtfd.1 

These  last,  they  said,  they  and  their  followers  were  resolv'd 
to  defend  from  aggression  with  the  last  drop  of  their  blood. 
But  in  the  meantime,  to  prevent  as  far  as  possible  encroach- 
ments which  might  drive  them  into  hostilities  with  a  govern- 
ment, which,  tho'  they  did  not  acknowledge,  they  meant  not 
hereafter  to  disturb,  they  had  taken  hostages  to  insure  their 
safety,  and  these  they  would  never  part  with  till  Sir  Evan 
and  Alaster  Du  had  obtain'd  assurances  that  while  they  liv'd 
peaceably  on  their  lands  they  should  not  be  disturb1  d  for  their 
principles,  nor  for  any  part  they  had  formerly  acted  when 
government  was  so  little  settled  or  establish'd  that  no  man 
obeying  the  Sovereign  to  whom  he  had  originally  sworn 
allegiance,  could  be  said  to  disturb  the  peace  of  a  country 
for  the  mastery  of  which  rival  Sovereigns  seenfd  contending. 

This  proposal  was  accompanied  with  a  strong  and  pathetic 
remonstrance  on  the  folly  and  danger  of  alienating  and  finally 
exasperating  clans  powerful  from  their  union  and  from  the 
inaccessible  country  they  inhabited,  by  treating  them  with 
continued  harshness  and  distrust,  and  making  the  tenderness 
of  their  conscience  and  their  fidelity  (while  it  could  be  available) 
to  their  unfortunate  exil'd  Sovereign,  a  pretext  to  lay  them 
at  the  mercy  of  'every  petty  petling  officer1  who  might 
think  fit  to  experserate  them  into  hostility  that  he  might 
treat  them  as  rebels.  They  quoted  the  late  horrid  massacre 
of  Glencoe  as  justifying  this  measure  of  precaution,  and 
threaten'd  if  their  petition  was  rejected  to  take  refuge  with 
their  prisoners  in  France  and  proclaim  to  all  Europe  the 
impolicy  and  cruelty  of  the  treatment  which  had  been  the 
means  of  driving  them  there. 

This  remonstrance  and  petition  for  immunity,  after  being 
secretly  and  carefully  perus'd,  was  despatch*^  by  a  private 
express,  not  to  the  council  (the  king  being  then  for  the  last 
time  abroad),  but  to  the  relations  of  the  young  captives  who 
were  deeply  interested  in  the  success  of  the  negotiation,  and 
whose  wives  and  sisters,  at  a  time  when  the  generality  of  even 
well  infornVd  people  were  shamefully  ignorant  of  the  manners 
and  character  of  the  Scottish  mountaineers,  might  apprehend 


314  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

that  their  kinsmen  might  be  not  only  kill'd  but  eaten  by  these 
remorseless  savages,  as  they  consider'd  them. 

Besides  these  private  considerations,  the  aspect  of  public 
affairs  was  more  favourable  for  the  success  of  such  an  '  arrn'd 
neutrality1  than  at  any  former  period.  William  had  outhVd 
his  queen,  and  with  that  popularity  which  her  gentle  and 
gracious  manners  attracted,  and  which  was  repelFd  by  his 
cold  and  forbidding  ones,  he  was  visibly  declining  in  health, 
and  the  honours  due  to  him  as  a  patriot  hero  (whose  very 
ambition  was  sanctified  by  the  noble  end  he  uniformly  pursued) 
had  not  their  due  influence  in  a  country,  torn  by  the  factions 
which  divided  a  jealous  aristocracy  and  a  turbulent  populace. 

William's  love  of  power  was  all  directed  to  that  single 
object,  which  had  been  the  ruling  passion  of  his  life,  the 
preserving  the  liberties  of  Europe  from  the  encroachments  of 
France. 

If  he  was  eager  amidst  all  his  affected  indifference  to  obtain 
the  dominion  of  this  island,  it  was  that  he  might  turn  all  its 
resources  against  the  common  enemy.  Thus  engross1  d  by  his 
military  pursuits  and  foreign  politics,  it  was  little  to  be  ex- 
pected that  he  should  take  an  intimate  concern  in  those  dark 
corners  of  his  dominions  where  an  '  Imperium  in  Imperio1  still 
subsisted  that  eluded  or  resisted  the  ordinary  regulations  of 
civil  government.  These  he  left  to  the  great  officers  of  state 
in  that  turbulent  kingdom,  which  foreigners  were  too  ignorant, 
and  natives  too  knowing  to  govern  aright.  By  too  knowing, 
I  mean  that  they  knew  too  well  the  confederacies  and  relative 
interests  of  their  own  tribes  and  factions  to  rule  impartially. 

Meanwhile,  William,  who  had  never  been  much  loy'd,  now 
childless  and  declining,  was  less  fear'd  than  formerly.  All 
eyes  were  turn'd  towards  the  court  of  the  Princess  of  Denmark, 
who,  in  herself,  mild,  pious  and  estimable,  deriv'd  additional 
popularity  with  the  adverse  party,  from  the  coldness  subsisting 
between  her  and  the  king. 

The  consequence  which  she  deriv'd  from  being  the  recognis'd 
successor  to  the  crown,  was  considerably  augmented  by  her 
being  the  mother  of  a  son  to  whom  the  nation  fondly  look'd 
up  as  the  descendant  of  their  ancient  line  of  monarchs,  born 
in  their  own  country,  and    bred    up    in  those  religious  and 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  315 

political  principles  for  which  they  had  suffer"d  and  sacrificed 
so  much. 

The  partisans  of  this  court,  which  had  already  obtaincl 
considerable  influence  over  the  minds  of  the  people,  were  not 
inclin'd  to  regard  with  much  severity  a  stratagem  which  a  late 
tragical  event  had  in  some  degree  authoris'd,  and  after  a  secret 
negotiation,  the  grounds  of  which,  it  is  said,  were  never  com- 
municated  to  the  king,  both  Sir  Evan  and  Glengarrie  were 
assur'd  of  safety  for  the  future,  and  impunity  for  the  past. 
The  youths  went  home  pleas"  d  with  their  treatment  and  the 
amusements  which  had  been  devis'd  for  them  in  their  retreat. 

The  credit  of  this  fact  rests  merely  on  the  country  tradition, 
and  the  silence  concerning  it  in  the  publications  and  records 
of  these  times  is  accounted  first,  by  the  shame  which  the  com- 
manders of  the  regiment  felt  at  being  thus  surpris'd  and  out- 
witted by  an  inferior  number  of  those  whom  they  had  been 
accustomed  to  stvle  barbarians  and  treat  as  such. 

Those  on  the  other  hand  who  had  been  urg"d  by  their 
concern  for  the  safetv  of  their  relatives  to  bring  about  this 
treaty  without  assigning  their  motives,  were  equally  interested 
in  concealing  it. 

Sir  Evan  and  Glengarrie  [lived]  peaceably  unquestion'd  all 
the  ensuing  reign,  which  was  a  very  happy  one  for  these  and 
the  neighbouring  chieftains  who  were  no  longer  fore'd  to  meet 
clandestinely  in  their  favourite  island,  and  whose  friendship 
for  each  other  continued  undiminished  thro'  life.  Few  chief- 
tains have  been  so  much  belov'd  and  admir'd  in  life,  or  so  sung 
and  celebrated  after  it  as  these  memorable  friends,  who  still 
live  in  the  lavs  of  their  native  bards. 

The  Keppochs,  a  highland  family  of  the  name  of  Macdonell 
or  Macdonald,  I  am  not  sure  which,  have  been  long  distin- 
guish^ for  valour  and  for  genius,  to  which  I  might  add  the 
personal  advantages  of  grace  and  beautv.  Sheelah  or  Julia, 
an  eminent  poetess  of  this  accomplished  family,  who  was 
married  to  Gordon  of  Belderno,  was  contemporary  with  these 
mountain  heroes.1     In  her  youth  she  must  have  known  them 


1  Well  known  in  Gaelic  as  Sileas  na  Ceapach.     She  married  Alexander  Gordon 
of  Beldorney. 


316  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

well,  Keppoch  being  in  the  close  neighbourhood  both  of  Inver- 
garrie  and  Achnacarrie. 

Her  family,  if  I  mistake  not,  were  cadets  of  Glengarrie,1  and 
in  the  numerous  lyrics  that  owe  their  birth  to  her  prolific 
muse,  much  of  the  history  of  that  family  and  even  of  that 
period,  may  be  trac'd,  for  after  her  connection  by  marriage 
with  the  Gordons,  the  virtues  and  valour  of  that  powerful 
tribe,  and  the  vicissitudes  to  which  its  heads  were  subjected 
are  by  turns  the  object  of  eulogy  and  lamentation. 

The  enthusiasm  with  which  her  character  was  deeply  ting'd, 
seems  to  have  been  not  only  poetical,  but  heroic,  patriotic,  and 
in  a  very  high  degree  devotional.  She  was  a  Catholic  too, 
and  took  every  advantage  that  a  religion  so  pompous  and 
picturesque  offer'd,  to  embellish  her  poetry  with  the  peculiar 
imagery  it  afforded.  The  hymns  and  sacred  rhapsodies  of 
Sheelah  are  still  the  consolation  and  delight  of  all  pious 
highland  Catholics.  Of  her  monody  on  the  death  of  the 
renown1d  Alaster  Du,  or  at  least  of  one  of  the  many  poems 
she  consecrated  to  his  memory,  follows  an  extract  literally 
translated,  and  selected  more  for  its  singularity  than  any 
superiority  of  poetical  merit : 

c  Dark  Alexander  of  Glengarrie, 
Thou  art  departed  and  we  remain  forlorn. 
Thou  wert  our  guard,  our  comfort,  and  our  ornament, 
Thou  wert  admir'd  of  lovely  women, 
Thou  wert  the  pleasure  of  heroic  men, 
Thou  wert  as  among  metals  as  the  most  pure  gold, 
Thou  wert  as  the  noblest  Lyon  among  the  beasts, 
Among  the  birds  as  is  the  Eagle  of  strongest  wing, 
As  is  the  shapely  Salmon  of  bright  scales  among  the  fish, 
As  is  the  moon  among  Stars, 
Or  the  fair-hair'd  sun  amidst  revolving  planets,'  etc.  etc. 

The  parallel  betwixt  Alastar  Du  and  every  object  of  tran- 
scendent worth  is  carried  much  further,  and  concluded  with 
some  very  tender  and  pathetic  retrospections  of  the  past  and 
sublime  anticipation  of  the  future. 

But  it  is  time  to  leave  our  poetess  and  our  hero  to  return 

1  They  were  not.  The  family  of  Glengarry  are  said  to  be  descended  from  the 
marriage  of  John  first  Lord  of  the  Isles  with  Amie  MacRuari,  Lady  of  Garmoran  ; 
the  family  of  Keppoch  from  his  marriage  with  the  Princess  Margaret,  daughter 
of  Robert  II. 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  317 

to  the  more  immediate  subject  of  this  Memoir.  Sometime  in 
the  latter  years  of  the  reign  of  King  William,  Sir  Evan  had 
the  satisfaction  of  seeing  a  marriage  take  place  betwixt  his  son 
John  and  the  beautiful  and  estimable  daughter  of  Barclay  of 
Urie,  the  apologist  for  the  Quakers.1 

It  is  well  known  that  the  doctrine  so  abhorr'd  and  reviPd  of 
passive  obedience  and  non-resistance  makes  a  part  of  the  tenets 
of  this  primitive  and  inoffensive  sect.  They  were  (perhaps  on 
that  very  account)  patronis'd  by  James  the  Second,  and  always 
retain'd  a  kindness  for  the  abdicated  family.  This  is  the  only 
point  of  agreement  I  can  possibly  see  between  a  meek  and 
simple  Quaker,  and  a  lofty  and  ambitious  highland  chieftain. 
But  John,  the  son  of  Sir  Evan,  tho1  obscured  in  some  measure 
by  the  too  near  brightness  of  his  illustrious  parent  (and  his 
own  voluntary  exile  in  his  early  days)  was  possess'd  of  superior 
qualities  of  mind  and  innate  worth  sufficient  to  induce  so  good 
a  judge  as  Barclay  to  consider  him  worthy  of  his  alliance.  Sir 
Evan  cordially  approv'd  of  this  marriage,  which  was  indeed 
every  way  respectable.  This  was  an  additional  proof  of  the 
old  chieftain's  good  sense,  for  it  was  in  those  days  an  unheard- 
of  thing  for  a  highland  chief  to  marry  without  the  consent 
of  his  whole  clan.  When  he  did  marry  it  was  generally  the 
daughter  of  some  neighbouring  great  man,  acquainted  with 
the  language  and  manners  of  that  country. 

This  singular  choice  of  the  younger  Lochiel,  however,  soon 
met  the  sanction  of  general  approbation.  Before  the  ancient 
chief,  full  of  years  and  honours,  slept  with  his  fathers,  he  had 
the  comfort  to  witness  the  happiness  his  son  derived  from  this 
marriage,  and  to  see  him  live  very  respectably  and  altogether 
undisturb'd  in  the  seat  of  his  ancestors.  This  serene  aspect  of 
matters  continued  unruffTd  during  the  whole  reign  of  Queen 
Anne,  a  Princess  whose  memory  the  highlanders  hold  in  the 
highest  veneration  on  account  of  the  tranquillity  and  plenty 
they  enjoy'd  during  her  reign,  which  was  advantageously  con- 
trasted with  the  former  and  subsequent  periods.     Indeed  King 


1  It  was  Sir  Ewen  himself  who  married  as  his  third  wife  Jean,  daughter  of 
Colonel  David  Barclay  of  Urie,  and  sister  of  Robert  Barclay  the  Apologist.  John 
Cameron  of  Lochiel  married  Isabel,  daughter  of  Sir  Alexander  Campbell  of 
Lochnell. 


318  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

William  was  most  unjustly  made  accountable  for  the  famine 
(a  very  severe  one  of  seven  years'  continuance)  which  depopu- 
lated some  inland  districts  of  the  highlands  during  his  reign. 
The  scarcity  was  extreme  everywhere  in  those  pastoral  countries 
which  at  best  produce  very  little  grain.  But  on  the  seaside 
the  supply  of  marine  productions  of  various  kinds  afforded, 
constant  relief,  for  not  only  fish  but  the  algae  and  other  sea- 
weeds afforded  sustenance  to  this  distress'd  people.  If  poor 
Kino-  William  was  blanfd  for  a  famine  which  was  consider'd 
as  a  visitation  on  his  public  and  personal  sins,  tho1  the  suffer- 
inor  devoWd  wholly  on  others,  the  singularly  rich  crops  which 
land  too  long  left  fallow  afforded  in  the  times  of  good  Queen 
Anne  were  in  a  great  measure  attributed  to  her  pious  prayers. 
It  was  in  short  all  over  the  highlands  a  period  of  peaceful 
abundance,  still  held  in  grateful  remembrance,  during  which 
the  Whig  Lyon  endur'd  and  sometimes  even  fondFd  the  Tory 
Kid.  And  had  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  hVd  the  distinction  of 
parties  would  in  a  great  measure  have  been  obliterated  by  the 
mild  sway  of  this  benevolent  Princess.  I  only  speak  of  parties 
as  they  existed  in  the  highlands. 

The  Quaker  lady  meantime  acquirM  the  language  of  the 
country,  and  became  distinguished  for  prudence,  activity,  and 
affability  ;  no  chieftainess  could  be  more  popular.  One  great 
defect  she  had,  however,  which  was  more  felt  as  such  in  the 
highlands  than  it  would  have  been  in  any  other  place.  She 
did  not,  as  a  certain  resolute  countrywoman  of  hers  was  advis'd 
to  do,  '  bring  forth  men  children  only.''  On  the  contrary,  she 
had  twelve  daughters  in  succession,  a  thing  scarce  pardonable 
in  one  who  was  look'd  up  to  and  valued  in  a  great  measure  as 
being  the  supposM  mother  of  a  future  chief.1 

In  old  times  women  could  only  exist  while  they  were  de- 
fended by  the  warrior  and  supported  by  the  hunter.  When 
this  dire  necessity  in  some  measure  ceas'd  the  mode  of  thinking 
to  which  it  gave  rise  continued,  and,  after  the  period  of  youth 


1  This  is  nonsense.  By  his  three  wives  Sir  Ewen  had  altogether  fifteen  children, 
of  whom  eleven  were  daughters.  Jean  Barclay  was  the  mother  of  seven  daugh- 
ters and  one  son,  who  was  her  eldest  child.  John  Lochiel's  children  consisted 
of  one  daughter  and  seven  sons,  the  eldest  of  whom  was  Donald,  the  '  Gentle 
Lochiel'  of  the '45. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  319 

and   beauty  was  past,  woman  was  only  considerM   as  having 
given  birth  to  a  man. 

John  LochiePs  mind  was  above  this  illiberal  prejudice.  He 
fondly  welcomed  his  daughters  and  caressed  their  mother  on 
their  appearance  as  much  as  if  every  one  of  them  had  been  a 
young  hero  in  embryo.  His  friends  and  neighbours  usM  on 
these  occasions  to  ask  in  a  sneering  manner,  '  What  has  the 
lady  got?'  To  which  he  invariably  answer'd,  'A  lady  indeed.1 
This  answer  had  a  more  pointed  significance  there  than  with 
us,  for  in  the  highlands  no  one  is  calFd  a  lady  but  a  person 
married  to  the  proprietor  of  an  estate.  All  others,  however 
rich  or  high  born,  are  only  gentlewomen.  How  the  prediction 
intentionally  included  in  the  chief's  answer  was  fulfill'd  will 
hereafter  appear. 

Besides  the  family  title,  every  highland  chieftain  has  a 
patronymic  deriv'd  from  the  most  eminent  of  their  ancestors, 
probablv  the  founder  of  the  family,  and  certainly  the  first  who 
conferral  distinction  on  it.  Thus  Argyle  is  the  son  of  Colin, 
Breadalbane  the  son  of  Archibald,  etc. ;  and  the  chief  of  the 
Camerons  was  always  styl'd  son  of  Donald  Du,  Black  Donald, 
whatever  his  name  or  complexion  may  be.  This  dark  com- 
plexion, as  well  as  the  appellation  derived  from  it,  became,  it 
would  appear,  hereditary  in  the  family,  and  at  length  it  became 
a  tradition  or  prophecy  among  the  clan  that  a  fair  Lochiel 
should  never  prosper. 

