(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Children's Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "The Catholic Encyclopedia: An International Work of Reference on the Constitution, Doctrine, and ..."

Google 



This is a digital copy of a book lhal w;ls preserved for general ions on library shelves before il was carefully scanned by Google as pari of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

Il has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one thai was never subject 

to copy right or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often dillicull lo discover. 

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher lo a library and linally lo you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud lo partner with libraries lo digili/e public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order lo keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial panics, including placing Icchnical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make n on -commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request thai you use these files for 
personal, non -commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort lo Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each lile is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use. remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 

countries. Whether a book is slill in copyright varies from country lo country, and we can'l offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through I lie lull lexl of 1 1 us book on I lie web 
al |_-.:. :.-.-:: / / books . qooqle . com/| 



BUILDING 
USE ONLY 




HOBACE H. RACKHAM 
EDUCATIONAL flEMORIAL 



BUILDING 
USE ONLY 



BUtLDI 

USE OK 



The Catholic Encyclopedia 



VOLUME FIVE 

Diocese— Fathers 






k * . . ► * ■• ■■» 



5>jOa;cpco_ 



0OL 



HujonidJEi-i 

^^=^^^SJ] JlldJ IT 
* . . MTinnf n'lWurtnun 



lefiruG-natontflnrfji. 
fliHHdnjant mrtrir?- 6il& 
sapoBolofi-poBni 
^_ ... loftofl^nfinabtoti' 
'/i^Jfflionf (Pfaikos bnotittr mount: 
a JUuni^u^oixuintQJjtjftbitttnttBft: 
liop TnT^ntftTrnrfl n quanioj annum 
nbijtinbiitpnia-plni'lpiritufanihj. 
ffini til jam r^oattTmi ruggdia -j 
nuuqtu quint m tutcs-g niatcu ant 
iwiwlifffflnilonifhflitwtfrptriflihi 
arijair parato Ipr Input mangdxu: 
BBOifuanaraaqiiitipnnapioantt 
lira alia ttft wfapa . Eiritpm raq 
offio tuaotto bitptfmorae gpaun> 
ra tnotimt nnribtaa labotte tlnntit 
ptimu gttna fiDtiito omniJPbttBn* 
one oranihin mmtQn cofta mamfc 
Bats tjittnanitaii nt ninatna E&bobT 
attraiiiintoIoltgiaDtfiljnujtmra' 
tat: url nr bmtirie fabuli o tt Bu lga 
InUiMtujnflBliflniihipiwmttatK' 
rimtr ilaboimtt:ort)irir-anniiand- 
pioniana^ioqants tunutitatt pre- 
fwupw-niiruaoptlhOTfebtmnra 
tnuiitePJoitetttiUiuantrmttSaa i 
ft ropltta rifrq tdrnt ab alija mrfpa 
ta. Eui into poft baptijmn nlq tra a 
Bftfan t gtnRanmiet mflo iraplnr- 
cffomttapnapionattajtatiohimia; 
tir ponflaaipniffa t : w rrqmmmto 
Dim tmttrarrr in quo anmqtobee e> 
{atptcnatqan&Im teuitt ittnoitu re* 
mnmtieitrtu nainaognis a ocnuTb - 
ftiBnpfltatnliB Id poitae in boinint> 
. &u8mRuuw-nf«Hoinraqci8nttttt 
inftflfd iuEartgrjiuiprtiBuiOpairf 
imntnnljuaitftpbrtiatiarrifto.ltui 
nut new hnranun ma bribfoonint 
jaduudpoBolOQpm&isiiniiii&fno 
oannnitDntnlKupUnottnliosDt- 
tioirie rprndtj* otatont ab Opitblls , 




f i 



fe mtpnawmn^onunttr? 
I nuoptaput 1 flop p auInBroBam Bai 

tumt apitoliasaitiljjtBnt-quc oat 
tutia (hnuilu trrulnirdnn Oi'ib dfuil- 
Ih.CuooRliQWiitosinquitattitrs 
inw-ttripttunffula^firaoitabia 
ctilt &atat : fdraa tarat q» j 
Defiriflft 



HrnoiaoDU Titito iriiauiijBautniir- 

nnmisquS fiiHiOEtitnbii s prntn ol. ^ 
(CxpUatDbHDjnapitjQniigHntm 
framamu tuam : £ Ixmuun ip 
gtaflggfltoo f uj ra«uf5taira.Gmm 
Ulama qtuti rould rov 
lutmpJnairnar* 
ieo p. i lutbio com: 
plttrurtnG-fiturtraai 
tnutnobieqabinida 
.tpiaiottuT- rttniniftri 
_ ttciCi c tt itiirt^ t affrattq 
ariun a pn apio Dili gfrtr fe o;oȣ ri 
ftritac opnt ttaptnlg • vx mgno&sa 
cc p. urten tt (lbjnutm? f9 uoifltr^ I • 
:uiSirbnebffl6i8a- 
jnia itrtrj fatrrttre qmflmt 
iimnisatfjariaa&tm' 
nabifl-rt mot illibt alia; 



InisaarontrrnotnmrnistbzabRq. 
j&aiuautrmniftiaraboanttCtiJui: 
inmttntro in omnibus manoaiia? 
iufliFicatioiubna Ouraiid line quat= 
la . j& ran rrat iUia Wma * Nipit 
frtrii^abnij Rfoliencnnbonronf* 
«Ifratftattouiia)faa«eftflntaira' 
trcttaio fwinmttir sarfjariaa in atbi* 
tttDiriafiitann;Drii:fcfimtofDfaiOi' 
ifaraoorij roHttpjr ut mttnfum 
ymmcnKjnffin lit tmudu Domini 
J&mfiio mulamBonirt rat otas fo= 
naqoramraiTi/jftipflnatauranftli 
an8riti6bm;aanBafltcoQaltaria 




PAGE FKO.M GUTENBERG'S 

INTRODUCTION TO OOflPI'-L 



2-LINE (MAZARIN) HIBI-E (1455) 



THE CATHOLIC 
ENCYCLOPEDIA 



AN INTERNATIONAL WORK OF REFERENCE 

ON THE CONSTITUTION, DOCTRINE, 

DISCIPLINE, AND HISTORY OF THE 

CATHOLIC CHURCH 



EDITED BY 

CHARLES G. HERBERMANN, PH.D., LL.D. 

EDWARD A. PACE, Ph.D., D.D. CONDE B. PALLEN, Ph.D., LL.D. 

THOMAS J. SHAHAN, D.D. JOHN J. WYNNE, S.J. 

ASSISTED BY NUMEROUS COLLABORATORS 



FIFTEEN VOLUMES AND INDEX 
VOLUME V 



SPECIAL EDITION 

UNBEB THE AUSPICES Of 

THE KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS CATHOLIC TRUTH COMMITTEE 




Wew Bort 
THE ENCYCLOPEDIA PRESS, INC 







Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909 
REMY LAFORT, S.T.D. 



CBNSOB 



Imprimatur 

+JOHN CARDINAL FARLEY 

ARCHBISHOP OF NEW YORK 









Copyright, 1909 
By Robert Appleton Company 

Copyright, 1913 
By THE ENCYCLOPEDIA PRESS, INC. 

The articles in this work have been written specially for The Catholic 
Encyclopedia and are protected by copyright. All rights, includ- 
ing the right of translation and reproduction, are reserved. 



Hatrnlt 

Mb?- 



Contributors to the Fifth Volume 



N 

I 
I 



AHERNE, CORNELIUS, Professor of New Tes- BRl&HIER, LOUIS-RENlS, Professor of Ancient 

tament Exegesis. Rector, St. Joseph's Coi/- and Medieval History, University of Cler- 

lege, Mill Hill, London: Est (Estius), Willem mont-Ferrand, Puy-de-D6me, France: Doria, 

Hessels van. Andrea. 



ALSTON, G. CYPRIAN, O.S.B., Downside Abbey, 
Bath, England: Dissentis, Abbey of; Donnan, 
Saint; Drostan. Saint; Echternach, Abbey of; 
Einsiedeln, Abbey of: Emmeram, Abbey of 
Saint; Engelberg, Abbey of; Estiennot de la 
Serre, Claude;- Evesham Abbey. 

ARENDZEN, J. P., Ph.D., S.T.D., M.A. (Cantab.), 
Professor of Holy Scripture, St. Edmund's 
College, Ware, England: Docetae; Dosi- 
theans; Druses; Ebionites; Egyptian Church 
Ordinance; Encratites; Etschmiadzin. 

AVELING, FRANCIS, S.T.D., Chelsea, London: 
Essence and Existence. 

BACCHUS, FRANCIS JOSEPH, B.A.. The Ora- 
tory, Birmingham, England: Eusebius, Chroni- 
cle of; Eusebius of Csesarea. 

BANDELIER, AD. F., Hispanic Society of 
America, New York: Ecuador, Republic of. 

BARNES, ARTHUR STAPYLTON, M.A. (Oxon. 
and Cantab.), Cambridge, England: Discipline 
of the Secret; Dolphin; Dove; Elvira, Council 
of; Eulogia. 

BAUMGARTEN, Mgr. PAUL MARIA, J.U.D., 
S.T.D., Domestic Prelate, Rome: Dollinger, 
Johann Joseph Ignaz von. 

BENIGNI, U., Professor of Ecclesiastical His- 
tory, Pont. Collegio Urban o di Propaganda, 
Rome: Domnus Apostolicus; Fabriano and 
Matelica, Diocese of; Faenza, Diocese of; Fano, 
Diocese of; Farnese, Alessandro. 

BESSE, J. M., O.S.B., Director, "Revue Mabil- 
lon", Chevetogne, Belgium: Eutropius of 
Valencia. 

BESSON, JULES, S.J., Professor of Canon Law, 
University of Toulouse, Director, "Nou- 
velle Revue Theologique " (Tournai), Tou- 
louse, France: Dispensation. 

BIHL, MICHAEL, O.F.M., Lector of Ecclesias- 
tical History, Collegio San Bonaventura, 
Quaracchi, near Florence: Elizabeth of Hun- 
gary, Saint; Faber, Philip. 

BOUDINHON, AUGUSTE-MARIE, D.D., D.C.L., 
Director, "Canonists Contemporain ", Pro- 
fessor of Canon Law, Institut Catholique, 
Paris: Discipline, Ecclesiastical; Domicile; 
Dower, Religious; Election; Excommunication; 
Faithful, The. 

BOWDEN, SEBASTIAN. The Oratory, London: 
Faber, Frederick William. 

BRAUN, JOSEPH, S.J., Luxemburg: Embroidery, 
Ecclesiastical; Fanon. 



BROCK, HENRY M., S.J., Professor of Physics, 
Holy Cross College, Worcester, Massachu- 
setts: Dumont, Hubert- Andr6; Eiie de Beau- 
mont, Jean-Bap t is te; Epping, Joseph; Eusebius 
of Alexandria. 

BURKE, EDMUND, A.B., Instructor in Latin, 
College of the City of New York: Facciolati, 
Jacopo. 

BURTON, EDWIN, D.D., St. Edmund's College, 
Ware, England: Dorman, Thomas; Drane, 
Augusta Theodosia; Durham, Ancient Catholic 
Diocese of; Easton, Adam; Egbert, King; Ellis, 
Philip Michael; Ely, Ancient Diocese of; Engle- 
field, Felix; Englefield ; Sir Henry Charles; Erdes- 
wicke, Sampson; Emngton, William; Erskine, 
Charles; Ethelbert, Archbishop of York; Eu- 
stace, John Chetwode; Evangelical Alliance, 
The; Exeter, Ancient Diocese of; Eyre, Thomas; 
Eyston, Charles; Falkner, Thomas. 

CAMM, BEDE, O.S.B., B.A. (Oxon.), Erdington 
Abbey, Birmingham, England: Drury, Robert, 
Venerable; Duckett, James, Venerable, and John, 
Venerable; Dymoke, Robert. 

CAMPBELL, THOMAS J., S.J., St. Mary's College, 
Montreal: Drechsel, Jeremias; Druillettes, 
Gabriel; Druzbicki, Gaspar. 

CAPES, FLORENCE MARY, London: Elizabeth of 
Portugal, Saint. 

CARR, EDWARD J., Fall River, Massachusetts: 
Fall River, Diocese of. 

CARR, GREGORY, O.F.M., Washington: ElzSar 
of Sabran, Saint. 

CATHREIN, VICTOR, S.J., Professor of Moral 
Philosophy, St. Ignatius College, Valken- 
burg, Holland: Duel; Ethics. 

CHAINE, MARIUS, S.J., Rome: Ethiopia. 

CHAMBON, CfiLESTIN M., Ph.B., Litt.B., New 
Orleans, Louisiana: Dubourg, Louis-Guil- 
laume-Valentin. 

CHAPMAN, JOHN, O.S.B., B.A. (Oxon.), Prior of 
St. Thomas's Abbey, Erdington, Birmingham, 
England: Diodorus of Tarsus; Diognetus, 
Epistle to; Dionysius. Saint, Bishop of Corinth; 
Dionysius of Alexandria; Dioscurus, Bishop of 
Alexandria; Doctors of the Church; Doctrine of 
Addai; Donatists; Elcesaites; Ephesus, Council 
of; Ephesus, Robber Council of; Eusebius of 
Nicomedia; Eutyches; . Eutychianism; Evodius. 

CLEARY, HENRY W., Editor, "New Zealand 
Tablet", Dunedin, New Zealand: Dunedin* 
Diocese of. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME 



CLUGNET, JOSEPH-LfiON-TIBURCE, Litt.Lic, 
Paris: Emmeram, Saint; Eucherius, Saint. 

COGHLAN, DANIEL, D.D., Profbssor of Dog- 
matic Theology, St. Patrick's College, May- 
nooth, Dublin: Dogma; Dogmatic Facts. 

COLEMAN, AMBROSE, O.P., M.R.I.A., St. Sav- 
iour's Priory, Dublin: Dixon, Joseph; Dow- 
dall, George. 

COPPENS, CHARLES, S.J., Professor of Phi- 
losophy, St. Louis University, Missouri: Di- 
rection, Spiritual; Examination of Conscience. 

COPPIETERS, HONORfi, S.T.D., Professor of 
Hebrew and Holy Scripture, College du 
Pape, Lou vain: Evangeliaria (First Part). 



DUFFY, DANIEL P., S.S., A.M., S.T.L., J.C.L., Pro- 
fessor of Holy Scripture, St. Mary's Semi- 
nary, Baltimore: Eleazar; Eliseus; Esau. 

DUFFY, P. L., A.B., A.M., LL.D., Auditor, Dioce- 
san Curia, Charleston, South Carolina: 
England, John. 

DUNNj Mgr. JAMES J., Meadville, Pennsylvania: 

Erie, Diocese of. 

* 

DUNN, JOSEPH, Ph.D., Professor of Celtic 
Languages and Literature, Catholic Uni- 
versity of America, Washington: Druidism. 

EDMONDS, COLUMBA. O.S.B., Fort Augustus, 
Scotland: Edmund Rich, Saint; Erconwald, 
Saint; Ernan, Saints; Ewald, Saints. 



CORBOTT, JOHN, S.J., New Yobk: Embroidety in engELHARDT, ZEPHYRIN, O.F.M., Watoon- 



Scripture. 

CRONIN, Mgr. CHARLES JOHN, D.D. Vice- 
Rector, English College, Rome: English Col- 
lege, The, in Rome. 

CULLEN, JOHN BAPTIST, Dublin: Eiinhin, 
Saint; Eithene, Saint; Eithne, Saint; Eustace, 
Saint; Eustace, Maurice. 

D'ALTON, E. A., M.R.I. A., Athenry, Ireland: 
Donlevy, Andrew; Down and Connor, Diocese of; 
Doyle, James Warren; Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan; 
Egan, Boetius. 

DEASY, TIMOTHY J., D.D., Ph.D., Ellbnora, 
Ohio: Elder, William Henry. 

DEBUCHY, PAUL, S.J., Litt.L., Enghien, Bel- 
gium: Discernment of Spirits. 

DELAMARRE, LOUIS N., Ph.D., Instructor tn 
French, College of the City of New York: 
Dupin, Fierre-Charles-Francois; Estaing, Jean- 
Baptiste, Comte d\ 

DELANY, JOSEPH F., New York: Distraction; 
Error; Euthanasia. 

DEPPEN, LOUIS G., Louisville, Kentucky: 
Durbm, Elisha John. 

DEVINE, ARTHUR, C.P., Professor of Theology, 
St. Saviour's Retreat, Broadway, Worces- 
tershire, England: Dominic of the Mother of 
God. 

DOMANIG, KARL, Ph.D., Honorary Imperial 
Councillor, Chief Director of the Imperial 
Collection of Coins, Klosterneuburg, Aus- 
tria: Eckhel, Joseph Hilarius. 

DONNELLY. NICHOLAS, Titular Bishop of 
Canea, Dublin: Dublin, Archdiocese of. 

DONOHUE, JAMES, S.P.M., New York: Fathers 
of Mercy. 

DONOVAN, STEPHEN M., O.F.M.. Franciscan 
Monastery, Washington: Discalced. 

DRISCOLL, JAMES F., D.D., President of St. 
Joseph's Seminary, Dunwoodie, New York: 
Euthalius; Eve (in Scripture) ; Ezechias. 

DRISCOLL, JOHN THOMAS, A.M., S.T.L., Fonda, 
New York: Dongan, Thomas. 

DUBRAY, C. A., S.T.B., Ph. D., Professor of 
Philosophy, Marist College, Washington: 
Duhamel, Jean-Baptiste; Duperron, Jacques- 
Davy; Dynamism: Emanationism; Encyclo- 
pedists; Epistemology; Espence, Claude d'; 
Faculties of the Soul. 



ville, California: Dolores Mission; Dumetz, 
Francisco; Duran, Narcisco. 

EWING, JOHN GILLESPIE, A.M., San Juan, 
Porto Rico: Ewing, Thomas. 

FANNING, WILLIAM H. W., S.J., Professor of 
Church History and Canon Law, St. Louis 
University, Missouri: Distributions. 

FENLON, JOHN F., S.S., S.T.D., President pr St. 
Austin's College, Brookland, D.C.; Profes- 
sor of Sacred Scripture, St. Mary's Semi- 
nary, Baltimore: Emery, Jacques- Andre\ 

FTTA Y COLOMER, FIDEL, S.J., Member of the 
Royal Academy of History, Madrid: Eulalia 
of Barcelona, Saint; Eulogius of Cordova, Saint 7 
Evora, Archdiocese of. 

FITZPATRICK, MALLICK J., New York: Drum- 
goole, John C. 

FORTESCUE, ADRIAN^Ph.D., D.D., Letchworth, 
Herts, England: Doxology; Durandus, Wil- 
liam; Durandus, William, the Younger; Durham 
Rite; Eastern Churches; Elias of Jerusalem; 
Eparchy; Ephesus, The Seven Sleepers of: 
Ephraim of Antioch; Epiklesis; Epiphanius of 
Constantinople; Etherianus, Hugh and Leo; 
Euchologion; Eudocia; Euphemius of Constan- 
tinople; Eusebius of Laodicea; Eustathius of Se- 
baste; Eutychius I (Patriarch of Constantinople) ; 
Eutychius (Melchite Patriarch of Alexandria); 
Exarch. 

FOX, JAMES J., S.T.D., B.A., Professor of Phi- 
losophy, St. Thomas's College, Washington: 
Duty; Egoism. 

FOX, WILLIAM, B.S., M.E., Associate Professor 
of Physics, College of the City of New York: 
Divisch, Procopius. 

FUENTES, VENTURA, A.B., M.D., Instructor, 
College of the City of New York: Encina, 
Juan de la; Enciso, Diego Ximenez de; Enciso, 
Martin Fernandez de; Ercilla y Zufiiga, Alonso 
de; Espinel, Vicente; Espinosa, Alonso de. 

GERARD, JOHN, S.J., F.L.S., London: Dionysius 

Exiguus. 

GEUDENS, FRANCIS MARTIN, O.Prjem., Abbot 
Titular of Barlings, Corpus Christi Priory, 
Manchester, England: Druys, Jean. 

GIETMANN, GERARD, S.J., Teacher of Classical 
Languages and ^Esthetics, St. Ignatius Col- 
lege, Valkenburg, Holland: Durer, Albrecht; 
Ecclesiastes, Book oi ; Erwin of Steinbach. 



VI 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME 

GIGOT, FRANCIS E., S.T.D., Propbssor op Sacrbd HUDLESTON, GILBERT ROGER, O.S.B., Down- 
Scripture, St. Joseph's Seminary, Dunwoodie, side Abbet, Bath, England: Downside Abbey. 
N . Y . : Ecclesiasticus, Book of.. 

HUNT, LEIGH, Professor op Art, College op 

GILLET, LOUIS, Paris: Duccio di Buoninsegna; the City op New York: Dolci, Carlo; Domeni- 

Eyck>, Hubert and Jan van; Farinato, Paolo. » chino; Drevet Family, The; Edelinck. 

GODRYCZ JOHN, S.T.D., Ph.D., J.U.D., Shenan- HUNTER-BLAIR, D. O., Bart., O.S.B., M.A.. Ox- 
doah, Pennsylvania: Dlugoss, Jan. FOBD| England: Dorchester, Abbey •£: Doug- 

las, Gavin; Dryburgh Abbey; Dunbar, William; 
Dundrennan, Abbey of; Dunfermline, Abbey of; 
Dunkeld, Diocese of; Edinburgh. 

HYVERNAT, HENRY, D.D., Catholic University 
op America, Washington: Egypt; Ensue*; 
Einik. 

JOUVE, ODORIC-M., O.F.M., Cavdiac, Canada: 
Dolbeau, Jean. 

KELLY, JAMES J., D.D., V.G., Athlonb, Ireland: 
Elphin, Diocese of. 

KELLY, LEO A., Ph.B., Rochester, New York: 
Exuperius, Saint. 

KENDAL, JAMES, S.J., Bulawayo, Rhodesia, 
South Aprica: Fate. 

KENNEDY, THOMAS, B.A. (R.U.I.), London: 
Epact. 

KETTENBURG, PHILIPP BARON, Chaplain at 
St. Anbgar's Church, Copenhagen, Denmark: 
Eskil. ~ 



GOYAU, GEORGES, Associate Editor, " Revue 
des Deux Mondes ", Paris: Evreux, Diocese of; 
Falloux du Coudray, Vioomte de; Farfa, Abbey 
• of. 

GRAHAM, EDWARD P.. A.M., Sandusky, Ohio: 
Divination; Emmerich, Anne Catherine; Esco- 
bar, Marina de, Venerable; Essenes. 

GRATTAN-FLOOD, W. H., M.R.I.A., Mus.D., 
Rosemount, Enniscorthy, Ireland : Disibod, 
Saint; Dowdall, James; Eoghan, Saints. 

GttERECA, REGINALDO, Durango, Mexico: 
Durango, Archdiocese of. 

GUINAN, JOSEPH, C.C., Ferbane, Ireland: 
Edgeworth, Henry Essex. 

GUINEY, LOUISE IMOGEN, Oxpord, England: 
Edmund Campion, Blessed. 

GURDON, EDMUND, O.Cart., Barcelona, Spain: 
Dissen, Heinrich von. 

HANDLEY.M.L., New York: Donatello; Donner, 
Georg Raphael; Duquesnoy, Francois. 

HARTIG, OTTO, Assistant Librarian op the 
Royal Library, Munich: Europe. 

HASSETT, MAURICE M., S.T.D., Harrisbubg, 
Pennsylvania: Encolpion; Eucharist, Early 
Symbols of the. 

HAYES, Mgr. PATRICK J., D.D., Chancellor op 
the Archdiocese op New York, President, 
Cathedral College, New York: Dubois, John. 

HEALY, Most Reverend JOHN, D.D., LL.D., 
M.R.I.A., Senator op the Royal University 
of Ireland, Archbishop op Tuam: Duxtow, 
School of. 

HEALY, PATRICK J., S.T.D., Assistant Propes- 
sor op Church History, Catholic University 
op America, Washington: Facundus of Her- 
miane. 

HIND, GEORGE ELPHEGE, O.S.B., Glamorgan- 
shire, Wales: Eanbald; Easterwine; Egbert, 
Archbishop of York; EUwangen Abbey. 

HOLLWECK, JOSEF, J.C.D., S.T.D., Professor op 
Canon Law, Seminary, Eichstatt, Germany: 
Eichstatt, Diocese of. 

HOLWECK, FREDERICK G., St. Louis: Disper- 
sion of the Apostles; Easter; Embolism; Es- 
pousals of the Blessed Virgin Mary; Eve of a 
Feast; Expectation of the Blessed Virgin Mary. 

HORGAN, S. H., Morribtown, New Jersey: 
Egloffstein, Frederick W. von. 

HOWARD, FRANCIS W., Columbus, Ohio: Edu- 
cational Association, The Catholic. 



\ 



KIRSCH, Mgr. J. P., Professor op Patrology and 
Christian Archeology. University op Fri- 
bourg, Switzerland: Dionysius, Saint, Pope; 
Donation of Constantine; Dympna, Saint; 
Ebendorfer, Thomas; Eck (Eckius), Johann; Eg- 
bert, Archbishop of Trier; Ekkehard (monks); 
Eleutherius, Saint, Pope; Emerentiana, Saint; 
Euphrasia, Saint; Euphrosyne, Saint; Eusebius, 
Saint, Pope; Eutycnianus, Pope; •Evaristus, 
Saint, Pope; Eymeric, Nicolas; Fabiola, Saint; 
Farlati, Daniele. 

KURTH, GODEFROID, Director, Belgian His- 
torical Institute, Rome: Egmont, Lamoral, 
Count of. 

LABOURT, JEROME, S.T.D., Litt.D., Member 
op the Asiatic Society of Paris, Paris: 
Ephraem, Saint. 

LADEUZE, P., S.T.D., Professor op Sacred Scrip- 
ture and op Ancient Christian Literature*, 
University op Lou vain; President, College 
du Saint Esprit, Lou vain: Ephesians, Epistle 
• to the. 

LALANDE, LOUIS, S.J., Montreal: Faber, Mat- 
thias. 

t LE BARS, JEAN, B.A., Litt.D., Member op the 
Asiatic Society op Paris: Epee, Charles-Michel 
de V. 

LEBRUN, CHARLES, C.J.M., S.T.D., Superior, 
Holy Heart Seminary, Halifax, Nova Scotia: 
Eudes, Jean, Venerable; Eudists. 

LEHMKUHL, AUGUSTINUS, S.J., St. Ignatius 
College, Valkenburg, Holland: Divorce Cjn 
Moral Theology). 



vn 




CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME 



LEJAY, PAUL, Fellow op the University op 
France. Professor, Institut Catholique, 
Paris: Dracontius, Blossius iEmilius; Duo, Fron- 
ton du; Du Cange, Charles Dufresne; Dupin, 
Louis-Ellies; Ennodius, Magnus Felix; Epiphan- 
ius (Scholasticus); Evagrius (Scholasticus). 

LETELLIER, A., S.S.S., Superior, Fathers of the 
Blessed Sacrament, New York: Eymard, 
Pierre-Julien, Venerable. 

LILLY, WILLIAM SAMUEL, LL.M., Honorary 
Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge, London: 
England Since the Reformation. 

LIMBROCK, EBERHARD, S.V.D., Prefect Apos- 
tolic op German New Guinea: Divine Word, 
Society of the. 

LINDSAY, LIONEL ST. GEORGE, B.Sc, Ph.D., 
Editor-in-Chief, "La Nouvelle France", 
Quebec: Dosquet, Pierre-Herman; Duvernav, 
Ludger; Esglis, Louis-Philippe Mariauchau <r; 
Faillon. Etienne-Michel; Faribault, George- 
Bartheiemy. 