After  the  birth  of  the  twelve  daughters,  to  the  great  joy  of 
the  clan,  an  heir  appearM,  but  their  satisfaction  was  not  a 
little  checked  on  finding  the  ill-omeifd  laird  was  as  fair  as  any 
of  his  sisters.  Tho'  fair,  however,  he  was  not  effeminate,  but 
added  to  the  dignity  of  appearance  and  muscular  strength 
which  distinguished  his  ancestors  a  singularly  mild  and  en- 
o-ao-ino-  countenance.  He  was  calFd  Donald.1  Archibald, 
afterwards  known  as  the  hard-fated  Dr.  Cameron,  and  John, 
denominated  Fassfern,  from  the  possession  he  held,  were  born 
soon  after.  The  proud  prediction  of  their  father  was  soon 
amply  fulfilFd  with  regard  to  the  daughters  of  this  extra- 
ordinary family,  which  centred  in  itself  so  much  beauty,  merit, 


1  The  '  Gentle  Lochiel. 


320  MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS 

and  good  fortune  that  their  history  unites  the  extravagance  of 
romance  with  the  sober  reality  of  truth. 

The  fair  Quaker  made  not  only  an  excellent  wife  but  a  most 
exemplary  mother.  Her  daughters  were  better  educated  than 
the  generality  of  young  women  in  these  remote  corners,  and 
tho'  little  or  nothing  was  to  be  expected  with  them,  the  fame 
of  their  engaging  appearance  soon  attracted  admirers  from  all 
quarters. 

There  was  little  or  nothing  to  be  expected  with  them,  or 
indeed  with  any  highland  damsel,  but  the  great  point  was  to 
be  well  born  and  well  allied.  Now,  tho1  no  people  on  earth 
set  more  by  high  descent  than  the  highlanders  in  choosing  a 
wife,  ancestry  was  not  the  sole  consideration.  They  were  much 
persuaded  that  the  qualities  of  the  mind  as  well  as  personal 
and  constitutional  defects  or  advantages  were  hereditary. 
They  were  therefore  anxious  to  a  degree,  scarce  credible  to 
modern  refinement,  to  avoid  the  risk  of  inherited  faults  or 
blemishes.  To  express  the  thing  in  their  own  homely  manner, 
the  Lochiel  maidens  were  consider^  as  of  an  excellent  breed, 
and  when  the  eldest  and  one  or  two  of  her  sisters  were  well 
married  the  additional  attraction  of  forming  good  alliances  drew 
admirers  to  the  younger  branches  of  the  family.  They  seem'd 
indeed  like  the  Sibyl's  leaves,  to  rise  in  value  as  they  decreas'd 
in  number.  The  younger  ones  were  taken  away  almost  in 
childhood,  and  the  youngest  of  all,  who  was  allowedly  the 
most  beautiful,  was  actually  married  to  Cameron  of  Glen- 
dissery  in  the  twelfth  year  of  her  age,  and  after  his  death  to 
Maclean  of  Kingarloch,  so  that  she  was  successively  the  wife 
of  two  heads  of  families.1 

The  least  beautiful  of  this  tribe  of  beauties,  who,  however, 
possess'd  a  commanding  figure  and  superior  understanding, 
was  Jean,  afterwards  married  to  Clunie,2  the  chief  of  the  clan 
Macpherson.  She  had  the  advantage  over  her  fairer  sisters  of 
being  celebrated  in  English,  or  rather  Scotch  verse,  being  the 
reputed  heroine  of  the  popular  and  pathetic  song  known  by 
the  name  of  '  Lochaber  no  more.'' 


1  Christian,  who  married  Glendessary,  was  Jean  Barclay's  eldest  daughter. 

2  Lachlan  Macpherson  of  Nuid  who  succeeded  to  the  chiefship  in  1722.    Their 
eldest  son  Ewen,  the  Cluny  of  the  '45,  married  Janet  Fraser  of  Lovat. 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  321 

The  poet,  who  in  strains  at  once  tender  and  heroic,  laments 
his  departure  from  Lochaber  and  consequent  separation  from 
his  Jean,  is  said  to  have  been  an  officer  in  one  of  the  regiments 
station'd  at  Fort  William.  The  marriages  of  these  admir'd 
sisters  derive  a  certain  political  importance  from  their  forming 
links  of  a  chain  which  their  father,  from  his  popularity  and 
power  of  mind,  was  enabled  to  draw  in  any  direction,  and  to 
which  his  son  afterwards,  by  the  combined  power  of  affinity 
and  ability,  communicated  the  same  momentum. 

In  this  view  it  is  worth  while  to  trace  each  distinct  head 
of  this  powerful  confederacy  which  associated  so  many  noted 
families  by  the  ties  both  of  kindred  and  opinion  into  one  mass 
of  disaffection  to  Government  and  strong  mutual  attachment. 

The  sons-in-law  of  John  Lochiel  were,  1st.  Cameron  of  Dim- 
gallon.  2nd.  Barclay  of  Urie.  3rd.  Grant  of  Glenmoriston. 
4th.  Macpherson  of  Clunie.  5th.  Campbell  of  Barcaldine. 
6th.  Campbell  of  Auchalader.  7th.  Campbell  of  Auchlyne. 
8th.  Maclean  of  Lochbuy.  9th.  Macgregor  of  Bohaudie.  10th. 
Wright  of  Loss.  11th.  Maclean  of  Ardgour;  and,  12th. 
Cameron  of  Glendissery.1  It  is  singular  that  all  these  twelve 
ladies  became  the  mothers  of  families,  and  made  good  wives 
and  mothers,  insomuch  that  their  numerous  descendants  still 
cherish  the  bonds  of  affinity  now  so  widely  diffus'd,  and  still 
boast  their  descent  from  these  female  worthies. 

Thus  powerful  in  new  formal  connections,  and  happy  in  the 
midst  of  an  admirable  family,  Lochiel  liVd  in  tranquil  comfort 
till  the  death  of  Queen  Anne,  ominous  to  all  Tory  visions  of 
felicity,  again  brought  troublous  times,  and  once  more  brought 
the  fidelity  of  the  Jacobite  chiefs  to  the  severest  test.  Some 
of  the  Scotch  nobility,  who  languished  to  see  Scotland  once 
more  in  reality  an  independent  kingdom,  nourished  in  the 
minds  of  the  chieftains  a  hatred  to  English  dominion.     This 


1  This  list  is  very  inaccurate.  First  of  all,  it  refers  to  the  daughters,  not  of 
John,  but  of  Sir  Ewen.  Moreover,  there  were  only  eleven,  not  twelve,  of  these 
ladies.  Then,  none  of  these  married  Campbell  of  Achlyne,  Maclean  of  Loch- 
buy, or  Wright  of  Loss  ;  while  there  is  no  mention  of  the  marriage  of  Katharine 
Cameron  to  William  Macdonald,  Tutor  of  Sleat,  or  of  her  sister  Marjory  to 
Macdonald  of  Morar.  Macgregor  of  Bohaudie  also  is  better  known  under  the 
name  of  Drummond  of  Balhaldy.  Cf.  also  p.  287.  Barclay  of  Urie  was  Robert, 
the  grandson  of  the  Apologist. 

X 


322  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

had  indeed  been  too  often  delegated  into  the  hands  of  cruelty 
and  rapine,  to  be  in  any  degree  popular ;  and  tho1  the  scourges 
of  the  land  who  had  thus  abus'd  authority  were  themselves 
Scotchmen,  still  the  English  rule  was  blam'cl  for  the  unparal- 
lel'd  miseries  of  the  country  during  the  intermediate  period 
between  the  accession  of  James  the  First  and  the  Union. 
There  still  lurk'd  in  the  minds  of  the  less  instructed  Scotch  a 
strong  desire  of  being  governed  by  a  king  of  their  own,  who 
should  reign  in  Scotland  only,  and  to  whom  that  kingdom 
should  not  be  merely  a  secondary  object. 

This  dislike  to  English  sway  was  greatly  exasperated  by  the 
cruel  abandonment  of  the  settlement  of  Darien,  which  gave 
the  lieges  of  the  low  country  a  dislike  to  King  William's 
person  and  government,  equally  strong  and  better  grounded 
than  that  which  the  highlanders  had  conceiv,d,  in  consequence 
of  the  famine,  when  they  imaginY!  themselves  starv'd  to  atone 
for  his  personal  transgressions. 

This  eager  wish  for  unattainable,  or  at  best  precarious 
and  tributary  independence,  was  lullM  to  sleep  by  the  lenient 
counsels  and  military  triumphs  that  render'd  the  reign  of  their 
beloved  Queen  glorious  abroad,  and  comparatively  tranquil  at 
home,  and  she  had  the  additional  merit  of  having  a  grand- 
father born  in  Scotland,  and  to  all  these  merits  the  passion 
for  a  direct  line  of  succession  for  some  time  gave  way.  The 
leaders  of  the  party  did  not  fail  to  whisper  to  the  chiefs  that 
this  pious  princess  was  too  conscientious  to  let  her  dominions 
descend  to  a  stranger,  and  had  made  provision  in  her  settle- 
ments to  prevent  such  an  alienation,  as  they  consider'd  it,  of 
the  crown. 

Nothing  could  equal  the  astonishment  of  these  deluded 
chiefs  when  they  found  that  the  dreaded  foreigner  was  in  actual 
possession  of  a  crown  of  which  they  knew  their  inability  to 
dispossess  him. 

To  restore  their  ancient  race  of  monarchs  to  the  separate 
crown  of  Scotland  was  their  fondest  wish.  This  visionary 
project  was  never  adopt'd  by  the  Jacobites  at  large,  who  were 
too  well  inform^  to  suppose  it  either  practicable  or  eligible, 
but  it  serv'd  as  an  engine  to  excite  the  zeal  of  bards  and 
sennachies,  who  were  still  numerous  in  the  Highlands,  and  in 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  323 

whose  poetry  strong  traces  of  this  very  project  may  still  be 
found. 

The  insurrection  of  the  year  fifteen,  kinaTd  from  the  embers 
of  the  unextinguishM  hopes  of  the  Jacobites,  is  too  well  known 
to  require  any  detail  here,  and  was  too  ill  conducted  to  do 
much  credit  either  to  those  who  kindPd  or  those  who  extin- 
guishYl  it.  Lochiel,1  however,  as  far  as  fidelity  is  honourable, 
had  merit  in  his  adherence  to  his  principles,  having  much  to 
lose,  and  little  to  expect  from  a  change.  Before  he  went  to 
the  field  of  Sheriff  Muir,  which  decided  the  contest,  without 
leaving  to  either  side  the  honours  of  victory,  he  arrang'd 
matters  so  as  to  be  prepar'd  for  the  worst.  The  frequency  of 
feuds  and  civil  wars  in  Scotland  during  those  long  and  feeble 
minorities,  equally  fatal  to  the  independence  of  the  throne  and 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  had  taught  the  Barons  to  practise 
all  the  finesse  and  stratagem  rendered  necessary  by  a  state  of 
perpetual  change  and  uncertainty.  The  son  and  father,  for 
the  general  advantage  of  the  clan,  often  affected  to  take  dif- 
ferent sides,  that  the  estate  might  in  any  event  be  preservM 
to  the  family.  Lochiel  did  not  exactly  follow  this  example, 
but  he  left  his  affairs  so  arrang'd,  and  under  such  careful  guid- 
ance, that  in  case  of  the  worst  that  could  be  fear'd,  his  estate 
and  affairs  might  be  protected.  He  had  a  powerful  band  of 
sons-in-law  to  give  aid  and  counsel  to  the  heir,  now  nearly  of 
age,  and  I  think  at  college. 

Donald,  the  younger  Lochiel,  having  no  concern  in  the 
rising,  of  which  he  was  purposely  kept  in  ignorance,  was  not 
liable  to  be  questional  on  that  account.  Tho'  he  was  carefully 
educated  in  the  family  principles,  a  reflective  mind  and  much 
acquir'd  knowledge,  removal  him  far  from  that  headlong  rash- 
ness which  pursues  the  end  without  duly  considering  the  means. 
Conscious  that  the  honour  and  interest  of  the  clan  were  safe  in 
the  hands  of  such  a  son,  the  elder  Lochiel l  (now  consider'd  by 
Government  as  a  proscribe  rebel),  after  hovering  for  some 
[time]  in  Braemar  and  Badenoch  and  the  intermediate  districts, 
joined  General  Gordon,  and  folio w'd  the  fortunes  of  the  un- 
fortunate adventurer  to  France,  after  his  ill-advis'd  landing 


1  John  is  meant,  though  Sir  Ewen  did  not  die  till  1719.     Cf.  p.  308  note  I. 


324  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

and  coronation  at  Scone.  He  was  now  considered  too  powerful 
to  be  conniv,d  at,  and  of  too  much  consequence  to  be  forgiven, 
had  he  even  been  willing  to  submit.  He  resided  chiefly  at  the 
court  of  St.  Germains,  where  he  enjoy 'd  a  high  degree  of  favour 
and  confidence,  particularly  with  the  Duke  of  Berwick,  and 
tho1  he  seem'd  to  renounce  Scotland  till  a  change  of  Govern- 
ment should  render  his  return  eligible,  he  at  different  times  made 
private  visits  to  his  native  country,  where  he  could  remain, 
if  not  publicly,  at  least  safely,  as  long  as  it  suited  his  inclina- 
tion, having  sons-in-law  in  every  district  ready  to  protect  him, 
besides  the  most  dutiful  and  amiable  of  sons,  who  consider'd 
himself  as  merely  holding  his  possessions  in  trust  for  his  father. 
To  all  the  noble  and  generous  qualities  display M  in  the  age  of 
chivalry  by  his  brave  ancestors,  Donald  of  Lochiel  united  a 
gentleness  of  manners  aud  elegance  of  mind  to  which  those 
unpolish'd  warriors  were  strangers.  He  married  about  the 
year  ""28  a  daughter  of  Sir  James  Campbell  of  Auchinbreck, 
of  which  marriage  the  present  Lochiel  is  descended.  Of  this 
lady  it  is  sufficient  praise  to  say  that  she  was  every  way  a  suit- 
able companion  for  her  husband.1 

Donald,  tho'  no  less  attached  to  the  abdicated  family  than 
his  predecessors,  found  it  expedient  for  the  general  good  to 
submit  quietly  to  the  ruling  powers,  but  never  took  the  oaths 
of  allegiance  to  the  reigning  family.  Nothing  could  be  a 
greater  proof  of  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  all  parties 
than  his  being  indulg'd  in  this  tenderness  of  conscience  so  near 
a  military  station.2 

In  the  many  private  visits  which  the  elder  chieftain  made  to 
his  son,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  there  was  a  kind  of  tacit 
agreement  that  what  they  esteenv'd  '  the  good  old  cause '  should 
be  supported  when  occasion  became  ripe.  Donald,  however, 
a  patriot  and  a  person  of  deep  reflection,  lov"d  his  king  well, 
but  his  country  still  better.  Nor  would  he  be  persuaded  to 
risk  the  safety  of  that  country  by  any  prospect  of  personal 
advantage.  Ambition,  '  that  last  infirmity  of  noble  minds,"1 
had  no  great  power  over  his.     John  Lochiel  had  look'd  too 


1  Their  family  consisted  of  three  sons  and  four  daughters. 

2  Fort-William. 


MRS.  GRANT'S  LETTERS  325 

near  into  the  court  of  France  to  depend  much  upon  it ;  and  to 
the  sound  j  udgment  of  his  son  it  seem'd  obvious  that  an  attempt 
unsupported  by  powerful  aid  from  abroad  would  be  unavailing. 
Indeed  it  was  evident  that  without  foreign  aid,  and  the  hearty 
co-operation  of  the  English  Jacobites,  any  further  attempts  to 
reinstate  the  exil'd  Prince  would  only  end,  as  the  former  had 
done,  in  a  desperate  display  of  unavailing  courage  and  fidelity, 
and  the  utter  ruin  of  his  Scotch  adherents. 

John  Lochiel  the  exile  deriv'd  much  consequence  from  the 
influence  he  possess'd  over  his  numerous  progeny.  The  sons  of 
his  daughters1  were  in  some  instances  become  the  heads  of 
families,  and  all  look'd  up  to  him  for  light.  The  slightest 
intimation  of  his  will  would  have  been  sufficient  to  set  his 
family  confederacy  in  motion,  but  the  chief  saw  too  clearly  to 
hazard  the  fate  of  so  many,  without  well  weighing  the  conse- 
quences, and  his  son's  wisdom,  early  ripen'd  by  the  cautious 
and  critical  part  he  had  to  act,  forbade  all  precipitance. 

In  this  state  of  matters  he  was  appris'd  of  an  intended  descent 
on  Scotland,  which  was  to  be  powerfully  supported  by  the 
French,  and  no  less  effectually  seconded  by  the  English  Jaco- 
bites. It  was  necessary  to  be  well  assure!  of  this  before  any 
steps  could  be  taken  in  a  country  aw'd  by  garrisons  and  known 
to  be  disaffected.  But  while  Donald  was  thus  anxiously  wait- 
ing for  certain  intelligence  of  their  plans,  what  was  his  aston- 
ishment to  hear  of  the  young  adventurer's  landing  in  the  wilds 
of  Moidart,  a  savage  district  on  the  sea  coast,  in  that  neigh- 
bourhood where  his  standard  was  first  display 'd.  After  re- 
maining there  in  concealment  for  a  few  days,  he  came  to 
Auchnacarrie.2 

Lochiel  strongly  express'd  his  sorrow  and  concern  at  seeing 
him  so  ill  provided,  and  so  slenderly  attended.  He  strongly 
dissuaded  him  from  showing  himself  till  more  suitable  prepara- 
tion should  be  made  for  his  reception,  and  till  a  force  should 
arrive  on  the  coast  strong  enough  to  encourage  and  support. 

Full  of  the  ardour  of  youth  and  presumption  of  sanguine 
hope,  the  Prince  remain'd  unmov'd  by  the  chieftain's  argu- 
ments, and  began  to  reproach  him  with  a  circumspection  and 

1  Should  be  'sisters.'     Cf.  p.  318  note. 

-  The  Prince  landed  at  Borradale  on  25th  July  1745.  He  met  Lochiel  there, 
and  does  not  seem  to  have  visited  Auchnacarrie  at  that  time. 


326  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

coolness  incompatible  with  genuine  attachment,  and  which 
tended  to  damp  the  zeal  of  his  more  courageous  followers. 
Seeing  no  persuasion  could  deter  the  leader  from  prosecuting 
this  rash  adventure,  he  arrang'd  his  papers  and  affairs,  as  a 
man  setting  out  on  a  journey  from  whence  he  was  not  to 
return,  and  with  ominous  sadness  collected  all  his  force,  and 
having  once  embarked  in  this  perilous  enterprise,  he  exerted 
himself  with  as  much  determinM  courage  and  eager  persever- 
ance as  if  it  had  been  undertaken  with  his  entire  approbation. 
The  sequel,  it  is  well  known,  fully  justified  his  objections, 
and  the  intermediate  narrative  of  public  transactions  includes 
the  account  of  the  gallantry,  clemency  and  good  faith  which 
distinguish'd  his  conduct  during  the  course  of  that  unhappy 
contest.  Had  not  his  judgment  so  far  contradicted  his  wishes, 
he  might  have  given  still  more  effectual  aid  to  the  cause  which 
a  vain  waste  of  blood  and  courage  adoni'd  without  strengthen- 
ing it.  He  sacrifiVd  himself  and  his  followers,  but  could  not 
be  induced  to  persuade  his  brothers-in-law  to  engage  in  a  cause 
so  hopeless.  Most  of  these,  however,  wisrTd  well  to  it,  and 
some  in  consequence  of  previous  impressions  joi^d  it. 

This  chief  was  wounded  in  the  leg  in  the  battle  of  Culloden, 
and  afterwards  convey "d  by  some  faithful  followers  to  a  shealing 
in  the  gloomy  and  unknown  recesses  at  the  west  end  of  Loch 
Erroch.  In  the  meantime,  the  house  of  Achnacarrie  was 
burnt  and  plunder^,  as  well  as  the  Castle  of  Glengarrie,  and 
the  district  inhabited  by  Lochiers  followers  ravaged  with  un- 
sparing cruelty ;  the  details  of  this  would  be  painful  to 
humanity.  Attracted  by  the  fame  of  the  advantages  gain'd 
by  the  highlanders  at  Falkirk  and  Prestonpans,  John  of 
Lochiel  came  over  from  France  and  landed  on  the  coast  of 
Lochaber,  a  very  short  time  before  the  final  blow  which 
scatterd  irretrievably  his  adherents.1  He  retunfd  in  the  same 
vessel  after  taking  a  last  look  of  the  scene  of  his  past  authority 
and  happiness.  He  returrfd,  I  know  not  on  what  account,  pri- 
vately to  Scotland  a  few  years  after,  and  died  in  Edinburgh.2 

1  He  was  present  with  the  reinforcements  which  marched  from  Perth  to  Falkirk 
before  the  battle. 

2  Mackenzie's  History  of  the  Camerons  says  he  died  in  exile  at  Newport  in 
Flanders  in  1747  or  early  in  174S. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  327 

It  is  hard  to  say  what  could  particularly  exasperate  the 
conquerors  at  a  character  so  distinguish'd  for  mildness  and 
probity  as  that  of  Lochiel,1  yet  his  blood  seenfd  to  be  sought 
after  with  the  most  rancorous  perseverance.  It  was  known 
that  his  wound  made  escape  from  the  country  difficult,  if 
not  impossible,  and  a  considerable  reward  was  offered  for 
apprehending  him.  In  the  plunder  of  the  house  of  Achna- 
carrie,  a  picture  was  found  drawn  for  Lochiel,  and  accounted  a 
good  likeness.  This  was  given  to  a  party  of  the  military,  who 
were  despatch'd  over  Corryaric  in  search  of  the  unfortunate 
invalid.  On  the  top  of  this  mountain  they  met  Macpherson 
of  Urie,  who  being  a  tall,  handsome  man,  of  a  fair  and  pleasing 
aspect,  they  concluded  to  be  the  original  of  the  portrait 
they  carried  with  them.  This  anecdote  I  had  from  Urie 
himself.  He  was  a  Jacobite,  and  had  been  out  as  the 
phrase  was   then.     The  soldiers  seiz\l   him,  and  assure!  him 

he  was  a  d d  rebel,  and  that  his  title  was  Lochiel.     He  in 

return  assur'd  them  that  he  was  neither  d d  nor  a  rebel, 

nor  by  any  means  Lochiel.  When  he  understood,  however, 
that  they  were  a  party  in  search  of  Lochiel,  going  in  the  very 
direction  where  he  lay  conceaFd,  he  gave  them  room  finally 
to  suppose  he  was  the  person  they  sought.  They  return'd  to 
Fort  Augustus  where  the  Duke  of  Cumberland  then  lay,  in 
great  triumph  with  their  prisoner.  Urie,  as  he  expected  from 
the  indulgence  of  some  about  the  Duke,  was  very  soon  set  at 
liberty ;  and  this  temporary  captivity  had  the  wish'd-for 
effect  of  giving  the  younger  Lochiel  time  to  recover  of  his 
wounds  and  leave  the  king-dom.  In  his  flight  to  France  he 
was  accompanied  by  his  lady,  the  faithful  and  affectionate 
associate  of  his  exile.  His  son  was  left  under  the  care  of  his 
brother  Fassfern,2  being  then  a  mere  infant.3  A  daughter, 
Donalda,  was  afterwards  born  in  France,  but  attacli'd  herself 
so  fondly  to  her  father  that  at  his   death,4  which   happen'd 

1  Donald  nineteenth  of  Lochiel. 

2  John  Cameron  of  Fassifern  married  Jean  Campbell  of  Achallader,  and  their 
eldest  son,  Ewen,  afterwards  Sir  Ewen,  was  the  father  of  the  well-known  Colonel 
John  Cameron  of  the  92nd  Highlanders  who  fell  at  Quatre  Bras. 

3  He  was  born  in  1732. 

4  He  died  26th  October  1748,  so  the  daughter  cannot  have  been  then  fourteen 
if  born  after  the  '45. 


328  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

when  she  was  about  fourteen,  she  pin'd  away  with  grief  and 
never  recover'd.  Lochiel  was  what  is  caird  colonel  of  a 
refomfd  regiment  in  the  French  service ;  and  having  a  peculiar 
faculty  of  attaching  the  affections  of  those  among  whom  he 
liv\l,  was  particularly  belovM  among  his  new  friends  as  well  as 
among  the  associates  of  his  exile,  and  held  in  great  respect  by 
the  unfortunate  adventurer. 

These  unhappy  exiles  were  for  a  while  amusM  with  fleeting 
projects;  in  consequence  of  one  of  these  Lochiel  and  Clunie 
went  to  visit  their  Prince  at  a  retreat  on  the  upper  Rhine, 
to  which  he  had  retir'd  after  his  cruel  and  perfidious  imprison- 
ment at  the  Castle  of  Vincennes.1 

They  found  him  sunk  in  that  lassitude  which  often  succeeds 
long  protracted  agitation  and  smother'd  sorrow.  He  was 
accompanied  by  Miss  Walkinshaw  and  her  daughter,  after- 
wards Duchess  of  Albany.  In  this  child  and  her  mother  his 
whole  affections  seem'd  to  centre.  This  was  very  mortifying 
to  the  two  chiefs  by  whom  that  lady  was  considerd  as  a  spy 
for  the  English  court.  They  left  him  after  a  short  visit,  under 
the  dominion  of  his  Delilah,  and  return'd  hopeless  and  de- 
jected. From  this  time  LochieFs  health  began  to  decline. 
Exile,  terrible  to  all,  was  to  him  embitter'd  by  a  separation 
from  vassals  so  faithful  and  attach'd,  and  friends  so  numerous 
and  so  worthy  as  fell  not  to  the  lot  of  any  other  man. 

Nor  was  the  attachment  of  those  affectionate  followers 
altogether  unavailing.  The  estate  of  Lochiel  was  forfeited 
like  others,  and  paid  a  moderate  rent  to  the  crown,  such  as 
they  had  formerly  given  to  their  chief.  The  domain  formerly 
occupied  by  the  laird  was  taken  on  his  behoof  by  his  brother. 
The  tenants  brought  each  a  horse,  cow,  colt,  or  heifer,  as  a 
free-will  offering,  till  this  ample  grazing  farm  was  as  well 
stock'd  as  formerly.  Not  content  with  this  they  sent  a  yearly 
tribute  of  affection  to  their  belov'd  chief,  independent  of  the 
rent  they  paid  to  the  commissioners  for  the  forfeited  estates. 
LochiePs  lady  and  her  daughter  once  or  twice  made  a  sorrow- 
ful pilgrimage  among  their  friends  and  tenants.  These  last 
receiv'd  them  with  a  tenderness  and  respect  which  seemM 
augmented  by  the  adversity  into  which   they  were  plunged. 

1  As  the  Vincennes  incident  took  place  after  Lochiel's  death,  and  before  Cluny's 
arrival  in  France,  the  statement  in  the  text  cannot  be  literally  correct. 


MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS  329 

Lochiel  died,  as  was  generally  thought,  of  a  broken  heart, 
about  the  year  [174S]. 

His  daughter  soon  followed  him,  and  his  wife  did  not  long 
survive  this  amiable  exile,  who  seems  to  have  something 
peculiarly  estimable  and  endearing  in  his  character.  So  much 
was  he  belov'd  in  life,  and  so  tenderly  lamented  by  his  tribe 
and  party.  Being  a  man  of  deep  feeling,  his  fate  was  thought 
to  be  accelerated  by  the  vindictive  cruelty  which  pursued  his 
kindred.  The  violent  death  of  Dr.  Cameron x  and  the  banish- 
ment of  Fassfern,  who  both  fell  victims  to  the  rancour  of 
party,  no  doubt  embittercl,  if  they  did  not  shorten  his 
remaining  days.  It  was  a  melancholy  winding  up  of  this 
catastrophe  that  his  only  son  should  fall  a  victim  to  the  ill 
judg'd,  tho1  affectionate  attachment  of  this  generous  tribe,  yet 
so  it  was. 

The  young  Lochiel,2  tho1  what  the  Scots  call  a  landless  laird, 
was  cherisrTd  with  enthusiasm  by  all  the  Camerons  as  the 
representative  of  their  ancient  chiefs.  His  friends,  however, 
did  not  choose  that  he  too  should  become  a  victim  in  a  lost 
cause.  They  gave  him  a  very  good  education,  and  at  an 
early  period  procured  for  him  a  commission  in  the  British 
army. 

At  an  early  age  he  married ;  and  Government  being  soon 
after  engag'd  in  levying  men  for  the  American  War,  found  it 
convenient  to  use  the  agency  of  the  attainted  chiefs  for  that 
purpose.  They,  notwithstanding  their  poverty  and  priva- 
tions, retaining  an  unbounded  influence  over  the  minds  of 
their  clans. 

Lochiel  was  offered  a  company  in  General  Frasers  regiment, 
the  71st,3  provided  he  could  raise  it  among  his  clan.  This  he 
soon  and  easily  did,  and  marchVl  to  Glasgow  at  the  head  of 
it,  in  order  to  embark  on  board  some  vessels  then  lying  at 
Greenock  under  orders  to  sail  for  America. 

While  the  regiment  was  about  to  embark,  Lochiel  was  taken 


1  Dr.  Archibald  Cameron's  judicial  murder  did  not  take  place  till  1753. 

2  On  Donald's  death  his  eldest  son  was  John,  who  died  in  Edinburgh  in  1762, 
unmarried  and  predeceased  by  his  brother  James.  '  The  Young  Lochiel '  here 
mentioned  is  accordingly  Charles  the  third  son.  He  married  a  Miss  Marshall  in 
1767  and  died  in  1776.  3  Cf.  p.  275. 


330  MRS.  GRANTS  LETTERS 

ill  with  the  measles,  which  assunfd  rather  an  alarming  appear- 
ance, and  for  the  present  prevented  his  embarking  with  his 
company.  Finding  the  oldest  lieutenant  about  to  assume  a 
temporary  command,  they  positively  refusM  to  stir,  asserting 
'  that  they  had  not  engaged  with  King  George  but  Lochiel, 
that  they  would  follow  him  wherever  he  went,  but  would  obey 
no  other  leader."1  Finally,  in  the  Green  of  Glasgow,  they 
made  a  circle  round  the  adjutant,  laid  down  their  arms,  and 
[positively]  refus'd  to  take  them  up  again  till  order*1  d  by  their 
chief.  Lochiel,  who  lodg'd  near  the  scene  of  [this  disorder],1  was 
soon  inform1  d  of  all  those  particulars.  Tho1  ill  in  bed,  and 
very  feverish  at  the  time,  he  got  up,  dress'd,  and  with  his 
sword  in  his  hand  went  down  and  harangued  his  people ; 
representing  to  them  that  unless  they  went  on  board  their 
conduct  would  be  imputed  to  disaffection,  and  thus  become 
ruinous  and  disgraceful  to  him,  and  that  he  hopM  to  overtake 
them  at  Greenock  before  they  embark'd.  They  took  up  their 
arms,  huzza'd  their  chief,  and  immediately  resumed  their  march. 
EnfeeWd  by  his  effort  and  exhausted  by  agitation,  Lochiel 
again  took  his  bed  and  died  in  a  very  few  days  after,  in  con- 
sequence of  going  out  in  a  raw  misty  day  of  November,  when 
he  was  so  unequal  to  that  exertion. 

Most  of  this  devoted  company  perishM  in  the  contest  which 
follow'd,  and  during  which  Frase^s  regiment  was  thrice 
renewM,  and  lost  2400  men.  The  present  Lochiel  is  the  son 
of  this  last  chief,  and  to  him  the  estate  was  restor'd  sometime 
about  the  year  "So. 

Jordanhill,  Deer.  Mth,  1808. 


1  He  was  ill  in  London  at  the  time,  and  at  once  hurried  to  Glasgow. 


INDEX 


Aberdeen,  47,  96,   103,   112,    113, 

131. 

Aberlady,  53,  55. 

Abertarf,  305,  306. 

Achnacarrie,  309,  310,  316,  325  and  n, 

326,  327. 
Admiralty  court,  196,  208. 
Advocates,   proposed  regulations  for, 

196. 
Aird,     the,     255,     256,     259,     274, 

.275. 

Airlie,  earl  of,  137. 

Allhamstoks.     See  Auldhamstocks. 

Alloa  house,  156,  166  n,  181-183. 

Alured,  colonel,  112  »,  135. 

Alyth  (Eliot),  103,  112  and  n,  135. 

Ane  True  Accompt  of  the  Preservation, 

etc.,  102. 
Angus,  William,  9th  earl  of,  1 10. 
Annandale  family,  3. 
Anne,  queen,  317,  318,  321. 
Applegirth.     See  Jardine. 
Arbuthnot,  viscount,    116,    126,    129, 

132. 
Argyll,  Archibald,  earl  of,  19,  45,  46, 

59>  76,  98 ;  letter  to,  from  the  earl 

of  Holland,  37. 

John,  duke  of,  146,  188. 

Armies  to  be  dissolved,  91. 

Arnot,    sir  John,    of   Berswick,    lord 

provost,  4. 

Marion,  6. 

Rachel,  4,  6,  7. 

Articles  of  pacification  signed,  90. 
Arundel  and  Surrey,  Thomas  Howard, 

earl  of,  71  and  n,  77. 
Athol,  earl  of,  114. 

Atterbury,    Francis,    bishop    of    Ro- 
chester,   149- 151,    153,    154,    161, 

169. 
Auldhamstocks,  53,  63. 
Avignon,  158,  159. 
Axtillis,  Mr.,  123. 
Aytoun,  43,  46,  47,  57. 


Baillie,  Robert,  principal  of  Glas- 
gow university,  8,  14,  18,  19. 

of  Jerviswood,  10-13. 

Baker,  rev.  S.  Ogilvy,  ill,  135  n. 

Balcanqual,  Dr.,  dean  of  Durham, 
71  n. 

Balcarres,  lord,  135. 

Ballacheulish.     See  Stewart,  John. 

Ballandalloch,  268. 

Balmayne.     See  Ramsay,  sir  William. 

Balmerino,  lord,  52,  59,  97,  242  ft. 

Balnagarro,  lands  of,  135  11. 

Bannerman,  sir  Alex.,  of  Elsick, 
120  n,  121. 

Barclay,  colonel  David,  of  Urie,  317  n. 

Jean,    317   and    n,    318    and   n 

-320. 

Robert,  of  Urie,  308,  309  and  », 

317  «• 

grandson,  321  and  n. 

Bares s  alledgances  ansred,  102,  109. 

Barra,  53,  56. 

island  of,  301. 

Barras.     See  Ogilvie,  George. 

lands  of,  109. 

Bass  Rock,  104. 

Beaufort,  274  and  n. 

Beaulieu  abbey,  274. 

Belladrum,  274. 

Berwick,  14,  42,  44,  50,  68,  92,  95. 

duke  of,  164  n,  308,  324. 

Bingly,  lord,  245,  246. 

Birks,  near  Berwick,  32. 

Bishops,  64 ;  abolition  of,  76,  85,  87, 
95 ;  to  be  answerable  to  general 
assembly,  83,  94  ;  ministers'  oath  of 
obedience  to,  85 ;  all  the  people 
'  bade  hang  the  bishops,'  95. 

Blacader,  laird  of.  See  Home,  sir 
John. 

Black  mount,  311. 

Blackness  castle,  199,  210. 

'  Black  stock,'  the,  or  table  dormant 
of  the  castle,  119  n. 


332 


INDEX 


Blandford,  William,  marquis  of,   188 

and  ;/. 
Bolingbroke,  lord,    144  and   n,    159, 

164  ;/,  166. 
Bolshan,  Forfar,  12S. 
Bolton  (Bontin),  53. 
Borthrik,  Mr.,  63. 
Bothans,  53,  56. 

Boyle,  Henry.     See  Carleton,  lord. 
Boyne,  lord,  92,  95. 
Braemar,  158,  183. 
Breadalbayn,  lord,  172. 
Bressey,  Benjamin,  11. 
Bretuile,  M.,  French  secretary  of  war, 

225. 
Bridge  of  Dee,  96. 
Bristowe,  Catherine,  wife  of  general 

Fraser,  276  ;/. 

John,  276  n. 

Brodick,  104. 
Bruce,  captain,  181. 

sir  William  of  Stenhouse,  5,  7. 

Buchanan  of  Drumakiln  betrays   the 

marquis  of  Tullibardine,  254,   2S0- 

284. 
captain    John,    of    Drumakiln, 

283,  284,  289,  290,  294. 
Burnet,  Gilbert,  bishop  of  Salisbury, 

4,  9- 

Robert,  lord  Crimond,  5. 