LINEHAN, PAUL H., B.A., Instructor, College 
op the City of New York: Faa di Bruno, 
Francesco. 

LINS, JOSEPH, Freiburg, Germany: Dresden. 

LOUGHLINj Mgr. JAMfiS F., S.T.D., Philadel- 
phia: Disciples of Christ; Discussions, Religious; 
Drexel. Francis Anthony; Egan, Michael; Eu- 
gene III, Blessed, Pope; Eugene IV, Pope; 
Faith, Protestant Confessions of. 

LOWTH, CATHERINE MARY, R.S.H., Mistress 
of Studies, Convent of the Sacred Heart, 
Manhattanville, New York: Duchesne, 
Philippine-Rose. * 

LUCAS, HERBERT, S.J., Stonyhurst College, 
Blackburn, England: Ecclesiastical Architec- 
ture. 

LUZIO, SALVATORE, D.D., Ph.D., J.U.D., Pro- 
fessor of Canon Law, St. Patrick's College, 
Maynooth, Dublin: Exequatur. 

MAAS, A. J., S.J.. Rector. Woodstock College, 
Maryland: Editions of the Bible; Elect; Elohim; 
Emmanuel; Engaddi; Ephod; Epistle (in Scrip- 
ture); Each, Nicolaus van; Evagrius (Ponti- 
cus); Exegesis; Fabri, Honore\ 

Mcdonald, Walter, d.d., prefect of the 

Dunboyne Establishment, Maynooth Col- 
lege, Dublin: Eternity. 

McMAHON, ARTHUR L., O.P^ St. Dominic's 
Priory, San Francisco: Eckhart, Johann, 
Meister; Esther; Faber, Felix; Faber, Johann 
Augustanus. 

McNEAL, J. PRESTON, A.B.,XL.B., Baltimore: 
Eccleston, Samuel. 

McNEAL, MARK J., 8.J., Woodstock College. 
Maryland: Eugenius I and II, Archbishops of 
Toledo; Eugenius of Carthage, Saint; Eulogms 
of Alexandria, Saint. 



MAERE, R., D.D., Professor of Christian Archae- 
ology, University of Lou vain: Diptych; 
Evangeliaria, Ornamentation of. 

MAGNIER, JOHN, C.SS.R., Rome: Doners, Peter. 

MAHER, MICHAEL, S.J., D.Litt., M.A. (London), 
Director of Studies and Professor of Peda- 
gogics, St. Mary's Hall, Stonyhurst, Black- 
burn, England: Dualism* Energy, The Law of 
the Conservation of; Fatalism. 

MANN, HORACE K, Headmaster, St. Cuthbert's 
Grammar School. Newcastle-on-Tyne, Eng- 
land: Eugene I, Saint, Pope; Eugene II, 
Pope. 

MARTINDALE, CYRIL C, S.J., B.A. (Oxon.), Pro- 
fessor of Classics, Manresa House, Roe- 
hampton, London: Epiphany. 

MARY CAMILLUS, SISTER, Directress of 
Studies, Academy of Notre Dame of Provi- 
dence, Newport, Kentucky: Divine Provi- 
dence, Sisters of. 

MARY PHILOMENA, SISTER, St. Joseph's Con- 
vent of the Faithful Companions of Jesus, 
Fitchburg, Massachusetts: Faithful Com- 
panions of Jesus, Society of the. 



MACPHERSON, EWAN, New York: Dominican 
Republic; Eata, Saint; Egwin, Saint; Ethelbert, 
Saint; Etheldreda, Saint. 



MARY THERESIA, MOTHER, Provincial Supe- 
rior, Sisters of Divine Providence, Mt. Im- 
maculate Convent, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania: 
Divine Providence, Sisters of. 

MEEHAN, ANDREW B., Ph.D., S.T.D., Professor 
of Canon Law and Liturgy, St. Bernard's 
Seminary, Rochester, New York: Endow- 
ment; Examination; Examiners, Apostolic; 
Examiners, Synodal; Executor, Apostolic; Ex- 
pediters, Apostolic; Faculties, Canonical. 

MEEHAN. THOMAS F., New York: Directories, 
Catholic (United States); Donahoe, Patrick; 
Dornin, Bernard and Thomas Aloysius; Du- 
coudray, Philippe-Charles; Duluth, Diocese of; 
Emigrant Aid Societies; Eucharistic Congresses; 
Faro, Diocese of. 

MEIER, GABRIEL, O.S.B., Einsiedeln, Switzer- 
land: Dorothea, Saint; Engelbert of Cologne, 
Saint; Erhard of Ratisbon. Saint; Euchanus, 
Saint; Eugendus, Saint; Fabian, Saint, Pope. 

MERSHMAN, FRANCIS, O.S.B., S.T.D., Professor 
of Moral Theology, Canon Law, and Liturgy, 
St. John's University, College ville, Minne- 
sota: Ddring, Matthias; Elisabeth of Reute, 
Blessed; Elisabeth of Schonau, Saint; Ember- 
Days; Eusebius, Saint (Presbyter at Rome); 
Eustachius and Companions, Saints; Faldstool. 

MINGES, PARTHENIU8, O.F.M., S.T.L., Ph.D., 
Prefect, Collegio SanBonaventura, Quarac- 
cm, near Florence, Italy: Duns Scotus, John. 

MOELLER, FERDINAND A., S.J., Chicago: Edu- 
cation of the Deaf and Dumb. 

MOONEY, JAMES, United States Ethnologist, 
Washington: Domenech, Emmanuel-Henri- 
Dieudonne*; Duponceau, Peter Stephen; Eskimo; 
Espejo, Antonio. 



viii 



MORICE, A. G., O.M.I., St. Boniface, Manitoba: 
Fabre, Joseph; Faraud, Henri. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME 

MORRISROE, PATRICK, Dean and Professor op POLLEN, JOHN HUNGERFORD, S.J., London: 

Liturgy, St. Patrick's College, Maynooth, Eadmer; English Confessors and Martyrs. 
Dublin: Dominus Vbbiscum. 

POOLE, THOMAS H., New York: Dome; Entabla- 

MOUGEL, AMBROSE, O.Cart., Charterhouse of ture; Ernulf; Escorial, The; Exedra; Facade. 
St. Hugh. Parkminster, England: Dominic of 

Prussia. POPE, HUGH, O.P., Hawkesyard Priory, Ruge- 

ley, England: Faith; Faith, The Rule of. 
MUCKERMANN, H., S.J., Professor of Biology 

St. Ignatius College, Valkenburg, Holland: POULAIN, AUGUSTIN, S.J., Paris: Ecstasy. 
Evolution (History and Scientific Foundations). 

QUINN, ARTHUR HOBSON, Assistant Professor 

MURPHY, JOHN F. X., S.J., Woodstock College, Q f English, University of Pennsylvania: 

Maryland: Faith, Hope, and Charity, Saints. Dryden, John and Charles. 

MYERS, EDWARD, M.A. (Cantab.), Professor of QUINN, STANLEY J., New York: Edwy; Egfrid. 
Dogmatic Theology and of Pathology, St. 

Edmund's College, Ware, England: Dominis, REILLY, W. S., S.S., S.T.D., St. Stephen's Biblical 

Marco Antonio De; Ethelhard; Eunomianism. School, Jerusalem: Dives; Drusilla. 

NUGENT, PETER, O.S.B., Master of Novices, REINHOLD, GREGOR, Freiburg, Germany: 

Erdington Abbey, Birmingham, England: Elba; Elisabeth Associations; Ermland. 
Erdington Abbey. 

rvrrkisntfrro mui* t* hp a™™™™ i?™*™. REMY, ARTHUR F. J., A.M., Ph.D., Adjunct Pro- 

O CONNOR, JOHN B ; ,,O.P., Assistant Editor, ^ Germanic Philology, Columbia 

;' Rosary Magazine", Somerset, Ohio: Dom- University, New York: Edda; Eyb, Albrecht 

"*• 8amt - von; Emo. 

^pS^i^ ROBINSON, PASCHAL, O.F.M., Rome: Eccleston, 

Church History and SacredScripture, Mary- Thomas of ; Elias of Cortona. 

help Abbey, Belmont, North Carolina: Dice- _ 

corns, Antipope; Donus, Pope. R0CK j, M Jf LojJJsnLLBt Kentucky: Disparity 

O'NEILL, JAMES D., A.M., S.T.D., Highland Park, of Worahi P J Elder > <**>*&' 

Illinois: Escobar y Mendosa, Antonio; Falsity; R0M PEL, JOSEF HEINRICH, S.J., Ph.D., Stella 

j?ammars; *ast. Matutin a College^ Feldkirch, Austria: End- 

OTT. MICHAEL, O.S.B., Ph.D., Professor of the Ucher ' SU ^ hsm L « dWw »- 

History of Philosophy St. John's Univer- ROY, J. EDMOND, Litt.D., F.R.S.C., Officer of 
bity, Collegeville, Minnbsota: Dithmar: the French Academy, Director, "Notarial 
Droete-Vischering, Clemens August von; Durand Review", Levis, Quebec: Du Lhut, Daniel 
Unrin; Ebbo; Edesius and Frumentius; Eisen- Greysolon; Esnambuc, Pierre Belain Sieur d'. 
grein, Martin; Ems, Congress of; Engelbert (Ab- 
bot) ; Erthal, Frans Ludwig von: Erthal, Fried- RUDGE, FLORENCE MARIE, M.A., Youngstown, 
rich Karl Joseph, Freiherr von; Eusebius, Saint. Ohio: Divine Charity, Society of; Divine Provi- 
Bishop of Vercelh; Eusebius, Samt, Bishop of dence, Sisters of; Divine Redeemer, Daughters 
Samosata; Eustathius, Saint; Eustochium, f the; Divine Saviour, Society of the. 
Julia, Saint; Euthymius, Saint. 

«*,«, ™ w .^ . « ^ ^„ «_ RUSSELL, MATTHEW, S.J., Dublin: Dromore, 

PACE, EDWARD A., Ph.D., D.D., Professor of Diocese of. 
Psychology, Catholic University of Amer- 
ica, Washington: Doctor; Dulia; Education; RYAN, JOHN A., S.T.D., Professor of Moral 
Ex Cathedra. Theology, The St. Paul Seminary, St. Paul, 

^ * T T ™r ^^t^-a ^^tsv*^ . « ~ ~ , ^ ~ Minnesota: Family. 
PALLEN, CONDE BENOIST, A.M., Ph.D., LLJX, 

New Rochelle, New York: Donoso Cortes. RYAN, MICHAEL JAMES, Ph.D., S.T.D., Profes- 
sor of Logic and of the History of Philoso- 

PETIT, L., A.A., Constantinople: Durauo, Arch- fhy, St. Bernard's Seminary, Rochester, 

diocese of. New York: Epicureanism. 

PfiTRpfcs, S., A. A., Constantinople: Dioclea; RYAN, PATRICK, S.J., London: Edmund Arrow- 

Diocletianopolis; Dionysias; Docimium; Do- gnuth, Venerable; Elphege, Saint; Ethelbert, 

hche; Domitiopolis; Drusipara; Echinus; Ebea; Saint (King of the East Angles); Ethelwold, 

Eucarpia; Eudoxias; Eumema; Euroea. Saint. 

PHILLIPS, EDWARD C, S.J., Ph.D., Professor SlGMtlLLER, JOHANNES BAPTIST, Professor 

of Physics, Boston College, Boston, Massa- of Theology, University of Tubingen. Wur- 

chusetts: Fagnano, Giulio Carlo de' Toschi di. temberg, Germany: Drey, Johann Sebastian 

• von; 'Emancipation, Ecclesiastical; Exclusion, 

PHILLIPS, G. E., Professor of Philosophy and Right of; Exemption. 
Church History, St. Cuthbert's College, 

Ubhaw, Durham, England: Edmund the SALMON, Very Rev. ERNEST M., President of 

Martyr, Saint; Edward the Confessor, Saint; St. Michael's College, Winooski Park, Ver- 

Edward the Martyr, Saint; Edwin, Saint; Eg- mont: Edmund, Congregation of Saint, 
bert, Saint; Elined, Saint. 

SALTET, LOUIS, Professor of Church History, 

POHLE, JOSEPH, S.T.D., Ph.D., Licentiate of Inbtitut Catholique, Toulouse, France: 

Canon Law. Breslau, Germany: Eucharist. False Decretals. 

ix 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME 



BAUER, JOSEPH, S.T.D., Editor, " Rundschau ", 
Professor or Theology, University of Frei- 
burg, Germany: Encyclopedia; Ensingen; 
Erasmus, Desiderius. 

SAUVAGE, G. M., C.S.C., S.T.D., Ph.D., Professor 
of Dogmatic Theology, Holy Cross College, 
Washington: Eclecticism. 

SCANNELL, T. B., S.T.D^ Weybridge, England: 
Diocletian; Doctrine, Christian; Domitian. 

SCHAEFER, FRANCIS J., S.T.D., Ph.D., Profes- 
sor of Church History, The St. Paul Semi- 
nary, St. Paul, Minnesota: Dobmayer, Marian; 
Dunin, Martin von; Eckebert; Eusebius Bruno; 
Eustathius (Archbishop of Thessalonica) ; Fari- 
bault, Jean-Baptiste. 

SCHEID, N., S.J., Stella Matuttna College, 
Feldkirch, Austria: Drach, David-Paul; 
Dreves, Lebrecht Blilcher; Eichendorff, Freiherr 
von. 

SCHETS, JOSEPH, Etten near Breda, Holland: 
Ezechiel. 

SCHLAGER, HEINRICH PATRICIUS, O.F.M., 

HaRREVELD NEAR LtCHTENVOORDE, HOLLAND: 

Dudik, Breda Franciscus; Eberhard, Matthias; 
Eberhard of Ratisbon ; Echter von Mespelbrunn, 
Julius; Eckhart, Johann Georg von; Einhard; 
Ekkehard of Aura. 

SCHROEDER, JOSEPH, O.P., Immaculate Con- 
ception College, Washington: Erbermann, 
Veit; Ernst of Hesse-Rheinfels; Faber, Johann 
(of Heilbronn). 

SCHUMACHER, MATTHEW, C.S.C., Ph.D., S.T.B., 
Director of Studies, University of Notre 
Dame, Indiana: Faber, Johann (of Leutkirch). 

SCHWERTNER, THOMAS M., O.P., Immaculate 
Conception College, Washington: Dominici, 
Giovanni, Blessed; Dore", Pierre; Durandus of 
Saint-Pourcain; Ebner; Echard, Jacques; Em- 
ser, Hieronymus. 

SELINGER, JOSEPH, S.T.D., Jefferson City, 
Missouri: Espousals. 

SHANLEY, JOHN, D.D., Bishop of Fargo, North 
Dakota: Fargo, Diocese of. 

SHARPE, ALFRED BOWYER, M.A. (Oxon.), 
Saffron Walden, Essex, England: Doubt; 
Eusebius of Dorylaeum; Evil. 

SIEGFRIED, FRANCIS PATRICK, Professor of 
Philosophy, St. Charles's Seminary, Over- 
brook, Pennsylvania: Empiricism; Exten- 
sion. 

SLOANE, CHARLES WILLIAM, New York: 
Donation (in Civil Jurisprudence); Dower. 

SLOANE, THOMAS 0'CONOR.A.M., E.M.. Ph.D., 
New York: Dumas, Jean-Baptiste; Elnuyar y 
de Suvisa, Fausto de. 

SMITH, WALTER GEORGE, A.M., LL.B. (U. of P.), 
Philadelphia: Divorce (in Civil Jurispru- 
dence). 



SOLLIER, JOSEPH FRANCIS, S.M., S.T.D. ; San 
Francisco: Donnet, Ferdinand-Francois-Au- 
guste; Dubois, Guillaume; Dupanloup, Fe"lix- 
Antoine; Duprat, Antoine; Durandus of Troarn; 
Duvergier de Hauranne, Jean. 

SOUVAY, CHARLES L., CM., LL.B., S.T.D., Ph.D., 
Professor of Holy Scripture and Hebrew, 
Kenrick Seminary, St. Louis: Disciple; 
Dreams, Interpretation of; Elias; Elisabeth; 
Esdras; Evangelist. 

SPILLANE, EDWARD P., S.J.. Associate Editor, 
"America", New York: Dobrizhbffer, Martin; 
Doutreleau, Stephen; Dubois, Jean-Antoine; 
Ducrue, Francis Bennon; Eckart, Anselm. 

STADELMAN, JOSEPH M., S.J., New York: Edu- 
cation of the Blind. 

STIGLMAYR, JOSEPH, S.J., Professor of Latin, 
Greek, and German, Stella Matuttna Col- 
lege, Feldkirch, Austria: Dionysius the 
Pseudo-Areopagite. 

STONE, J. M., London: Downes, Thomas. 

STUART, J. C, St. Joseph's College, Dubuque, 
Iowa: Dubuque, Archdiocese of. 

TAAFFE, THOMAS GAFFNEY, Ph.D., Instruc- 
tor in English Literature, College of the 
City of New York: Dolman, Charles. 

THURSTON. HERBERT, S.J., London: Diplo- 
matics, Papal; Directories, Catholic (First Part); 
Domesday Book; Dominical Letter; Easter 
Controversy; Elevation, The; Encyclical; Eng- 
land Before the Reformation; Exposition of the 
Blessed Sacrament. 

TOKE, LESLIE ALEXANDER ST. LAWRENCE, 
B.A., Stratton-on-the-Fo88e, near Bath, 
England: Dubric, Saint; Dunchadh, Saint; 
Dunstan, Saint. 

TONER, PATRICK J., D.D., Professor of Dog- 
matic Theology, St. Patrick's College, 
Maynooth. Dublin: Eschatology; Exorcism; 
Exorcist; Extreme Unction. 

TURNER, WILLIAM, B.A., S.T.D., Professor of 
Logic and of the History of Philosophy, 
Catholic University of America, Washing- 
ton: Donatus of Fiesole; Dungal; Eriugena, 
John Scotus; Exul Hibernicus. 

URQUHART, FRANCIS FORTESCUE, M.A., Lec- 
turer in Modern History, Balliol College, 
Oxford: Fabyan, Robert. 

VAILHlS, SIMfiON, A.A., Member of the Russian 
Archaeological Institute of Constantinople, 
Professor of Sacred Scripture and History 
at the Theological Seminary of Kadi-Keui, 
Constantinople: Dora; Dorylaeum; Edessa; 
Eleutheropolis; Elusa; Emesa; Emmaus; 
Eperies, Diocese of j Ephesus; Epiphania; Ery- 
thrse; Erzerum, Diocese of; Euana; Europus; 
Famagusta. 

VAN CLEEF. AUGUSTUS, New York: Echave, 
Baltasar de. 

VAN DEN BIESEN, C, S.T.D., Cloakham, Axmin- 
ster, England: Drachma. 

VAN DER ESSEN, L^ON, Litt.D., Ph.D., College 
du Pape. Lou vain, Belgium: Eleutherius, 
Saint, Bishop of Tournai; Eligius, Saint 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME 

VAN HOVE, A., D.C.L., Professor of Church WARREN, KATE MARY, Lecturer in English 
History and of Canon Law, University of Literature under University of London at 

Lou vain: Diocese; Donation (in Canon Law); Westfibld College, Hampstead, London.: 

Dumoulin, Charles; Engel, Ludwig; Enthron- English Literature, 

ixation: Espen, Zeger Bernhard van: Expecta- 

tive; Extravagantes; Fabrica Ecclesis; Fa- WASMANN, ERIC, S.J., Luxemburg: Evolution, 
gnani, Prospero. Attitude of Catholics towards. 

WAGGAMAN, MARY TERESA, Georgetown, D. WILHELM, J., S.T.D., Ph.D., Battle, Sussex, 
C.: Dorsey, Anne Hanson. England: Evangelical Church (in Prussia). 

WA ^S' F^r5 LT0N BENEDICT ' BA ' °* r WILLIAMS, THOMAS LEIGHTON,B. A. (Cantab.), 
ford. **uitet. ^ Edmtod . b College, Ware, England: Ed- 

WAL8H, JAMES J., M.D.. Ph.D., LL.D., Professor ward III. 

of the History of Medicine, Fordham Uni- „_ T T , 4 ^.^^^ „„^„„ ^™ 4 „,.™ „ ^ 

versity. New York: Dupuytren, Guillaume; WILLIAMSON. GEORGE CHARLES. Litt.D., 
Eustachius, Bartolomeo; Fabricius, Hierony- London: Dossi, Giovanni; Doyle, John; Doyle, 

mus; Fallopio, Gabriello. Richard; Dyck, Antoon van; Ecclesiastical 

Art; Engelbrechtsen, Cornelis; Eycken, Jean 

WARD, Mgr. BERNARD, President, St. Ed- Baptiste van; Falco, Juan Conchillos. 

mund's College, Ware, England: Douai, • 

Town and University of; Douay Bible; Erastus WITTMANN, PIUS, Ph.D., Reichsarohivrat, 
and Erastianism; Establishment, The. Munich: Faroe Islands. 



Tables of Abbreviations 

The following tables and notes are intended to guide readers of The Catholic Encyclopedia in 
interpreting those abbreviations, signs, or technical phrases which, for economy of space, will be most fre- 
quently used in the work. For more general information see the article Abbreviations, Ecclesiastical. 



I. — General Abbreviations. 

a article. 

ad an at the year (Lat. ad annum). 

an., ann the year, the years (Lat. annus, 

anni). 

ap in (Lat. apud). 

art article. 

Assyr Assyrian. 

A. S Anglo-Saxon. 

A. V Authorized Version (i.e. tr. of the 

Bible authorized for use in the 
Anglican Church — the so-called 
"King James", or "Protestant 
Bible"). 

b born. 

Bk Book. 

Bl Blessed. 

C, c. about (Lat. circa); canon; chap- 

ter; compagnie. 

can canon. 

cap chapter (Lat. caput — used only 

in Latin context). 

cf compare (Lat. confer). 

cod codex. 

col column. 

concl conclusion. 

const., constit. . . .Lat. constitutio. 

cura by the industry of. 

>d died. 

diet dictionary (Fr. dicHonnaire). 

disp Lat. disputatio. 

diss. Lat. di&sertatio. 

dist. Lat. distinctio. 

D. V Douay Version. 

ed., edit edited, edition, editor. 

Ep., Epp letter, letters (Lat. epistola). 

Fr French. 

gen. genus. 

Gr Greek. 

H. E., Hist. Eccl. .Ecclesiastical History. 

Heb., Hebr Hebrew. 

ib., ibid in the same place (Lat. ibidem). 

Id the same person, or author (Lat. 

idem). 



inf below (Lat. infra). 

It Italian. 

1. c, loc. cit at the place quoted (Lat. loco 

citato). 

Lat Latin. 

lat latitude. 

lib book (Lat. liber). 

long longitude. 

Mon Lat. Monumenta. 

MS., MSS manuscript, manuscripts. 

n., no number. 

N. T New Testament. 

Nat National. 

Old Fr., O. Fr. . . .Old French. 

op. cit in the work quoted (Lat. opere 

citato). 

Ord Order. 

O. T Old Testament. 

p., pp page, pages, or (in Latin ref- 
erences) pars (part). * 

par. paragraph. 

passim in various places. 

pt part. 

Q Quarterly (a periodical), e.g. 

"Church Quarterly". 

Q., QQ., qus38t. . . .question, questions (Lat. quastio). 

q. v which [title] see (Lat. quod vide). 

Rev Review (a periodical). 

R.S Rolls Series. 

R. V Revised Version. 

S., SS Lat. Sanctus, SancH, "Saint ", 

"Saints" — used in this Ency- 
clopedia only in Latin context. 

Sept Septuagint. 

Sess Session. 

Skt Sanskrit. 

Sp Spanish. 

sq., sqq following page, or pages (Lat. 

sequens). 

St., Sts Saint, Saints. 

sup Above (Lat. supra). 

s. v Under the corresponding title 

(Lat. sub voce). 

torn volume (Lat. tomus). 



xiil 



1 



TABLES OF ABBREVIATIONS. 



tr. translation or translated. By it- 
self it means "English transla- 
tion", or "translated into Eng- 
lish by". Where a translation 
is into any other language, the 
language is stated. 

tr., tract tractate. 

y see (Lat. vide). 

Ven Venerable. 

Vol. Volume. 

II. — Abbreviations of Titles. 

Acta SS Ada Sanctorum (Bollandists). 

Ann. pont. cath Battandier, Annuaire pontifical 

cathoUque. 

Bibl. Diet. Eng. Cath.Gillow, Bibliographical Diction- 
ary of the English Catholics. 

Diet. Christ. Antiq. . .Smith and Cheetham (ed.), 

Dictionary of Christian An- 
tiquities. 



Diet. Christ. Biog. . . Smith and Wace (ed.), Diction- 
ary of Christian Biography. 

Diet, d'arch. chr6t.. .Cabrol (ed.), DicHonnaire d'ar- 

chtologie chrOienne et de litur- 
gie. 

Diet, de theol. cath. . Vacant and Mangenot (ed.), 

DicHonnaire de thtologie 
catholique. 

Diet Nat. Biog. Stephen and Lee (ed.), Diction- 
ary of National Biography. 

Hast., Diet, of the 

Bible Hastings (ed.), A Dictionary of 

the Bible. 

Kirehenlex. Wetzer and Welte, Kirchenlexi- 

con. 

P. G Migne (ed.), Patres Qrmci. 

P. L. Migne (ed.), Patres Latini. 

Vig., Diet, dela Bible. Vigouroux (ed.), DicHonnaire de 

la Bible. 



Nora I. — Large Roman numerals standing alone indicate volumes. Small Roman numerals standing alone indicate 
chapters. Arabic numerals standing alone indicate pages. In other cases the divisions are explicitly stated. Thus " Rashdall, 
Universities of Europe, I, he" refers the reader to the ninth chapter of the first volume of that work; "I, p. ix" would indicate the 
ninth page of the preface of the same volume. 

Nora II. — Where St. Thomas (Aquinas) is cited without the name of any particular work the reference is always to 
"Summa Theologica" (not to "Summa Philosophise"). The divisions of the "Summa Theol." are indicated by a system which 
may best be understood by the following example: " I-II, Q. vi, a. 7, ad 2 urn" refers the reader to the seventh article of the 
sixth question in the /Irtf part of the second part, in the response to the tecond objection. 

Note III. — The abbreviations employed for the various books of the Bible are obvious. Eoolesiasticus is indicated by 
Eccltu., to distinguish it from Ecclesiastes (EccUs.). It should also be noted that I and II Kings in D. V. correspond to I and II ' 
Samuel in A. V. ; and I and II Par. to I and II Chronicles. Where, in the spelling of a proper name, there is a marked difference 
between the D. V. and the A. V., the form found in the latter is added, in parentheses. 