Burntisland,  town  of,  letter  to,  from 

Hamilton,  59,  60. 

Callart,  306. 

Cameron  of  Dungallon,  321. 

of  Glendessery,  306,  320  and  ;/, 

321  and  71. 
of  Lochiel,  memoir  of  the  family 

of,  298-330. 

Allan,  of  Lochiel,  307  n. 

Dr.  Archibald,  319,  329  and  n. 

Charles,  of  Lochiel,  329  ;;,  330 

and  ;/. 

Christian,  320. 

Donald,  of  Lochiel,  278,  318  », 

319,  323-329. 

Donalda,  327  and  n. 

Ewen,  of  Fassifern,  278  and  n. 

sir   Ewen,   01   Lochiel,   308-318 

and    n,   321,    323   n;    MS.   memoir 

of,  278  and  n. 

Jean,  320. 

John,  of  Fassifern,  319,  327  and 

«,  329- 

colonel,  27S  n,  327  n. 

of  Lochiel,  253,  254,  277, 

308,  317  and  71,  318-326  and  n. 
of  Lochiel,  son  of  Donald, 

329  71. 


Cameron,  Katherine,  321  /i. 

Margaret,  279. 

Marjory,  321  n. 

Campbell  of  Auchalader,  2S7,  321. 

of  Auchlyne,  321  and  71. 

of  Barcaldine,  321. 

of  Glendaruel,  159,  172  and  ;/. 

Alexander,   his    Gz-a/zipia/is  left 

desolate,  287  and  it. 

Isabel,  317  7t. 

sir  James,  of  Auchinbreck,  324. 

Jean,  of  Achallader,  327  n. 

Primrose,    second    wife   of    lord 

Lovat,  262  and  «,  269,  270. 

Camsfield,  54. 

Capoch  in  Lochaber,  107,  1 14. 

Carlaverock,  55. 

Carleton,  Henry  Boyle,  lord,  245, 
246. 

Carlisle,  42,  95. 

Caroline,  queen,  10. 

Carter,  Eliza,  297. 

Cassilis,  earl  of,  95,  96. 

Castle  Dunie,  256,  260,  262,  269,  274. 

Castle  Grant,  268,  269. 

Charles  I.  of  England,  65,  66,  68,  70, 
77,  80,  90;  his  dislike  of  presbytery, 
21  ;  his  ecclesiastical  policy,  22,  23  ; 
accepts  responsibility  of  service- 
book,  28 ;  prepares  army  against 
Scotland,  32 ;  his  demands  and 
arguments,  48,  78,  82 ;  his  Large 
Declaratioji,  7 1  and  71 ;  his  Declara- 
tion,  86,  90,  91,  95 ;  Scots  remon- 
strate with,  92. 

Charles  11.  of  England,  104,  107,  108, 
114,  117,  125,  127,  131,  136,  137; 
hates  Wariston,  18 ;  coronation  of, 
102 ;  desires  the  Honoursbedelivered 
to  earl  Marischal,  115;  letter  from,  to 
countess  Marischal,  115;  letter  to, 
from  countess  Marischal,  121  ;  com- 
mands Ogilvie  to  render  Honours  to 
earl  Marischal,  123  n,  128;  makes 
John  Keith  knight  marischal,  132  ; 
letter    of,    to    earl    of    Middleton, 

134- 
Charles    XII.    of   Sweden,    146,    241 

and  7t. 
Charslie  wood,  97. 
Cherry  isle,  Loch  Ness,  304. 
Clackmannan,  I  Si. 
Clanranald  family,  287  and  n. 
Clepham,  colonel,  174  and  «. 
Closeburn,  54. 
Clunes,  306. 
Cobet  (Cobbeet),  colonel,  governor  of 

Dundee,  114,  136. 
Cockburn,  Adam,  of  Ormiston,  9. 


INDEX 


333 


Cockburnspath,  46,  47,  53. 

Coke  (Cooke),  John,  secretary,  68,  70. 

Coldingham,  47,  57,  59. 

Coldstream,  47. 

College  of  justice,  36,  48,  67. 

Cologne  (Collen),  121. 

Colquhoun,  miss,  254,  280. 

sir  James,  of  Balvie,  9. 

Coluberdy,  120. 

Committee  of  estates,  103,  127,  128. 

Commissioners  (Scots),  subscribe  arti- 
cles of  pacification,  90. 

Commonwealth,  army  of  the,  104. 

Congalton,  Patrick,  of  Congalton,  5. 

Considerations  .  .  .  for  Irland  on  2 
Restoration,  213. 

Conzier,  Mr.,  56. 

Corryaric,  327. 

Court  of  session,  196,  208. 

Covenant,  national,  13,  25,  26. 

Covenanters,  33,  69  ;  acquit  the  king 
but  accuse  the  bishops,  27  ;  desire  a 
free  general  assembly,  28  ;  their  dis- 
cussions with  Hamilton,  29;  forbid 
king's  proclamation  to  be  read,  32. 

Craig,  Elizabeth,  wife  of  James  John- 
stone, 4,  5,  7  n,  12. 

sir  James  Gibson,  33. 

Margaret,  6,  8. 

sir  Thomas,  of  Riccarton,  4,  5. 

Craigie,  129. 

Craignish,  251. 

Cramond,  52. 

Crawford,  earl  of,  135. 

Crechtoun,  James,  54- 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  19,  102. 

Culloden,  battle  of,  326. 

Cuming  clan,  304  and  n. 

Cuninghame,  lady  Catherine,  9. 

Francisa,  9. 

sir  James,  of  Glengarnock,  9. 

William,  35. 

Dalentay,  289. 

Dalhousie,  earl  of,  35,  46,  55* 

Dalkeith,  47,  55. 

Dalrymple,  Mr.,  of  Clackmannan,  181. 

Dalziel,  lord  of,  69. 

Darien  settlement,  322. 

Deane,  major-general,  commander-in- 
chief  of  English  forces,  119  and  n. 

Declaration  read  before  Munroe's  regi- 
ment, 95.    See  also  Charles  1. 

Dickson,  David,  58,  59. 

Dillon,  general,  161  and  n,  167,  168, 

I7I>  J73>  2I2j  223"225>  227  »• 
Directions  concerning  the  Monument 
to  be  erected  in  the  church  of  Alloa, 
192. 


Dirleton,  53,  55. 

Donaldson,  major,  276. 

Douglas,  Archibald,  3. 

Elizabeth,  no. 

Isabel,  marchioness  of  Montrose, 

114  n. 

John,  of  Barras,  1 10. 

Drumakiln.     See  Buchanan. 

Drumlanrig,  lord,  54. 

Drummond  of  Balhaldy,  321  n. 

general  Wm.,  of  Cromlix,  vis- 
count Strathallan,  10. 

Dubois,  cardinal,  167,  223. 

Duff,  lord,  142  n. 

Dumbarton,  104,  199,  210,  311. 

Dumfries,  52-55. 

Dun,  lord,  180,  184,  189. 

Dunbar,  35,  42,  43,  46,  53. 

Dundee,  114,  136. 

Dunfermline,  earl  of,  63-70. 

Dungallan,  306. 

Dunglas,  46,  51,  63,  95. 

Dunnottar  castle,  102-108,  116,  118  n, 
119  «,  122,  125,  126  n,  127  n,  128, 
129,  130,  131,  136  and  n,  199, 
210. 

Duns,  46,  47,  49,  50,  58,  61-65,  89, 

97- 

Durie,  lord,  59,  76. 

East  Lothian.     See  Haddington. 

Edinburgh,  24,  47,  48,  58,  83,  86,  90, 
95  >  97  5  committee  of,  49,  57  ;  letters 
to  the  committee  of,  43,  44,  62  ;  con- 
tributions of,  to  the  army,  47,  97  ; 
provost  and  bailies  of,  52,  56  ;  Mar's 
proposals  for  the  improvement  of, 
201-203. 

castle,  92,  95,  96,  199,  210. 

Elders,  ruling,  question  of,  30,  93. 

Elie,  Fife,  113,  136. 

Eliot.     See  Alyth. 

Elsick.     See  Bannerman  (Alex.), 

Elsinford,  53. 

Erskine,  cardinal,  291. 

of  Pittodrie,  158. 

lord,  42,  51. 

John.     See  Mar,  earl  of. 

sir  John,  of  Alva,  188  and  n. 

lady  Mary,  countess  marischal, 

no. 

Thomas,  lord,  157,  168  and  n. 

captain  William,  174  and  n. 

barony  of,  142. 

family  of,  142  and  n. 

Ethrington,  43,  44,  49. 

Exchequer  court,  196,  208. 

Eyemouth  (Haymouth),  43,  44,  46, 
47,  57- 


334 


INDEX 


Farquhar,  sir  Walter,  2S6  and  «, 
290,  293,  294. 

Farquharson  of  Invercauld,  142  n. 

Ferguson,  miss,  253,  254. 

Fetteresso  (Fitersso),  countess  of  Mar- 
shall's jointure  house,  112. 

Fielding,  Mr.,  293. 

Fife,  48,  52,  54. 

Findlater,  earl  of,  143. 

Fishery  laws  of  England  and  Scot- 
land, 2. 

Fisherraw,  55. 

Fish  wick,  49. 

Fleming  (Phleeming),  lord,  51,  61. 

Flether,  Christian,  ill. 

Forbes,  Alexander.    See  Pitsligo,  lord. 

Foresterseat,  lady,  8. 

lord,  5,  12. 

Forfeited  estates,  199,  211. 

Fort  Augustus,  327. 

Forth  and  Clyde  canal,  203. 

Fort-William,  302,  310,  324. 

Foster's  regiment,  48. 

Foulis,  James,  baron  of  Colinton, 
4  n. 

Fraser,  Alexander,  second  son  of  lord 
Lovat,  262  and  n,  270  and  n. 

Amelia,  256  n. 

Janet,  of  Lovat,  320  n, 

Simon.     See  Lovat,  lord. 

general  Simon,  son  of  lord  Lovat, 

262,  271  n,  275,  276  and  n. 

Sybilla,  daughter  of  lord  Lovat, 

269,  270. 

Thomas,  of  Beaufort,  255  and  n. 

Frasers  of  Brea,  271  and  n. 

Galloway,  earl  of,  54. 

Garlies,  lord,  161  and  n. 

Garvald  (Garvitt),  53,  56. 

General  assemblies,  30,  76,  8 1,  82,  86- 

88,  93,  94. 
(Glasgow),  31,  70,  83,  84, 

85,  89,  93,  96. 
Geneva,  159  and  11,  160,  189. 
George  1.,  144. 
George  in.,  297. 
Gibb,  Mr.,  architect,  190  and  n. 
Gibson,  sir  Alex.,  of  Durie,  6,  8. 
Gile,  sir  Harie,  97. 
Gleg,  Dr.,  277. 
Glenbervy,  lord,  298. 
Glencairn,  earl  of,  114,  135. 
Glencoe,  massacre  of,  313. 
Glendessery.     See  Cameron. 
Gloucester,  duke  of,  123. 
Godolphin,  lord,  245,  257,  258,  279. 
Gordon,  duchess  of,  290. 
general,  159,  323. 


Gordon,  Alexander,  of  Beldorney,  315 
and  n. 

Gortuleg,  264. 

Goswick,  42. 

Graden,  lady,  13. 

Grahame,  George,  of  Morphine,  121 
and  ». 

colonel  Gordon,  276. 

Grainger,  rev.  James,  minister  of 
Kineff,  105,  108,  109-113,  116,  117, 
126  and  n,  129,  130,  131,  135  ;  his 
declaration  anent  the  Honours,  116, 
125  ;  his  action  anent  the  Honours, 
125-128  ;  letters  from,  to  countess 
Marischal,  131. 

Mrs.,  conveys  the  Honours  from 

Dunnottar,  105, 109, 1 16, 125, 130, 135. 

Grange,  lord,  180,  181,  188,  189. 

Grant  of  Ballandalloch,  261. 

of  Coriemony,  292. 

of  Glenmoriston,  289,  321. 

laird  of,  301. 

miss,  of  Arndilly,  296,  297. 

Mrs.,  ofLaggan,  251,252;  letters 

from,  to  sir  Henry  Steuart,  253-271, 
277,  284,  288  and«,  293,  295  ;  letter 
to,  from  sir  John  Macpherson,  290. 

Charles,  293  and  n. 

rev.  James,  251. 

sir  James,  of  Freuchie,  307  n. 

Margaret,   wife   of  Simon,    lord 

Lovat,  261  and  n,  268. 

family,  307. 

Gravelines,  158,  159. 

Gunne,  colonel,  95. 

Guthrie,  rev.  James,  7,  17. 

Haddington,  35,  43,  46,  52,  53. 

earl  of,  63. 

Hamilton,  marquis  of,  23,  27,  32,  78, 
87,  88,  114  ;  letter  from,  to  captain 
Watson,  59  ;  letter  from,  to  town  of 
Burntisland,  60  ;  answer  from  Burnt- 
island, 60  ;  intercepted  letter  of,  to 
lord  Ogilvie,  68. 

sir  Patrick,  63. 

Hatsell,  Mr.,  293. 

Hay  of  Dunfermline,  16. 

Hay,  colonel,  secretary  to  the  cheva- 
lier, 149  and  n,  153,  154,  166,  168, 
169,  177,  223. 

Alexander.  See  Foresterseat,  lord. 

Helen.    See  Wariston,  lady. 

Hemp,  cultivation  of,  in  Ireland,  214. 

Henderson,  Alexander,  25,  31,  42,  58, 
76,  85  n. 

Hepburn,  (Hebroun)  Adam,  63. 

sir  Adam,  of  Humbie,  10. 

Thomas,  10. 


INDEX 


335 


Henryson,  Edward,  4  n. 

sir  Thomas,  lord  Chesters,  4  ». 

Heriot,  Agnes,  wife  of  James  Foulis, 
4  n. 

Helen,  4  ;/. 

Robert,  of  Lymphoy,  4  n. 

Highlands,  proposals  for  the  formation 
of  highland  regiments,  219,  246, 
291  71  ;  English  ignorance  of  the, 
258,  272,  ;  characteristics  of  high- 
landers,  288  ;  highland  music,  291  ; 
manners  and  customs,  29S-304;  high- 
land poetry,  303  ;  highland  forays, 
306,  307  ;  famine  in,  318. 

Holland,  107,  113. 

earl  of,  39,  42,  46,  48,  49,   61, 

64,  93  ;  letters  from,  37  and  n  • 
letters  to,  from  the  Scots  army,  39, 
42. 

Home  or  Hume,  captain,  51. 

earl  of,  46,  49,  51,  52,  63. 

George,  of  Graden,  11. 

sir  John,  of  Blacader,  39,  40,  43, 

46,  48. 

John,  278  and  n,  297. 

castle,  199. 

Honours  of  Scotland,  102,  105,  106, 
false  receipts  of,  107  ;  delivered 
to  charge  of  Ogilvie,  112,  116  ; 
in  charge  of  Mr.  James  Grain- 
ger, 125  ;  buried  by  him,  112,  113  ; 
how  conveyed  from  Dunnottar,  133, 
135 ;  said  to  have  been  sent  to 
Paris,  1 14  ;  countess  of  Marischal's 
account  of,  to  king,  121,  122;  dispute 
between  Grainger  and  Ogilvie  anent, 
128,  129. 

Humbie,  53,  56. 

Humble  desires  of  H.Af.'s  subjects, 
70. 

Hume.     See  Home. 

Huntly,  marquis  of,  32,  96. 

Huton,  59. 

Inchcolme,  35. 

Information  against  all  mistaking  of 
H.M.  declaration,  89,  96. 

Inglis,  James,  of  Ingliston,  5. 

Innerwick,  53. 

Invergarrie,  castle,  310,  316. 

Inverlochy  castle,  199,  210,  220. 

Ireland,  schemes  for  the  government  of, 
166,  167  and  n  ;  a  good  understand- 
ing between  Ireland  and  Scotland 
desirable,  201 ;  proposals  for,  on  a 
restoration,  213  ;  Irish  troops  for 
service  in  France,  231  ;  indepen- 
dence of,  231,  232,  234. 

Islay,  lord,  iSS. 


Jackson,  John,  5. 

James  VI.,  his  attempts  to  restore 
episcopal  government,  22 ;  on  the 
king's  negative  voice  in  parliament, 

75"- 

Jamesone,  George,  his  portrait  of  War- 
iston, 33. 

Jardine  of  Applegirth,  54. 

Jedburgh,  46,  51,  61. 

Johnson,  Dr.,  criticisms  on,  272,  289. 

Johnston    of    Hilton,     Berwickshire, 

3  »>  5- 

lord,  46,  54. 

Alexander,  8,  9. 

Archibald,  Wariston's  grand- 
father, merchant  of  Edinburgh,  3,  4. 

Archibald,     of    Wariston.       See 

Wariston,  lord. 

son  of  Wariston,  8. 

Beatrix,  5. 

David,  7  n. 

Elizabeth,  10. 

Euphan,  12. 

Gavin,  3. 

Helen,  11. 

James,   merchant  of  Edinburgh, 

4,  7»,  12. 

secretary  for  Scotland,  1,  9, 

10,  17. 

son  of  the  secretary,  10. 

of  Beirholm,  3. 

Janet,  5,  7,  11. 

Joseph,  5, 

Margaret,  1 1 . 

Rachel,  5,  10,  11. 

Samuel,  advocate,   of  Sciennes, 

4,6. 
Jordanhill,  277. 
Justiciary  court,  196. 

Keith,  Anne,  countess  of  Morton, 
1 14  ;/. 

John,  earl  of  Kintore,  101,  103, 

104,  106,  107,  109  ;  created  earl 
of  Kintore,  no,  114,  117,  118, 
120  and  n,  122,  126,  129,  131-138; 
his  adventures  abroad  and  in  Scot- 
land, 131,  136. 

Robert,  of  Whiterigs,  127  and  n, 

128. 

William.     See  Marischal,  earL 

Kelso,  37,  42,  51,  52,  57,  59,  61. 

Ker,  lord,  46,  58. 

Killicrankie,  battle  of,  308  and  n, 
310. 

Kilmallie,  298. 

Kinneff,  117,  118  n,  131,  in. 

church,  105,  106. 