** 



Full Page Illustrations in Volume V 

Frontispiece in Colour PAGE 

Ivory Diptychs 22 

The Madonna and Four Doctors of the Church — Moretto 74 

Domes 102 

The Communion of St. Jerome — Domenichino 103 

St. Dominic— Titian ; 108 

St. George— Donatello 116 

The Court Church, Dresden 158 

Dryburgh Abbey .\ 166 

Glendalough, County Wicklow, Ireland 170 

Durham Cathedral 212 

Charles I, Henrietta Maria, and Their Children — Van Dyck '. 220 

Complutensian Polyglot 288 

Natives Drawing Water on the Nile, etc 340 

The Tables of Abydos, etc 341 

St. Elizabeth of Hungary 390 

Ely Cathedral 396 

St. Albans Abbey 450 

The Adoration of the Magi — Ghirlandajo > 506 

Erasmus — Holbein 512 

The Escorial .' 534 

Multiplication of the Loaves and Fishes 592 

Exeter Cathedral 708 

Fagades 746 



Maps 

Sees of the Oriental Rites. 240 

Ancient Egypt 352 

Ecclesiastical Map of North Africa * 362 

England and Wales — The Ecclesiastical Province of Westminster 444 

England from the 12th Century to the Schism of Henry VIII 456 

Christendom a.d. 622 612 



THE 
CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA 



D 



The first Christian communities, quite like the Jewisn. 
were established in towns. The converts who lived 



Diocese (Lat. dioecesisj, the territory or churches 
subject to the jurisdiction of a bishop (q% v.)* 

I. Origin of Term. — Originally the term diocese in the neighbourhood naturally joined with the com- 
(Gr. dioUrpis) signified management of a household, munity of the town for the celebration, of the Sacred 
thence administration or government in general. This Mysteries. Exact limitations of episcopal territory 
term was soon used in Roman law to designate the ter- could not have engrossed much attention at' the begin- 
ritory dependent for its administration upon a city nine of Christianity; it would have been quite impracti- 
(civitas). What in Latin was called ager, or territorium, cable. As a matter of fact, the extent of the diocese 
namely a district subject to a city, was habitually was determined by the domain itself over which 
known in the Roman East as a dimcesis* But as the the bishop exercised his influence. It seems certain, 
Christian bishop generally resided in a civitas, the ter- on the other hand, that, in the East at any rate, by the 
ritory administersd by him, being usually contermi- middle of the third century each Christian community 
nous with the juridical territory of the city, came to be of any importance had become the residence of a bishop 
known ecclesiastically by its usual civil term, diocese, and constituted a diocese. There were bishops in. 
This name was also given to the administrative sub- the country districts as well as in the towns. The 
division of some provinces ruled by legates (legati) ohorepiscopi (fr x<&P? iwlamwoi), or rural bishops, 
under the authority of the governor of the province, were bishops, it is generally thought, as well as those 
Finally, Diocletian designated by this name the twelve of the towns; though from about the second half of the 
great divisions which he established in the empire, and third century their powers were little by little cur- 
over each of which he placed a vicarius (Pauly-Wis- tailed, and they were made dependent on the bishops 
sowa, Real-Encyclopacue der classischen Altertums- of the towns. To this rule Egypt was an exception; 
wissenschaft, Stuttgart, 1903, V. 1, 716 sqq.). The Alexandria was for a long time tne only see in Egypt, 
original term for local groups of tne faithful subject to The number of Egyptian dioceses, however, multi- 
a bishop was 4ick\r)cla (church), and at a later date, plied rapidly during the third century, so that in 320 
wapouda, i. e. the neighbourhood (Lat. parcecia. pa- there were about a hundred bishops present at the 
Tochia). The Apostolic Canons (xiv, xv), and the Council of Alexandria. The number of dioceses was 
Council of Nicsea in 325 (can. xvi) applied this latter also quite large in some parts of the Western Church, 
term to the territory subject to a bishop. This term i. e. in Southern Italy and in Africa. In other regions 
was retained in the East, where the Council of Con- of Europe, either Christianity had as yet a small num- 
stantinople (381) reserved the word diocese for the ter- ber of adherents, or the bishops reserved to themselves 
ritory subject to a patriarch (can. ii). In the West supreme authority over extensive districts. Thus, in 
also parochia was long used to designate an episcopal this early period but few dioceses existed in Northern 
see. About 850 Leo IV, and about 1095 Urban II, Italy, Gaul, Germany, Britain, and Spain. In the 
still employed parochia to denote the territory subject last, however, their number increased rapidly dur- 
to the jurisdiction of a bishop. Alexander III (1159- ing the third century. The increase ot the faithful 
1181) designated under the name of parochiani the in small towns and country districts soon made it 
subjects of a bishop (c. 4, C. X, qu. 1 ; c. 10, C. IX, necessary to determine exactly the limits of the teni- 
qu. 2; c. 9, X, De testibus, II, 20). On the other tory of each church. The cities of the empire, with 
hand, the present meaning of the word diocese is met their clearly defined suburban districts, offered limits 
with in Africa at the end of the fourth century (cc. 50, that were easily acceptable. From the fourth century 
51, C. XVI, qu. 1), and afterwards in Spain, where the on it was generally admitted that every city ought to 
term parochia, occurring in the ninth canon of the have its bishop, and that his territory was bounded by 

Innocent 7 
bound to con- 

and c. 6, C. X, qu. 3). This usage finally became gen- form itself to all the civil divisions which the imperial 

end in the West, though diocese was sometimes used government chose to introduce, the Council of Chalce- 

to indicate parishes in the present sense of the word don ordered (451) that if a civitas were dismembered 

(see Parish). In Gaul, the words terminus, territorv- by imperial authority, the ecclesiastical organization 

urn, civitas, pagus, are also met with. ought also to be modified (can. xvii). In the West, the 

II. Historical Origin. — It is impossible to deter- Council of Sardica (344) forbade in its sixth canon the 
mine what rules were followed at the origin of the establishment of dioceses in towns not populous enough 
Church in limiting the territory over which each to render desirable their elevation to the dignity of 
bishop exercised his authority. Universality of eccle- episcopal residences. At the same time many Western 
siastical jurisdiction was a personal prerogative of the sees included the territories of several civitates. 
Apostles ; their successors, the bishops, enjoyed only a From the fourth century we have documentary evi- 
jurisdiction limited to a certain territory: thus Igna- dence of the manner in which the dioceses were crer 
this, was Bishop of Antioch, and Polycarp, of Smyrna* ated. According to the Council of Sardica (can. rl)j 

V.— 1 1 




DIOOESK 



DIOOXSE 



this belonged to the provincial synod; the Council of 
Carthage! in 407, demanded moreover the consent of ' 
the primate and of the bishop of the diocese to be di- 
vided (canons iv and v). The consent of the pope or 
the emperor was not called for. In 446, however. Pope 
Leo I ruled that dioceses should not be established ex- 
cept in large towns and populous centres ( c. 4, Dist. 
lxxx). In the same period the Apostolic See was 
active in the creation of dioceses in the Burgundian 
kingdom and in Italy. In the latter country many of 
the sees had no other metropolitan than the pope, and 
were thus more closely related to him. Even clearer 
is his role in the formation of the diocesan system in 
the northern countries newly converted to CJnristian- 
ity. After the first successes of St. Augustine in Eng- 
land, Gregory the Great provided for the establish- 
ment of two metropolitan sees, each of which included 
two dioceses. In Ireland, the diocesan system was 
introduced by St. Patrick, though the diocesan terri- 
tory was usually coextensive with the tribal lands, 
and the system itself was soon peculiarly modified by 
the general extension of monasticism (see Ireland). 
In Scotland, however, the diocesan organization dates 
only from the twelfth century. To the Apostolic See 
also was due the establishment of dioceses m that part 
of Germany which had been evangelized by St. Boni- 
face. In the Frankish Empire the boundaries of the 
dioceses followed the earlier Gallo-Roman municipal 
system, though the Merovingian kings never hesitated 
to change them by royal authority and without pontif- 
ical intervention. In the' creation of new dioceses no 
mention is made of papal authority. The Carlovin- 
gian kings and their successors, the Western emperors, 
notably the Ottos (936-1002), sought papal authority 
for the creation of new dioceses. Since the eleventh 
century it has been the rule that the establishment of 
new dioceses is peculiarly a right of the Apostolic See. 
St. Peter Damian proclaimed (1059-60) tnis as a gen- 
eral principle (c. 1, Dist. xxii), and the same is af- 
firmed in the well-known "Dictatus" of Gregory VII 
(1073-1085). The papal decretals (see Decretals, 
Papal) consider the creation of a new diocese as one of 
the causa maiores, i. e. matters of special importance, 
reserved to the pope alone (c. 1, X, De translatione 
episcopi, I, 7; c 1, X, De officio legati, I, 30) and of 
which he is the sole judge (c. 5. Extra v. communes, 
De prsebendis et dignitatiqus, III, 2). A word of men- 
tion is here due to the missionary or regionary bishOps, 
episcopi gentium, episcopi (arcniepiscopi) in gentibus, 
still found in the eleventh century. They had no 
fixed territory or diocese, but were sent into a country 
or district for the purpose of evangelizing it. Such 
were St. Boniface in Germany, St. Augustine in Eng- 
land, and St. Willibrord in the Netherlands. They 
were themselves the organizers of the diocese, after 
their apostolic labours had produced happy results. 
The bishops met with in some monasteries of Gaul in 
the earlier Middle Ages, probably in imitation of Irish 
conditions, had no administrative functions (see 
Bellesheim, Gesch. d. kath. Kirche in Irland, I, 226- 
30, and Ldning, below). 

III. Creation and Modification op Dioceses. — 
We have noticed above that after the eleventh century 
the sovereign pontiff reserved to himself the creation 
of dioceses. In the actual discipline, as already 
stated, all that touches the diocese is a causa major, 
L e. one of those important matters in which the bish- 
op possesses no authority whatever and which the 
pope reserves exclusively to himself. Since the epis- 
copate is of Divine institution, the pope is obliged to 
establish dioceses in the Catholic Church, but he re- 
mains sole judge of the time and manner, and alone 
determines what flock shall be entrusted to each 
bishop. Generally speaking, the diocese is a terri- 
torial circumscription, but sometimes the bishop pos- 
sesses authority only over certain classes of persons re- 
siding in the territory; this is principally the case in 



districts where both the Western and the Eastern 
Rite are followed. Whatever, therefore, pertains to 
the creation or suppression of dioceses, changes in 
their boundaries, ana the like is within the pope's ex- 
clusive province. As a general rule, the preparatory 
work is done by the Congregation of the Consistory, 
by Propaganda when the question relates' to terri- 
tories subject to this congregation, and by the Con- 
gregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs when 
the establishment of a diocese is governed by con- 
cordats (p-. v.), or when the civil power of the country 
has the right to intervene in their creation. We shall 
take up successively (1) the creation of new dioceses; 
(2) the various modifications to which they are sub- 
ject, included by canonists under the term Innovatio. 

(1) Creation of Dioceses. — Strictly speaking, it is 
only in missionary countries that there can be question 
of the creation of a diocese, either because the country 
was never converted to Christianity or because its an- 
cient hierarchy was suppressed, owing to conquest by 
infidels or the* progress of heresy. Regularly, before 
becoming a diocese, the territory is successively a mis- 
sion, a prefecture Apostolic, and finally a vicariate 
Apostolic. The Congregation of Propaganda makes a 
preliminary study of the question ana passes judg- 
ment on the opportuneness of the creation of the dio- 
cese in question. It considers principally whether the 
number of Catholics, priests, and religious establish- 
ments, i. e. churches, chapels, schools, is sufficiently 
large tojustify the establishment of the proposed dio- 
cese. These matters form the subject of a report to 
Propaganda, to which must be added the number of 
towns or settlements included in the territory. If 
there is a city suitable for the episcopal see, the fact is 
stated, also the financial resources at the disposal of 
the bishop for the works of religion. There is added, 
finally, a sketch, if possible accompanied by a map, in- 
dicating the territory of the future diocese. As a gen- 
eral rule, a diocese should not include districts whose 
inhabitants speak different languages or are subject 
to distinct civil powers (see Instructions of Propa- 
ganda, 1798, in Collectanea S. C. de P. F., Rome, 
1907, no. 645). Moreover, the general conditions for 
the creation of a diocese are the same as those required 
for dividing or "dismembering" a diocese. Of this 
we shall speak below. 

(2) Modification (Innovatio) of Dioceses, — Under 
this head come the division (dismembrdtio) of dioceses, 
their union, suppression, and changes of their respec- 
tive limits. 

(a) Division or Dismemberment of a Diocese. — 
This ia reserved to the Holy See. Since the pope is the 
supreme power in the Church, he is not bound to' act 
in conformity with the canonical enactments which 
regulate the dismemberment of ecclesiastical bene- 
fices. The following rules, however, are those which 
he generally observes, though he is free to deviate 
from them. — First, to divide a diocese, a sufficient rea- 
son must exist (causa justa). The necessity, or at 
least the utility, of the division must be demon- 
strated. There is sufficient reason for the subdivi- 
sion of a diocese if it be too extensive, or the number of 
the faithful too great, or the means of communication 
too difficult, to permit the bishop to administer the 
diocese properly. Hie benefit which would result 
to religion (incrementum cuUus divini) may also be 
brought forward as a reason for the change. In the 
main, these reasons are summed up in the one: the 
hope of forwarding the interests of Catholicism. Dis- 
sensions between inhabitants of the same diocese, or 
the fact that they belong to different nations, may also 
be considered a sufficient reason. Formerly, the mere 
fact that the endowment of a diocese was very large 
— a case somewhat rare at the present day — formed 
a legitimate reason for its division. 

Tne second condition is suitability of place (locus 
congruwi). There should exist in the diocese to be ere- 



DIOOSSX 



DIOOESE 



ated a city or town suitable for tne episcopal resi- 
dence: the ancient discipline which rules that sees 
should be established only in important localities is 
still observed. 

Third, a proper endowment (dos congrua) is requi- 
site. The bishop should have at his disposal the re- 
sources necessary for his own maintenance and that of 
the ecclesiastics engaged in the general administration 
of the diocese, and for the establishment of a cathedral 
church, the expenses of Divine worship, and the gen- 
eral administration of the diocese. Formerly it was 
necessary that in part, at least, this endowment should 
cpnsist in lands ; at present this is not always possible, 
it suffices if there is a prospect that the new bishop 
will be able to meet the necessary expenses. In some 
cases, the civil government -grants a subsidy to the 
bishop; in other cases, he must depend on the liberal- 
ity of the faithful and on a contribution from the par- 
ishes of the diocese, known as the cathedraticum (q. v.). 

Fourth, generally for the division of a diocese the 
consent of the actual incumbent of the benefice is 
requisite; but the pope is not bound to observe this 
condition. John XXII ruled that the pope had the 
right to proceed to the division of a diocese in spite of 
the opposition of the bishop (c. 5, Extrav. commun., 
De praebendis, HI, 2). As a matter of fact, the pope 
asks the advice of the archbishop and of all the bishops 
of the ecclesiastical province in which the diocese to be 
divided is situated. Often, indeed, the division takes 
place at the request of the bishop himself. 

Fifth, theoretically the consent of the civil power 
is not required ; this would be contrary to the princi- 
ples of the distinction and mutual independence of the 
ecclesiastical and civil authority. Jn many countries, 
however, the consent of the civil authority is indis- 
pensable, either because the Government has pledged 
itself to endow the occupants of the episcopal sees, or 
because concordats have regulated this matter, or be- 
cause a suspicious government would not permit a 
bishop to administer the new diocese if it were created 
without civil intervention (see Nussi, Conventiones de 
rebus ecclesiasticis, Rome, 1869, pp. 19 sqq.). At pres- 
ent, the creation or division of a diocese is done t>y a 
pontifical Brief, forwarded by the Secretary of Briefs. 
As an example, we may mention the Brief of 11 March, 
1904, which divided the Diocese of Providence and es- 
tablished the new Diocese of Fall River. The motive 
prompting this division was the incremenium religionis 
and tne majus bonum animarum; the Bishop of Provi- 
dence himself requested the division, and this request 
was approved by the Archbishop of Boston and by all 
the bishops of that ecclesiastical province. The ex- 
amination of the question was submitted to Propa- 
ganda and to the Apostolic Delegate at Washington. 
The pope then created, motu proprio, the new diocese, 
indicated its official title in Latin and in English, and 
determined its boundaries, which correspond to polit- 
ical divisions, and, finally, fixed the revenues of the 
bishop. In the case before us these consist in a mod- 
erate cathedraticum to be determined by the bishop 
(discrete arbitrio episcopi imponendum) . According to 
the practice of Propaganda, all the priests who at the 
time of the division exercised the ministry in the dis- 
membered territory belong to the clergy of the new 
diocese (Rescript of 13 April, 1891, in Collectanea S. C. 
de P. F., new ed., no. 1751). 

(b) Union of Dioceses. — As in the case of the divi- 
sion of a diocese, the union of several dioceses ought to 
be justified by motives of public utility, e. g. the small 
number of the faithful, the loss of resources. As in 
the case of division, the pope is influenced by the ad- 
vice of persons familiar with the situation ; sometimes 
he asks the advice of the Government, etc. It is a 
generally recognized principle in the union of bene- 
fices, that such union takes effect only after the death 
of the actual occupant of the see which is to be united 
to another; at least when he has not given his consent 



to this union. Though the pope is not bound by this 
rule, in practice it must be taken into account. The 
union of dioceses takes place in several ways. There 
'is, first, the unto ague principalis or cequalis when the 
two dioceses are entrusted for the purpose of adminis- 
tration to a single bishop, though they remain in all 
other respects distinct ; each of them has its own cathe- 
dral chapter, revenues, rights, and privileges, but the 
bishop of one see becomes the bishop of tne other by 
the mere fact of appointment to one of the two. He 
cannot resign one without ipso facto resigning the 
other. This situation differs from that in which a 
bishop administers for a time, or even perpetually, 
another diocese ; in this case there is no union between 
the two sees. It is in reality a case of plurality of 
ecclesiastical benefices; the bishop holds two distinct 
sees, and his nomination must take place according to 
the rules established for each of the two dioceses. On 
the contrary, in the case of two pr more united dio- 
ceses, the election or designation of the candidate must 
take place by the agreement of those persons in both 
dioceses who possess the right of election or of designa- 
tion. Moreover, in the case of united dioceses, the 
pope sometimes makes special rules for the residence 
of the bishop, e. g. that he shall reside in each diocese 
for a part of the year. If the pope makes no decision 
in this matter, the bishop may reside in the more im- 
portant diocese, or in that which seems more conven- 
ient for the purposes of administration, or even in the 
diocese which he prefers as a residence. If the bishop 
resides in one of his dioceses he is considered as present 
in each of them for those juridical acts which demand 
his presence. He may also convoke at his discretion 
two separate diocesan synods for each of the two dio- 
ceses or only one for both of them. In other respects 
the administration of each diocese remains distinct. 
There are two classes of unequal unions of dioceses 
(uniones incequales): the unto eubjectiva or per' access- 
orium, seldom put into practice, and the unio per con- 
fusionem. In the former case, the one diocese retains 
all its rights and the other loses its rights, obtains 
those of the principal diocese, and thus becomes a de- 
pendency. When a diocese is thus united to another 
there can be no question of right of election or designa- 
tion, because such a dependent diocese is conferred by 
the very fact that the principal diocese possesses a 
titular. But the administration of the property of 
each diocese remains distinct and the titular of the 
principal diocese must assume all the obligations of 
the united diocese. The second kind of union (per 
confusionem) suppresses the two pre-existing dioceses 
in order to create a new one ; the former dioceses simply 
cease to exist. To perpetuate the names of the 
former sees the new bishop sometimes assumes the 
titles of both, but in administration no account is 
taken of the fact that they were formerly separate sees. 
Such a union is equivalent to the suppression of the 
dioceses. 

(c) Suppression of Dioceses. — Suppression of dio- 
ceses, properly so called, in a manner other than by 
union, takes place only in countries where the faithful 
and the clergy have been dispersed by persecution, the 
ancient dioceses becoming missions, prefectures, or 
vicariates Apostolic. This has occurred in the Orient, 
in England, the Netherlands, etc. Changes of this na- 
ture are not regulated by canon law. 

(d) Change of Boundaries. — This last mode of tnno- 
vatio is made by the Holy See, generally at the request 
of the bishops of the two neighbouring dioceses. 
Among the sufficient reasons for this measure are the 
difficulty of communication, the existence of a high 
mountain or of a large river, disputes between the in- 
habitants of one part of the diocese, also the fact that 
they belong to different countries. Sometimes a re- 
settlement of the boundaries of two dioceses is neces- 
sary because the limits of each are not clearly defined. 
Such a settlement is made by a Brief, sometimes also 



\ 



DIOCESE 

by a simple decretum or decision of the Congregation of 
the Consistory approved by the pope, without the for- 
mality of a Bull or Brief. 

IV. Different Classes of Dioceses. — There are 
several kinds of dioceses. There are dioceses prop- 
erly so called and archdioceses (q. v.). The diocese 
is the territorial circumscription administered by a 
bishop; the archdiocese is placed under the jurisdic- 
tion of an archbishop. Considered as a territorial cir- 
cumscription, no difference exists between them; the 
power of their pastors alone is different. Generally, 
several dioceses are grouped in an ecclesiastical prov- 

' ince and are subject to the authority of the metropoli- 
tan archbishop. Some, however, are said to be ex- 
empt, i. e. from any archiepiscopal jurisdiction, and 
are placed directly under the authority of the Holy 
See. Such are the dioceses of the ecclesiastical prov- 
ince of Rome, and several other dioceses or archdio- 
ceses, especially in Italy, also in other countries. The 
exempt archbishops are called titular archbishops, i. e. 
they possess only the title of archbishop, have no suf- 
fragan bishops, and administer a diocese. The term 
"titular archbishop 11 , it is to be noted, is also applied 
to bishops who do no( administer a diocese, but who 
have received with the episcopal consecration a titular 
archbishopric. For the better understanding of this 
it must be remembered that archdioceses and dio- 
ceses are divided into titular and residential. The 
bishop of a residential see administers his diocese 
personally and is bound to reside in it, whereas the 
titular b whops have only an episcopal title; they are 
not bound by any obligations to the faithful of the dio- 
ceses whose titles they bear. These were formerly called 
bishops or archbishops in partibus infidelium, i. e. of a 
diocese or archdiocese fallen into the power of infidels; 
but since 1882 they are called titular bishops or arch- 
bishops. Such are the vicars Apostolic, auxiliary 
bishops, administrators Apostolic, nuncios, Apostolic 
delegates, etc. (see Titular Bishop). Mention must 
also be made of the suburbicarian dioceses (dioxeses 
suburbicarue), i. e. the six dioceses situated in the im- 
mediate neighbourhood of Rome and each of which is 
administered by one of the six cardinal-bishops. These 
form a special class of dioceses, the titulars or occupants 
of which possess certain special rights and obligations 
(see Suburbicarian Dioceses). 

V. Nomination, Translation, Renunciation, 
and Deposition of a Bishop. — The general rules rela- 
ting to the nomination of a residential bishop will be 
found in the article Bishop. They are applicable 
whatever may have been the cause of the vacancy of 
the diocese, except in the case of a contrary order of 
the Holy See. The Church admits the principle of the 
perpetuity of ecclesiastical benefices. Once invested 
with a see the bishop continues to hold it until his 
death. There are, however, exceptions to this rule. 
The bishop may be allowed by the pope to resign his 
see when actuated by motives which do not spring 
from personal convenience, but from concern for the 
public good. Some of these reasons are expressed in 
the canon law; for instance, if a bishop has been guilty 
of a grave crime (conscientia criminis), if he is in railing 
health (debilitas corporis), if he has not the requisite 

' knowledge (defectus scientus), if he meets with serious 
opposition from the faithful (malitia pUbis), if he has 
been a cause of public scandal (scandalum populi), if 
he is irregular {xrregvlarUas) — c. 10, X, De renuntia- 
tione, 1, 9 ; c. 18, X, De regularibus, III, 32. The pope 
alone can accept this renunciation and judge of the 
sufficiency of the alleged reasons. Pontincalauthori- 
zation is also necessary for an exchange of dioceses be- 
tween two bishops, which is not allowed except for 
grave reasons. The same principles apply to the 
transfer (translatio) of a bishop from one diocese to 
another. Canonical legislation compares with the in- 
dissoluble marriage tie the bond which binds the bishop 
to his diocese. This comparison, however, must notbe 



[ 0IOCKSK 

understood literally. The pope has the power to sever 
the mystical bond which unites the bishop to his 
church, in order to grant him another diocese or to 
promote him to an archiepiscopal see. A bishop may 
also be deposed from his functions for a grave crime. 
In such a case the pope generally invites the bishop to 
resign of his own accord, and deposes him only upon 
refusal. As the Holy See alone is competent to try 
the crime of a bishop, it follows that the pope alone, or 
the congregation to which he has committed the bish- 
op's trial (Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, the 
Propaganda, sometimes the Inquisition), can inflict 
this penalty or pronounce the declaratory sentence re- 
quired when the law inflicts deposition as the sanction of 
a specified delinquency. Finally, the pope has always 
the right, strictly speaking, to deprive a bishop of his 
diocese, even if the latter is not guilty of crime ; but for 
this act there must be grave cause. After the conclu- 
sion of the Concordat of 1801 (q. v.) with France, Pius 
VII removed from their dioceses all the bishops of 
France. It was, of course, a very extraordinary meas- 
ure, but was justified by the gravity of the situation. 
VI. Administration of the Diocese. — The bishop 
is the general ruler of the diocese, but in his adminis- 
tration he must conform to the general laws of the 
Church (see Bishop). According to the Council of 
Trent he is bound to divide the territory of his diocese 
into parishes, with ordinary jurisdiction (q. v.) for 
their titulars (Sess. XXIV, c. xiii, De ref.), unless 
circumstances render impossible the creation of par- 
ishes or unless the Holy See has arranged the matter 
otherwise (Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, noa 
31-33). The bishop needs also some auxiliary service 
in the administration of a diocese. It is customary for 
each diocese to possess a chapter (q. v.) of canons in 
the cathedral church; they are the counsellors of the 
bishop. The cathedral itself is the church where the 
bishop has his seat (ica64dpa). The pope reserves to 
himself the right of authorizing its establishment as 
well as that of a chapter of canons. In many dioceses, 
principally outside of Europe, the pope does not estab- 
lish canons, but gives as auxiliaries to the bishop other 
officials known as consuUores cleri dioxesani, i. e. the 
most distinguished members of the diocesan clergy, 
chosen by the bishop, often in concert with his clergy 
or some members oi it. The bishop is bound to ask 
the advice of those counsellors, canons or consultore, 
in the most important matters. The canons possess, 
in some cases, tne right to nullify episcopal action taken 
without their consent. The consuUores cleri dicxesam . 
however, possess but a consultative voice (Third Plen. 
Council oi Baltimore, nos. 17-22; Plen. Cone. America 
Latin®, no. 246. — See Consultors, Diocesan). 
.After the bishop, the principal authority in a diocese is 
the vicar-general (vicarius generalis in spirituaWms); 
he is the bishop's substitute in the administration of 
the diocese. The office dates from the thirteenth cen- 
tury. Originally the vicar-general was called the 
"official" (o^cmi&s); even yet officialis and vicarius 
generalis in spirUualibus are synonymous. Strictly 
speaking, there should be in each diocese only one vicar- 

eeneral. In some countries, however, local custom 
as authorised the appointment of several vicars-gen- 
eral. The one specially charged with the canonical 
lawsuits (jurisdidio contentiosa), e. g. with criminal 
actions against ecclesiastics or with matrimonial cases, 
is still known as the "official"; it must be noted that 
he is none the4ess free to exercise the functions of yicar- 
general in other departments of diocesan administra- 
tion. A contrary custom prevails in certain dioceses 
of Germany, where the "official" possesses only the 
jurisdidio contentiosa, but this is a derogation from the 
common law. For the temporal administration of the 
church the bishop may appoint an oxonomus, i-e. an 
administrator. As such functions do not require 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, this administrator may be a 
layman. The choice of a layman fully acquainted 



DIOOSSE 



DIOCESE 



TABLE OF THE DIOCESAN SYSTEM OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH 



Latin Rite 



EUROPB 


1 


3 

I 

< 

11 


S 


U 

(25 
1 


i- 1 
11 


tl 


Prefectures 
Apostolic 


1 

ill 


Austria-Hungary 


40 


2 


Belgium 




1 


5 












Bosnia- 


















Hersegovina 




1 


3 












Bulgaria 








1 




1 






Denmark 












1 






England 




1 


15 


• 


' 








France 




17 


67 












Germany 




5 


14 


6 




3 


2 




Greece 




2 


6 


1 


1 








Ireland 




4 


25 












Italy 


2* 


37 


156f 


75 








11 


Luxemburg 








1 










Malta 








2 










Monaco 








1 










Montenegro 




■ 




1 








• 


Netherlands 




1 


4 












Norway 










. 


1 






Portugal 


1 


2 


9 












Rumania 




1 




1 










Russia 




2 


i4t 












Scotland 




1 


4 


1 










9ervia 






1 












Spain 


If 


9 


47 






1 




1 


8weden 












1 






-Switzerland 








5 






2 


2 


Turkey 


4 


1 
96 


4 
414 


2 

98 


1 
2 


1 
9 


4 


1 


Total 


17 



* Also three titular patriarchs of the Latin Ritweside in Rome. 

iThe six suburbicarian dioceses must be added to these. 
The Russian Government has suppre sse d three of these. 
Titular Patriarchate of the West Indies. 



America 



Argentine Republic 

Bolivia 

Brazil 

Canada 

L eas er Antilles 

Chile 

Colombia 

Greater Antilles 

Ecuador 

Central America 

Guianas 

Mexico 

Newfoundland 

Paraguay 

Peru 

Saint-Pierre and Mique- 

lon Islands 
United States 
Uruguay 
Venezuela 



Total 



! 



1 
1 

4 
8 
1 
1 
4 
2 
1 
1 

8 
1 



14 
1 
1 



50 



7 

3 

20 

20 

3 

3 

10 

7 

6 

4 

22 
2 
1 
8 



76 

r 



199 



11 



4 
1 
1 
2 
1 
4 
1 
2 
1 



1* 



21 



i 



1 
3 



3 

1 
1 



11 



Pi 



* Includes also some Chilean territory. [erected, 

t Bulls have been issued but these dioceses have not been 



Ana 



China 

Oorea 

India and Indo-China 

Japan 

Persia 

Turkey 



Total 



1 
2 



7 
1 

1 

T 



22 
3 



27 




1 
1 



1 
3* 



36 

1 

15 



55 



4 
1 

1 

10 



* The Apostolic Delegation of Arabia also includes Egypt. 



OcEANICA 



Australia 

Malay Archipelago 
New Zealand 
Philippine Islands 

and Hawaii 
Polynesia 



Total 



4 
1 
1 



6 



14 
3 

8* 



25 



«3 



P 



i 
i 



>< 



3 
1 



1 
11 



16 



a 






i 

6 



m 

*9 



* Though Bulls have been issued four of these dioceses 
have not been erected. * 



Africa 



10* 



tl 

35 



•I 

so 



*& 



It 



So 
t\ 



36 






24 



in 

IT 



* The Diocese of Ceuta is not enumerated, as it belongs to Ca- 
dis, Spain. 

| Delegation of Arabia and Egypt. See above, foot-note to 
Asia. 

Oriental Rites 



Armenian Rim: 
Austria 
Russia 
Asia 
Africa 



Coptic Rite: — 
Africa 



Greek Bulgarian Rite: — 
Macedonia 
Thrace 

Greek Melcbttb Rite: — 
Asia 

Greek Rumanian Rite: — 
Austria 



*Greex Ruthenian Rite: 
Austria 
Russia 



Syrian Rite: — 
Asia 



Syro-Chaldean Rite: 
Asia 



Stbo-Malabab Rite:- 
Asia 



Syro-Mabonttx Rite: — 
Asia 



Total 



6 



! 



1 
3 



1 

13 

1 



6 



9 



6 
1 



9 



20 



52 



•1 



2t 



II 



1 
1 



3 



* The Ruthenian bishop for the United States has neither a 
diocese, properly so called, nor ordinary jurisdiction. 

t One of these dioceses has been suppressed by the Russian 
Government. 



DIOOESX 



6 



DIOCESE 



with the civil law of the country may sometimes offer 
many advantages (Second Plenary Council of Balti- 
more, no. 75). In certain very extensive dioceses the 
pope appoints a vicarius generalis in pontificaXibus, or 
auxiliary bishop, whose duty is to supply the place of 
the diocesan bishop in the exercise of those functions 
of the sacred ministry which demand episcopal order. 
In the appointment of this bishop the pope is not bound 
to observe the special rules for the appointment of a 
residential bishop. These titular bishops possess no 

i" urisdiction by right of their office : the diocesan bishop, 
lowever, can grant them, e. g., tne powers of a vicar- 
general. 

The common ecclesiastical law contains no enact- 
ments relating to the rights and powers of the chancel- 
lor, an official met with m many dioceses (see Diocesan 
Chancery). The Second Plenary Council of Balti- 
more (no. 71) advises the establishment of a chancery 
in every diocese of the United States. The chancellor 
is specially charged with the affixing of the episcopal 
seal to all acts issued in the name of the bishop, in order 
to prove their authenticity. He appears also in the 
conduct of ecclesiastical lawsuits, e. g. in matrimonial 
cases, to prove the authenticity of the alleged docu- 
ments, to vouch for the depositions of witnesses, etc. 
Because of the importance of his functions, the chan- 
cellor sometimes nolds the office of vicar-general in 
apiritualibus. By episcopal chancery is sometimes 
understood the office where are written the documents 
issued in the name of the bishop and to which is ad- 
dressed the correspondence relating to the administra- 
tion of the diocese; sometimes also the term signifies 
the persons employed in the exercise of these functions. 
The taxes or dues which the episcopal chancery may 
claim for the issuing of documents were fixed by the 
Council of Trent (Sess. XXI, c. i, De ref.) ; afterwards 
by Innocent XI (hence their name Taxa Innocen- 
tiana), 8 Oct., 1678: finally by Leo XIII, 10 June, 1896. 
The fiscal of the bisnop, also known as promoter or pro- 
curator fiscali8 h is the ecclesiastic charged with attend- 
ing to tne interests of the diocese in all trials and espe- 
cially with endeavouring to secure the punishment 
of all offences cognizable m the ecclesiastical tribunals. 
An assistant, who is called fiscal advocate (advocatus 
JUealis), may be appointed to aid this officer. 

Formerly the diocese was divided into a number of 
archdeaconries, each administered by an archdeacon, 
who possessed considerable authority in that part of 
the diocese placed under his jurisdiction. The Coun- 
cil of Trent restricted very much their authority, and 
since then the office of the archdeacon has gradually 
disappeared. It exists at the present day only as an 
honorary title, given to a canon of the cathedral chap- 
ter (see Archdeacon). On the other hand, the ancient 
office^ of yicarii foranei, decani rurales, or archipres- 
byieri still exists in the Church (see Archpriest; 
Dean). The division of the diocese into deaneries is 
not obligatory, but in large dioceses the bishop usually 
entrusts to certain priests known as deans or vicars 
forane the oversight of the clergy of a portion of his 
diocese, and generally delegates to them special juris- 
dictional powers (Third Plen. Council of Baltimore, nos. 
27-30). Finally, by means of the diocesan synod all 
the clergy participates in the general administration 
of the diocese. According to the common law, the 
bishop is bound to assemble a synod every year, to 
which he must convoke the vicar-general, the deans, 
the canons of the cathedral, and at least a certain num- 
ber of parish priests. Here, however, custom and 
pontifical privileges have departed in some points from 
the general legislation. At this meeting, all questions 
relating to the moral and the ecclesiastical discipline of 
the diocese are publicly discussed and settled. In the 
synod the bishop is tne sole legislator; the members 
may, at the request of the bishop, give their advice, 
but they have only a deliberative voice in the choice of 
the examinatorea cleri diacesani, i. e. the ecclesiastics 



r 

charged with the examination of candidates for the 
parishes (Third Plen. Council of Baltimore, nos. 23- 
26). It is because the diocesan statutes are generally 
elaborated and promulgated in a synod that they are 
sometimes known as staiuta synodalia. In addition to 
the general laws of the Church and the enactments of 
national or plenary and provincial synods, the bishop 
may regulate by statutes, that are often real ecclesias- 
tical laws, the particular discipline of each diocese, or 
apply the general laws of the Church to the special 
needs of the diocese. Since the bishop alone possesses 
all the legislative power, and is not bound to propose 
in a synod these diocesan statutes, he may modify 
them or add to them on his own authority. 

VII. Vacancy op the Diocese. — We have already 
explained how a diocese becomes vacant (see V above) ; 
here it will suffice to add a few words touching the ad- 
ministration of the diocese during such vacancy. In 
dioceses where there is a coadjutor bishop with right of 
succession, the latter, by the fact of the decease of the 
diocesan bishop, becomes the residential bishop or or- 
dinary (q. v.) of the diocese. Otherwise the govern- 
ment of the diocese during the vacancy belongs regu- 
larly to the chapter of the cathedral church. The 
chapter must choose within eight days a vicar capitu- 
lar, whose powers, although less extensive, are in kind 
like those of a bishop. If the chapter does not fulfil 
this obligation, the archbishop appoints ex officio a 
vicar capitular. In dioceses where a chapter does 
not exist, an administrator is appointed, designated 
either by the bishop himself before his death, or, in case 
of his neglect, by the metropolitan or by the senior 
bishop of the province (see Administrator). 

VIII. Conspectus op the Diocesan System op 
the Catholic Church. — The accompanying table of 
the diocesan system of the Church shows that there are 
at present throughout the world : 9 patriarchates of the 
Latin, 6 of the Oriental Rites; 6 suburbicarian dio- 
ceses; 163 (or 166 with the Patriarchates of Venice, 
Lisbon, and Goa, in reality archdioceses) archdioceses 
of the Latin, and 20 of the Oriental Rites ; 675 dioceses 
of the Latin, and 52 of the Oriental Rites; 137 vicari- 
ates Apostolic of the Latin, and 5 of the Oriental 
Rites; 58 prefectures Apostolic of the Latin Rite; 12 
Apostolic delegations; 21 abbeys or prelatures nuttiu* 
dicecesis, i. e. exempt from the jurisdiction of the dio- 
cesan bishop. There are also 89 titular archdioceses 
and 432 titular dioceses. 

Thomabsin, Vetus et nova discipline ecdesia, etc. (Paris, 
1691), Part. I, Bk. I, nos. 64-59; L6nino, Gesch. des deutschen 
Kirchenrechts (Strasburg, 1878), I, 410; II, 129 aqq.; Hab- 
nack, Die Mission una Ausbreitung des Christentums in den 
ersten drei Jahrhunderten (Leipzig, 1907), 319 aqq.; Duchesne, 
Oriqints du culte chritien (Pans, 1902), 11 aqq.; Idem, Hist, an- 
cienne de VEglise (Paria, 1908), I, 524; Idem, Pastes tpiscopaux 
de Vancienne Gaule (Paria, 1907); Savio, Gli antichi vescovi 
<T Italia (Turin, 1899), I: WERMiNGHorr, Gesch. der Kirchen- 
verfassung Deutschl. itn M. A. (Leipzig, 1905); Hadck, Kirch- 
engesch, Deutschl. (Leipzig, 1896-1903); Linoard. Hist, and 
Antiq. of the Anglo-Saxon Church (reprint, London, 1899); 
Lanigan, Eccl. History of Ireland (Dublin, 1829); Bellebheim, 
Gesch. der kathol. Kirche in Irland (Mainz, 1890-91); Idem, 
Gesch. der kathol. Kirche in SchoUland (Mainz, 1883); tr. Hunt- 
er-Blair, History of the Catholic Church in Scotland (London, 
1889); Hinbchius, System des kathol. Kirchenrechts (Berlin, 
1878), II, 378 aqq.; Von Scherer, Handbuch des Kirchen- 
rechts (Graz, 1886). I, 553 sqq.; Wernz, Jus Decretalium 
(Rome, 1899), II. 348 aqq.; SaomCller, Lehrbuch des kathol. 
Kirchenrechts (Freiburg. 1900-1904) 231, 346, and bibli- 
ography under Bischof; Battandier, Ann. pont. cath. (Paria, 
1908); La Gerarchia Cattolica (Rome, 1908); Missumes Catholx- 
cot (Rome, 1907): Baumoarten and Swoboda, Die kathol. 
Kirche auf dem Erdenrund (Munich. 1907). For a catalogue 
of all known Catholic diocesea to 1198, with names and regu- 
lar dates of occupants, see Gams. Series episc. eccl. Cath. (Rat- 
iabon. 1873-86), and hia continuator Eubel, Hterarchta 
Catholica Medii Mvi % U98-1US1 (Munster, 1899). Cf . also the 
alphabetical list of all known dioceses, ancient and modern, 
in Mab-Latrie, Trtsor de chronol. d'hist. et de giog. (Pans, 
1889). and the descriptive text of Werner, Orbxs terror. 
Catholicus (Freiburg. 1890). For the dioceses, etc. in the mis- 
sionary territories of the Catholic Church see Streit, Kathol' 
ischer Missionsatlas (Steyl, 1906). For details of diocesea in 
English-speaking countries see Catholic Directories for United 
States, England, Ireland, Australia, Canada, India. 

A. Van Hove. 



DIOOLJU 

Diode*, a titular see of Phrygia in Asia Minor. 
Diocleia is mentioned by Ptolemy {V, ii, 23), where 
the former editions read Dokela; this is probably the 
native name, which must have been heUenized at a 
later time; in the same way Doclea in Dalmatia is 
more commonly called Dioclea. The autonomous 
rights of Dioclea are proved by its coins struck in the 
reign of Elagabalus (Head, Hist. Num., 562). It 
figuresin the Synecdemus'' of Hierocles, in Parthey, 
'"NotitiaEpiscopatuum" (III, X, XIII), and inGelser, 
'"Nova Tactics , i. e. as late as the twelfth or thir- 
teenth century, as a bishopric in Phrygia Pacatiana, 
the metropolis of which was Laodicea- Only two 
bishops are known, in 431 and 451 (Lequien, Or. 
Christ., I, 823). An inscription found near Doghla, 
or Dola, a village in the vilayet of Smyrna, shows that 
it must be the site of Dioclea, though there are no 

a Minor, 130; Ideu, Citiee and 

S. P&TRID&a. 

Diocletian (Vai.eriuk Diocletian us), Roman 
Emperor and persecutor of the Church, b. of parents 
who had been slaves, at Dioclea, near Salona, m Dal- 
matia, a. d. 245; d. at Salona, a.d. 313. He entered 
the army and by his marked abilities attained the 
offices of Governor of Mcesia, consul, and commander 
of the guards of the palace. In the Persian war, un- 
der Cams, he especially distinguished himself. When 
the son and successor of Carus, Numerian, was mur- 
dered at Chalcedon, the choice of the army fell upon 
Diocletian, who immediately slew with his own hand 
the murderer Aper (17 Sept., 284). His career as em- 
peror belongs to secular nistory. Here only a sum- 
mary will be given. The reign of Diocletian (284- 
305) marked an era both in the military and political 
history of the empire. The triumph which he cele- 
brated together with his colleague Maximian (20 
Nov., 303) was the last triumph which Rome ever 
beheld. Britain, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Nile 
furnished trophies; but the proudest boast of the con- 
queror was that Persia, the persistent enemy of Rome, 
had at last been subdued. Soon after his acces- 
sion to power Diocletian realised that the empire was 
too unwieldy and too much exposed to attack to be 
safely ruled by a sinole head. Accordingly, he asso- 
ciated with himself Maximian, a bold but rude soldier, 
at first as Csesar and afterwards as Augustus (286). 
Later on, he further distributed his power by granting 
the inferior title of Cssar to two generals, Galerius and 
Constantiua (292). He reservea for his own portion 
Thrace, Egypt, and Asia: Italy and Africa were Maxi- 
mian's provinces, while Galerius was stationed on the 
Danube, and Constantiua had charge of Gaul, Spain, 
and Britain. But the supreme control remained in 
Diocletian's hands. None of the rulers resided in 
Rome, and thus the way was prepared for the down- 
fall of the imperial city. Moreover, Diocletian under- 
mined the authority of the Senate, assumed the dia- 
dem, and introduced the servile ceremonial of the Per- 
sian court. After a prosperous reign of nearly twenty- 
one years, be abdicated the throne and retired to 
Salona, where he lived in magnificent seclusion until 
his death. 

Diocletian's name is associated with the last and 
most terrible of all the ten persecutions of the early 
Church. Nevertheless it is a fact that the Christians 
enjoyed peace and prosperity during the greater por- 
tion of his reign. Eusebius, who lived at this time, 
describes in glowing terms " the glory and the liberty 
with which the doctrine of piety was honoured ", and 
he extols the clemency of the emperors towards the 
Christian governors- whom they appointed, and 
towards the Christian members of their households. 
He tells us that the rulers of the Church "werecourted 
and honoured with the greatest subserviency by all 
the rulers and governors". He speaks of the vast 



DIOOLCTUNOPOUet 

multitudes that flocked to the religion of Christ, and 
of the spacious and splendid churches erected in the 
place of the humbler buildings of earlier days. At the 
■same time he bewails the falling from ancient fervour 
"by reason of excessive liberty" (Hist. Eccl., VIII, i). 
Had Diocletian remained sole emperor, he would 
probably have allowed this toleration to continue un- 
disturbed. It was his subordinate Galerius who first 
induced him to turn persecutor. These two rulers of 
the East, at a council held at Nicomedia in 302, re- 
solved to suppress Christianity throughout the em- 
pire. The cathedral of Nicomedia was demolished 
(24 Feb., 303). An edict was issued "to tear down 
the churches to the foundations, and to destroy the 
Sacred Scriptures by fire; and commanding also that 
those who were in 
honourable sta- 
tions should be de- 
graded if they per- 
severed in their 
adherence to Chris- 
tianity" (Euseb., 
op. cit., VIII, ii). 
Th fee further edicts 
(303-304) marked 

the severity of the I 
persecution: the 
first ordering that 
the bishops, pres- 
byters, and deacons 
should be impris- 
oned; the second 
that they should be 
tortured and com- 
pelled by every 
means to sacrifice; 
the third including 

the laity as wellas {CBp ii li„. Mu«um. Rome) 

the clergy. The 

atrocious cruelty with which these edicts were enforced, 
and the vast numbers oft hone who suffered for theFaith 
are attested by Eusebius and the Acts of the Martyrs. 
We read even of the massacre of the whole population 
of a town because they declared themselves Christiana 
(Euseb., loc. cit., xi, xii; Lactant, "Div. Instit.", V. 
xi). The abdication of Diocletian (1 May, 305) and 
the subsequent partition of the empire brought relief 
to many provinces. In the East, however, where 
Galerius and Maximian held sway, the persecution 
continued to rage. Thus it will be seen that the so- 
called Diocletian persecution should be attributed to 
the influence of Galerius; it continued for seven years 
after Diocletian's abdication. (See Persecutions.) 
Hilt. Bed. in P. <J., XX; Dt Mart 




, XX 14S7-1520; Lactam 



. Divii 






In*: 



in P. L..Vl} De Mortiow Pereeculonan. P. L..VU: QltBos, De- 
dine and Fait of the Roman Empire, xiii, xvj: Allahd, La per- 
ttcatian de Diodtlim el U Momplie de Vti/tUt (Paria. 1880); 
Idih. Le thritiatiieme H fempire remain (Pi.™. 1808); Idkh. 
Ten Lecture, on Am Marnjn.U. (London 1907): Ducebjh, 
Hitoin iKuniH de rtatUe (Fun.. 1907), II. 

T. B. SCANNELL. 

DiocletJano polls, a titular see of Palsstina 
Prima. This city is mentioned by Hierocles (Synec- 
demus, 719, 2), Georgius Cyprius (ed. Gelzer, 1012), 
and in some " Notitue Episcopatuum", as a suffragan 
of Ciesarea. Its native name is unknown, and its site 
has not been identified. One bishop is known, Eli- 
steus, in 359 (Lequien, Oriens Christ ianus, III, 646). 
(2) Another Diocletianopolis was a suffragan see of 
Philippopolis in Thrace. Its site is unknown. Two 
bishops are mentioned, Cyriacus in 431, and Epicte- 
tus in 451 and 458. A third, Elias, in 553, is doubtful 
(Lequien, op. cit., I, 1161). (3) Still another Dio- 
cletianopolis was a suffragan of Ptoiemais in Thebais 
Secunda (Parthey, Notit. Episc., I). This city is also 
mentioned by Hierocles (op. cit., 732, 3), and by 



DIODORUS 8 

Georgius Qyprius, 772. Gelzer thinks that biocle- 
tianopoKs is a later name of Apollinopolis Minor, the 
Coptic K6s Berbir, and the Arabian Kus, still existing 
near Keft (Coptus). (Amelineau, "Geographic de 
l'Egypte", 490, 573, 576.) One bishop of Apollin- 
opoBfl Minor is known, Pabiscus, mentioned m 431 
(Lequien, II, 603). 

S. P£tridj:8. 

Diodoru8 of Tarsus, date of birth uncertain; d. 
about a. d. 392. He was of noble family, probably of 
Antioch. St. Basil calls him a "nursling" of Sil- 
vanus, Bishop of Tarsus, but whether this discipleship 
was at Antioch or at Tarsus is not known. He studied 
at Athens, then embraced the monastic state. He 
became head of a monastery in or near Antioch, and 
St. Chrysostom' was his disciple. When Antioch 
groaned under Arian bishops, ne did not Join the 
small party of irreconcilables headed by Paulinus, 
.yet when Bishop Leontius made Aetius a deacon, 
Diodorus and Flavian threatened to leave his com- 
munion and retire to the West, and the bishop 
yielded. These two holy men, though not priests, 
taught the people to sing the Psalms in alternate 
choirs (a practice which quickly spread throughout 
the Church), at first in the chapels of the martyrs, 
then, at Leontius's invitation, in the churches. When 
at length, in 361, the Arian party appointed an ortho- 
dox bishop in the person of St. Meletius, Diodorus was 
made priest. He seems to have written some of his 
works against the pagans as early as the reign of 
Julian, for that emperor declared that Diodorus had 
used the learning and eloauence of Athens against 
the immortal gods, who had punished him with sick- 
ness of the throat, emaciation, wrinkles, and a hard 
and bitter life. In the persecution of Valens (364- 
78), Flavian and Diodorus, now priests, during the 
exile of Meletius kept the Catholics together, assem- 
bling them on the northern bank of the Orontes, since 
the Arian emperor did not permit Catholic worship 
within the city. Many times banished, Diodorus, in 
372, made the acquaintance of St. Basil in Armenia, 
whither that saint had come to visit Meletius. On 
the return of the latter to his flock, he made Diodorus 
Bishop of Tarsus and Metropolitan of Cilicia. Theo- 
doshis soon after, in a decree, named Diodorus and 
St. Pelagius of Laodicea as norms of orthodoxy for 
the whole East. Diodorus was at the Councils of 
Antioch in 379 and of Constantinople in 381. Sozo- 
men makes him responsible at the latter council for 
the proposal of Nectarius as bishop of that city, and 
represents him as one of the chief movers in the ap- 
pointment of St. Flavian as successor to Meletius, by 
which the unhappy schism at Antioch was prolonged. 

Diodorus came to Antioch in 386 or later, when St. 
Chrysostom was already a priest. In a sermon he 
spoke of Chrysostom as a St. John the Baptist, the Voice 
of the Church, the Rod of Moses. Next day Chrysos- 
tom ascended the pulpit and declared that when the 
people had applauded, he had groaned; it was Diodo- 
rus, his father, who was John the Baptist; the 
Antiochenes could bear witness how he had lived 
without possessions, having his food from alms, and 
persevering in prayer and preaching; like the Baptist 
he had taught on the other side of the river, often he 
had been imprisoned — nay, he had been often be- 
headed, at least in will, for the Faith. In another 
sermon he likens Diodorus to the martyrs: "See his 
mortified limbs, his face, having the form of a man, 
but the expression of an Angel I " 
( St. Basil in 375 asked Diodorus to disown a ficti- 
tious letter circulated in his name, permitting mar- 
riage with a deceased wife's sister. In the following 
year he criticizes the rhetorical style of the longer of two 
treatises sent him by Diodorus, but gives warm praise 
to the shorter. Diodorus's style is praised by Chrysos- 
tom, Theodoret, and Photius, but of his very numer- 



DIOONKTUS 



ous writings only a few unimportant fragments have 
been preserved, chiefly in Catenae (q. v.). He wrote 
against some of the heresies and still more against 
heathen philosophy. Photius gives a detailed sum- 
mary of his eight books "de Fato"; they were evi- 
dently very dull from a modern point of view. Ac- 
cording to Leontius he composed commentaries on 
the whole Bible. St. Jerome says that these were 
imitations of those of Eusebius of Tftru*^ but less 
distinguished by secular learning. Diodorus rejected 
the allegorical interpretation of tne Alexandrians, and 
adhered to the literal sense. In this he was followed 
by his disciple Theodore of Mopsuestia, and by 
Chrysostom in his unequalled expositions. The 
Antiochene School of which he was the leader was 
discredited by the subsequent heresies of Nestorius, 
of whom his disciple Theodore of Mopsuestia was the 
precursor. Theodoret wrote to exculpate Diodorus, 
but St. Cyril declared him a heretic. The damning 
passages cited by Marius Mercator and Leontius seem, 
however, to belong to a work of Theodore, not of 
Diodorus: nor was the latter condemned when Theo- 
dore and passages of Theodoret and Ibas (the Three 
Chapters) were condemned by the Fifth General 
Council (553). It seems certain that Diodorus went 
too far in his opposition to (the younger) Apollinarius 
of Laodicea, according to whom the rational soul in 
Christ was supplied by the Logos. Diodorus, in 
emphasizing the completeness of tne Sacred Human- 
ity, appears to have asserted two hypostases, not 
necessarily in a heretical sense. If the developments 
by Theodore throw a shade on the reputation of 
Diodorus, the praise of all his contemporaries and 
especially of his disciple Chrysostom tend yet more 
strongly to exculpate him. It will be best to look 
upon Diodorus as the innocent source of Nestorianism 
(q. v.) only in the sense that St. Cyril of Alexandria 
is admittedly the unwilling origin of Monophysitism 
through some incorrect expressions. Against this 
view are Julicher [in Theol. lit. Z. (1902), 82-86] and 
Funk [in "Rev. dTiist. eccl.", Ill (1902). 947-71; 
reprinted with improvements in "Kircnengesch. 
Abhandl." (Paderborn, 1907), III, 323]. 

The fragments of his Commentaries on the Old 
Testament are collected in Migne, P. G., XXXIII, 
from the Catena of Nicephorus and that published by 
Corderius (Antwerp, 1643-6), also from Mai { "Nova 
Patrum Bud.", VI. A few more are found m Pitra, 
"Spicilegium Solesmense" (Paris, 1852), I. A lone 
list of the lost works is in Fabricius, "Bibl. Gr.'\ V, 
24 (reprinted in Migne, loc. cit.). Some Syriao dog- 
matic fragments are in Lagarde, "Analecta Syriaca" 
(Leipzig and London, 1858). Four treatises of 
Pseudo-Justin Martyr have been attributed to Dio- 
dorus by Harnack ("Texte und Unters " N. F., VI, 
4, 1901). 

For his life, see Tillemont, MSmoirte, vol. VIII, and Vena- 
bleb in Diet, m Christ. Biogr., s. v. On Diodorus as an exegete: 
Turnkb in Hastings. Diet of the Bible, V, 600; Kihn. Die 
Bedeutung der antioekeniaehen Schule (Weissenburg, 1886, 
Ingolstadt, 1867): Ueber Theoria und AUegoria naeh veriortnen 
hermeneutisehen Schriften der AnHoehener in Th, Quartahch. 
(1880). LXII, 563; Ebmoni, Diodore de Tone et eon rile doc- 
trinal in Mutton, nouv. sine (1901), II, 431; Idem, Beole 
thiol. (TAntioche in Diet, de thiol, cath., II, 1435 aqq.: see also 
Vioouroux, Beole exigitique (TAntioche in Diet, ae la Bible, 
I, 683 sqqu On the School of Antioch in general see bibli- 
ography of article Antioehe by Lbclbroq in Diet. oVAreh. ehrU. 