336 


INDEX 


Kinneff,   minister  of.      See  Grainger, 

rev.  James. 
Kinnoul,  earl  of,  95. 
Kintore,  earl  of.     See  Keith,  John. 
Kintyre,  19. 
Kirkcaldy,  52. 

Kirkcudbright,  lord,  52,  54,  92. 
Knighthood,   military   order   of,  21 1, 

212. 
Knight  Marischal  of  Scotland,   office 

of,  133- 

Lag,  laird,  54. 

Laggan,  251. 

Lamamonach,  274. 

Lambingtoune,  52. 

Lansdown,  lord,  187  and  n. 

Large  Declaration  concerning  the  late 

tumults,  71  »■ 
Laud's  liturgy,  Charles's  copy  of,  28  n. 
Lauder,  61. 

Lauderdale,  duke  of,  165. 
Legacie   to  Scotland,    151,    155,    156, 

194-205. 
Legard,  sir  John,  295. 
Leith,   35,   45,   48,    159,    199,   203; 

fortifications  of,  33,  92  ;   privileges 

of,  203. 
Leslie,  general  Alexander,  33,  35,  42, 

46,  51-53,  58,  61,  63. 

Robin,  63  n,  64. 

Letter  sent  to  the  shires  of  Scotland 

from  Dunbar,  35. 
Letteron,  215  and  n. 
Lighton,  col.  David,  104  and  n,  120 

and  n. 
Lindsay,  lord,  35,  43,  46,  96. 
Linen  manufacture  of  Ireland,  214. 
Lochaber,  280. 

'  Lochaber  no  more,'  320,  321. 
Locharkaig,  310. 
Lochend,  40. 
Loch  Erroch,  326. 
Lochgarry,  107,  114  and  n,  136. 
Lochiel.     See  Cameron. 
Loch  Lomond,  280. 
Loch  Ness,  304. 

Lockhart  of  Carnwath,  145,  152,  155. 
London,   103,   108,   127  n,  131,   135  ; 

tower  of,  122. 
Lord  advocate,  138. 
Lord  chamberlain,  88,  93* 
Lorraine,  163. 

Lothian,earl  of,  42, 46, 51,57-59,61,63. 
Lothians,  the,  54,  97. 
Loudoun,  earl  of,  25,  35,  43,  55,  70-72, 
78,  85  n,  92,  96,  97. 

Hugh,  earl  of,  187  and  n. 

Lovat,  lord,  305,  306. 


Lovat,  Archibald,  lord,  262  n. 

Hugh,  lord,  255  and  n,  256. 

of  Fraserdale,  255  n,  256  n. 

Simon    Fraser,    lord,     172    and 

n,  253,  254,  255  and  n  :  his  out- 
rage on  the  dowager  lady  Lovat, 
256,  274 ;  at  the  court  of  St.  Ger- 
mains,  256 ;  a  Jacobite  agent  in 
London,  257  ;  transfers  his  services 
to  the  government,  257,  258  ;  his 
popularity  in  the  highlands,  259  ; 
his  hospitality  at  castle  Dunie,  260, 
261 ;  marriage  of,  261  ;  his  second 
marriage,  262  ;  intrigues  for  a  rising 
in  the  north,  263  ;  his  interview  with 
prince  Charles  after  Culloden,  265  ; 
taken  prisoner,  265  and  n ;  his  be- 
haviour in  the  Tower,  266,  267  ; 
character  of,  268  ;  MS.  account  of 
his  life,  271. 

dowager  lady,  256,  274  and  n. 

■  master  of,  263. 

estates,  256  and  n,  257  and  n, 

274,  305. 
Lumgair,  lands  of,  1 35  ». 
Lyon  king  of  arms,  96,  117,  137- 
Lyttleton,  lady,  276. 

Macdonald  of  Glengarry,  305,  31672. 

of  Morar,  321  n. 

of  Teindrich,  289. 

/Eneas,  of  Glengarry,  309  n. 

Alexander,  309-316. 

Hector,  of  Boisdale,  284. 

Julia,  315  and  n,  316. 

William,  tutor  of  Sleat,  321  n. 

MacGregor    of    Bohaudie,    287,    321 

and  n. 
M'Kell,  procurator,  126,  132. 
Mackenzie,  Alexander,  255  ;/,  256  n. 

■ sir  Alexander,  of  Coul,  11. 

Catherine,  251. 

Henry,  287  and  n. 

Roderick,  11. 

of  Prestonhall,  255  n. 

sir  Roderick,  of  Scatwell,  261. 

lady,  of  Scatwell,  269. 

Maclean  of  Ardgour,  321. 

of  Kingarloch,  320. 

of  Lochbuy,  32 1  and  n, 

Maclellans,  the,  289  n. 

MacNicol,  rev  Donald,  his  Remarks 

on  Johnson's  journey  to  the  Hebrides, 

287  and  n. 
Macniels  of  Barra,  301,  302. 
Macpherson  of  Benchar,  271,  279. 
of  Cluny,  263  and  n,  277,  280, 

320  and  n,  321,  328  and  n. 
of  Fleigherty,  27S. 


INDEX 


337 


Macpherson  of  Urie,  327. 

sir  Eneas,  278  and  n, 

Evan,    schoolmaster,    286,    292, 

293- 

major  Evan,  278,  279,  294,  295. 

James,  271,  287,  291,  292. 

John,  D.D.,  285  and  n. 

sir  John,  285-289,  294,  296,  298; 

letter  from,  to  Mrs.  Grant,  290. 

Lachlan,  of  Nuid,  320  11. 

Martin,  minister  of  Sleat,   285- 

287,  296. 

Macraes,  the,  289  and  n. 

Macvicar,  Duncan,  251. 

Mar,  Charles,  tenth  earl  of,  141. 

John,  seventh  earl  of,  no. 

■ eleventh  earl  of,  141  and  n, 

150-152  and  n,  154,  163  ;  sketch  of 
his  career,  142-149;  extract  of  letter 
from,  to  the  chevalier,  146 ;  his 
Legacie  to  his  son,  Thomas,  lord 
Erskine,  157-191  ;  his  Memorial  to 
the  Regent  Orleans,  152  and  n,  153, 
154  and  n,  167  and  n,  168,  169  ;  sent 
into  Scotland  to  effect  a  rising,  164  and 
n,  170,  176  ;  opposed  to  the  union, 
163,  165  ;  his  '  Scheme  ...  for  the 
government  of  Scotland,'  151,  165, 
194-205  ;  his  Directions  concernitig 
the  monument  to  be  erected  in  Alloa 
church,  192,  193  and  n  ;  his  Legacie 
to  Scotland,  194-205,  letters  to,  from 
the  chevalier,  206-211  ;  letters  from, 
to  the  chevalier,  223,  244 ;  his  Me- 
morial to  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  223 ; 
letter  from,  to  the  duke  of  Orleans, 
226. 

lady,  160,  176,  177,  189. 

John  Thomas,  earl  of,  156. 

lady  Mary,  141. 

Philadelphia,  countess  of,  156. 

Marischal,  dowager-countess,  101,  103, 
105,  107,  108,  1 10-122,  125,  127, 
131,  135-138;  letter  to,  from  Mid- 
dleton,  115  ;  letter  to,  from  the 
king,  115  ;  letter  to,  from  George 
Ogilvie,  118  ;  letter  to,  from  Grain- 
ger, 131  ;  letter  from,  to  Charles  11., 
121 ;  letter  in  favour  of,  from  Charles 
11.,  134. 

earl,  46,  109,  112,  1 15,  122,  123 

and  n,  126  n,  128,  129-132,  137  ; 
parliament  delivers  Honours  to  his 
custody,  102  ;  taken  prisoner,  103, 
112,  135. 

George,  fifth  earl,  135  n. 

eighth  earl,  134  and  n. 

William,  sixth  earl,  no,  1 14  ;/. 

Marlborough,  lord,  245. 


Maryburgh.     See  Fort  William. 

Martin,  captain,  120. 

Maule,  Patrick,  earl  of  Panmure,  no. 

Maxwells,  the,  52. 

May,  isle  of,  35. 

Mearns,  the,  135  n. 

Meldrum,  Robert,  Leslie's  secretary, 
58,  61,  63  n. 

Memoranda  for  Lords  Rothes  and 
Loudon,  72-76. 

Memorial  of  John  Earl  of  Mar  to  the 
Du/ce  of  Orleans,  152  and  n,  153, 
154  and  7t,  155,  167  and  n,  168, 
169,  223,  228. 

Menzies  (Minize),  Mr.,  189. 

Merse,  the,  49,  51. 

Middleton,  general,  107,  109,  113, 
114,  116,  130,  136,  137;  letter 
from,  to  the  countess  Marischal, 
115;  letter  to,  from  Charles  II.,  134. 

Midlothian,  52. 

Military  order  of  knighthood,  218. 

Militia  for  Scotland,  216-221. 

Ministers,  of  Scotland,  letter  from  the 
army  to,  45. 

Monk,  general,  114,  136,  137. 

Montebello,  160. 

Montgomery,  lord,  35,  55. 

Montrose,    James,    first    marquis    of, 

32,  33,  35,  46,  55,  92,  95;  96,  3°3- 
James,  second  marquis  of,    114 

and  n,  136. 

papers,  289. 

Moray,  Robert,  188  and  n. 

William,  of  Abercairney,  1 88. 

Morham  (Norhame),  53,  56. 
Morison,  Helen,  6. 
Morphine,  laird  of.     See  Grahame. 
Morton,  earl  of,  12,  63,  95,  114  n. 
Munro,  col.,  41  and  n,  46,  51-54,  57, 

61. 
Murray,  Amelia,  255  n. 

sir  Patrick,  52,  53. 

Musselburgh,  47,  55. 

Napier,  lord,  59,  97. 

National  covenant.     See  Covenant. 

Newcastle,  duke  of,  268. 

Newgrange,  132. 

Newhaven,  48,  52. 

Nicholson,  sir  Thomas,  76. 

Nidsdaile,  lord,  54,  55. 

Nisbet,  James,  6. 

sir  John,  of  Dirleton,  6. 

Patrick,  lord  Eastbank,  6. 

North  Berwick,  51,  53,  55- 

Officers  of  State,  15,  204,  205. 
Ogilvie,  David,  no. 


INDEX 


Ogilvie,  sir  George,  of  Barras,  101- 
119  n,  121-123,  125-132,  135  n, 
J375  *38  ;  letter  from,  to  countess 
Marischal,  118;  letter  to,  from  his 
son  William,  123. 

Mrs.,  104-106,  136. 

John,  of  Balnagarro  and  Chapel- 
ton,  135  «. 

dame  Margaret,  second  wife  of 

George,  fifth  earl  Marischal,  135  ;/. 

lord,  6S-69,  I IO,  137. 

sir  William,  of  Barras,  101,  108- 

110,  123,  124,  126,  130,  131. 

letter  from,  to  his  father,  123. 

William,  of  Lumgair,  no,  135  ;/. 

Oliphant,  John,  51. 

Orford,  earl  of,  253. 

Orleans,  duke  of,  178;  Mar's  Memo- 
rial to,  152  and  n,  153,  154  and  ;/, 
167  and  n,  168,  169,  223  ;  letter  to, 
from  Mar,  enclosing  the  Memorial, 
226. 

Ormiston,  56,  254. 

Ormond,  duke  of,  148,  168,  245. 

Panmure,  lord,  no,  279  and  n. 
Paris,  106,  107,  113,  114,  136. 
Parliament  of  Ireland,  proposals  for, 

213- 

of  Scotland,  66,  75,  77,  91. 

Paterson,  Mr.,  159  and  11,  173. 

sir  Hugh,  of  Bannockburn,  159  n. 

Patton,  Alexander,  118. 

Paxton,  59. 

Peadie  (Peddee),  James,  bailie  of 
Montrose,  127  and  n. 

Pencaitland,  53,  56. 

Penn,  Sophia  Margaret  Juliana,  293;;. 

Thomas,  of  Stoke- Pogis,  293  n, 

Perth,  five  articles  of,  6,  22,  83 ; 
commission  of,  97 ;  citadel  of, 
199. 

duke  of,  148  n. 

Phanles,  captain  George,  56. 

Phleeming.     See  Fleming. 

Pitsligo,  lord,  188  and  11. 

Pittodrie.     See  Erskine. 

Porteus,  Dr.  Beilby,  bishop  of 
London,  293,  296. 

Mrs. ,  296. 

Poulett,  John,  baron,  9. 

Presbyterian  church  government,  197. 

Preston,  battle  of,  159. 

John,  of  Fentonbarns,  lord  pre- 
sident, 6. 

Prestongrange,  lord,  6. 

Prestonkirk,  53,  55. 

Prestonpans,  55. 

Primrose,  Mr.,  245. 


Privy  councils,  24,  67,  84,  102,  no, 

195,  208. 
Proclamations,  32,  38,  41,  57,  66,  67, 

69. 

QUEENSBERRY,     duke    of,     I42,     163, 

187  and  n. 

'Rainbow,'  the,  in  Leith  roads,  59. 

Rait,  Alexander,  184. 

Ramsay,  Mr.,  161,  162. 

sir  William,  of  Balmayne,  127  n. 

Ratray,  Ranald,  of  Ragnagalion,  289. 

Ravelston  house,  Midlothian,  119  11. 

'  Reasons  and  grounds  of  our  humble 
Desires,'  76,  77. 

Rebellion  of  17 15,  145,  323;  causes 
of  its  failure,  170. 

- — -of  1719,  146,  149. 

of  1745,  254,  363,  364. 

Records  of  the  kingdom,  16. 

Regalia,  papers  relative  to  the,  101. 

Registers  of  general  assembly  re- 
covered by  Wariston,  16  n. 

Relick,  estate  of,  274. 

Renton,  laird  of,  his  charter  kist,  49. 

Ridpath,  George  1  and  ;/. 

Rigg.  ^Ir->  246. 

Ripon,  treaty  of,  14. 

Rivan,  general,  95,  96. 

Rollock,  Harie,  96. 

Rome,  160. 

Rothes,  earl  of,  25,  35,  52,  55,  56,  70, 
72,  77,  92,  95,  97,  98. 

Ruddiman's  Caledonian  Mercury,  282 
and  n,  283. 

Safe  conducts,  6S,  69. 

St.  Giles,  riot  in,  1637,  24. 

Saltoun,  53,  56. 

Santlow,  major,  275. 

Scatterraw,  42,  52. 

Scatwell,  262. 

Schuyler,  madam,  295  and  n. 

Scone,  ceremony  of  coronation  at, 
102. 

Scotland,  letter  to  noblemen  of,  from 
the  earl  of  Holland,  37  ;  letter  to 
the  shires  of,  from  the  army,  45,  50  ; 
Mar's  scheme  for  the  government 
of,  194-205,  208 ;  scheme  for  re- 
storing the  ancient  military  spirit 
of,  215. 

Scots  army,  41,  43,  46,  47,  58,  62,  63, 
65,  66,  71,  92,  95,  97  ;  provisions 
for,  46,  47,  53,  55,  56;  money 
coined  for,  56 ;  letter  from,  to  Edin- 
burgh committee,  62. 

fusileers,  141. 


INDEX 


339 


Scots  troops  for  France,  200,  210,  216, 

231. 
Scott,  Walter,  of  Highchester,  earl  of 

Tarras,  10. 
Seaton  house,  159. 
Selkirk  (Selchrig),  letter  from,  51. 

earl  of,  1 14,  287  n. 

Sen-ice  book,  24,  28  and  11,  83. 
Seton,  Mr.,  of  Delhi,  290. 

miss,  of  Touch,  252. 

Sharp,     James,     archbishop     of    St. 

Andrews,  8. 
Shearer,  James,  290. 
Shrewsbury,  duke  of,  246. 
Silver  to  be  coined,  56,  57. 
Skene,  sir  James,  of  Curriehill,  5,  7. 

sir  John,  of  Curriehill,  5. 

'  Some  heads  of  H.M.  treatie, '  93. 

Southesk,  lord,  63,  128  n,  225,  227. 

Spott,  53. 

Stair,  lord,  163,  167  n,  187. 

Stenton,  53,  56. 

Steuart,  sir  Henry,  of  Allanton,  252  ; 

letters    to,     from     Mrs.    Grant    of 

Laggan,   253-271,    277,    284,    288, 

293.  295. 
Stewart  of  Inveruity,  1S9. 

Dr.,  189. 

Alexander,  trial  of,  275  and  n. 

sir    James,    of    Coltness,     lord 

advocate,  memorial  to,  134. 

John,  59. 

of  Ballachclish,  254  and  n. 

sir  John,  of  Coldingham,  57. 

sir  Lewis,  advocate,  6. 

Stirling,  59;  castle  of,  183,  184,   199, 

210,  311. 

of  Craigbamet,  289. 

miss,  of  Kippendavy,  298. 

Stonehaven,  119". 

Straiton,  captain,  242  n. 

Stratheric,  259,  263,  264,  275,   280, 

3°4- 

Strath  Glass,  274. 

Straton,  Arthur,  of  Snadown,  128. 

Stuart,  Dr.,  at  Luss,  295. 

hon.  Mrs.,  293  and  n. 

Charles  Edward,  225,  325  and  n, 

328  ;  his  meeting  with  Lovat  after 
Culloden,  265 ;  MS.  history  of  his 
campaigns  in  Scotland,  291. 

Helen,  290. 

Henry,  cardinal  of  York,  291. 

James  Francis  Edward  [the  che- 
valier], 145,  152  andw,  154,  159; 
extract  of  letter  from  the  earl  of 
Mar  to,  146-149;  approves  of  the 
earl  of  Mar's  scheme  for  the  govern- 
ment of  Scotland,    151,    165,   166  ; 


sends  Mar  into  Scotland,  163,  164 
and  n,  170,  176;  letters  to,  from 
Mar,  223,  244 ;  letters  from,  to  the 
earl  of  Mar,  206-211. 

Stuart,  hon.  W.,  primate  of  Ireland, 
293  and  n. 

Suna,  island  of,  bought  by  Wariston, 

19- 

Sunbury,  279,  297. 

Supplication  with  the  king's  majesty, 

64. 
Sussex,  duke  of,  291. 
Swinton,     Helen,    wife     of    Edward 

Henryson,  4  n. 

John,  of  that  ilk,  4  n. 

Symmer,  Mr.,  189. 

Tantallon  Castle,  35  and  n. 

Tarfe,  the,  304. 

Teviotdale,  sheriff  of,  42,  46,  58, 
70. 