John Chapman. 

Diognetos, Epistle to (Epibtola An DiogKetum). 
— This beautiful little apology for Christianity is cited 
by no ancient or medieval writer, and came down to 
us in a single MS. which perished in the siege of 
Strasburg (1870). The identification of Diognetus 
with the teacher of Marcus Aurelius, who bore the 
same name, is at most plausible. The author's name 
is unknown, and the date is anywhere between the 
Apostles and the age of Constantine. It was clearly 
composed during a severe persecution. The manu- 



DiomrsiAS 



9 



DIOHYSIU8 



script attributed it with other writings to Justin 
Martyr; but that earnest philosopher and hasty 
writer was quite incapable of tne restrained eloquence, 
the smooth flow of thought, the limpid clearness of 
expression, which mark this epistle as one of the most 
perfect compositions of antiquity. The last two 
chapters (xi. xii) are florid and obscure, and bear no 
relation to tne rest of the letter. They seem to be a 
fragment of a homily of later date. The writer of 
this addition -describes himself as a "disciple of the 
Apostles"; and through a misunderstanding of these 
words the epistle has, since the eighteenth century, 
been classed with the writings of the Apostolic 
Fathers. The letter breaks off at the end of chapter 
x; it may have originally been much longer. 

The writer addresses the "most excellent Diog- 
netus", a well-disposed pagan, who desires to know 
what is the religion of Christians. Idol-worship is 
ridiculed, and it is shown that Jewish sacrifices and 
ceremonies cannot cause any pleasure to the only 
God and Creator of all. Christians are not a nation 
nor a sect, but are diffused throughout the world, 
though they are not of the world) but citizens of 
heaven ; yet they are the soul of the world. God, the 
invisible Creator, has sent His Child, by whom He 
made all things, to save man, after He has allowed 
man to find out his own weakness and proneness to 
sin and his incapacity to save himself. The last 
chapter is an exposition, "first" of the love of the 
Father, evidently to be followed " secondly ' ' by another 
on the Son ; but this is lost. The style is harmonious 
and simple. The writer is a practised master of 
classical eloquence, and a fervent Christian. There 
is no resemblance to the public apologies of the second 
century. A closer affinity is with the " Ad Donatum ' ' 
of St. Cyprian, which is similarly addressed to an 
inquiring pagan. The writer does not refer to Holy 
8cripture, but he uses the Gospels, I Peter, and I John, 
and is saturated with the Epistles of St. Paul. Har- 
nack seems to be right in refusing to place the author 
earlier than Irenseus. One might well look for him 
much later, in the persecutions of Valerian or of 
Diocletian. He cannot be an obscure person, but 
must be a writer otherwise illustrious; and yet he is 
certainly not one of those writers whose works have 
come down to us from the second or third centuries. 
The name of Lucian the Martyr would perhaps satisfy 
the conditions of the problem; and tne loss of that 
part of the letter where it spoke more in detail of the 
Son of God would be explained, as it would haVe been 
suspected or convicted of the Arianism of which 
Lucian is the reputed father. The so-called letter 
may be in reality the apology presented to a judge. 

The editio pnnceps is that of Stephanus (Paris, 
1502), and the epistle was included among the works 
of St. Justin by Sylburg (Heidelberg, 1503) and sub- 
sequent editors; tne best of such editions is in Otto, 
"Corpus Apologetarum Christ." (3d ed. r Jena, 1870), 
III. Tillemont followed a friend's suggestion in 
attributing it to an earlier date, and Gallandi included 
it in his "fiibl. Vett. PP.", I, as the work of an anony- 
mous Apostolic Father. It has been given since then 
in the editions of the Apostolic Fathers, especially 
those of Hefele, Funk (2d ed., 1001), Gebhardt, Har- 
nack, and Zahn (1878), Lightfoot and Harmer (Lon- 
don, 1801, with English tr.). Many separate editions 
have appeared in Germany. There is an English trans- 
lation in the Ante-Nicene Library (London, 1802), I. 
The dissertations on this treatise are too numerous to 
catalogue; they are not as a rule of much value. 
Baratier and Gallandi attributed the letter to Clement 
of Rome, BOhl to an Apostolic Father, and he was 
followed by the Catholic editors or critics, Mdhler, 
Hefele, Permaneder, Alzog; whereas Grossheim, 
Tsschirner. Semisch, placed it in the time of Justin: 
Dorner referred it to Marcion; Zeller to the end of 
the second century, while CeUlier, Hoffmann, Otto, 



defended the MS. attribution to Justin; Feeder held 
for the first or second century. These definite views 
are now abandoned, likewise the suggestions of Kruger 
that Aristides was the author, of Draseke that it is by 
Apelles, of Overbeck that it is poet-Constantinian, 
and of Donaldson that it is a fifteenth-century rhetor- 
ical exercise (the MS. was thirteenth- or fourteenth* 
century). Zahn has sensibly suggested 250-310. 

Harnack gives 170-300. 

References to all these writers will be found in Poire* Apo* 
tolici, ed. Funk. See also Babdenheweb, Oesch. der altkirchL 
Lit., I, and bibliography in Richardson, Biblioor. Synopsis, 
and Chevalier, Bxo.Anbl. On the MS. see Texte una UnUr* 
suehttngen, I (1882, Harnack), and II (1883, Gebhardt), and 
Harnack, Oesch. der ali-chr. Lit., I, 757. The concluding, 
chapters are attributed to Hippolytus by Di Pauli in TheoL 
QuariaUchrift, LXXXVIII (1906), i, 28. 

John Chapman. 

Dionysias, a titular see in Arabia. This city, 
which figures in the "Synecdemos" of Hierocles 
(723, 3) and Georgius Cyprius (1072), is 'mentioned 
only in Parthey's * Prima Notitia", about 840, as a 
suffragan of Bostra. Lequien (Or. christ., II, 866) 
gives the names of three Greek bishops, Severus, 
present at Nicsea in 325, Elpidius at Constantinople in 
381, and Maras at Chalcedon in 451. Another, Peter, 
is known by an inscription (Waddington, Inscriptions 
. . . de Syrie, no. 2327). Fifteen or sixteen titular Latin 
bishops are known throughout the fifteenth century 
(Leouien, op. cit., Ill, 1309; Eubel, I, 232, II, 160). 
Waddington (op. cit., 529 sqq.) identifies Dionysias 
with Soada, now ea-Suwdda, the chief town of a caza 
in the vilayet of Damascus, where many inscriptions 
have been found. Soada, though an important city, 
is not alluded to in ancient authors under this name; 
inscriptions prove that it was built by a "lord builder 
Dionysos " and that it was an episcopal see. Ndldeke 
admits this view. Gesenius identifies Dionysias with 
Shohba (Philippopolis), but this is too far from Da- 
mascus. 

Oblebb, ed., Oeorgii Cyprii descriptio orbis Romani, 206. 

S. PJstrid&s. 

Dionysias, Saint, Pope, date of birth unknown: 
d. 26 or 27 December, 268. During the pontificate of 
Pope Stephen (254-57) Dionysius appears as a presby- 
ter of the Roman Church and as such took part in the 
controversy concerning the validity of heretical bap* 
tism (see Baptism under sub-title Rebaytian). This 
caused Bishop Dionysius of Alexandria to write him a 
letter on baptism in which he is described as an excel- 
lent and learned man (Eusebius, Hist, eccl., VII, vii). 
Later, in the time of Pope Sixtus II (257-58), the 
same Bishop of Alexandria addressed Dionvsius a 
letter concerning Lucianus (ibid., VII, ix) ; who this 
Lucianus was is not known. After the martyrdom of 
Sixtus II (6 August, 258) the Roman See remained 
vacant for nearly a year, as the violence of the perse- 
cution made it impossible to elect a new head. It 
was not until the persecution had begun to subside 
that Dionysius was raised (22 July, 259) to the office 
of Bishop of Rome. Some months later the Emperor 
Gallienus issued his edict of toleration, which brought 
the persecution to an end and gave a legal existence to 
the Church (Eusebius, Hist, eccl., VII, xiii). Thus 
the Roman Church came again into possession of its 
buildings for worship, its cemeteries, and other proper- 
ties, and Dionysius was able to bring its administra- 
tion once more into order. ^ About 260 Bishop Diony- 
sius of Alexandria wrote his letter to Ammonius and 
Euphranor against Sabellianism in which he expressed 
himself with inexactness as to the Logos and its re- 
lation to God the Father (see Dionysius of Alexan- 
dria). Upon this an accusation against him was laid 
before Pope Dionysius who called a synod at Rome 
about 260 for the settlement of the matter. The pope 
issued, in his own name and that of the council, an im- 
portant doctrinal letter in which, first, the erroneous 



DIONYSIUS 



10 



DIONYSIUS 



doctrine of SabeHhu was again condemned and, then, 

the false opinions of those were rejected who, like the 

Marciottites, in a similar manner separate the Divine 

monarchy into three entirely distinct hypostases, or 

who represent the Son of God as a created being, while 

the Holy Scriptures declare Him to have been begotten; 

passages in the Bible, such as Deut., xxxii, 6, Prov., 

viii, 22, cannot be cited in support of false doctrines 

such as these. Along with this doctrinal epistle Pope 

Dionysius sent a separate letter to the Alexandrian 

Bishop in which the latter was called on to explain his 

views. This Dionysius of Alexandria did in his 

" Apologia" (Athanasius, De sententia Dionysii, V, 

xiii; De decretis Nicaenae synodi, xxvi). According 

to the ancient practice of the Roman Church Dionysius 

*lso extended nis care to the faithful of distant lands. 

When the Christians of Cappadocia were ingreat dis- 

4 ress from the marauding incursions of the Goths, the 

oope addressed a consolatory letter to the Church of 

Csesarea and sent a large sum of money by messengers 

for the redemption of enslaved Christians (Basitius, 

Epist. lxx, ed. Gamier). The great synod of Antioch 

which deposed Paul of Samosata sent a circular letter 

to Pope Dionysius and Bishop Maximus of Alexandria 

concerning its proceedings (Eusebius, Hist, eccl., VII. 

xxx). After death the body of Dionysius was buried 

in the papal crypt in the catacomb of Callistus. 

Liber Pont., ed. Duchrsnb, I, ccxlviii, 157 : Lanqen, Ge~ 
echichto der rfimischen Kircke (Bonn, 1881), I, 362 sqq.; 
Haqemann, Die rUmiaeke Kirche (Freiburg; im Br., 1864), 344 
aqq.,432 sqq.; Hefele, KoneUiengesehidUe, 2nd ed., 1, 265 sqq.; 

aUhirehlichen LUeralvr (Freiburg 

J. P. KlRflCH. 



Bardenheweil Chachichte der 
im Br., 1903), II, 581 sq. 



Dionysius, Saint, Bishop of Corinth about 170. 
The date is fixed by the fact that he wrote to Pope 
Soter (c. 168 to 176; Harnack gives 165-7 to 173-6). 
Eusebius in his Chronicle placed his "floruit" in the 
eleventh year of Marcus Aurelius (171). When Hege- 
eippus was at Corinth in the time of Pope Anicetus, 
Primus was bishop (about 150-5) , while Bacchyllus was 
Bishop of Corinth at the time of the Paschal contro- 
versy (about 190-8). Dionysius is only known to us 
througn Eusebius, for St. Jerome (De viris ill., xxvii) 
has used no other authority. Eusebius knew a col- 
lection of seven of the ''Catholic Letters to the 
Churches" of DionyBius, together with a letter to him 
from Pinytus, Bishop of Cnossus, and a private letter 
of spiritual advice to a lady named Chrysophora, who 
had written to him. 

Eusebius first mentions a letter to the Lacedaemo- 
nians, teaching orthodoxy, and enjoining peace and 
union. A second was to the Athenians, stirring up 
their faith exhorting them to live according to the 
Gospel, since they were not far from apostasy. Diony- 
sius spoke of the recent martyrdom of their bishop, 
Publius (in the persecution of Marcus Aurelius), and 
says that Dionysius the Areopagite was the first Bishop 
of Athens. To the Nicomedians he wrote against 
Marcionism. Writing to Gortyna and the other dio- 
ceses of Crete, he praised the bishop, Philip, for his 
aversion to heresy. To the Church of Amastris in 
Pontus he wrote at the instance of Bacchylides and 
Elpistus (otherwise unknown), mentioning the bishop's 
name as Palmas; he spoke in this letter of marriage 
and continence, and recommended the charitable 
treatment of those who had fallen away into sin or 
heresy. Writing to the Cnossians, he recommended 
their bishop, Pinytus, not to lay the yoke of continence 
too heavily on the brethren, but to consider the weak- 
ness of most. Pinytus replied, after polite words, that 
he hoped Dionysius would send strong meat next time, 
that nis people might not grow up on the milk of 
babes. This severe prelate is mentioned by Eusebius 
(IV, xxi) as an ecclesiastical writer, and the historian 
praises the tone of his letter. 

But the most important letter is that to the Romans, 
the only one from which extracts have been preserved. 



Pope Soter had sent alms and a letter to the Corinth- 
ians: — "For this has been your custom from the begin- 
ning, to do good to all the brethren in many ways, and 
to send alms to many Churches in different cities, now 
relieving the poverty of those who asked aid, now as- 
sisting the brethren in the mines by the alms you send, 
Romans keeping up the traditional custom of Romans, 
which your blessed bishop, Soter, has not only* main- 
tained, but has even increased, by affording to the 
brethren the abundance which he has supplied, and by 
comforting with blessed words the brethren who came 
to him, as a father his children." Again: "You also 
by this instruction have mingled together the Romans 
and Corinthians who are the planting of Peter and 
Paul. For they both came to our Corinth and planted 
us, and taught alike; and alike going to Italy and 
teaching there, were martyred at the same time." 
Again: " To-day we have kept the holy Lord's day, on 
which we have read your letter, which we shall ever 
possess to read and to be admonished, even as the 
former one written to us through Clement." The tes- 
timony to the generosity of the Roman Church is car- 
ried on by the witness of Dionysius of Alexandria in 
the third century; and Eusebius in the fourth declares 
that it was still seen in his own day in the great perse- 
cution. The witness to the martyrdom of St. Peter 
and St. Paul, card rbw airrbw xatpbr, is of first-rate im- 
portance, and so is the mention of the Epistle of Clem- 
ent and the public reading of it. The letter of the 
pope was written "as a father to his children". 

Dionysius's own letters were evidently much prized, 
for in the last extract he says that he wrote them by 
request, and that they have been falsified "by the 
apostles of the devil". No wonder, he adds, that the 
Scriptures are falsified by such persons. 

The extracts are in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., IV, xxiii, also II, 
(Routh, Religuia Sacra, I). See Harnack, Oesch. der Altchr. 



LiU., I, 236 [on p. 785 are mentioned two fragments attributed 
to Origan, which may be fromJDionysjus's letter to the Cnoa- 

foi 




John Chapman. 



DionyBius Exiguus, the surname Exiquub, or 
"The Little", adopted probably in self-depreciation 
and not because he was small of stature, flourished in 
the earlier part of the sixth century, dying before the 
year 544. According to his friend and fellow-student, 
Cassiodorus (De divinis Lectionibus, c. xxiii), though 
by birth a Scythian, he was in character a true Roman 
and thorough Catholic, most learned in both tongues 
— i. e. Greek and Latin — and an accomplished Scrip- 
turist. Much of his life was spent in Rome, where he 
governed a monastery as abbot. His industry was 
very great and he did good service in translating 
standard works from Greek into Latin, principally the 
"Life of St. Pachomius", the "Instruction of St. Pro- 
clus of Constantinople" for the Armenians, the "De 
opificio homihis" of St. Gregory of Nyssa, the history 
of the discovery of the head of St. John the Baptist. 
The translation of St. Cyril of Alexandria's synodal 
letter against Nestorius, and some other works long 
attributed to Dionysius, are now acknowledged to be 
earlier and are assigned to Marius Mercator. 

Of great importance were the contributions of Dio- 
nysius to the science of canon law, the first beginnings 
of which in Western Christendom were due to him. 
His "Collectio Dionysiana" embraces (1) a collection 
of synodal decrees, of which he has left two editions: — 
(a) "Codex cahonum Ecclesise Universse". This 
contains canons of Oriental synods and councils only 
in Greek and Latin, including those of the four oecu- 
menical councils from Nicsea (325) to Chalcedon (451). 
7— (M "Codex canonum ecclesiasticarum". This is 
in Latin only; its contents agree generally with the 
other, but the Council of Ephesus (431) is omitted, 
while the so-called "Canons of the Apostles" and those 
of Sardica are included, as well as 138 canons of the 



DIONY8IU8 



11 



DIONYSIUS 



African Council of Carthage (419). — (c) Of another 
bilingual version of Greek canons, undertaken at the 
instance of Pope Hormisdas, only the preface has been 
preserved. (2) A collection ot papal Constitutions 
(Coilectio decretorum Pontificum Romanorum) from 
Siricius to Ajiastasius II (384-498). 

In chronology Dionysius has left his mark con- 
spicuously*, for it was he who introduced the use of the 
Christian Era (see Chronology) according to which 
dates are reckoned from th<f Incarnation, which he 
assigned to 25 March, in the year 754 from the founda- 
tion of Rome (a. u. a). By this method of computa- 
tion he intended to supersede the "Era of Diocletion" 
previously employed, being unwilling, as he tells us, 
that the name of an impious persecutor should be thus 
kept in memory. The Era of the Incarnation, often 
called the Dionysian Era, was soon much used in Italy 
and, to some extent, a little later in Spain; during the 
eighth and ninth centuries it was adopted in England. 
Charlemagne is said to have been the first Christian 
ruler to employ it officially. It was not until the tenth 
century that it was employed in the papal chancery 
(Lerscn, Chronologie, Freiburg, 1899, p. 233). Diony- 
sius also gave attention to the calculation of Easter, 
which so greatly occupied the early Church. To this 
end he advocated the adoption of the Alexandrian 
Cycle of nineteen years, extending that of St. Cyril for, 
a period of ninety-five years in advance. It was in 
this work that he adopted the Era of the Incarnation. 

Dionysius, works in P. L., LXVII, and the testimony of 
Cabsiodorus, ibid., LXX. See also Maasen, Quellen der Lit. 
dee. can. Rechts im Abcndlande (Graf, 1870); Bardenhewer, 
Gteeh. der altkirch. Lit. (Freiburg im Br., 1902). 

John Gerard. 

Dionysiufl of Alexandria (bishop from 247-8 to 
264-5), called "the Great' 1 by Eusebius, St. Basil, and 
others, was undoubtedly, after St. Cyprian, the most 
eminent bishop of the third century. Like St. Cyp- 
rian he was less a great theologian than a great ad- 
ministrator. Like St. Cyprian his writings usually 
took the form of letters. Both saints were converts 
from paganism; both were engaged in the controver- 
sies as to the restoration of those who had lapsed in 
v the Decian persecution, about Novatian, and with re- 
gard to the iteration of heretical baptism; both corre- 
sponded with the popes of their day. Yet it is curi- 
ous that neither mentions the name of the other. A 
single letter of Dionysius has been preserved in Greek 
canon law. For the rest we are dependent on the 
many citations by Eusebius, and, for one phase, to 
the works of his great successor St. Athanasius. 

Dionysius was an old man when he died, so that his 
birth will fall about 190, or earlier. He is said to have 
been of distinguished parentage. He became a Chris- 
tian when still young. At a later period, when he was 
warned by a priest of the danger he ran in studying the 
books of heretics, a vision — so he informs us — assured 
him that he was capable of proving all things, and that 
this faculty had in fact been the cause of nis conver- 
sion. He studied under Origen. The latter was ban- 
ished by Demetrius about 231. and Heraclas took his 
place at the head of the catechetical school. On the 
death of Demetrius very soon afterwards, Heraclas 
became bishop, and Dionysius took the headship of 
the famous school. It is thought that he retained 
this office even when he himself nad succeeded Hera- 
clas as bishop. In the last year of Philip, 249, although 
the emperor himself was reported to be a Christian, a 
riot at Alexandria, roused by a popular prophet and 
poet, had all the effect of a severe persecution. It is 
described by Dionysius in a letter to Fabius of Anti- 
och. The mob first seized an old man named Metras, 
beat him with clubs when he would not deny his faith, 
pierced his eyes and face with reeds, dragged him out 
of the city, and stoned him. Then a woman named 
Quinta, who would not sacrifice, was drawn along the 
rough pavement by the feet, dashed against mill- 



stones, scourged, and finally stoned in the same sub- 
urb. The houses of the faithful were plundered. 
Not one, so far as the bishop knew, apostatized. The 
aged virgin, Apollonia, after her teeth had been 
knocked out, sprang of her own accord into the fire 
prepared for her rather than utter blasphemies. Sera- 
pion had all his limbs broken, and was dashed down 
from the upper story of his own house. It was impos- 
sible for any Christian to go into the streets, even at 
night, for the mob was shouting that all who would 
not blaspheme should be burnt. The riot was stopped 
by the civil War, but the new Emperor Decius insti- 
tuted a legal persecution in January, 250. St. Cyprian 
describes how at Carthage the Christians rushed to 
sacrifice, or at least to obtain false certificates of hav- 
ing done so. Similarly Dionysius tells us that at 
Alexandria many conformed through fear, others on 
account of official position, or persuaded by friends; 
some pale and trembling at their act, others boldly as- 
serting that they had never been Christians. Some 
endured imprisonment for a time ; others abjured only 
at the sight of tortures ; others held out until the tortures 
conquered their resolution. But there were noble in- 
stances of constancy. Julian and Kronion were 
scourged through the city on camels, and then burnt 
to death. A soldier, Besas, who protected them from 
the insults of the people, was beheaded. Macar, a 
Libyan, was burnt alive. Epimachus and Alexander, 
after long imprisonment and many tortures, were also 
burnt, with four women. The virgin Ammonarion 
also was long tortured. The aged Mercuria and Dio- 
nysia, a mother of many children, suffered by the 
sword. Heron, Ater, and Isidore, Egyptians, after 
many tortures were given to the flames. A boy of 
fifteen, Dioscorus, who stood firm under torture, was 
dismissed by the judge for very shame. Nemesion 
was tortured and scourged, ana then burnt between 
two robbers. A number of soldiers, and with them an 
old man named Ingenuus, made indignant signs to one 
who was on his trial and about to apostatize. When 
called to order they cried out that they were Christians 
with such boldness that the governor and his assessors 
were taken aback; they suffered a glorious martyr- 
dom. Numbers were martyred in the cities and vil- 
lages. A steward named Ischyrion was pierced 
through the stomach by his master with a large stake 
because he refused to sacrifice. Many fled, wandered 
in the deserts and the mountains, and were cut off by 
hunger, thirst, cold, sickness, robbers, or wild beasts. 
A bishop named Chaeremon escaped with his *tf/t£tos 
(wife?) to the Arabian mountain, and was no more 
heard of. Many were carried off as slaves by the Sara- 
cens and some of these were later ransomed for large 
sums. 

Some of the lapsed had been readmitted to Christian 
fellowship by tne martyrs. Dionysius. urged upon 
Fabius, Bishop of Antioch, who was inclined to join 
Novatian, that it was right to respect this judgment 
delivered by blessed martyrs "now seated with Christ, 
and sharers in His Kingdom and assessors in His 
judgment". He adds the story o» an old man, Sera- 
pion, who after a lone and blameless life had sacrificed, 
and could obtain absolution from ho one. On his 
death-bed he sent his grandson to fetch a priest. The 
priest was ill, but he gave a particle of the Eucharist to 
the child, telling him to moisten it and place it in the 
old man's mouth. Serapion received it with joy, and 
immediately expired. Sabinus, the prefect, sent a 
frumeniarius (detective) to search for Dionysius di- 
rectly the decree was published; he looked everywhere 
but in Dionysius's own house, where the saint had 
quietly remained. On the fourth day he was inspired 
to depart, and he left at night, with nis domestics and 
certain brethren. But it seems that he was soon made 
prisoner, for soldiers escorted the whole party to Ta- 
posiris in the Mareotis. A certain Timotheus, who 
nad not been taken with the others, informed a passing 



I 



DIONYSIUS 



12 



Diomrsius 



countryman, who carried the news to a wedding-feast 
he was attending. All instantly rose up and rushed to 
release the bishop. The soldiers took to flight, leav- 
ing their prisoners on their uncushioned litters. Dio- 
nvsius, believing his rescuers to be robbers, held out his 
clothes to them, .retaining only his tunic. They urged 
him to rise and fly. He begged them to leave him, de- 
claring that they might as well cut off his head at once, 
as the soldiers would shortly do so. He let himself 
down on the ground on his back; but they seised him 
by the hands and feet and dragged him away, carrying 
him out of the little town, ana setting him on an ass 
without a saddle. With two companions, Gaius and 
Peter, he remained in a desert place in Libya until the 
persecution ceased in 251. The whole Christian world 
was then thrown into confusion by the news that No- 
vatian claimed the Bishopric of Rome in opr. oeition to 
Pope Cornelius. Dionysius at once took the side of 
the latter, and it was largely by his influence that the 
whole East, after much disturbance, was brought in a 
few months into unity and harmony. Novatian 
wrote to him for support. His curt reply has been 
preserved entire: Novatian can easily prove the truth 
of his protestation that he was consecrated against his 
will bf voluntarily retiring; he ought to have suffered 
martyrdom rather than divide the Church of God; 
indeed it would have been a particularly glorious mar- 
tyrdom on behalf of the whole Church (such is the im- 
portance attached by Dionysius to a schism at Rome) ; 
if he can even now persuade his party to make peace, 
the past will be forgotten ; if not, let him save his own 
soul. St. Dionysius also wrote many letters on this 
question to Rome and to the East ; some of these were 
treatises on penance. He took a somewhat milder 
view than Cyprian, for he gave greater weight to the 
"indulgences granted by the martyrs, and refused 
forgiveness in the hour of death to none. 

After the persecution the pestilence. Dionysius 
describes it more graphically than does St. Cyprian, and 
he reminds us of Thucydides and Defoe. The heathen 
thrust away their sick, fled from their own relatives, 
threw bodies half dead into the streets; yet they suf- 
fered more than the Christians, whose heroic acts of 
mercy are recounted by their bishop. Many priests, 
deacons, and persons of merit died from succouring 
others, and this death, writes Dionysius, was in no 
way inferior to martyrdom. The baptismal contro- 
versy spread from Africa throughout the East. Dio- 
nysius was far from teaching, like Cyprian, that baptism 
by a heretic rather befouls than cleanses; but he was 
impressed by the opinion of many bishops and some 
councils that repetition of such a baptism was neces- 
sary, and it appears that he besought Pope Stephen 
not to break off communion with the Churches of Asia 
on this account. He also wrote on the subject to 
Dionysius of Rome, who was not yet pope, and to a 
Roman named Philemon, both of whom nad written 
to him. We know seven letters from him on the sub- 
ject, two being addressed to. Pope Sixtus II. In one of 
these he asks advice in the case of a man who had re- 
ceived baptism a long time before from heretics, and 
now declared that it had been improperly performed. 
Dionysius had refused to renew the sacrament after 
the man had so many years received the Holy Eucha- 
rist ; he asks the pope's opinion. In this case it is clear 
that the difficulty was in the nature of the ceremonies 
used, not in the mere fact of their having been per- 
formed by heretics. We gather that Dionysius him- 
self followed the Roman custom, either by the tradi- 
tion of his Church, or else out of obedience to the de- 
cree of Stephen. In2530rigendied; he had not been 
at Alexandria for many years. But Dionysius had 
not forgotten his old master, and wrote a letter in his 
praise to Theotecnus of Caesarea. 

An Egyptian bishop, Nepos, taught the Chiliastic 
error that there would be a reign of Christ upon earth 
for a thousand years, a period of corporal delights; he 



founded this doctrine upon the Apocalypse in a book 
entitled u Refutation of the Allegorusers". It was 
only after the death of Nepos that Dionysius found 
himself obliged to write two books "On the Promises" 
to counteract this error. He treats Nepos with great 
respect, but rejects his doctrine, as indeed the Church 
has since done, though it was taught by Papias, Justin, 
Irennus, Victorinus of Pettau, and others. The dio- 
cese proper to Alexandria was still very large (though 
Heraclas is said to hate instituted new bishoprics), 
and the Arsinoite nome formed a part of it. Here the 
error was very prevalent, and St. Dionysius went in 
person to the villages, called together the priests and 
teachers, and for three days instructed them, refuting 
the arguments they drew from the book of Nepos. He 
was much edified by the docile spirit and love of truth 
which he found. At length Korakion, who had intro- 
duced the book and the doctrine, declared himself con- 
vinced. The chief interest of the incident is not in the 
picture it gives of ancient Church life and of the wis- 
dom and gentleness of the bishop, but in the remark- 
able- disquisition, which Dionysius appends, on the 
authenticity of the Apocalypse. It is a very striking 
piece of " higher criticism ' ', and for clearness and mod- 
eration, keenness and insight, is hardly to be surpassed. 
Some of the brethren, he tells us, in their zeal against 
. Chiliastic error, repudiated the Apocalypse alto- 
gether, and took it chapter by chapter to ridicule it, 
attributing the authorship of it to Cerinthua (as we 
know the Roman Gaius did some years earlier). Dio- 
nysius treats it with reverence, and declares it to be 
full of hidden mysteries, and doubtless really by a man 
called John. (In a passage now lost, he showed that 
the book must be understood allegorically.) But he 
found it hard to believe that the writer could be the 
son of Zebedee, the author of the Gospel and of the 
Catholic Epistle, on account of the great contrast of 
character, style, and "what is called working out". 
He shows that the one writer calls himself John, 
whereas the other only refers to himself by some peri- 
phrasis; He adds the famous remark, that " it is said 
that there are two tombs in Ephesus, both of which 
are called that of John". He demonstrates the close 
likeness between the Gospel and the Epistle, and 
points out the wholly different vocabulary of the Apoc- 
alypse; the latter is full of solecisms and barbarisms, 
while the former are in good Greek. This acute criti- 
cism was unfortunate, in that it was largely the cause 
of the freauent rejection of the Apocalypse in the 
Greek-speaking Churches, even as late as the Middle 
Ages. Dionysius's arguments appeared unanswer- 
able to the liberal critics of the nineteenth century. 
Lately the swing of the pendulum has brought many," 
guided by Bousset, Harnack. and others, to be im- 
pressed rather by the undeniable points of contact be- 
tween the Gospel and the Apocalypse, than by the 
differences of style (which can De explained by a differ- 
ent scribe. and interpreter, since the author of both 
books was certainly a Jew), so that even Loisy ad- 
mits that the opinion of the numerous and learned 
conservative scholaro "no longer appears impossible". 
But it should be noted that the modern critics have 
added nothing to the judicious remarks of the third- 
century patriarch. 

The Emperor Valerian, whose accession was in 253, 
did not persecute until 257. In that year St. Cyprian 
was banished to Curubis, and St. Dionysius to Kephro 
in the Mareotis, after being tried, together with one 
priest and two deacons, before JSmilianus, the prefect 
of Egypt. He himself relates the firm answers he 
made to the prefect, writing to defend himself against 
a certain Germanus, who had accused him of a dis- 
graceful flight. Cyprian suffered in 258, but Dio- 
nysius was spared, and returned to Alexandria directly 
toleration was decreed by Gallienus in 260. But not 
to peace, for in 261-2 the city was in a state of tumult 
little less dangerous than a persecution. The great 



DIONYSIUS 



13 



DIONYSIUS 



thoroughfare which traversed the town was impassa- 
ble. Tne bishop had to communicate with his flock 
by letter, as though they were in different countries. 
It was easier, he writes, to pass from East to West, 
than from Alexandria to Alexandria. Famine and pes- 
tilence raged anew. The inhabitants of what was still 
the second city of the world had decreased so that the 
males between fourteen and eighty were now scarcely 
so numerous as those between forty and seventy had 
been not many years before. A controversy arose in 
the latter years of Dionysius of which the nalf-Arian 
Eusebius has been careful to make no mention. All 
we know is from St. Athanasius. Some bishops of the 
Pentapolis of Upper Libya fell into Sabellianism and 
denied the distinctness of the Three Persons of the 
Blessed Trinity. Dionysius wrote some four letters to 
Condemn their error, and sent copies to Pope Sixtus II 
(257-8). But he himself fell, so far as words go, into 
the opposite error, for he said the Son is a wotni/ui (some- 
thing made) and distinct in substance, #«>* *»t' ofolaw, 
from the Father, even as is the husbandman from the 
vine, or a shipbuilder from a ship. These words were 
seized upon t>y the Arians of the fourth century as 
plain Ananism. But Athanasius defended Dionysius 
by telling the sequel of the history. Certain brethren 
of Alexandria, being offended at the words of their 
bishop, betook themselves to Rome to Pope St. Dio- 
nvsius (259-268), who wrote a letter, in which he de- 
clared that to teach that the Son was made or was a 
creature was an impiety equal, though contrary, to that 
of Sabellius. He also wrote to his namesake of Alex- 
andria informing him of the accusation brought against 
him. The latter immediately composed books enti- 
tled "Refutation" and "Apology"; in these he ex- 
plicitly declared that there never was a time when 
God was not Father, that Christ always was, being 
Word and Wisdom and Power, and coeteraal, even as 
brightness is not posterior to the light from which it 
proceeds. He teaches the "Trinity in Unity and the 
Unity in Trinity"; he clearly implies the equality and 
eternal procession of the Holy Ghost. In these last 
points he is more explicit than St. Athanasius himself 
is elsewhere, while in the use of the word cowubstan- 
tied, bfjuooteios, he anticipates Nicsea, for he bitterly com- 
plains of the calumny that he had rejected the expres- 
sion. But however he himself and his advocate 
Athanasius may attempt to explain away his earlier 
expressions, it is clear that he nad been incorrect in 
thought as well as in words, and that he did not at 
first grasp the true doctrine with the necessary dis- 
tinctness. The letter of the pope was evidently ex- 
plicit and must have been the cause of the Alexan- 
drian's clearer vision. The pope, as Athanasius points 
out, gave a formal condemnation of Arianism long be- 
fore that heresy emerged. When we consider the 
vagueness and incorrectness in the fourth century of 
even the supporters of orthodoxy in the East, the de- 
cision of the Apostolic See will seem a marvellous tes- 
timony to the doctrine of the Fathers as to the unfail- 
ing faith of Rome. 

We find Dionysius issuing yearly, like the later 
bishops of Alexandria, festal letters announcing the 
date of Easter and dealing with various matters. 
When the heresy of Paul of Samosata, Bishop of Anti- 
och, began to trouble the East, Dionysius wrote to the 
Church of Antioch on the subject, as he was obliged to 
decline the invitation to attend a synod there, on the 
score of his age and infirmities. lie died soon after- 
wards. St. Dionysius is in the Roman Martyrology on 
17 Nov., but he is also intended, with the companions 
of his flight in the Decian persecution, by the mistaken 
notice on 3 Oct.: Dionysius, Faustus, Gaius, Peter, 
and Paul, Martyrs(I)* The same error is found in 
Greek menologies. 

The principal remaina of Dionysius are the citation* in 
Eubkhus, H. B., V7-VII. a few fragments of the books On 
Nature in Idem, Prop. Bvang., xiv, and the quotations in 
Vra an asius, De SentenXa Dionyeii, etc. A collection of these 



and other fragments is in Gallandi, BM. Vett. Patrum, III 
XIV, reprinted in P. G., X. The fullest ed. is by Simon db 
MagisYris, S. Dion. Al. Opp. omnia (Rome, 1796); also 
Routh, Reliquia Sacra, III-IV. Syriao and Armenian frag- 
ments in Pitra, Analccta Sacra, IV. A complete list of au 
the fragments is in Harnack, Gesch. der altchr. Litt., I, 409-27, 
but his account of the passages from the Catena on Luke 
(probably from a letter to Origen, On Martyrdom) needs com- 
pleting from Sickenbergbr, Die Lucaekatene dee Niketae von 
Heradeia (Leipzig. 1902). For the life of Dionysius see 
Tillemont, IV; Acta SS., 3 Oct.; Dittrich, Dionysius der 
Grosse, cine Monographic (Freiburg im Br., 1867); Morize, 
Denys a" Alexandria (Paris, 1881). Dom Morin tned unsuc- 
cessfully to identify the Canons of Hippolytue with Dionysius* 
'Etktt6Ai fttoicoruHk fit* 'Iva-oAvrov (Eubkb., H. E., VI, 45-6) 
in Revue Benzidine (1900), XVII, 241. Also Msrcati, Note 
di leUeratura bibl. et crist. ant.: Due rupposte lettere di Dionioi 
Aless. (Rome, 1901). For chronology see Harnack, Chronol., 
I, 202, II, 57. A very good account, with full bibliography, is 
in Bardbnhkwer, Gesch. der altkirchl. Lilt., II. On the 
Chiliastic question see Grt, he Millenarieme (Paris, 1904), 101. 

John Chapman. 

Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite. — By "Diony- 
sius the Areopagite" is usually understood the judge 
of the Areopagus who, as related in Acts, xvii, 34, was 
converted to Christianity by the preaching of St. Paul, 
and according to Dionysius of Corinth (Eusebius, Hist. 
Eccl., Ill, iv) was Bishop of Athens. In the course of 
time, however, two errore of far-reaching import arose 
in connexion with this name. In the first place, a 
series of famous writings of a rather peculiar nature was 
ascribed to the Areopagite and, secondly, he was popu- 
larly identified with the holy martyr of Gaul, Diony- 
sius, the first Bishop of Paris. It is not our purpose 
to take up directly the latter point; we shall concern 
ourselves here (1) with the person of the Pseudo- 
Areopagite; (2) with the classification, contents, and 
characteristics of his writings; (3) with their history 
and transmission; under this head the question as to 
the genuineness, origin, first acceptance, and gradual 
spread of these writings will be answered. 

Deep obscurity still novers about the person of the 
Pseudo-Areopagite. External evidence as to the time 
and place of nis birth, his education, and later occupa- 
tion is entirely wanting. Our only source of informa- 
tion regarding this problematic personage is the writ- 
ings themselves. The clues furnished by the first ap- 
pearance and by the character of the writings enable us 
to conclude that the author belongs at the very earliest 
to the latter half of the fifth century, and that, in all 
probability, he was a native of Syria. His thoughts, 
phrases, and expressions show a great familiarity with 
the works of the neo-Platonists, especially with Ploti- 
nus and Proclus. He is also thoroughly versed in the 
sacred books of the Old and the New Testament, and 
in the works of the Fathers as far as Cyril of Alex- 
andria. (Passages from the Areopagitic writings are 
indicated by title and chapter. In this article D. D. 
N. stands for "De divinis nominibus"; C. H. for 
"Caelestis hierarchia"; E. H. for " Ecclesiastica hierar- 
chia"; Th.M.for "Theologia mystica". which are all 
found in Migne, P. G., vol. III.) In a letter to Poly- 
carp (Ep. vu; P. G., Ill, 1080 A) and in "Casl. hier." 
(ix, 3; P. G., Ill, 260 D) he intimates that he was 
formerly a pagan, and this seems quite probable, con- 
sidering the peculiar character of his literary work. 
But one should be more cautious in regard to certain 
other personal references, for instance that he was 
chosen teacher of the "newly-baptifced" (D. D. N., iii, 
2; P. G., Ill, 681 B); that his spiritual father and 
guide was a wise and saintly man, Hierotheus by name ; 
that he was advised by the latter and ordered by his 
own superiors to compose these works (ibid., 681 so.). 
And it is plainly for the purpose of deceiving that ne 
tells of having observed the solar eclipse at Christ's 
Crucifixion (Ep., vii, 2; P. G., in, 1081 A) and of 
having, with Hierotheus, the Apostles (Peter and 
James), and other hierarchs, looked upon " the Life-. 
Begetting, God-Receiving body, i. e. of the Blessed 
Virgin" (D. D. N. f iii, 2; P. G., in, 681 C). The 
former of these accounts is based on Matt., xxvii, 45, 



DIONTSIUS 



14 



DIONYSIUS 



and Mark, xv, 33; the latter refers to apocryphal de- 
scriptions of the "Dormitio Maria?". For the same 
purpose, i. e. to create the impression that the author 
belonged to the times of the Apostles and that he 
was identical with the Areopagite mentioned in the 
Acts, different persons, such as John the Evangelist, 
Paul, Timothy, Titus, Justus, and Carpus, with whom 
he is supposed to be on intimate terms, figure in his 
writings. 

The doctrinal attitude of the Pseudo-Areopagite is 
not clearly defined. A certain vagueness, which was 
perhaps intended, is characteristic of his Christology, 
especially in the question concerning the two natures 
in Christ. We may well surmise that he was not a 
stranger to the later, and rather modified, form of 
Monophysitism and that he belonged to that con- 
ciliatory group which sought, on the basis of the 
Henoticon issued in 482 by the Emperor Zeno (Eva- 
grius, Hist. Eccl., Ill, xiv), to reconcile the extremes 
of orthodoxy and heresy. This reserved, indefinite 
attitude of the* author explains the remarkable fact 
that opposite factions claimed him as an adherent. 
As to his social rank, a careful comparison of certain 
details scattered through his works shows that he be- 
longed to the class of scholars who were known at the 
time as (rxoXaortKo/. 

The writings themselves form a collection of four 
treatises and ten letters. The first treatise, which is 
also the most important in scope and content, presents 
in thirteen chapters an explanation of the Divine 
names. Setting out from the principle that the names 
of God are to be learned from Scripture only, and that 
they afford us but aa imperfect knowledge of God, 
Dionysius discusses, among other topics,* God's good- 
ness, being, life, wisdom, power, and justice. The one 
underlying thought of the work, recurring again and 
again under different forms and phrases, is: God, the 
One Being (rb tr), transcending all quality and predi- 
cation, all affirmation and negation, and all intellectual 
conception, by the very force of His love and good- 
ness gives to beings outside Himself their countless 
gradations, unites them in the closest bonds (rpo68os). 
keeps each by His care and direction in its appointed 
sphere, and draws them again in an ascending order to 
Himself (lrurTpo<t>'lj\ While he illustrates the inner 
life of the Trinity by metaphors of blossom and light 
applied to the Second and Third Persons (D. D- N., ii, 7 
in r. G., Ill, 645 B), Dionysius represents the procession 
of all created things from God by the exuberance of 
being in the Godhead (r& vrepr\i}p€i), its outpouring 
and overflowing (D. D. N., ix, 9 in P. G., Ill, 909 C; 
cf. ii, 10 in P. G III, 648 C; xiii, 1 in P. G., Ill, 977 
B), and as a flashing forth from the sun of the Deity 
(D. D. N., iv, 6 in P. G., Ill, 701 A; iv, 1 in P. G., Ill, 
693 B). Exactly according to their physical nature 
created things absorb more or less of the radiated light, 
which, however, grows weaker the farther it descends 
(D. D. N., xi, 2 in P. G., Ill, 952 A; i, 2 in P. G., Ill, 
588 C). As the mighty root sends forth a multitude 
of plants which it sustains and controls, so created 
things owe their' origin and conservation to the All- 
Ruling Deity (D. D. N., x. 1 in P. G., Ill, 936 D). 
Patterned upon the original of Divine love, righteous- 
ness, and peace, is the harmony that pervades the uni- 
verse (D. D. N., chapters iv, viii, xi). All things tend 
to God, and in Him all are merged and completed, just 
as the circle returns into itself (D. D. N., iv, 14 in 
P. G., Ill, 712 D), as the radii are joined in the centre, 
or as the numbers are contained in unity (D. D. N., v, 
6 in P. G., Ill, 820 sq.). These and many similar ex- 
pressions have given rise to frequent charges of Pan- 
theism against the author. He does not, however, 
assert a necessary emanation of things from God, but 
admits a free creative act on the part of God (D. D. N., 
iv, 10 in P. G., Ill, 708 B; cf. C. H., iv, 1 in P. G., Ill, 
177 C) ; still the echo of neo-PIatonism is unmistakable. 

The same thoughts, or their applications to certain 



orders of being, recur in his other writings The sec- 
ond treatise develops in fifteen chapters the doctrine 
of the celestial hierarchy, comprising nine angelic 
choirs which are divided into closer groupings of three 
choirs each (triads). The names of the nine choirs 
are taken from the canonical books and are arranged 
in the following order. First triad: seraphim, cheru- 
bim, thrones; second triad: virtues, dominations, 
powers; third triad: principalities, archangels, angels 
(C. H., vi, 2 in P. G., Ill, 200 D). The grouping of 
the second triad exhibits some variations. From the 
etymology of each choir-name the author labours to 
evolve a wealth of description, and, as a result, lapses 
frequently into tautology. Quite characteristic is the 
dominant idea that the different choirs of angels are 
less intense in their love and knowledge of God the 
farther they are removed from Him, just as a ray of 
light or of heat grows weaker the farther it travels 
from its source. To this must be added another 
fundamental idea peculiar to the Pseudo-Areopagite, 
namely, that the highest choirs transmit the light re- 
ceived from the Divine Source only to the intermediate 
choirs, and these in turn transmit it to the lowest. 
The third treatise is but a continuation of the other 
two, inasmuch as it is based on the same leading 
ideas. It deals with the nature and grades of the 
"ecclesiastical hierarchy" in seven chapters, each of 
which is subdivided into three parts (rp6\oyos, fivar^- 
pior, Oewpia). After an introduction which discusses 
God's purpose in establishing the hierarchy ot 
the Church, and which pictures Christ as its Head, 
holy and supreme, Dionysius treats of three sacra- 
ments (baptism, the Eucharist, extreme unction), of 
the three grades of the Teaching Church (bishops, 

griests, deacons), of three grades of the "Learning 
hurch" (monks, people, and the class composed of 
catechumens, energumens, and penitents), and, lastly, 
of the burial of the dead [C. H., iii, f3), 6 in P. G., Ill, 
432 sq.; vi in P. G., Ill, 529 sq.]. The main purpose 
of the author is to disclose and turn to the uses of con- 
templation the deeper mystical meaning which under- 
lies the sacred rites, ceremonies, institutions^ and sym- 
bols. The fourth treatise is entitled " Mystical Theol- 
ogy", and presents in five chapters guiding principles 
concerning the mystical union with God, which is en- 
tirely beyond the compass of sensuous or intellectual 
perception (Arorrefo). The ten letters, four addressed 
to a monk, Caius, and one each to a deacon, Dorotheus, 
to a priest, Sopater, to the bishop Polycarp, to a monk, 
Demophilus, to the bishop Titus, and to the Apostle 
John, contain, in part, additional or supplementary 
remarks on the above-mentioned principal works, and 
in part, practical hints for dealing with sinners and 
unbelievers. Since in all these writings the same 
salient thoughts on philosophy and theology recur 
with the same striking peculiarities of expression and 
with manifold references, in both form and matter, 
from one work to another, the assumption is justified 
that they are all to be ascribed to one and the same 
author. In fact, at its first appearance in the literary 
world the entire corpus of these writings was combined 
as it is now. An eleventh letter to Apollophanes, 
given in Migne, P. G., Ill, 1119, is a medieval forgery 
based on the seventh letter. Apocryphal, also, are a 
letter to Timothy and a second letter to Titus. 

Dionysius would lead us to infer that he is the au- 
thor of still other learned treatises, namely: "Theo- 
logical Outlines" (D. D. N., ii, 3 in P. G., Ill, 640 
B); "Sacred Hymns" (C. H., vii, 4 in P. G., Ill, 212 
B) ; "Symbolic Theology" (C. H., xv, 6 in P. G., III. 
336 A), and treatises on "The Righteous Judgment of 
God" (D. D. N., iv, 35 in P. G., Ill, 736 B), on "The 
Soul" (D. D. N., iv, 2 in P. G., III. 696 C), and on 
"The Objects of Intellect and Sense" (E. H., i, 2 in P. 
G., Ill, 373 B). No reliable trace, however, of any of 
these writings has ever been discovered, and in his 
references to them Dionysius is as uncontrollable aa in 



«.» 



DIONYSIUS 



15 



DIONYSIUS 



his citations from Hierotheus. It may be asked if 
these are not fictions pure and simple, designed to 
strengthen the belief in the genuineness of the actually 
published works. This suspicion seems to be more 
warranted because of other discrepancies, e. g. when 
Dionysius, the priest, in his letter to Timothy, extols 
the latter as a Bcotdfr, Meoi, defirt Updpxv*, and 
nevertheless seeks to instruct him in those sublime 
secret doctrines that are for bishops only (E. H., i, 5 
ui P. G., Ill, 377 A), doctrines, moreover, which, since 
Mie cessation of the Disciplina Arcani, had already 
been made public. Again, Dionysius points out (D. 
D. N., iii; 2 in P. G., Hi; 681 B ; cf . E. H., iv, 2 in P. G., 
Ill, 476 B) that his writings are intended to serve as 
catechetical instruction for the newly-baptized. This 
is evidently another contradiction of his above-men- 
tioned statement. 

We may now turn to the history of the Pseudo- 
Dionysian writings. This embraces a period of almost 
fifteen hundred years, and three distinct turning 
points in its course have divided it into as many dis- 
tinct periods: first, the period of the gradual rise and 
settlement of the writings in Christian literature, dat- 
ing from the latter part of the fifth century to the 
Lateran Council, 649; second, the period of their 
highest and universally acknowledged authority, both 
in the Western and in the Eastern Church, lasting till the 
beginning of the fifteenth century; third, the period of 
sharp conflict waged about their authenticity, begun by 
Laurentiiis Valla, and closing only within recent years. 

The Areopagitica were formerly supposed to have 
made their first appearance, or rather to have been first 
noticed by Christian writers, in a few pseudo-epigraph- 
ical works which have now been proved to be the 
products of a much later period; as, for instance, in 
the following : Pseudo-Origenes, " Homilia in divereos 
secunda"; Pseudo-Athanasius, "Qusestiones ad An- 
tiochum ducem", Q. viii; Pseudo-Hippolytus, against 
the heretic Beron; Pseudo-Chrysostom, "Sermo de 
pseudo-prophet is". Until quite recently more credit 
was given to other lines of evidence on which Franz 
Hipler endeavoured to support his entirely new thesis, 
to the effect that the author of the writings lived about 
the year 375 in Egypt, as Abbot of Khinokorura. 
Hipler's attempts, however, at removing the textual 
difficulties, tfffXet^tf, &fc\<t>6$€o$, <rfy«a, proved to be 
unsuccessful. In fact, those very passages in which 
Hipler thought that the Fathers had made use of the 
Areopagite (e. g. in Gregory of Nazianzus and Jerome) 
do not tell in favour of his hypothesis ; on the contrary, 
they are much better explained if the converse be as- 
sumed, namely, that Pseudo-Dionysius drew from 
them. Hipler himself, convinced by the results of 
recent research, has abandoned this opinon. Other 
events also, both historical and literary, evidently ex- 
erted a marked influence on the Areopagite: (1) the 
Council of Chalcedon (451), the Christological termi- 
nology of which was studiously followed by Dionysius; 
(2) the writings of the neo-Platonist Proclus (411- 
485), from whom Dionysius borrowed to a surprising 
extent; (3) the introduction (c. 476) of the Credo into 
the liturgy of the Mass, which is alluded to in the 
"Ecclesiastical Hierarchy" [iii, 2, in P. G., Ill, 425 C, 
and iii, (3), 7 in P. G., Ill, 436 C ; cf . the explanation of 
Maximus in P. G., IV, 144 B]; (4) the Henoticon of 
the Emperor Zeno (482), a* formula of union designed 
forHhe bishops, clerics, monks, and faithful of the 
Orient, as a compromise between Monophysitism and 
orthodoxy. Both in spirit and tendency the Areopa- 
gitica correspond fully to the sense of the Henoticon: 
and one might easily infer that they not only originated 
in the same sphere, out that they were made to further 
thepurpose of the Henoticon. 

Tne result of the foregoing data is that the first ap- 
pearance of the pseudo-epigraphical writings cannot 
Be placed earlier than the latter half, in fact at the 
olose, of the fifth century. 



Having ascertained a terminus post QUfm, it is pos- 
sible by means of evidence taken from Dionysius him- 
self to fix a terminus ante quern, thus narrowing to 
about thirty years the period within which these 
writings must nave originated. The earliest reliable, 
citations from the writings of Dionysius are from the 
end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century. 
The first is by Severus, the head of a party of moderate 
Monophysites named after him, and Patriarch of An- 
tioch (512-518). In a letter addressed to a certain 
abbot, John (Mai, Script, vett. nov. coll., VII, i, 71), 
he quotes in proof of his doctrine of the /da <r6v6cro$ 
*Ani in Christ the Dionysian Ep. iv (P. G., Ill, 1072 
C), where a jourfy Btavipu^i irdpycia is mentioned. 
Again, in the treatise " Ad versus ana them; Juliani 
Halicarn." (Cod. Syr. Vat. 140, fol. 100 b), Severus 
cites a passage from D. D. N., ii, 9, P. G., Ill, 648 A 
(dXXA Kal rb r&vrjt $ wpQ SterXdrrero), and returns 
once more to Ep. iv. In the Syrian " History of the 
Church "of Zacharias (ed. Ahrens-Kruger, 134-5) it is 
related that Severus, a man well-versed in the writings 
of Dionysius (Areop.), was present at the Synod m 
Tyre (513). Andreas, Bishop of CsBsarea in Cappa- 
docia, wrote (about 520) a commentary on the Apoc- 
alypse wherein he quotes the Areopagite four tunes 
ana makes use of at least three of his works (Migne, 
P. G., CVI, 257, 305, 356, 780; cf. Diekamp in "Hist. 
Jahrb.", XVIII, 1897, pp. 1-36). Like Severus, 
Zacharias Rhetor and, in all probability, also Andreas 
of Cappadocia, inclined to Monophysitism (Diekamp, 
ibid., pp. 33, 34). It must be mentioned here that 
a "Book of Hierotheus 1 ' — Hierotheus had come to 
be regarded as the teacher of Dionysius — existed in 
the Syrian literature of that time and exerted consider- 
able influence in the spread of Dionysian doctrines. 
Frothingham (Stephen bar Sudaili, p. 63 sq.) considers 
the pantheist Stephen Bar Sudaili as its author. Job- 
ius Monachus, a contemporary of the writers just men- 
tioned, published against Severus a polemical treatise 
which has since been lost, but claims the Areopagite as 
authority for the orthodox teaching (P. G., CIII, 765). 
So also Ephraem, Archbishop of Antioch (527-545), 
interprets in a right sense the well-known passage 
from D. D. N., i, 4, P. G., Ill, 529 A: 6 ArXoOf 'IiftroOt 
ovrerHh), by distinguishing between rivOerot inrbrraffit 
and rf rferof ofola. Between the years 532-548, if not 
earlier, John of ScythopoUs in Palestine wrote an in- 
terpretation of Dionysius (Pitra, " Analect. sacr.", IV, 
Proleg., p. xxiii; cf. Loofs, "Leontius of Byzantium", 

L270 sqq.) from an anti-Severian standpoint. In 
mtius of Byzantium (485-543) we have another 
important witness. This eminent champion of Catho- 
lic doctrine in at least four passages of his works 
builds on the /jJyas Atortrcot (P. G., LXXXVI, 1213 
A; 1288 C; 1304 D; Canisius-Basnace, "Thesaur. 
monum. eccles.", Antwerp, 1725, I, 571). Sergius of 
Resaina in Mesopotamia, archiater and presbyter (d. 
536), at an early date translated the works of Diony- 
sius into Syriac. He admitted their genuineness, and 
for their defence also translated into Syriac the already 
current "Apologies" (Brit. Mus. cod. add. 1251 and 
22370; cf. Zacharias Rhetor in Ahrens-Kruger, p. 
208). He himself was a Monophysite. 