Threve,  siege  of,  92. 

Thought  (a)  with  regard  to  Scotland 
on  the  Memorial,  241. 

Traitors  cannot  be  declared  by  pro- 
clamation, 67. 

Tranent,  53,  55. 

Trapaud,  governor  of  Fort  Augustus, 
266. 

Traquair,  high  treasurer,  23,  88. 

Troup,  Alexander,  writer  in  Edin- 
burgh, 126,  132. 

Tuesden,  Mr.,  51. 

Tullibardine,  marquis  of,  254,  256  n  ; 
account  of  his  betrayal  by  Buchanan 
of  Drumakiln,  2S0-284. 

Tweed,  the,  43,  59. 

Tyndrum,  311. 

Tyninghame,  53,  55. 

UNION  of  England  and  Scotland,  2, 
142-143,  162,  163,  165,  194,  207, 
246. 

Urbino,  160. 

Vandruske,  major-general,  104. 

Vane,  sir  Henry,  51. 

Verney,  sir  Edmund,  65  and  n,  66,  68. 

sir  Ralph,  32. 

Vincennes  castle,  32S  and  12. 

WaLKINSHAW,  miss,  328. 

Walpole,  sir  Robert,  10,  279. 

Wariston,  Archibald  Johnstone,  lord, 
5,  8  n,  12-14,  25,  26,  31,  58,  61, 
71,  72,  76,  78,  85,  97;  birth  and 
education  of,  7,  8 ;  his  papers  and 
diary,  1,  2 ;  his  character  and 
opinions,   13-16;  his  long  prayers, 


340 


INDEX 


16,  17;  hated  by  Charles  II.,  18; 
frames  the  national  covenant,  13, 
25  ;  Scots  commissioner  at  pacifica- 
tion of  Berwick,  14 ;  accepts  office 
from  Cromwell,  19,  20 ;  silenced  by 
the  king,  85,  S7  ;  execution  of,  12, 
13,  17,  18  ;  portrait  of,  33. 

Wariston,  lady,  8,  12. 

Wariston's  close,  Edinburgh,  12. 

Watson,  captain,  letter  to,  from  Ham- 
ilton, 59. 

John,  184. 

Waughtone,  52,  53. 

Wemyss,  sir  John,  of  Bogie,  II. 

Wester  Barras,  lands  of,  no. 

Westminster  assembly,  1643,  14. 

Westnisbitt,  49. 

Wetherburne,  laird  of,  51,  57. 

Whitadder  (Quhitteter),  river,  59. 


Whitehall,  115. 

Whiterigs.     See  Keith,  Robert 

Whittinghame,  56. 

Whittington,  53. 

Whytekirk,  53,  55. 

William  III.,  314,  318,  322. 

Wilson,  Lilly,  254. 

Margaret,  254  n. 

William,     of     Murray's     Hall, 

254  n. 

Winnercom,  captain,  36. 

Woodend,  251. 

Worcester,  battle  of,  102. 

Wright  of  Loss,  287,  321  and  n. 

Writers  to  the  signet,  proposed  regu- 
lations for,  197. 


Yester,  lord,  35,  56. 


York 


Printed  by  T.  and  A.  Constable,  Printers  to  Her  Majesty 
at  the  Edinburgh  University  Press 


£>cotttst)  history  t>octet2>. 


THE    EXECUTIVE. 

President. 
The  Earl  of  Rosebery,  K.G.,  K.T.,  LL.D. 

Chairman  of  Council. 
David  Masson,  LL.D.,  Historiographer  Royal  for  Scotland. 

Council. 
^Eneas  J.  G.  Mackay,  Sheriff  of  Fife  and  Kinross. 
Sir  John  Cowan,  Bart. 
J.  Balfour  Paul,  Lyon  King  of  Arms. 
G.  W.  Prothero,  Professor  of  History  in  the  University 

of  Edinburgh. 
J.  R.  Findlav. 
P.  Hume  Brown,  LL.D. 
J.  Ferguson,  Advocate. 

Right  Rev.  John  Dowden,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Edinburgh. 
Professor  Sir  Thomas  Grainger  Stewart,  M.D. 
J.  R.  N.  Macphail,  Advocate. 
Rev.  A.  W.  Cornelius  Hallex. 
Sir  Arthur  Mitchell,  K.C.B.,  M.D.,  LL.D. 

Corresponding  Members  of  the  Council. 

C.  H.  Firth,  Oxford ;  Samuel  Rawson  Gardiner,  LL.D. ;  Rev. 
W.  D.  Macray,  Oxford  ;  Rev.  Professor  A.  F.  Mitchell,  D.D., 
St.  Andrews. 

Hon.  Treasurer. 
J.  T.  Clark,  Keeper  of  the  Advocates    Library. 

Hon.  Secretary. 
T.  G.  Law,  Librarian,  Signet  Library. 


RULES 

1.  The  object  of  the  Society  is  the  discovery  and  printing, 
under  selected  editorship,  of  unpublished  documents  illus- 
trative of  the  civil,  religious,  and  social  history  of  Scotland. 
The  Society  will  also  undertake,  in  exceptional  cases,  to  issue 
translations  of  printed  works  of  a  similar  nature,  which  have 
not  hitherto  been  accessible  in  English. 

2.  The  number  of  Members  of  the  Society  shall  be  limited 
to  400. 

3.  The  affairs  of  the  Society  shall  be  managed  by  a  Council, 
consisting  of  a  Chairman,  Treasurer,  Secretary,  and  twelve 
elected  Members,  five  to  make  a  quorum.  Three  of  the  twelve 
elected  Members  shall  retire  annually  by  ballot,  but  they  shall 
be  eligible  for  re-election. 

4.  The  Annual  Subscription  to  the  Society  shall  be  One 
Guinea.  The  publications  of  the  Society  shall  not  be  delivered 
to  any  Member  whose  Subscription  is  in  arrear,  and  no 
Member  shall  be  permitted  to  receive  more  than  one  copy  of 
the  Society's  publications. 

5.  The  Society  will  undertake  the  issue  of  its  own  publica- 
tions, i.e.  without  the  intervention  of  a  publisher  or  any  other 
paid  agent. 

6.  The  Society  will  issue  yearly  two  octavo  volumes  of  about 
320  pages  each. 

7.  An  Annual  General  Meeting  of  the  Society  shall  be  held 
on  the  last  Tuesday  in  October. 

8.  Two  stated  Meetings  of  the  Council  shall  be  held  each 

... 

year,  one  on  the  last  Tuesday  of  May,  the  other  on  the  Tues- 
day preceding  the  day  upon  which  the  Annual  General 
Meeting  shall  be  held.  The  Secretary,  on  the  request  of 
three  Members  of  the  Council,  shall  call  a  special  meeting  of 
the  Council. 

9.  Editors  shall  receive  20  copies  of  each  volume  they  edit 
for  the  Society. 

10.  The  owners  of  Manuscripts  published  by  the  Society  will 
also  be  presented  with  a  certain  number  of  copies. 

11.  The  Annual  Balance-Sheet,  Rules,  and  List  of  Members 
shall  be  printed. 

12.  No  alteration  shall  be  made  in  these  Rules  except  at  a 
General  Meeting  of  the  Society.  A  fortnight's  notice  of  any 
alteration  to  be  proposed  shall  be  given  to  the  Members  of  the 
Council. 


PUBLICATIONS 

OF    THE 

SCOTTISH    HISTORY    SOCIETY 

For  the  year  1886-1887. 

1.  Bishop  Pococke's  Tours  in  Scotland,  1747-1760.     Edited  by 

D.  W.  Kemp.  (Oct.  1887.) 

2.  Diary    of    and     General    Expenditure    Book    of    William 

Cunningham  of  Craigends,  1673-1680.  Edited  by  the  Rev. 
James  Dodds,  D.D.  (Oct.  1887.) 

For  the  year  1887-1888. 

3.  Panurgi    Philo-caballi    Scoti    Grameidos    libri    sex.  —  The 

Grameid  :  an  heroic  poem  descriptive  of  the  Campaign  of 
Viscount  Dundee  in  16S9,  by  James  Philip  of  Almerieclose. 
Translated  and  Edited  by  the  Rev.  A.  D.  Murdoch. 

(Oct.  1888.) 

4.  The  Register  of  the  Kirk-Session  of  St.  Andrews.     Part  i. 

1559-1582.     Edited  by  D.  Hay  Fleming.  (Feb.  1889.) 

For  the  year  1888-1889. 

5.  Diary  of  the  Rev.  John  Mill,  Minister  of  Dunrossness,  Sand- 

wick,  and  Cunningsburgh,  in  Shetland,  1740-1803.  Edited 
by  Gilbert  Goudie,  F.S.A.  Scot.  (June  1889.) 

6.  Narrative  of  Mr.  James  Nimmo,  a  Covenanter,  1654-1709. 

Edited  by  W.  G.  Scott-Moncrieff,  Advocate.      (June  18S9.) 

7.  The  Register  of  the  Kirk-Session  of  St.  Andrews.     Part  n. 

1583-1600.     Edited  by  D.  Hay  Fleming.  (Aug.  1890.) 


PUBLICATIONS 

For  the  year  1889-1890. 

8.  A  List  of  Persons  concerned  in  the  Rebellion  (1745).  With 
a  Preface  by  the  Earl  of  Rosebery  and  Annotations  by  the 
Rev.  Walter  Macleod.  (Sept.  1890.) 

Presented  to  the  Society  by  the  Earl  of  Rosebery. 

9.  Glamis  Papers:  The  '  Book  of  Record/  a  Diary  written  by 

Patrick,  first  Earl  of  Strathmore,  and  other  documents 
relating  to  Glamis  Castle  (1684-89).  Edited  by  A.  H. 
Millar,  F.S.A.  Scot.  (Sept.  1890.) 

10.  John  Major's  History  of  Greater  Britain  (1521).     Trans- 

lated and  Edited  by  Archibald  Constable,  with  a  Life  of  the 
author  by  .ZEneas  J.  G.  Mackay,  Advocate.  (Feb.  1892.) 

For  the  year  1890-1891. 

11.  The  Records  of  the  Commissions  of  the  General  Assemblies, 

1646-47.  Edited  by  the  Rev.  Professor  Mitchell,  D.D.,  and 
the  Rev.  James  Christie,  D.D.,  with  an  Introduction  by  the 
former.  (May  1892.) 

12.  Court-Book  of  the  Barony  of  Urie,  1604-1747.  Edited 
by  the  Rev.  D.  G.  Barron,  from  a  ms.  in  possession  of  Mr.  R. 
Barclay  of  Dorking.  (Oct.  1892.) 

For  the  year  1891-1892. 

13.  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  Sir  John  Clerk  of  Penicuik, 
Baronet,  Baron  of  the  Exchequer,  Commissioner  of  the  Union, 
etc.  Extracted  by  himself  from  his  own  Journals,  1676-1755. 
Edited  from  the  original  ms.  in  Penicuik  House  by  John  M. 
Gray,  F.S.A.  Scot.  (Dec.  1892.) 

14.  Diary  of  Col.  the  Hon.  John  Erskine  of  Carnock,  l68S- 

1687.  From  a  ms.  in  possession  of  Henry  David  Erskine, 
Esq.,  of  Cardross.     Edited  by  the  Rev.  Walter  Macleod. 

(Dec.  1893.) 


PUBLICATIONS  5 

For  the  year  1892-1893. 

15.  Miscellany  of  the  Scottish  History  Society,  First  Volume — 

The  Library  of  James  vl,  1573-83. 

Documents  illustrating  Catholic  Policy,  1596-98. 

Letters  of  Sir  Thomas  Hope,  1627-46. 

Civil  War  Papers,  1645-50. 

Lauderdale  Correspondence,  1 660-77. 

Turnbull's  Diary,  1657-1704. 

Masterton  Papers,  1 660-1 7 19- 

Accompt  of  Expenses  in  Edinburgh,  1715. 

Rebellion  Papers,  1715  and  1745.  (Dec.  1893.) 

16.  Account  Book  of  Sir  John  Foulis  of  Ravelston  (1671-1707). 

Edited  by  the  Rev.  A.  W.  Cornelius  Hallen. 

(June  1894.) 

For  the  year  1893-1894. 

17.  Letters  and    Papers   illustrating   the   Relations   between 

Charles  ii.  and  Scotland  in  1650.  Edited,  with  Notes  and 
Introduction,  by  Samuel  Rawson  Gardiner,  LL.D.,  etc. 

(July  1894.) 

18.  Scotland   and   the   Commonwealth.      Letters   and    Papers 

relating  to  the  Military  Government  of  Scotland,,  Aug. 
1651 — Dec.  1653.  Edited,  with  Introduction  and  Notes,  by 
C.  H.  Firth,  M.A.  (Oct.  1895.) 

For  the  year  1894-1895. 

19.  The  Jacobite  Attempt  of  1719-     Letters  of  James,  second 

Duke  of  Ormonde,  relating  to  Cardinal  Alberoni's  project 
for  the  Invasion  of  Great  Britain  on  behalf  of  the 
Stuarts,  and  to  the  Landing  of  the  Earl  Marischal  in 
Scotland.    Edited  by  W.  K.  Dickson,  Advocate.    (Dec.  1895.) 

20.  21.  The  Lyon  in  Mourning,  or  a  Collection  of  Speeches, 

Letters,  Journals,  etc.,  relative  to  the  Affairs  of  Prince 
Charles  Edward  Stuart,  by  the  Rev.  Robert  Forbes,  A.M., 
Bishop  of  Ross  and  Caithness.  1746-1775.  Edited  from  his 
Manuscript  by  Henry  Paton,  M.A.     Vols.  1.  and  11. 

(Oct.  1895.) 


6  PUBLICATIONS 

For  the  year  1895-1896. 

22.  The  Lyon  in  Mourning.     Vol.  m.  (Oct.  1896.) 

23.  Supplement  to  the  Lyon  in  Mourning. — Itinerary  of  Prince 
Charles  Edward.     With  a  Map.     Edited  by  W.  B.  Blaikie. 

(Jan.  1897.) 

24.  Extracts  from  the  Presbytery   Records  of  Inverness  and 

Dingwall  from  l6SS  to  1688.     Edited  by  William  Mackay. 

(Oct.  1896.) 

25.  Records  of  the  Commissions  of  the  General  Assemblies 
(continued)  for  the  years  1648  and  1649.  Edited  by  the  Rev. 
Professor  Mitchell,  D.D.,  and  Rev.  James  Christie,  D.D. 

(Dec.  1896.) 

For  the  year  1896-1897. 

Wariston's  Diary  and  other  Papers — 

Fragments  of  the  Diary  of  Sir  Archibald  Johnston,  Lord 

Wariston,  1639.     Edited  by  George  M.  Paul,  W.S. 
Papers   relative  to   the   preservation  of  the   Honours  of 

Scotland  in    Dunnottar    Castle,    1651-52.      Edited  by 

Charles  R.  A.  Howden,  Advocate. 
The  Earl  of  Mar's  Legacies  to  Scotland  and  to  his  Son 

Lord  Erskine,  1722,  1726.      Edited  by  the  Hon.  Stuart 

Erskine. 
Letters  written   by   Mrs.   Grant  of   Laggan   concerning 

Highland   Affairs   and    Persons   connected   with    the 

Stuart  Cause  in  the  Eighteenth  Century.     Edited  by 

J.  R.  N.  Macphail,  Advocate.  (Dec.  1896.) 

Presented  to  the  Society  by  Messrs.  T.  and  A.  Constable. 

Journals  and  Papers  of  John  Murray  of  Broughton,  Prince 
Charles'  Secretary.     Edited  by  R.  Fitzroy  Bell,  Advocate. 

Accompt-book  of  Bailie  David  Wedderburne,  Merchant  of 
Dundee,  1587-1630.  With  Shipping  Lists  of  the  Port  of 
Dundee,  1580-1630.     Edited  by  A.  H.  Millar. 

In  preparation. 

Journal  of  a  Foreign  Tour  in  1665  and  1666  by  John  Lauder, 
Lord  Fountainhall.  Edited  by  Donald  Crawford,  Sheriff 
of  Aberdeenshire. 


PUBLICATIONS  7 

The  Political  Correspondence  of  Jean  de  Montreuil  with 
Cardinal  Mazarin  and  others  concerning  Scottish  Affairs, 
1645-1648.  Edited  from  the  originals  in  the  French  Foreign 
Office,  with  Translation  and  Notes  by  J.  G.  Fotheringham. 

Scotland  during  the  Protectorate,  1653-16*59;  in  continuation 
of  Scotland  and  the  Commonwealth.    Edited  by  C.  H.  Firth. 

Sir  Thomas  Craig's  De  Unione  Regnorum  Britannle.  Edited, 
with  an  English  Translation,  from  the  unpublished  ms.  in  the 
Advocates'  Library,  by  David  Masson,  Historiographer  Royal. 

A  Translation  of  the  Statuta  Ecclesle  Scotican^e,  1225-1556, 
by  David  Patrick,  LL.D. 

Documents  in  the  Archives  of  the  Hague  and  Rotterdam 
concerning  the  Scots  Brigade  in  Holland.  Edited  by  J. 
Ferguson,  Advocate. 

Records  of  the  Commissions  of  the  General  Assemblies  (con- 
tinued), for  the  years  1650-53. 

Register  of  the  Consultations  of  the  Ministers  of  Edinburgh, 
and  some  other  brethren  of  the  ministry  from  divers 
parts  of  the  land,  meeting  from  time  to  time,  since  the 
interruption  of  the  assembly  1653,  on  the  public  affairs  of 
this  distressed  and  distracted  klrk,  with  other  papers  of 
public  concernment,  1653-1660. 

Papers  relating  to  the  Rebellions  of  1715  and  1745,  with  other 
documents  from  the  Municipal  Archives  of  the  City  of  Perth. 

The  Diary  of  Andrew  Hay  of  Stone,  near  Biggar,  afterwards 
of  Craignethan  Castle,  1659-60.  Edited  by  A.  G.  Reid 
from  a  manuscript  in  his  possession. 

A  Selection  of  the  Forfeited  Estates  Papers  preserved  in  H.M. 
General  Register  House  and  elsewhere.  Edited  by  A.  H. 
Millar. 

A  Translation  of  the  Historia  Abbatum  de  Kynlos  of 
Ferrerius.     By  Archibald  Constable. 

Documents  relating  to  the  Affairs  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Party  in  Scotland,  from  the  year  of  the  Armada  to  the 
Union  of  the  Crowns.     Edited  by  Thomas  Graves  Law. 

Macfarlane's  Genealogical  and  Topographical  Collections  in 
the  Advocates  Library.  Edited  by  J.  T.  Clark,  Keeper  of 
the  Library. 


£>cotttst)  ^tstorp  £>ocietp 


LIST    OF    MEMBERS 

1896-1897 


LIST   OF   MEMBERS 

Adam,  Sir  Charles  E..  Bart.,  3  New  Square,  Lincoln's  Inn, 

London. 
Adam,  Robert,  Brae-Moray,  Gillsland  Road,  Edinburgh. 
Adam,  Thomas,  Hazelbank.  Uddingston. 
Agnew,     Alex.,     Procurator-Fiscal,     Court-House     Buildings, 

Dundee. 
Aikman,  Andrew,  27  Buckingham  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 
Aitken,  Dr.  A.  P.,  57  Great  King  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Aitken,  James  H.,  Gartcows,  Falkirk. 
Alexander,  William,  M.D.,  Dundonald,  Kilmarnock. 
Allan,  George,  Advocate,  56  Castle  Street,  Aberdeen. 
10  Anderson,  Archibald,  30  Oxford  Square,  London,  W. 

Anderson,  John,  jun.,  Atlantic  Mills,  Bridgeton,  Glasgow. 
Andrew,  Thomas,  Doune,  Perthshire. 
Armstrong,  Robert  Bruce.  6  Randolph  Cliff,  Edinburgh. 
Arnot,  James,  M.  A.,  57  Leamington  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 
Arrol,  William  A.,  11  Lynedoch  Place,  Glasgow. 

Baillie,  Ronald,  Advocate,  1 1  Albany  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Bain,  Walter,  19  Burns  Street,  Ayr. 
Baird,  J.  G.  A.,  M.P.,  Wellwood.  Muirkirk. 
Balfour,  C.  B.,  Newton  Don,  Kelso. 
20  Balfour,  Right  Hon.  J.  B.,  Q.C.,  6  Rothesay  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 
Ballingall,  Hugh,  Ardarroch,  Dundee. 
Barclay,  George,  17  Coates  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 
Barclay,  R.,  Bury  Hill,  Dorking. 
Barron,  Rev.  Douglas  Gordon,  Dunnottar  Manse,  Stonehaven. 


4  LIST  OF  MEMBERS 

Begg,    Ferdinand    Faithfully  M.P.,    13    Earl's    Court    Square, 
London,  S.W. 

Bell,  A.  Beatson,  Advocate,  2  Eglinton  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Bell,  Joseph,  F.R.C.S.,  2  Melville  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Bell,  Captain  Laurence  A.,  R.N.,  1  Eton  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Bell,  Robert  Fitzroy,  Advocate,  7  Ainslie  Place,  Edinburgh. 
30  Bell,  Russell,  Advocate,  Kildalloig,  Campbeltown. 

Beveridge,  Erskine,  St.  Leonard's  Hill,  Dunfermline. 

Black,  James  Tait,  33  Palace  Court,  Bayswater  Hill,  London,  W. 

Black,  Rev.  John  S.,  LL.D.,  3  Down  St.,  Piccadilly,  London,  W. 

Blaikie,  Walter  B.,  6  Belgrave  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Blair,  Patrick,  Advocate,  4  Ardross  Terrace,  Inverness. 

Bonar,  Horatius,  W.S.,  15  Strathearn  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Boyd,  Sir  Thomas  J.,  41  Moray  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Brookman,  James,  W.S.,  16  Ravelston  Park,  Edinburgh. 

Brown,  Professor  Alex.  Crum,  8  Belgrave  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 
40  Brown,  J.  A.  Harvie,  Dunipace  House,  Larbert,  Stirlingshire. 

Bi*own,  P.  Hume,  LL.D.,  19  Gillespie  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Brown,  William,  26  Princes  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Brownlie,  James  R.,  10  Brandon  PI.,  West  George  St.,  Glasgow. 

Bruce,  Alex.,  Clyne  House,  Sutherland  Avenue,  Pollokshields. 

Bruce,  James,  W.S.,  59  Great  King  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Bruce,  R.  T.  Hamilton,  Grange,  Dornoch,  Sutherlandshire. 

Bryce,  Right  Hon.  James,  M.P.,  54  Portland  Place,  London,  W. 

Bryce,  William  Moir,  Dunedin,  Blackford  Road,  Edinburgh. 

Buchanan,  A.  W.  Gray,  Parkhill,  Polmont,  N.B. 
50  Burns,  Alan,  B.A.,  Advocate,  7  Melville  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Burns,  John  William,  Kilmahew,  Cardross. 

Burns,  Rev.  Thomas,  2  St.  Margaret's  Road,  Edinburgh. 

Bute,  The  Marquis  of,  Mountstuart,  Isle  of  Bute. 

Caldwell,  James,  Craigielea  Place,  Paisley. 

Cameron,  Dr.  J.  A.,  Nairn. 

Cameron,  Richard,  1  South  St.  David  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Campbell,  D.  S.,  63  High  Street,  Montrose. 

Campbell,  Rev.  James,  D.D.,  the  Manse,  Balmerino,  Dundee. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS  5 

Campbell,  James  A.,  Stracathro,  Brechin. 
60  Campbell,  P.  W.,  W.S.,  25  Moray  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Carmichael,  Sir  Thomas    D.   Gibson,   Bart.,   Castlecraig,   Dol- 
phinton,  N.B. 

Carne-Ross,  Joseph,  M.D.,  Parsonage  Nook,  Withington,  Man- 
chester. 

Carrick,  J.  Stewart,  12  Blythswood  Square,  Glasgow. 

Chambers,  W.  &  R.,  339  High  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Chiene,  Professor,  26  Charlotte  Square,  Edinburgh. 

Christie,  J., 

Christie,  Thomas  Craig,  of  Bedlay,  Chryston,  Glasgow. 

Clark,  George  T.,  Talygarn,  Llantrissant. 

Clark,  James,  Advocate,  4  Drumsheugh  Gardens,  Edinburgh. 
70  Clark,  J.  T.,  Crear  Villa,  Ferry  Road,  Edinburgh. 

Clark,  Sir  Thomas,  Bart.,  11  Melville  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Clouston,  T.   S.,  M.D.,  Tipperlinn  House,  Morningside  Place, 
Edinburgh. 

Cochran-Patrick,  R.  W.,  LL.D.,  of  Woodside,  Beith,  Ayrshire. 

Constable,  Archibald,  LL.D.,  11  Thistle  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Cowan,  George,  1  Gillsland  Road,  Edinburgh. 

Cowan,  Hugh,  St.  Leonards,  Ayr. 

Cowan,  J.  J.,  38  West  Register  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Cowan,  John,  W.S.,  St.  Roque,  Grange  Loan,  Edinburgh. 

Cowan,  Sir  John,  Bart.,  Beeslack,  Mid-Lothian. 
80  Cowan,  William,  7  Braid  Avenue,  Edinburgh. 

Craik,  James,  W.S.,  9  Eglinton  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Crawford,  Donald,  Advocate,  17  Melville  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Crole,  Gerard  L,  Advocate,  30  Northumberland  St.,  Edinburgh. 

Cross,  Robert,  8  Rothesay  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Cunningham,  Geo.  Miller,  C.E.,  2  Ainslie  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Cunynghame,  R.  J.  Blair,  M.D.,  18  Rothesay  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Curie,  Alex.  Ormiston,  B.A.,  W.S.,  32  Melville  St.,  Edinburgh. 

Curie,  James,  W.S.,  Priorwood,  Melrose. 

Currie,  James,  16  Bernard  Street,  Leith. 
90  Currie,  Walter  Thomson,  of  Trynlaw,  by  Cupar-Fife. 

Currie,  W.  R.,  30  Burnbank  Gardens,  Glasgow. 


6  LIST  OF  MEMBERS 

Cuthbert,  Alex.  A.,  14  Newton  Terrace,  Glasgow. 

Dalgleish,    John    J.,    Brankston    Grange,    Bogside    Station, 
Stirling. 

Dalrymple,  Hon.  Hew,  Lochinch,  Castle  Kennedy,  Wigtown- 
shire. 

Davidson,  Hugh,  Braedale,  Lanark. 

Davidson,  J.,  Solicitor,  Kirriemuir. 

Davidson,  Thomas,  339  High  Street,  Edinbmrgh. 

Davies,  J.  Mair,  C.A.,  Sheiling,  Pollokshields,  Glasgow. 

Dickson,  William  K.,  Advocate,  19  Dundas  Street,  Edinburgh. 
100  Dickson,  Wm,  Traquair,  W.S.,  11  Hill  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Dinwoodie,  Miss  E.,  Millbank,  Moffat. 

Dixon,  John  H.,  Inveran,  Poolewe,  by  Dingwall. 

Doak,  Rev.  Andrew,  M.A.,  15  Queen's  Road,  Aberdeen. 

Dodds,  Rev.  James,  D.D.,  The  Manse,  Corstorphine. 

Dods,  Colonel  P.,  United  Service  Club,  Edinburgh. 

Donaldson,  James,  LL.D.,  Principal,  St.  Andrews  University. 

Donaldson,  James,  Sunnyside,  Formby,  Liverpool. 

Douglas,  David,  10  Castle  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Dowden,  Right  Rev.  John,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Edinbmgh,  Lynn 
House,  Gillsland  Road,  Edinburgh. 
110  Duff,  T.  Gordon,  Drummuir,  Keith. 

Duncan,  James  Barkeiv,  W.S.,  6  Hill  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Duncan,  John,  8  Lynedoch  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Dundas,  Ralph,  C.S.,  28  Drumsheugh  Gardens,  Edinburgh. 

Dunn,  Robert  Hunter,  Belgian  Consulate,  Glasgow. 

Easton,  Walter,  125  Buchanan  Street,  Glasgow. 
Ewart,  Prof.  Cossair,  The  University,  Edinburgh. 

Faulds,  A.  Wilson,  Knockbuckle,  Beith,  Ayrshire. 
Ferguson,  James,  Advocate,  10  Wemyss  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Ferguson,  John,  Town  Clerk,  Linlithgow. 
120  Ferguson,  Rev.  John,  Manse,  Abei'dalgie,  Perth. 
Findlay,  J.  Ritchie,  3  Rothesay  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 
Findlay,  Rev.  Wm.,  The  Manse,  Saline,  Fife. 
Firth,  Charles  Harding,  S3  Xorham  Road,  Oxford. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS  7 

Fleming,  D.  Hay,  16  Greyfriars  Garden,  St.  Andrews. 

Fleming,  J.  S.,  16  Grosvenor  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Flint,  Prof.,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Johnstone  Lodge,  Craigmillar  Park, 

Edinburgh. 
Forrest,  James  R.  P.,  32  Broughton  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Forrester,  John,  29  Windsor  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Foulis,  James,  M.D.,  34  Heriot  Row,  Edinburgh. 
130  Foulis,  Thomas,  27  Cluny  Gardens,  Edinburgh. 

Fraser,    Professor    A.     Campbell,     D.C.L.,     LL.D.,    Gorton 
House,  Hawthornden. 

Gairdner,  Charles,  Broom,  Newton-Mearns,  Glasgow. 

Galletly,  Edwin  G.,  7  St.  Ninian's  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Gardiner,  Samuel  Rawson,  LL.D.,  7  South  Park,  Sevenoaks, 
Kent. 

Gardner,  Alexander,  7  Gilmour  Street,  Paisley. 

Garson,  William,  W.S.,  60  Palmerston  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Gartshore,  Miss  Murray,  Ravelston,  Blackhall,  Edinburgh. 

Geikie,  Sir  Archibald,  LL.D.,  Geological  Survey,  28  Jermyn 
Street,  London,  S.W. 

Geikie,  Prof.  James,  LL.D.,  31  Merchiston  Aven.,  Edinburgh. 
140  Gibson,  Andrew,  3  Morrison  Street,  Govan. 

Gibson,    J.  C,    c/o   James    Forbes,   18    Coltbridge    Terrace, 
Murrayfield,  Edinburgh. 

Gibson,  James  T,  LL.B.,  W.S.,  37  George  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Giles,  Arthur,  107  Princes  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Gillespie,  Mrs.  G.  R.,  5  Darnaway  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Gillies,  Walter,  M.A.,  The  Academy,  Perth. 

Gordon,  Rev.  Robert,  Mayfield  Gardens,  Edinburgh. 

Goudie,  Gilbert,  F.S.A.  Scot.,  39   Northumberland  St.,  Edin- 
burgh. 

Goudie,  Robert,  Commissai'y  Clerk  of  Ayrshire,  Ayr. 

Gourlay,  Robert,  Bank  of  Scotland,  Glasgow. 
150  Gow,  Leonard,  Hayston,  Kelvinside,  Glasgow. 

Graeme,  Lieut. -Col.  Laurence,  Fonthill,  Shaldon,  Teignmouth, 
Devon. 


8  LIST  OF  MEMBERS 

Graeme,  Lieut. -Col.  R.  C,  Naval  and  Military  Club,  94  Picca- 
dilly, London. 

Grant,  William  G.  L.,  Woodside,  East  Newport,  Fife. 

Gray,  George,  Clerk  of  the  Peace,  Glasgow. 

Green,  Charles  E.,  18  St.  Giles  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Greig,  Andrew,  36  Belmont  Gardens,  Hillhead,  Glasgow. 

Gunning,  His  Excellency  Robert  Haliday,  M.D.,  12  Addison 
Crescent,  Kensington,  London,  W. 

Guthrie,  Charles  J.,  Advocate,  13  Royal  Circus,  Edinburgh. 

Guy,  Robert,  120  West  Regent  Street,  Glasgow. 

160  Halkett,  Miss  Katherine  E.,   3  Pitt  Street,  Camden  Hill, 
London,  W. 

Hall,  David,  Crookedholm  House,  Hurlford,  Ayrshire. 

Hallen,  Rev.  A.  W.  Cornelius,  The  Parsonage,  Alloa. 

Hamilton,  Hubert,  Advocate,  55  Manor  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Hamilton,  Lord,  of  Dalzell,  Motherwell. 

Hamilton-Ogilvy,  Henry  T.  N.,  Prestonkirk. 

Harrison,  John,  8  St.  Andrew  Square,  Edinburgh. 

Hedderwick,  A.  W.  H.,  79  St.  George's  Place,  Glasgow. 

Henderson,  J.  G.  B.,  Nether  Parkley,  Linlithgow. 

Henderson,  Joseph,  1 1  Blythswood  Square,  Glasgow. 
170  Henry,  David,  2  Lockhart  Place,  St.  Andrews,  Fife. 

Hewison,  Rev.  J.  King,  The  Manse,  Rothesay. 

Hill,  William  H.,  LL.D.,  Barlanark,  Shettleston,  Glasgow. 

Honeyman,  John,  A.R.S.A.,  140  Bath  Street,  Glasgow. 

Howden,  Charles  R.  A.,  Advocate,  25  Melville  Street,  Edin- 
burgh. 

Hunter,  Colonel,  F.R.S.,  of  Plas  Coch,  Anglesea. 

Hutcheson,  Alexander,  Herschel  House,  Broughty  Ferry. 

Hutchison,  Rev.  John,  D.D.,  Afton  Lodge,  Bonnington. 

Hyslop,  J.  M.,  M.D.,  22  Palmerston  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Imrie,  Mrs.  T.  Nairne,  34  Ann  Street,  Edinburgh. 

180  Jameson,  J.  H.,  W.S.,  3  Northumberland  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Jamieson,    George   Auldjo,   C.A.,    37  Drumsheugh    Gardens, 
Edinburgh. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS  9 

Jamieson,  J.  Auldjo,  W.S.,  14  Buckingham  Ter.,  Edinburgh. 
Johnston,  D.,  Glenholm,  20-1  Newhaven  Road,  Edinburgh. 
Johnston,  David,  24  Huntly  Gardens,  Kelvinside,  Glasgow. 
Johnston,  George  Harvey,  22  Garscube  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 
Johnston,  George  P.,  33  George  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Johnstone,  James  F.  Kellas,  431  Union  Street,  Aberdeen. 
Johnstone,  J.  T.,  20  Broughton  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Jonas,  Alfred  Charles,  Poundfald,  Penclawdd,  Swansea. 

190   Kemp,  D.  William,  Ivy  Lodge,  Trinity,  Edinburgh. 

Kennedy,  Neil  J.,  Advocate,  71  Great  King  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Kermack,  John,  W.S.,  13  Glencairn  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 
Kincairney,  The  Hon.  Lord,  6  Heriot  Row,  Edinburgh. 
Kinnear,  The  Hon.  Lord,  2  Moray  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Kirkpatrick,  Prof.   John,  LL.D.,   Advocate,  24  Alva  Street, 

Edinburgh. 
Kirkpatrick,  Robert,  1  Queen  Square,  Strathbungo,  Glasgow. 

Laidlaw,  David,  Jun.,  6  Marlborough  Terrace,  Kelvinside, 

Glasgow. 
Lamb,  A.  C,  3  Lansdowne  Place,  Dundee. 
Lang,  James,  9  Crown  Gardens,  Dowanhill,  Glasgow. 
200  Langwill,  Robert  B.,  The  Manse,  Currie. 

Laurie,  Professor  S.  S.,  Nairne  Lodge,  Duddingston. 

Law,  Thomas  Graves,  Signet  Library,  Edinburgh,  Secretary. 

Leadbetter,  Thomas,  2  Magdala  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Leslie,  Colonel,  of  Kininvie,  Banffshire. 

Livingstone,  M.,  47  Braid  Road,  Edinburgh. 

Logan,  C.  B.,  D.K.S.,  12  Rothesay  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Lorimer,  George,  2  Abbotsford  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Low,  James  F,  Seaview,  Monifieth. 

Macadam,  J.  H.,  95  Leith  Street,  Edinburgh. 
210  Macadam,  W.  I vison,  Slioch ,  Lady  Road,  Newington,  Edinburgh . 
M 'Alpine,  William,  1 1  Archibald  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Macandrew,  Sir  Henry  C,  Aisthorpe,  Midmills  Road,  Inverness. 
M'Bain,  J.  M.,  British  Linen  Bank,  Arbroath. 


10  LIST  OF  MEMBERS 

Macbrayne,  David.,  Jim.,  17  Royal  Exchange  Square,  Glasgow. 