By far the most important document in the case is 
the report given by Bishop Innocent of Maronia of the 
religious debate held at Constantinople in 533 between 
seven orthodox and seven Severian speakers (Har- 
douin, II, 1159 sqq.). The former had as leader and 
spokesman Hypatius, Bishop of Ephesus, who was 
thoroughly versed in the literature of the subject. On 
the second day the ''Orientals" (Severians) alleged 
against the Council of Chalcedon, that it had by a 
novel and erroneous expression decreed two natures 
in Christ. Besides Cyril of Alexandria, Athanasius, 
Gregory Thaumaturgus, and Felix and Julius of Rome, 
they also quoted Dionysius the Areopagite as an ex- 
ponent of the doctrine of one nature. Hypatius re- 



dionysius 



16 



DIONYSIUS 



jected as spurious all these citations, and showed that 
Cyril never made the slightest use of them, though on 
various occasions they would have served his purpose 
admirably. He suspects that these falsifiers are Apol- 
linarists. When the Severians rejoined that they could 
ooint out in the polemical writings of Cyril against Dio- 
dorus and Theodore the use made of such evidence, Hy- 
patius persisted in the stand he had taken: "sed nunc 
videtur auorriam et in illis libris [Cyrilli] hseretici fal- 
santes aadiderunt ea ' '. The references to the archives 
at Alexandria had just as little weight with him, since 
Alexandria, with its libraries, had long been in the 
hands of the heretics. How could an interested party 
of the opposition be introduced as a witness? Hypa- 
tius refers again especially to Dionysius and success- 
fully puts down the opposition: " Ilia enim testimonia 
qu» vos Dionysii Areopagits dicitis, unde potestis 
ostendere vera esse, sicut suspicamini? Si enim eius 
erant, non potuissent latere beatum Cyrillum. Quid 
autem de beato Cyrillo dico, quando et beatus Athana- 
sius, si pro certo scisset eius fuisse, ante omnia in Ni- 
caeno concilio de consubstantiali Trinitate eadem tes- 
timonia protulisset adversus Arii diverse substantia) 
blasphemias". Indeed, as to the consubstantiality 
of the Father and the Son the Areopagite has state- 
ments that leave no room for misinterpretation; and 
had these come from a disciple of the Apostles, they 
would have been all the more valuable. Hereupon the 
Severians dropped this objection and turned to an- 
other. 

The fact must, indeed, appear remarkable that these 
very writings, though rejected outright by such an 
authority as Hypatius, were within little more than a 
century looked upon as genuine by Catholics, so that 
they could be used against the heretics during the 
Lateran Council in 649 (Hardouin, III, 699 sqq.). How 
had this reversion been brought about? As the fol- 
lowing grouping will show, it was chiefly heterodox 
writers^ Monophysites, Nestorians, and Monothelites, 
who during several decades appealed to the Areopa- 
gite. But among Catholics also there were not a few 
who assumed the genuineness, and as some of these 
were persons of consequence, the way was gradually 
paved for the authorization of his writings in the 
above-mentioned council. To the group of Mono- 
physites belonged: Themistius, deacon in Alexandria 
about 537 (Hardouin, III, 784, 893 sq., 1240 sq.); 
Colluthus of Alexandria, about 540 (Hardouin, III, 
786, 895, 898); John Philoponus, an Alexandrian 
grammarian, about 546-549 (W. Reichardt, "Philo- 
ponus, de opificio mundi"); Petrus Callinicus, Mono- 
physite Patriarch of Antioch, in the latter half of the 
sixth century, cited Dionysius in his polemic against 
the Patriarch Damianus of Alexandria (II, xfi and 
xlvii; cf. Frothingham, op. cit., after Cod. Syr. Vat., 
108, i. 282 sqq.). As examples of the Nestorian group 
may be mentioned Joseph Husaja, a Syrian monk, 
teacher about 580 at the school of Nisibis (Assemani, 
Bibl. orient., vol. Ill, pt. I, p. 103); also Ischojeb, 
catholicos, from 580 or 581 to 594 or 595 (Braun, 
"Buch der Synhados", p. 229 sq.); and John of Apa- 
mea, a monk in one of the cloisters situated on the 
Orontes, belonging mostprobably to the sixth century 
(Cod. Syr. Vat., 93). The heads of the Monothelites, 
Sergius, Patriarch of Constantinople (610-638), Cyrus, 
Patriarch of Alexandria (630-643), Pyrrhus, the suc- 
cessor of Sergius in Constantinople (639-641), took as 
the starting point in their heresy the fourth letter of 
Dionysius to Caius, wherein they altered the oft- 
quoted formula, tarty**} iripyeui into pda 6w*w8pudi 
m/rytia. 

To glance briefly at the Catholic group we find in 
the " Historia Euthymiaca", written about the middle 
of the sixth century, a passage taken, according to a 
citation of John Damascene (P. G., XCVI, 748), frora 
D. D. N., iii, 2, P. G., IH, 682 D: va^jcaw H—hr 9 xo6- 
rw. Another witness, who at the same time' leads 



over to the Latin literature, is Liberatus of Carthage 
(Breviarium causae Nestor, et Eutych., ch. v). Jo- 
annes Malalas, of Antioch, who died about 565, nar- 
rates, in his "Universal Chronicle", the conversion of 
the judge of the Areopagus through St. Paul (Acts, 
xvii, 34), and praises our author as a powerful pnilos-. 
opher and antagonist of the Greeks (P. G., XCVI I, 
384; cf. Krumbacher, Gesch. d. by*. Lit.' 1 , 3rd ed., 

E. 112 sol). Another champion was Theodore, pres- 
yter. Though it is difficult to locate him chrono- 
logically he was, according to Le Nourry (P. G., Ill, 
16), an "auctor antiquissimus" who flourished, at all 
events, before the Lateran Council in 649 and, as we 
learn from Photius (P. G., CHI, 44 sq.), undertook to 
defend. the genuineness of the Areopagitic writings. 
The repute, moreover, of these writings was enhanced 
in a marked degree by the following eminent church- 
men: Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria (580-607), 
knew and quoted, among others, the D. D. N., xiii, 2, 
verbatim (P. G., CHI, 1061 ; cf . Der Katholik, 1897, II, 
p. 95 sq.). From Eulogius we naturally pass to Pope 
Gregory the Great, with whom he enjoyed a close and 
honourable friendship. Gregory the Great (590-604), 
in his thirty-fourth Homily on Luke, xv, 1-10 (P. L., 
LXXVI, 1254), distinctly refers to the Areopagite's 
teaching regarding the Angels: "Fertur vero Diony- 
sius Areopagita, antiquus videlicet et venerabifis 
Pater, dicere ' etc. (cf . C. H., vii, ix, xiii). As Gregory 
admits that he is not versed in Greek (Ewald, Keg., 
1, 28; III, 63* X, 10, 21), he uses fertur not to express 
his doubt of the genuineness, but to imply that he had 
to rely on the testimony of others, since at the time, 
no Latin version existed. It is, indeed, most probable 
that Eulogius directed his attention to the work. 

About the year 620, Antiochus Monachus, a mem- 
ber of the Sabas monastery near Jerusalem, compiled 
a collection of moral "sentences" designed for the 
members of his order (P. G., LXXXIX, 1415 sqq.). 
In the "Homilia (capitulum) LII" we discover a 
number of similar expressions and Biblical examples 
which are borrowed from the eighth letter of Diony- 
sius "ad Demophilum ,, (P. G., Ill, 1085 sq.). In 
other passages frequent reference is made to the D. D. 
N. In the following years, two Patriarchs of Jerusa- 
lem, both from monasteries, defend Dionysius .as a 
time-honoured witness of the true doctrines. The first 
is the Patriarch Modestus (631-634), formerly abbot 
of the Theodosius monastery in the desert of Juda. 
In a panegyric on the AssumpHo Maria (P. G., 
LXXXVI, 3277 sq.) he quotes sentences from the 
D. D. N., i, 4; ii, 10; from the "Theologia Mvstica", 
i, 1; and from Ep. ii. The second, a still brighter 
luminary in the Cnurch, is the Patnarch Sophronius 
(634-638), formerly a monk of the Theodosius monas- 
tery near Jerusalem. Immediately after his installation 
he published an epistula synodica, "perhaps the most 
important document in the Monothelitic dispute". 
It gives, among other dogmas, a lengthy exposition of 
the doctrine of two energies in Christ (Hefele, Concilien- 
gesch., 2nd ed., Ill, 140 sqq.). Citing from "Ep. iv 
ad Caium" (Btardpurtj ir4pytia)~he refers to our author 
as a man through whom God speaks and who was won 
over by the Divine Paul in a Divine manner (P. G. f 
LXXXVII, 3177). Maximus Confessor evidently 
rests upon Sophronius, whose friendship he had gained 
while abbot of the monastery of Chrysopolis in Alex- 
andria (633). In accordance with Sophronius he ex- 
plains the Dionysian term flearfyuH) Mpyet* in an or- 
thodox sense, and praises it as indicating both essences 
and natures in their distinct properties and yet in clos- 
est union (P. G., XCI, 345). Following the example 
of Sophronius. Maximus also distinguishes in Christ 
three kinds of actions (Bwwpereh, av$puTOTp€TeU and 
ju«TaQ(P.G.,IV,536). Thus the Monothelites lost tl 
strongelsiwcsjaQj^and the Later an Coi mcil-feunof the 
saving word (Hetelc; cp. g it., gsdeu., 11J7129). In other 
regards also Maximus plays an important part in the 



DIONYSITJS 



17 



DIONYSIU8 



authorization of the Areopagitica. A lover of theo- 
logico-mystical speculation, he showed an uncommon 
reverence for these writings, and by his glosses (P. G., 
IV), in which he explained dubious passages of Diony- 
sius in an orthodox sense, he contributed greatly to- 
wards the recognition of Dionysius in the Middle Ages. 
•Another equally indefatigable champion of Dyopny- 
sitism was Anastasius, a monk from the monastery of 
Sinai, who in 640 began his chequered career as a 
wandering preacher. Not only in his "Guide" 
(Mh/yfo), but also in the "Quaestiones" and in the 
seventh book of the "Meditations on the Hexseme- 
ron", he unhesitatingly makes use of different pas- 
sages from Dionysius (P. G., LXXXIX). By this 
time a point had been reached at which the official 
seal, so to speak, could be put upon the Dionysian 
writings. Tne Lateran Council of 649 solemnly re- 
jected the Monothelite heresy (Hardouin, III, 609 
sqq.). Pope Martin I quotes from the D. D. N., ii, 9 : 
iv, 20 and 23; and the "Ep. ad Caium"; speaks of 
the author as "beatae memorise Dionysius", ''Diony- 
sius egregius, sanctus, beatus", and vigorously objects 
to the perversion of the text: una instead of nova dei 
et viri operatic The influence which Maximus ex- 
erted by his personal appearance at the council and 
by his above-mentioned explanation of fearftpuc^ 
ivifTfua is easily recognized ("Dionysius duplicem 
[operationem] duplicis naturae compositivo sermone 
abusus est" — Hardouin, III, 787). Two of the tes- 
timonies of the Fathers which were read in the fifth 
session are taken from Dionysius. Little wonder, 
then, that thenceforth no doubt was expressed con- 
cerning the genuineness of the Areopagitica. Pope 
Agatho, in a dogmatic epistle directed to the Emperor 
Constantine (680) cites among otherpassages from 
the Fathers also the D. D. N., ii, 6. The Sixth (Ecu- 
menical Council of Constantinople (680) followed in 
the footsteps of the Lateran Synod, again defended 
"Ep. iv ad. Caium" against the falsification of 
Pyrrhus, and rejected the meaning which the Mono- 
thelite Patriarch Macarius assigned to the passage 
(Hardouin, III, 1099, 1346, 1066). In the second 
Council of Nicsea (787) we find the ''Celestial Hierar- 
chy" of the "deifer Dionysius" cited against the 
Iconoclasts (Hardouin, IV, 362). Tina finishes the 
first and darkest period in the history of the Areopa- 

S'tica; and it may be summarized as follows. The 
ionysian writings appeared in public for the first 
time m the Monopnysite controversies. The Severians 
made use of them first and were followed by the or- 
thodox. After the religious debate at Constantinople 
in 533 witnesses for the genuineness of the Areopa- 
gitica began to increase among the different heretics. 
Despite the opposition of Hypatius, Dionysius did 
not altogether lose his authonty even among Catho- 
lics, which was due chiefly to Leontius and Epnram of 
Antioch. The number of orthodox Christians who 
defended him grew steadily, comprising high ecclesias- 
tical dignitaries who had come from monasteries. 
Finally, under the influence of Maximus, the Lateran 
Council (649) cited him as a competent witness against 
Monothelism. 

As to the second period, universal recognition of the 
Areopagitic writings in the Middle Ages, we need not 
mention the Greek Church, which is especially proud 
of him ; but neither in the West was a voice raised in 
challenge down to the first half of the fifteenth century ; 
on the contrary, his works were regarded as exceed- 
ingly valuable and even as sacred. It was believed 
that St. Paul, who had communicated his revelations 
to his disciple in Athens, spoke through these writings 
(Histor.-polit. Blatter, CXXV, 1900, p. 541). As 
there is no doubt concerning the fact itself, a glance 
at the main divisions of the tradition may suffice. 
Rome received the original text of the Areopagitica un- 
doubtedly through Greek monks. The oppressions on 
the part of Islam during the sixth and seventh centuries 
V-2 



compelled many Greek and Oriental monks to aban- 
don their homes and settle in Italy. In Rome itself, a 
monastery for Greek monks was built under Stephen 
II and Paul I. It was also Paul I (757-767) who in 
757 sent the writings of Dionysius, together with other 
books, to Pepin in France. Adrian I (772-795) also 
mentioned Dionysius as a testis gravissimus in a letter 
accompanying the Latin translation of the Acts of the 
Nicsean Council (787) which he sent to Charlemagne. 
During the first half of the ninth century the facts con- 
cerning Dionysius are mainly grouped around the 
Abbot Hilduin of Saint-Denys at Pans. Through the 
latter the false idea that the Gallic martyr Dionysius 
of the third century, whose relics were preserved in the 
monastery of Saint-Denys, was identical with the 
Areopagite rose to an undoubted certainty, while 
the works ascribed to Dionysius gained in repute. 
Through a legation from Constantinople, Michael II 
had sent several gtf ts to the Frankish Emperor Louis 
the Pious (827), and among them were the writings of 
the Areopagite, which gave particular joy and honour 
to Hilduin, the influential arch-chaplain of Louis. 
Hilduin took care to have them translated into Latin 
and he himself wrote a life of the saint (P. L., CVI, 13 
sq.). About the year 858 Scotus Eriugena, who was 
versed in Greek, made a new Latin translation of the 
Areopagite, which became the main source from 
which the Middle Ages obtained a knowledge of Diony- 
sius and his doctrines. The work was undertaken at 
the instance of Charles the Bald, at whose court Sco- 
tus enjoyed neat influence (P. L., CXXII, 1026 sq.; 
cf. Traube, ''Poet. lat. «v. Carol.", II, 520, 859 scj.). 
Compared with Hilduin's, this second translation 
marks a decided step in advance. Scotus, with his 
keen dialectical skill and his soaring speculative mind, 
found in the Areopagite a kindred spirit. Hence, de- 
spite many errors of translation due to-the obscurity of 
tne Greek original, he was able to grasp the connexions 
of thought and to penetrate the problems. As he ac- 
companied his translations witn explanatory notes 
and as, in his philosophical and theological writings, 
particularly in the work "De divisione naturae" (P. 
L., CXXII), he recurs again and again to Dionysius, it 
is readily seen how much he did towards securing 
recognition for the Areopagite. 

The works of Dionysius, thus introduced into West- 
ern literature, were readily accepted by the medieval 
Scholastics. The great masters of Saint- Victor at 
Paris, foremost among them the much-admired 
Hugh, based their teaching on the doctrine of Di- 
onysius. Peter Lombard and the greatest Dominican 
and Franciscan scholars, Alexander of Hales, Albertus 
Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Bona venture, adopted his 
theses and arguments. Master poets, e. g. Dante, and 
historians, e. g. Otto of Freising, built on his founda- 
tions. Scholars as renowned as Robert Grosseteste of 
Lincoln and Vincent of Beau vais drew upon him freely. 
Popular religious books, such as the " Legenda aurea" 
of Giacomo da Varagine and the "Life of Mary" by 
Brother Philip, gave him a cordial welcome. The 
great mystics, Eckhardt, Tauler, Suso, and others, 
entered the mysterious obscurity of the writings of 
Dionysius with a holy reverence. In rapid succes- 
sion there appeared a number of translations: Latin 
translations by Joannes Sarrasenus (1170), Robert 
Grosseteste (about 1220), Thomas Vercellensis (1400), 
Ambrosius Camaldulensis (1436), Marsilius Ficinus 
(1492) : in the sixteenth century those of Faber Stapu- 
lensis, Perionius, etc. Among the commentaries that 
of Hugh of Saint- Victor is notable for its warmth, 
that of Albertus Magnus for its extent, that of St. 
Thomas for its accuracy, that of Denys the Carthusian 
for its pious spirit and its masterly inclusion of all 
previous commentaries. 

It was reserved for the period of the Renaissance to 
break with the time-honoured tradition. True, some 
of the older Humanists, as Pico della Mirandola, Map- 



I 



DIOSOORUS 



18 



DIOSOORUS 



tilius Ficinus, and the Englishman John Colet, were still 
convinced of the genuineness of the writings; but the 
keen and daring critic, Laurentius Valla (1407-1457), 
in his glosses to the New Testament, expressed his 
doubts quite openly and thereby gave the impulse, at 
first for the scholarly Erasmus (1504) and later on for 
the entire scientific world, to take sides either with or 
against Dionysius. The conseauence was the forma- 
tion of two camps ; among the adversaries were not only 
Protestants (Luther, Scultetus, Dallaeus, etc.) but also 

grominent Catholic theologians (Beatus Rhenanus, 
ajetan, Morinus, Sirmond, Petavius, Lequien, Le 
Nourry) ; among the defenders of Dionysius were Ba- 
ronius, Bellahnine, Lansselius, Corderius, Halloix, Del- 
rio, de Rubeis, Lessius, Alexander Natalis, and others. 
The literary controversy assumed such dimensions and 
was carried on so vehemently that it can only be com- 
pared to the dispute concerning the Pseudo-Isidorian 
decretals and the Pseudo-Constantinian donation. 
In the nineteenth century the general opinion inclined 
more and more towards the opposition ; the Germans 
especially, Mdhler, Fessler, Dollinger, Hergenrother, 
ALeog, Funk, and others made no reserve of their de- 
cision for the negative. At this juncture the scholarly 
professor Franz Hipler came forward and attempted 
to save the honour of Dionysius. He finds in Diony- 
sius not a falsifier, but a prominent theologian of the 
fourth century who, through no fault of his own, but 
owing to the misinterpretation of some passages, was 
confounded with the Areopagite. Many Catholics, 
and many Protestants as well, voiced their approval. 
Finally, in 1895 there appeared almost simultaneously 
two independent researches, by Hugo Koch and by 
Joseph Stiglmayr, both of whom started from the 
same point and arrived at the same goal. The con- 
clusion reached was that extracts from the treatise of 
the neo-Platonist Proclus, " De malorum subsistentia" 
(handed down in the Latin translation of Morbeka, 
Cousin ed., Paris, 1864), had been used by Dionysius in 
the treatise " De div. nom." (c. iv, §§19-35). A careful 
analysis brought to light an astonishing agreement of 
both works in arrangement, sequence of thought, ex- 
amples, figures, and expressions. It is easy to point out 
many parallelisms from other and later writings of 
Proclus, e. g. from his "Institutio theologica", "Theo- 
logia Platonica", and his commentary on Plato's 
"Parmenides", "Alcijbiades I", and "Timaeus" (these 
five having been written after 462). 

Accordingly, the long-standing problem seems to be 
solved in its most important phase. As a matter of 
fact this is the decision pronounced by the most com- 
petent judges, such as Bardenhewer, Ehrhard, Funk, 
Diekamp, Rausehen, De Smedt, S. J., Duchesne, Batif- 
f ol ; ana the Protestant scholars of early Christian lit- 
erature, Gelzer, Harnack, Kruger, Bonwetsch. The 
chronology being thus determined, an explanation was 
readily found for the various objections hitherto al- 
leged, viz. the silence of the earlier Fathers, the later 
dogmatic terminology, a developed monastic, ceremo- 
nial, and penitential system, the echo of neo-Plato- 
nism, etc. On the other hand it sets at rest many 
hypotheses which had been advanced concerning the 
author and his times and various discussions — 
whether, e. g., a certain Apollinaris, or Synesius, or 
Dionysius Alexandrinus, or a bishop of Ptofemais, or a 
pagan hierophant was the writer. 

A critical edition of the text of the Areopagite is 
urgently needed. The Juntina (1516), that of Basle 
(1539), of Paris (1562 and 1615), and lastly the princi- 
pal edition of Antwerp (1634) by Corderius, S.J., 
which was frequently reprinted (Paris, 1644, 1755, 
1854) and was included in the Migne collection (P. G., 
Ill and IV with Lat. trans, and additions), are insuffi- 
cient because they make use of only a few of the nu- 
merous Greek manuscripts and take no account of the 
Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic translations. The fol- 
lowing translations have thus far appeared in modern 



languages: English, by Lupton (London, 1869) and 
Parker (London, 1894), both of which contain only 
the "Cad. Hierarchia" and the "Eccles. Hier."; Ger- 
man, by Engelhardt (Sulzbaoh, 1823) and Storf, 
"Kirchkche Hierarchie" (Kempten, 1877); French, 
by Darboy (Paris, 1845) and Dulac (Paris, 1865). 

For the older literature, cf. Chevalier, Bio. bihl. (Paris,. 
1905). Recent works treating of Dionysius: Hipler, Dionu- 
eiue der Areopagite, Untenuchunqen (Ratisbon, 1861); Idem in 
Kirchenlex., s. v.; Schneider, Areopagitioa, Verteidigung ihrer 
Echtheit (Ratisbon, 1886); Fbothinqham. Stephen Bar Sudaili 
(Leyden, 1886); Stiqlmayr, Der Neuplatoniker ProHue ale 
Vorlage dee tog. Dionysius Areopagila in der Lehre vom Uebel in 
Hist. Jahrb. der Gurres-GeseUschaft (1895), pp. 253-273 and 721- 
748: Idem, Das Aufkommen der pseudo-aionytischen Schriften 
und ihr Eindringen in die chrietliche Literatur bis sum Lateran' 
konxil (Feldkircn, Austria, 1895); Koch, Der pseudepigraphi- 
sche Charakter der dionysischen Schriften in Theol. Quartal- 
schrift (Tubingen. 1895), pp. 353-420; Idem, Proklut, ale 
Quelle dee Pseudo-Dionystus Areop. in der Lehre vom Bnsen in 
Philalogus (1895), pp. 438-454; Stiqlmayr, Controversy with 
Drasere, Lanoen, and Nirschl in Bysantinische Zettsehrift 
(1898), pp. 91-110. and (1899), pp. 263-301. and Histor.-polit. 
Blatter (1900), CXXV, pp. 541-550 and 613-627; Idem, Die 
Lehre von den Sakramenten und der Kirche nodi Peeudo-Dionv- 
eiue in Zeitschrift fUr kath. Theol. (Innsbruck. 1898). pp. 24&- 
303; Idem. Die Eschatologie dee Pseudo-Dionysius, ibid. (1899), 
pp. 1-21; Koch, Ps.-Dionytius Areop. in eeinen Beziehungen turn 
Neoplatpnismus und Mysterienwesen (Mains, 1900). See also 
the articles on Dionysius the Areopagite in the Patrologie of 
Bardenhewer (Freiburg, 1901), in the Realeneyk. fiir prot. 
Theol., and in the Did. of Christian Biography. 

Jos. Stiqlmayr. 

Dioscorns, Anttpopb, b. at Alexandria, date un- 
known; d. 14 October, 530. Originally a deacon of 
the Church of Alexandria, he was adopted into the 
ranks of the Roman clergy, and by his commanding 
abilities soon acquired considerable influence in the 
Church of Rome. Under Pope St. Symmachus he 
was sent to Ravenna on an important mission to 
Theodoric the Goth, and later, under Pope Hormisdas, 
served with great distinction as papal apocrisiarius, or 
legate, to the court of Justinian at Constantinople. 
During the pontificate of Felix IV he-became the rec- 
ognized head of the Byzantine party — a party in 
Rome which opposed the growing influence and power 
of a rival faction, the Gothic, to which the pope in- 
clined? To prevent a possible contest for the papacy, 
Pope Felix IV, shortly before his death, had taken the 
unprecedented step of appointing his own successor 
in the person of tne aped Archdeacon Boniface, his 
trusted friend and adviser. When, however, on the 
death of Felix (Sept., 530) Boniface II succeeded him, 
the great majority of the Roman priests — sixty out of 
sixty-seven — refused to accept the new pope and 
elected in his stead the Greek Dioscorns (17 Sept., 
530). Both popes were consecrated on the same day 
(22 Sept., 530), Dioscorns in the basilica of Constantine 
(the Lateran) and Boniface in an aula (hall) of the 
Lateran Palace, known as the basilica Julii. Fortu- 
nately for the Roman Church, the schism which followed 
was but of short duration, for in less than a month (14 
Oct., 530) Dioscorns died, and the presbyters who had 
elected him wisely submitted to Boniface. In Decem- 
ber, 530, Boniface convened a synod at Rome and 
issued a decree anathematizing Dioscorns as an in- 
truder. He at the same time (it is not known by 
what means) secured the signatures of the sixty pres- 
byters to his late rival's condemnation, and caused the 
document to be deposited in the archives of the 
Church. The anathema against Dioscorns was, how- 
ever, subsequently removed, and the document 
solemnly burned toy Pope Agapetus I (535). (See 
Boniface II.) 

Liber Pontifioalia, ed. Duchesne (Paris, 1886), I, 281 eq.; 
Jafte, Regesta Romanorum Pontifieum (2nd ed., Leipsig, 1885), 
1,11 1-12. In 1893 Amelli discovered the documents bearing on 
the election of 630, in the chapter library of Novara, and pub- 
lished them with his comments in Seuola Catiolioa (Milan), XXI, 
fascic. 123; Cbeaqh in The Amer. Bed. Rev., XXV1I1 (Jan., 
1903), 41-50; Theologische QuartaUchrift (1903), 91 sqj Griaab, 
Getch. Rome und der Papste (Freiburg; im Br., 1901), I, 494 sq.; 
Wubm, Papstwahl (Cologne, 1902), 12 sq. 

Thomas Oestreich. 