M'Candlish,  John  M.,  W.S.,  27  Drumsheugh  Gar.,  Edinburgh. 

Macdonald,  James,  W.S.,  4  Whitehouse  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Macdonald,  W.  Rae,  1  Forres  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Macdougall,  Jas.  Patten,  Advocate,  39  Heriot  Row,  Edinburgh. 

M'Ewen,  W.  C,  W.S.,  2  Rothesay  Place,  Edinburgh. 
220  Macfarlane,  Geo.  L.,  Advocate,  3  St.  Colme  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Macgeorge,  B.  B.,  19  Woodside  Crescent,  Glasgow. 

MacGregor,  John,  W.S.,  10  Dundas  Street,  Edinburgh. 

M'Grigor,  Alexander,  172  St.  Vincent  Street,  Glasgow. 

Macintyre,  P.  M.,  Advocate,  12  India  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Mackay,  iEneas  J.  G.,  LL.D.,  7  Albyn  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Mackay,  Eneas,  43  Murray  Place,  Stirling. 

Mackay,  Rev.  G.  S.,  M.A.,  Free  Church  Manse,  Doune. 

Mackay,  James  F.,  W.S.,  Whitehouse,  Cramond. 

Mackay,  James  R.,  37  St.  Andrew  Square,  Edinburgh. 
230  Mackay,   Thomas,   14   Wetherby    Place,   South    Kensington, 
London,  S.W. 

Mackay,\Thomas  A.,  British  Linen  Bank  House,  Inverness. 

Mackay,  William,  Solicitor,  Inverness. 

Mackenzie,  A.,  St.  Catherines,  Paisley. 

Mackenzie,  David  J.,  Sheriff-Substitute,  Wick. 

Mackenzie,  Thomas,  M.A.,  Sheriff-Substitute  of  Ross,  Tain. 

Mackinlay,  David,  6  Great  Western  Terrace,  Glasgow. 

Mackinnon,  Professor,  1  Merchiston  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Mackintosh,  Charles  Fraser,  18  Pont  Street,  London,  S.W. 

Mackintosh,  W.  F.,  27  Commerce  Street,  Arbroath. 
240   Maclachlan,  John,  W.S.,  12  Abercromby  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Maclagan,  Prof.  Sir  Douglas,  M.D.,  2S  Heriot  Row,  Edinburgh. 

Maclagan,  Robert  Craig,  M.D.,  5  Coates  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Maclauchlan,  John,  Albert  Institute,  Dundee. 

Maclean,  Sir  Andrew,  Viewfield  House,  Balshagray,  Partick, 
Glasgow. 

Maclean,  William  C,  F.R.G.S.,  31  Camperdown  Place,  Great 
Yarmouth. 

MacLehose,  James  J.,  6l  St.  Vincent  Street,  Glasgow. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS  11 

Macleod,  Rev.  Walter,  112  Thirlestane  Road,  Edinburgh. 

Macphail,  J.  R.  N.,  Advocate,  53  Castle  Street,  Edinburgh. 

M'Phee,  Donald,  Oakfield,  Fort  William. 
250  Macray,  Rev.  W.  D.,  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford. 

Macritchie,  David,  4  Archibald  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Main,  W.  D.,  128  St.  Vincent  Street,  Glasgow. 

Marshall,  John,  Caldergrove,  Newton,  Lanarkshire. 

Martin,  Francis  John,  W.S.,  9  Glencairn  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Marwick,   Sir   J.   D.,  LL.D.,  Killermont    House,    Maryhill, 
Glasgow. 

Massie,  James,  6  Inverleith  Avenue,  Edinburgh. 

Masson,  David,  LL.D.,  Gowanlea,  Juniper  Green. 

Mathieson,  Thomas  A.,  3  Grosvenor  Terrace,  Glasgow. 

Maxwell,  W.  J.,  Terraughtie,  Dumfries. 
260  Melville,  Viscount,  Melville  Castle,  Lasswade. 

Melville,  Rev.  Dr.,  Culfargie,  Polwarth  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Mill,  Alex.,  9  Dalhousie  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Millar,  Alexander  H.,  Rosslyn  House,  Clepington  Rd.,  Dundee. 

Miller,  P.,  Dalmeny  Lodge,  Ci'aiglockhart,  Slateford. 

Milligan,  John,  W.S.,  10  Carlton  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Milne,  A.  &  R.,  Union  Street,  Aberdeen. 

Milne,  Mi*s.,  Viewlands,  Perth. 

Mitchell,  Rev.  Prof.  A.  F.,  D.D.,  St.  Andrews. 

Mitchell,  Sir  Arthur,   K.C.B.,    M.D.,  LL.D.,   34   Drummond 
Place,  Edinburgh. 
270  Mitchell,  James,  240  Darnley  Street,  Pollokshields,  Glasgow. 

MoncriefT,    W.    G.    Scott,    Advocate,    Weedingshall    House, 
Polmont. 

Moffatt,  Alexander,  23  Abercromby  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Moffatt,  Alexander,  jun.,  M.A.,  LL.B.,  Advocate,  4o  Northum- 
berland Street,  Edinburgh. 

Morison,  John,  1 1  Burnbank  Gardens,  Glasgow. 

Morries-Stirling,  J.  M.,  Gogar  House,  Stirling. 

Morrison,  Hew,  7  Hermitage  Terrace,  Morningside. 

Muir,  James,  27  Huntly  Gardens,  Dowanhill,  Glasgow. 

Muirhead,  James,  2  Bowmont  Gardens,  Kelvinside,  Glasgow. 


12  LIST  OF  MEMBERS 

Murdoch^  Rev.  A.  D.,  All  Saints'  Parsonage,  Edinburgh. 
280  Murdoch,  J.  B.,  of  Capelrig,  Mearns,  Renfrewshire. 
Murray,  David,  169  West  George  Street,  Glasgow. 
Murray,  Colonel  John,  Polmaise  Castle,  Stirling. 

Nicolson,  A.    B.,   W.S.,   Westbourne   House,   Union    Street, 

Aberdeen. 
Norfor,  Robert  T.,  C.A.,  11  Hope  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Ogilvv,  Sir  Reginald,  Bart.,  Baldovan,  Dundee. 

Oliver,  James,  Thornwood,  Hawick. 

Orrock,  Archibald,  17  St.  Catherine's  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Panton,  George  A.,  F.R.S.E.,  73  Westfield  Road,  Edgbaston, 

Birmingham. 
Paton,  Allan  Park,  Home  Cottage,  Rcseneath  St.,  Greenock. 
290  Paton,  Henry,  M.A.,  15  Myrtle  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Paton,  Victor  A.  Noel,  W.S.,  33  George  Square,  Edinburgh. 

Patrick,  David,  LL.D.,  339  High  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Paul,   J.    Balfour,  Advocate,  Lyon  King  of  Arms,  SO  Heriot 

Row,  Edinburgh. 
Paul,  Rev.  Robert,  F.S.A.  Scot.,  Dollar. 
Pearson,  David  Ritchie,  M.D.,  23   Upper   Phillimore  Place, 

Phillimore  Gardens,  London,  W. 
Pillans,  Hugh  H.,  12  Dryden  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Pollock,  Hugh,  Craig-Ard,  Langside,  Glasgow. 
Prentice,  A.  R.,  18  Kilblain  Street,  Greenock. 
Prothero,  Professor,  2  Eton  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 
300   Pullar,  Sir  Robert,  Tayside,  Perth. 

Purves,  A.  P.,  W.S.,  Esk  Tower,  Lasswade. 

Ramsay,  William,  10  Frederick  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Rankine,  John,  Advocate,  Professor  of  Scots  Law,  23  Ainslie 

Place,  Edinburgh. 
Reichel,  H.  R.,  Principal,  University  College,  Bangor,   North 

Wales. 
Reid,  Alexander  George,  Solicitor,  Auchterarder. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS  IS 

Reid,  John  Alexander,  Advocate,  11  Royal  Circus,  Edinburgh. 

Renwick,  Robert, Depute  Town-Clerk,  City  Chambers, Glasgow. 

Richardson,   Ralph,  W.S.,  Commissary   Office,  2    Parliament 
Square,  Edinburgh. 

Ritchie,  David,  Hopeville,  Dowanhill  Gardens,  Glasgow. 
310  Ritchie,  R.  Peel,  M.D.,  1  Melville  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Roberton,  James  D.,  1  Park  Terrace  East,  Glasgow. 

Robertson,  A.  Ireland,  31  Sciennes  Road,  Edinburgh. 

Robertson,  D.  Argyll,  M.D.,  18  Charlotte  Square,  Edinburgh. 

Robertson,  John,  Elmslea,  Dundee. 

Robson,  William,  Marchholm,  Gillsland  Road,  Edinburgh. 

Rogerson,  John  J.,  LL.D.,  Merchiston  Castle,  Edinburgh. 

Rosebery,  The  Earl  of,  K.G.,  Dalmeny  Park,  Linlithgowshire. 

Ross,  T.  S.,  Balgillo  Terrace,  Broughty  Ferry. 

Ross,  Mrs.,  7  Grange  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 
320  Ross,  Rev.  William,  St.  Mary's  Manse,  Partickhill,  Glasgow. 

Scott,  Rev.  Archibald,  D.D.,  16  Rothesay  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Scott,  John,  C.B.,  Seafield,  Greenock. 
Shaw,  David,  W.S.,  1  Thistle  Court,  Edinburgh. 
Shaw,  Rev.  R.  D.,  B.D.,  21  Lauder  Road,  Edinburgh. 
Shaw,  Thomas,  M. P.,  Advocate,  1 7  Abercromby  PI.,  Edinburgh. 
Sheriff,  George,  Woodcroft,  Larbert,  Stirlingshire. 
Shiells,  Robert,  National  Bank  of  Neenah,  Neenah  Wisconsin. 
Simpson,  Prof.  A.  R.,  52  Queen  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Simpson,  H.  F.  Morland,  80  Hamilton  Place,  Aberdeen. 
330  Simpson,  Sir  W.  G.,  Bart.,  Balabraes,  Ayton,  Berwickshire. 
Simson,  D.  J.,  Advocate,  3  Glenfinlas  Street.  Edinburgh. 
Sinclair,  Alexander,  Glasgow  Herald  Office,  Glasgow. 
Skelton,    John,    Advocate,    C.B.,   LL.D.,  the    Hermitage    of 

Braid,  Edinburgh. 
Skinner,  William,  W.S.,  35  George  Square,  Edinburgh. 
Smail,  Adam,  13  Cornwall  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Smart,  William,  M.A.,  Nunholm,  Dowanhill,  Glasgow. 
Smith,  Andrew,  Broompark,  Lanark. 
Smith,  Sir  Donald  A.,  K.C.M.G.,  Glencoe,  Argyllshire. 


14  LIST  OF  MEMBERS 

Smith,  G.  Gregory,  M.  A.,  9  Warrender  Park  Cres.,  Edinburgh. 
340  Smith,  Rev.  G.  Mure,  6  Clarendon  Place,  Stirling. 

Smith,  Rev.   R.   Nimmo,  LL.D.,  Manse  of  the  First  Charge, 
Haddington. 

Smith,  Robert,  9  Ward  Road,  Dundee. 

Smythe,  David  M.,  Methven  Castle,  Perth. 

Somerville,    F.    R.,    Glencorse    Cottage,    Morningside    Park, 
Edinburgh. 

Sprott,  Rev.  George  W.,  D.D.,  The  Manse,  North  Berwick. 

Stair,  Earl  of,  Oxenfoord  Castle,  Dalkeith. 

Steele,  W.  Cunninghame,  Advocate,  69  Gt.  King  St., Edinburgh. 

Stephen,  Rev.  William,  Parsonage,  Dumbarton. 

Stevenson,  J.  H.,  Advocate,  9  Oxford  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 
350  Stevenson,  Rev.  Robert,  M.A.,  The  Abbey,  Dunfermline. 

Stewart,  Donald  W.,  62  Princes  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Stewart,  Major-General  Shaw,  6l  Lancaster  Gate,  London,  W. 

Stewart,  R.  K.,  Murdostoun  Castle,  Newmains,  Lanarkshire. 

Stewart,  Prof.  Sir  T.  Grainger,  M.D.,  19  Charlotte  Sq.,  Edinburgh. 

Strathallan,  Lady,  Machany  House,  Perthshire. 

Strathern,  Robert,  W.S.,  12  South  Charlotte  St.,  Edinburgh. 

Strathmore,  Earl  of,  Glamis  Castle,  Glamis. 

Sturrock,  James  S.,  W.S.,  122  George  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Sutherland,  James  B.,  S.S.C.,  10  Windsor  Street,  Edinburgh. 

360  Taylor,  Benjamin,  10  Derby  Crescent,  Kelvinside,  Glasgow. 
Taylor,  James  Pringle,  W.S.,  19  Young  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Taylor,  Rev.  Malcolm  C,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Church  History, 

6  Greenhill  Park,  Edinburgh. 
Telford,  Rev.  W.  H.,  Free  Church  Manse,  Reston,  Berwickshire. 
Tennant,  Sir  Charles,  Bart.,  The  Glen,  Innerleithen. 
Thorns,  George  H.  M.,  Advocate,  13  Charlotte  Sq.,  Edinburgh. 
Thomson,  John  Comrie,  Advocate,  30  Moray  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Thomson,     Rev.     John     Henderson,    Free    Church     Manse, 

Hightae,  by  Lockerbie. 
Thomson,  John  Maitland,   Advocate,  3   Grosvenor  Gardens, 

Edinburgh. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS  15 

Thomson,  Lockhart,  S.S.C.,  114  George  Street,  Edinburgh. 
370  Trail,  John  A.,  LL.B.,  W.S.,  14  Belgrave  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Trayner,  The  Hon.  Lord,  27  Moray  Place,  Edinburgh. 
Tuke,  John  Batty,  M.D.,  20  Charlotte  Square,  Edinburgh. 
Tweedale,  Mrs.,  Milton  Hall,  Milton,  Cambridge. 
Tweeddale,  Marquis  of,  Yester,  Gifford,  Haddington. 

Underhill,  Charles  E.,  M.D.,  8  Coates  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Veitch,  G.  S.,  Friarshall,  Paisley. 

Waddel,  Katherine,  37  Monteith  Row,  Glasgow. 

Walker,  Alexander,  6*4  Hamilton  Place,  Aberdeen. 

Walker,  James,  Hanley  Lodge,  Corstorphine. 
380  Walker,  Louson,  Westhorpe,  Greenock. 

Walker,  Robert,  M.A.,  Tillydrone  House,  Old  Aberdeen. 

Wannop,  Rev.  Canon,  Parsonage,  Haddington. 

Warrender,  Miss,  Bruntsfield  House,  Edinburgh. 

Waterston,  George,  56  Hanover  Street,  Edinburgh. 

Watson,  D.,  Hillside  Cottage,  Hawick. 

Watson,    James,    40    Barscombe    Avenue,    Streatham    Hill, 
London. 

Waugh,  Alexander,  National  Bank,  Newton-Stewart,  N.B. 

Williamson,  A.  C,  Advocate,  6  Moray  Place,  Edinburgh. 

Wilson,  Rev.  J.  Skinner,  53  Albany  Street,  Edinburgh. 
390  Wilson,  John  J.,  Clydesdale  Bank,  Penicuik. 

Wilson,  Robert  Dobie,  38  Upper  Brook  Street,  London,  W. 

Wood,  Alexander,  Thornly,  Saltcoats. 

Wood,  Mrs.  Christina  S.,  Woodburn,  Galashiels. 

Wood,  Prof.  J.  P.,  W.S.,  16  Buckingham  Terrace,  Edinburgh. 

Wood,  W.  A.,  C.A.,  11  Clarendon  Crescent,  Edinburgh. 

Wordie,  John,  45  West  Nile  Street,  Glasgow. 

Young,  A.  J.,  Advocate,  60  Great  King  Street,  Edinburgh. 
Young,  David,  Town  Clerk,  Paisley. 
Young,  J.  W.,  W.S.,  22  Royal  Circus,  Edinburgh. 
400  Young,  William  Laurence,  Solicitor,  Auchterarder. 


16  LIST  OF  LIBRARIES 

Aberdeen  Free  Public  Library. 

Aberdeen  University  Library. 

All  Souls  College,  Oxford. 

Antiquaries,  Society  of,  Edinburgh. 

Athenaeum  Club,  107  Pall  Mall,  London,  S.W. 

Baillie's  Institution  Free  Library,  4-8  Miller  St.,  Glasgow. 

Belfast  Library,  Donegall  Square  North,  Belfast,  Ireland. 

Berlin  Royal  Library. 

Birmingham  Free  Library. 
10  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford. 

Boston  Athenaeum. 

Boston  Public  Library. 

Cambridge  University  Library. 

Copenhagen  (Bibliotheque  Royale). 

Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  Michigan,  U.S.A. 

Dollar  Institution. 

Dundee  Free  Library. 

Dresden  Public  Library. 

Edinburgh  Public  Library. 
20  Edinburgh  University  Library. 

Free  Church  College  Library,  Edinburgh. 

Fi*ee  Church  College  Library,  Glasgow. 

Glasgow  University  Library. 

Gray's  Inn,  Hon.  Society  of,  London. 

Harvard  College  Library,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Inverness  Free  Library. 

Leeds  Subscription  Library. 

London  Corporation  Library,  Guildhall. 

London  Library,  12  St.  James  Square. 
30  Manchester  Public  Free  Library. 

Mitchell  Library,  Glasgow. 

National  Liberal  Club,  London. 

National  Library  of  Ireland. 

Nottingham  Free  Public  Library. 

Ottawa  Parliamentary  Library. 

Paisley  Philosophical  Institution. 

Peabody  Institute,  Baltimore. 

Philosophical  Institution,  Edinburgh. 

Procurators,  Faculty  of,  Glasgow. 
40  Reform  Club,  Pall  Mall,  London,  S.W. 

Royal  College  of  Physicians,  Edinburgh. 

St.  Andrews  University  Library. 

Sheffield  Free  Public  Library. 

Signet  Library,  Edinburgh. 

Solicitors,  Society  of,  before  the  Supreme  Court,  Edinburgh. 

Speculative  Society,  Edinburgh. 

Stonyhurst  College,  Blackburn,  Lancashire. 

Sydney  Free  Library. 

Toronto  Public  Library. 
50  United  Presbyterian  College  Library,  Edinburgh. 

Vienna,  Library  of  the  R.  I.  University. 


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