DIOSOURUS 



19 



DIOSOURUS 



Dioscurus, Bishop of Alexandria (also written 
Dioscorus; Dioscurus from the analogy of Dioscuri), 
date of birth unknown; d. at Gangra, in Asia Minor, 
11 Sept., 454. He had been archdeacon under St. 
Cyril, whom he succeeded in 444. Soon afterwards 
Theodoret, who had been on good terms with Cyril 
since 433, wrote him a polite letter, in which he 
speaks of the report of Dioscurus's virtues and his 
modesty. In such a letter no contrary report would 
be mentioned, and we cannot infer much from these 
vague expressions. The peace established between 
John of Antioch and Cyril seems to have continued 
between their successors until 448, when Domnus, the 
successor and nephew of John, had to judge the case 
of Ibas, Bishop of Edessa, who was accused of heresy 
and many crimes by the Cyrillian party. Domnus ac- 

?[uitted ft>as. The Cyrillian monks of Osrhoene were 
urious, and betook themselves to Dioscurus as their 
natural protector. Dioscurus wrote to Domnus, com- 
plaining that he championed the Nestorian Ibas and 
Theodoret. Domnus and Theodoret both replied 
defending themselves, and showing their perfect or- 
thodoxy. The accusers of Ibas went to the court at 
Constantinople, where the feeble Theodosius II was 
only too ready to mix in ecclesiastical quarrels. From 
him the Cyrillians obtained a decree against the Nes- 
torians, and in particular against Irenaeus, who had 
befriended the Nestorians at the Council of Ephesus, 
where he was in authority as imperial representative; 
he was now deposed from the Bishopric of Tyre which 
he had obtained. Theodoret was forbidden to leave 
his Diocese of Cyrrhus. In September a new Bishop 
of Tyre was appointed, and the Patriarch Domnus, 
feeling that Dioscurus was about to triumph, wrote to 
* Flavian of Constantinople in order to get his support. 
Alexandria had of old been the first secof the East and 
was now only surpassed in power by the imperial city. 
The Egyptian patriarch had vast civil and political 
influence, as well as an almost autocratic sway over 
a hundred bishops and a great army of monks, who 
were heart and soul devoted to the memory of Cyril, 
and rather fervent than discriminating in their ortho- 
doxy. Constantinople had been granted the next 
dignity after Rome by the great Council of 381, and 
tnis humiliation of Alexandria had embittered the 
lone-standing rivalry between the two sees. Antioch 
had always tended to support Constantinople, and 
Domnus was now ready to grant precedence to Fla- 
vian. Dioscurus, he said, had already complained 
that he, Domnus, was betraying the rights of Antioch 
and Alexandria in admitting the canon of 381, which 
had never been accepted by Alexandria or Rome. 
But Flavian was not a helpful ally, for he had ne- 
glected to obtain the favour of the eunuch Chrysa- 
phius, who was all-powerful at court. An unforeseen 
incident was now to set the world in a blaze. At a 
council held by Flavian in November of the same year, 
448, Eusebius of Dorylseum accused the Archiman- 
drite Eutyches of teaching one nature only in Christ. 
He was treated with all consideration, but his obsti- 
nacy made it unavoidable that he should be deposed 
and excommunicated. Now Eutyches was godfather 
to Chrysaphius, and "one nature" was precisely the 
unfortunate expression of St. Cyril, which his fol- 
lowers were already interpreting in a heretical sense. 
Eutyches therefore at once became the martyr of 
Cyrulianism; and though he was not a writer nor a 
theologian, he has given his name to the Monophysite 
heresy, into which the whole Cyrillian party now 
plunged once for all. 

The Cyrillians were further incensed by the failure 
of their second attempt to convict Ibas. They had 
procured an order from the emperor, 25 Oct., 448, for a 
fresh trial. The bishops who met for this purpose at 
Tyre in Feb., 449, were obliged by the violence of the 
Eastern monks to transfer some of their sittings to 
Berytus. At the end of the month Ibas was excul- 



pated, though the emperor was known to be against 
him. Dioscurus and his party replied by an unex- 
pected stroke ; in March they induced the emperor to 
issue an invitation to all the greater bishops to attend 
with their suffragans a general council to be held at 
Ephesus in August. It was indeed not unreasonable 
to desire some permanent settlement of the intermit- 
tent war, and the pope, St. Leo I, warmly accepted 
the emperor's proposition, or rather order. Eutyches 
had written to him, pretending that he had appealed 
at the time of his condemnation, and promising to 
abide by his judgment. He wrote also to other 
bishops, and we still possess the reply sent to him by 
St. Peter Chrysologus, Bishop of Ravenna, where the 
court of Valentinian III, the Western emperor, had its 
head-quarters. St. Peter tells him to await the decision 
of the pope, who alone can judge a case concerning the 
Faith. SU Leo at first complained that the matter 
had not at once been referred to him, then, on finding 
that a full account sent by St. Flavian had been acci- 
dentally delayed, wrote a compendious explanation 
of the whole doctrine involved, and sent it to St. 
Flavian as a formal and authoritative decision of the 
question. He reproves Flavian's council for want of 
severity to an expression of Eutyches, but adds that 
the archimandrite may be restored if he repent. This 
letter, the most famous of all Christian antiquity, is 
known as "St. Leo's Tome". He sent as legates to 
the council a bishop named Julius, a priest, Kenatus 
(he died on the way), and the deacon Hilarus, after- 
wards pope. St. Leo expresses his regret that the 
sho/tness of the notice must prevent the presence of 
any other bishop of the West. It is probable that this 
difficulty had been anticipated by Dioscurus, who had 
answered an appeal from Eutyches in a different 
strain. He regarded him as a down-trodden disciple 
of the great Cyril, persecuted by the Nestorian Flavian. 
As his predecessor Peter had appointed a bishop for 
Constantinople, and as Theophilus had judged St. 
Chrysostom, so Dioscurus, with the air of a superior, 
actually declared Eutyches absolved and restored. 
In April Eutyches obtained a slight revision of the 
Acts of the council which had condemned him. In* 
the same month the case of Ibas was again exam- 
ined, by the emperor's order, this time at Edessa it- 
self, and by a lay inquisitor, Cheraeas, the Governor of 
Osrhoene. The people received him with shouts 
against Ibas. No defence was heard. On the arrival 
of Cheneas's report, the emperor wrote commanding 
the presence of Ibas 's most furious accuser, the monk 
Bar Tsaouma (Barsumas), and other monks at the 
approaching council. In all this we see the influence 
of Dioscurus dominant. In March Theodosius had 
prohibited Theodoret from coming to the council. On 
6 August he shows some fear that his order may be 
disregarded, in a letter in which he constitutes Dio- 
scurus president of the synod. 

The council met at Ephesus on 8 Aug., 449. It was 
to have been oecumenical in authority, but it was 
dubbed by St. Leo a latrocinium, and "The Robber 
Council" has been its title ever since. A full history 
of it would be out of place here (see Ephesus, Robber 
Council of). It is only necessary to say that the 
assembly was wholly dominated by Dioscurus. 
Flavian was not allowed to sit as a bishop, but was on 
his trial. When Stephen, Bishop of Ephesus, wished 
to give Communion to Flavian s clergy, he was at- 
tacked by soldiers and monks of Eutyches, 300 in num- 
ber, who cried out that Stephen was the enemy of the 
emperor, since he received the emperor's enemies. 
Eutyches was admitted to defend himself, but the 
other side was only so far heard that the Acts of the 
council which had condemned him were read in full. 
Not content with restoring Eutyches, Dioscurus pro- 
ceeded to the deposition of Flavian. This bold meas- 
ure could only be carried by terrorism. The soldiers 
and monks were brought into the council, and many 



DXOSOURUS 



20 



DIOSOURU8 



bishops were forced to sign a blank paper. The papal 
legate Hilarus uttered the protest Contradicitur, and 
saved himself by flight. Flavian and Eusebius of 
Dorylseum (q. v.) appealed to the pope, and their let- 
ters, only lately discovered, were probably taken by 
Hilarus to Rome, which he reached by a devious route. 
St. Flavian was thrown into prison, and died in three 
days of the blows and ill usage he had received. The 
bishops who were present gave their testimony, when 
the Acts were publicly read at the Council of Chalce- 
don, to the violence used at Ephesus. No doubt they 
exaggerated somewhat, in order to excuse their own 
base compliance. But there were too many witnesses 
to allow them to falsify the whole affair; and we have 
also the witness of the letters of Hilarus, of Eusebius, 
and of Flavian, and the martyrdom of the latter, to 
confirm the charges against Dioscurus. 

No more was read at Chalcedon of the Acts. But 
at this point begin the Syriac Acts of the Robber 
Council, which tell us of the carrying out by Dioscurus 
of a thoroughgoing but short-sighted policy. The 
papal legates came no more to the council, and Dom- 
nus excused himself through illness. A few other 
bishops withdrew or escaped, leaving 101 out of the 
original 128, and some nine new-comers raised the 
total to 110. The deposition of Ibas was voted with 
cries, such as "Let him be burned in the midst of 
Antioch". The accused was not present, and no wit- 
nesses for the defence were heard. Daniel, Bishop of 
Haran, nephew of Ibas, was degraded. Irenaeus of 
Tyre, already deposed, was anathematized. Then it 
was the turn of the leaders of the Antiochene party. 
Ibas had been accused of immorality and a misuse' of 
ecclesiastical property, as well as of heresy; no such 
charges could be made against the great Theodoret : 
his character was unblemished, and his orthodoxy had 
been admitted by St. Cyril himself. Nevertheless his 
earlier writings, in which he had incautiously and 
with incorrect expressions attacked St. Cyril and de- 
fended Nestorius, were now raked up against him. 
None ventured to dissent from the sentence of deposi- 
tion pronounced by Dioscurus, which ordered his 
writings to be burnt. If we may believe the Acts, 
Domnus, from his bed of real or feigned sickness, gave 
a general assent to all that the council had done. But 
this could not save him from the accusation of favour- 
ing Nestorians. He was deposed without a word of 
defence being heard, and a new patriarch, Maximus, 
was set up in his place. 

So ended the council. Dioscurus proceeded to 
Constantinople, and there made his own secretary, 
Anatolius, bishop of the city. One foe remained. 
Dioscurus had avoided reading the pope's letter to 
the Council of Ephesus, though he promised more 
than once to do so. He evidently could not then ven- 
ture to contest the pope's ruling as to the Faith. But 
now, with his own creatures on the thrones of Antioch 
v and Constantinople, and sure of the support of Chrysa- 
phius, he stopped at Nicaea, and with ten bishops 
launched an excommunication against St. Leo him- 
self. It would be vain to attribute all these acts to 
the desire of his own aggrandizement. Political 
motives could not have led him so far. He must have 
known that in attacking thepope he could have no 
help from the bishops of the West or from the Western 
emperor. It is clear that he was genuinely infatuated 
with his heresy, and was fighting in its interests with 
all his might. 

The pope, on hearing the report of Hilarus, immedi- 
ately annulled the Acts of tne council, absolved all 
those whom it had excommunicated, ana excommuni- 
cated the hundred bishops who had taken part in it. 
He wrote to Theodosius II insisting on the necessity 
of a council to be held in Italy, under his own direc- 
tion. The emperor, with the obstinacy of a weak man, 
supported the council, and paid no attention to the 
intervention of his sister, St. Pulcheria, nor to that of 



his colleague, Valentinian III, who, with his mother 
Galla Placidia, and his wife, the daughter of Theodo- 
sius, wrote to him at St. Leo's suggestion. The rea- 
sons given to the pope by Theodosius for his conduct 
are unknown, for his letters to Leo are lost. In June 
or July, 450, he died of a fall from his horse, and was 
succeeded by his sister Pulcheria, who took for her 
colleague and nominal husband the excellent general 
Marcian. St. Leo, now sure of the support of the 
rulers of the East, declared a council unnecessary; 
many bishops had already signed his Tome, and the 
remainder would do so without difficulty. But the 
new emperor had already taken steps to carry out the 
pope's wish, by a council not indeed in Italy, which 
was outside his jurisdiction, but in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Constantinople, where he could him-, 
self watch its proceedings ana ensure its orthodoxy. 
St. Leo therefore agreed, and sent legates who this 
time were to preside. 

Hie council, in the intention of both pope and em- 
peror, was to accept and enforce the definition given 
long since from Rome. Anatolius was ready enough 
to please the emperor by signing the Tome; and at 
Pulcheria 's intercession he was accepted as bishop by 
St. Leo. The latter permitted the restoration to com- 
munion of those bishops who repented their conduct 
at the Robber Council, with tne exception of Dio- 
scurus and of the leaders of that synod, whose case he 
first reserved to the Apostolic See, and then committed 
to the council. The synod met at Chalcedon, and its 
six hundred bishops made it the largest of ancient 
councils (see Chalcedon, (Ecumenical Council of). 
The papal legates presided, supported by lay commis- 
sioners appointed by the emperor, who were in practice 
the real presidents, since the legates did not speak 
Greek. The first point raised was the position of Dio- 
scurus. He had taken his seat, but the legates ob- 
jected that he was on his trial. The commissioners 
asked for the charge against him to be formulated, and 
it was replied that he had held a council without the 
permission of the Apostolic See, a thing which had 
never been permitted. This statement was difficult to 
explain, before the discovery of the Syriac Acts; but 
we now know that Dioscurus had continued his 
would-be general council for many sessions after the 
papal legates had taken their departure. The com- 
missioners ordered him to sit in the midst as accused. 
(A sentence in this passage of the Acts is wrongly 
translated in the old Latin version; this was care- 
lessly followed by Hefele, who thus led Bright into the 
error of supposing that the commissioners addressed 
to the legates a rebuke they meant in reality for Dio- 
scurus.) The Alexandrian patriarch was now as 
much deserted by his own party as his victims had 
been deserted at Ephesus by their natural defenders. 
Some sixty bishops, Egyptian, Palestinian, and Iily- 
rian, were on his side, but were afraid to say a word in 
his defence, though they raised a great commotion at 
the introduction into the assembly of Theodoret, who 
had been especially excluded from the Council of 
Ephesus. The Acts of the first session of the Robber 
Council were read, continually interrupted by the dis- 
claimers of the bishops. The leaders of that council, 
Juvenal of Jerusalem, Thalassius of Ceesarea, Maximus 
of Antioch. now declared that Flavian was orthodox; 
Anatolius had long since gone over to the winning 
side. Dioscurus alone stood his ground. He was at 
least no time-server, and he was a convinced heretic. 
After this session he refused to appear. At the second 
session (the third, according to the printed texts and 
Hefele, but the Ballerini are right in inverting the 
order of the second and third sessions) the case of Dio- 
scurus was continued. Petitions against him from 
Alexandria were read. In these he was accused of in- 
justice and cruelty to the family of Cyril and of many 
other crimes, even against the emperor and the State. 
How much of this was true it is impossible to say, as 



DIOSPOLIS 



21 



DIPLOMATICS 



Dioscurus refused to appear or to make any defence. 
The accusations were dropped, and judgment must 
necessarily go against Dioecurus, if only for contempt 
of court. The bishops therefore repeatedly de- 
manded that the legates should deliver judgment. 
Paschasinus, therefore, the senior legate, recited the 
crimes of Dioscurus— he had absolved Eutyches con- 
trary to the canons, even before the council; he was 
still contumacious when others asked for pardon; he 
had not had the pope's letter read; he had excommu- 
nicated the pope; he had been thrice formally cited 
and had refused to appear — "Wherefore the most 
holy and blessed Archbishop of elder Rome, Leo, by 
us and the present most holy council, together with 
the thrice blessed and praiseworthy Peter the Apostle, 
who is the rock and base of the Catholic Church and 
the foundation of the orthodox Faith, has stripped 
him of the episcopal and of all sacerdotal dimity. 
Wherefore this most holy and great council will decree 
that which is in accordance with the canons against 
the aforesaid Dioscurus." All the bishops signified 
their agreement in a few words, and then all signed 
the papal sentence. A short notice of his deposition 
was sent to Dioscurus. It is taken almost word for 
•word from that sent to Nestorius by the Council of 
Ephesus twenty years before. With the rest of the 
council — its definition of the Faith imposed upon it by 
Pope Leo. its rehabilitation of Theodoret and of Ibas, 
etc. — we nave nothing to do. Dioscurus affected to 
ridicule his condemnation, saying that he should soon 
be restored. But the council decreed that he was in- 
capable of restoration, and wrote in this sense to the 
emperors, reciting his crimes. He was banished to 
Gangra in Paphlagpnia, where he died three years 
later. The whole of Egypt revered him as the true 
representative of Cyrilfian teaching, and from this 
time forth the Patriarchate of Alexandria was lost to 
the Church. Dioscurus has been honoured in it as its 
teacher, and it has remained Eutychian to the present 
day. 

The chief authority for the events which preceded the Robber 
Council (besides some letters of Theodoret) is the Syriac version 
of the Acts of that council, published from a codex of 535 in the 
Brit. Mus.; Secundam Synodum Ephesinam necnon excerpta 
qua ad earn pertinent . . . , Perry ed. (Oxford, 1875): The 
second Synod of Ephesus, from Syriac MSS., tr. by Perry 
(Dartford, 1881); German tr. by Hoffmann, Verhandlungen 
der Kirchenversammlung zu Ephesus am xxii. August CDXLIX 
aus einer syrischen US. (Kiel, 1873); the best dissertations on 
it are Martin. Le Pseudo-Synode connu dans Vhistoire sous le 
nam de brigandage (TEphese, Hudii d'apres sea odes, en syriooue 
(Paris, 1875), and articles by the same in Rev. des Qu. Hut., 
XVI (1874), and in Rev. des Sciences Eccl., IX-X; also Labgent 
in Rev. des Qu. Hist., XXVII (1880); Rivington, The Roman 
Primacy, USO-UB1 (London. 1800). Dr. Rivington has well 
noted the mistakes of Bright, but he has fallen into some him- 
self, e. c. when he calls Dioscurus the nephew of St. Cyril or 
blames him for ignoring the so-called Constantinopolitan Creed. 
The appeals of Flavian and Eusebius were first published by 
Amixi, San Leone Magna e VOriente (Rome, 1882, and Monte- 
cassino, 1800) and with other documents in his SptcUeg. Cassin. 
(Montecassino, 1803); also by Mommbkn, in Neues Archiv der 
GeseUschaft fur alters deutsche Oeschichtskunde, XI (1886). The 
older historians, who wrote before the discovery of the Syriac 
Acts, are antiquated as regards Dioscurus, including Hefele 
(but we await the next volume of the new French edition by 
Leclercq), and Bright, with the exception of his posthumous 
The Age of the Fathers (London, 1003). For more genera) 
literature see Chalcedon; a fragment of a letter of Dioscurus 
written from Gangra to the Alexandrians is found in the 
Antirrhetica of Nicephorus in Pitra, SpicUeg. SoUsm., IV. 
380. A panegyric on Macarius of Tkhoo. preserved in Coptic, 
is not genuine Jpubluihed by Amelinkatj, Monum. pour servir 
a rhist. de VEgypte chr. au A<~ et 5*" siedes (Paris, 1888), 
see Revillout in Rev. Egyptd., 1880-2]. A Coptic life has 
been published in French and Syriac by F. Nau, Hisioire de 
Dioscore . . -par son disciple ThSophisU, in Journal Asiatique, 
X M sene (1003) 5.241; Coptic fragments of the paneg. and the 
lifepub. by Crum, in Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Archaol. 
(1007), xxv, 267. A letter to Dioscunis from St. Leo, 21 June, 
445 (Ep. xi), is interesting. The pope, politely but peremp- 
torily, orders ail ordinations of priests and deacons to be in the 
night between Saturday and Sunday; also that on festivals 
when there is a great concourse the Sacrifice is to be repeated 
m often as the basilica is refilled, that none may be deprived 
of his devotion. 

John Chapman. 
Diospolis, Diocese of. See Sebabte. 



Diospolis, Synod, of. See Pelagianism. 

Diplomatics, Papal. — The word diplomatics, fol- 
lowing a Continental usage which long ago found 
recognition in Mabillon's " De Re Diplomat ica", has of 
late come to denote also in English the science of an- 
cient official documents, more especially of those 
emanating from the chanceries of popes, kings, emper- 
ors, and other authorities possessing a recognized 
jurisdiction. Etymologicallydtpkwio/ic* should mean 
the science of diplomas, and diploma, in its classical 
acceptation, signified only a permit to use the cursus 
publtcus (i. e. the public posting-service), or else a dis- 
charge accorded to veteran soldiers and imparting cer- 
tain privileges. But the scholars of the Renaissance 
erroneously supposed that diploma was the correct 
classical term for any sort of charter, and from them 
the word came into use among jurists and historians 
and obtained general currency. 

History of Diplomatics. — There is abundant evi- 
dence that during the Middle Ages a certain watchful- 
ness, necessitated unfortunately by the prevalence of 
forgeries of all kinds, was exercised over the authen- - 
ticity of papal Bulls, royal charters, and other instru- 
ments. In this control of documents and in the 
precautions taken against forgery the Chancery of the 
Holy See set a good example. Thus we find Gregory 
VII refraining even from attaching the usual leaden 
seal to a Bull for fear it should fall into unscrupulous 
hands and be used for fraudulent purposes (Dubitavi- 
mus hie sigillum plumbeum ponere ne si illud inimici 
caperent de eo lalsitatem aliquam facerent. — Jaff6- 
Lowenfeld, "Regesta", no. 6225; cf. no. 5242); while 
we owe to Innocent III various rudimentary instruc- 
tions in the science of diplomatics with a view to the 
detection of forgeries (see Migne, P. L., CCXIV, 202, 
322, etc.). Seeing that even an ecclesiastic of the 
standing of Lanfranc has been seriously accused of con- 
niving at the fabrication of Bulls (H. Bdhmer, " Die 
Falschungen Erzbischof Lanf ranks ", 1902; cf. Lieber- ' 
mann's review in " Deutsche Literatunseitung", 1902, 
p. 2798, and the defence of Lanfranc by L. Saltet in 
* Bulletin de litt. eccl.", Toulouse, 1907, 227 sqq.), the 
need of some system of tests is obvious. But the 
medieval criticism of documents was not very satis- 
factory even in the hands of a jurist like Alexander III 
(see his comments on two pretended privileges of 
Popes Zachariasand Leo, Jaff6-L6wenfeld, " Regesta", 
no. 11,896). and though Laurentius Valla, the human- 
ist, was right in denouncing the Donation of Constan- 
tino, and though the Magdeburg Centuriator, Matthias 
Flacius, was right in attacking the Forged Decretals, 
their methods, in themselves, were often crude and 
inconclusive. The true science of diplomatics dates, 
in fact, only from the great Benedictine Mabillon 
(1632-1707), whose fundamental work, " De Re Diplo- 
ma tica" (Paris, 1681), was written to correct the mis- 
leading principles advocated in the criticism of ancient 
documents by the Boilandist Father Papenbroeck 
(Papebroch). To the latter 's credit be* it said that 
he at once publicly recognized the value of his rival's 
work and adopted his system. Other scholars were 
not so discerning, and assailants, like Germon and 
Hardouin in France, and, in less degree, George Hickes 
in England, rejected Mabillon's criteria; but the ver- 
dict of posterity is entirely in his favour, so that M. 
Giry quotes with approval the words of Dom Toustain: 
"His system is the true one. Whoever follows any 
other road cannot fail to lose his way. Whoever seeks 
to build on any other foundation will build upon the 
sand." In point of fact, all that has been done since 
Mabillon's time has been to develop his methods and 
occasionally to modify his judgments upon some point 
of detail . After the issue of a " Supplement ' ' in 1704, 
a second, enlarged and improved edition of the " De 
Re Diplomatic* " was prepared by Mabillon himself 
and published in 1709, after his death, by his pupil, 



DIPTYOH 



22 



DIPTYCH 



Dom Ruinart. Seeing, however, that this pioneer 
work had not extended to any documents later than 
the thirteenth century and had taken no account of 
certain classes of papers, such as the ordinary letters 
of the popes and privileges of a more private character, 
two other Benedictines of St-Maur, Dom Toustain ana 
Dom Tassin, compiled a work in six large quarto vol- 
umes, with many facsimiles etc., known as the "Nou- 
veau Traits de Diplomatique" (Paris, 1750-1765)* 
which, though it marks but a small advance on Mabil- 
lon's own treatise, has been widely used, and has been 
presented in a more summary form by Dom Vaines 
and others. 

With the exception of some useful works specially 
consecrated to particular countries (e. g. Maffei, " Is- 
toria diplomatica", Mantua, 1727, unfinished; and 
Muraton, "De Diplomatibus Antiquis", included in 
his " Antiquitates Italic®", 1740, vol. Ill), as also the 
treatise of G. Marini on papyrus documents (I papiri 
diplomatici, Rome, 1805), no great advance was made 
in the science for a century and a half after Mabillon's 
death. The " Dictionnaire raisonne* de diplomatique 
chre'tienne", by M. Quentin, which forms part of 
Migne's "Encyclopedia", is a rather unskilful digest 
of older works, and the sumptuous " " Elements de 
paleographie" of de Wailly (2 vols., 4to. 1838) has lit- 
tle independent merit. But within the last fifty years 
immense progress has been made in all diplomatic 
knowledge, and not least of all in the study of papal 
documents. In the bibliography appended to the 
articles Bulls and Briefs and Bullarium, the reader 
will find references to the more important works. 
Amongst the pioneers of this revival the names of 
Leopold Delisle, the chief librarian of the Bibliotheque 
Nationale, Paris, and of M. de Mas-Latrie, professor at 
the Ecole de Chartres, as well as that of Julius von 
Pflugk-Harttung, the editor of a magnificent series of 
facsimiles of papal Bulls, deserve to occupy a foremost 
place ; but their work has been carried on in Germany 
and elsewhere, often by those who are not themselves 
Catholics. It must be obvious that the photographic 
reproductions of documents which can now be pro- 
cured so easily and cheaply have enormously facili- 
tated that process of minute comparison of documents 
which forms the basis of all palasographic studies. 
Further, the improvement in the cataloguing and the 
extension of facilities under Pope Leo XIII in such 
great libraries as that of the Vatican have made their 
contents much more accessible and have rendered pos- 
sible such a calendar of early papal Bulls as has been 
appearing since 1902, being the results of the researches 
or Messrs. P. Kehr, A. Brackmann, and W. Wieder- 
hold, in " Nachrichten der Gdttingen Gesellschaf t der 
Wissenschaften". Of the series of papal regesta now 
being published by various scholars, especially by 
members of the Ecole Franchise de Rome, a sufficient 
account has been given in the second part of the article 
Bullarium. Still greater progress in the study of 
diplomatics is no doubt to be looked for from the facili- 
ties afforded By the recently founded journal, " Archiv 
fur Urkundenforschung" (Leipzig, 1907), edited by 
Messrs. Karl Brandi, H. Bresslau, and M. Tangl, all 
acknowledged masters in this subject. 

Subject-Matter op Papal Diplomatics. — As this 
topic has already been treated in part in the article 
Bulls and Briefs, it will be sufficient here to recall 
the principal elements in the process of expediting 
ancient papal documents, all of which need special 
attention. We have first of all the officials who are 
concerned in the preparation of such instruments and 
who collectively form the " Chancery ' \ The constitu- 
tion of the Chancery, which in the case of the Holy See 
seems to date back to a schola notariorum, with a primi- 
ceriuB at its head, of which we hear under Pope Ju- 
lius I (337-352), varied from period to period, and the 
part played by the different officials composing it 
necessarily varied also. Besides the Holy See, each 



bishop also had some sort of chancery for the issue of 
his own episcopal Acts? An acquaintance with the 
procedure of the Chancery is clearly only a study pre- 
paratory to the examination of the document itself. 
Secondly, we have the text of the document. As the 
position of the Holy See became more fully recognized, 
the business of the Chancery increased, and we note a 
marked tendency to adhere strictly to the forms pre- 
scribed by traditional usage. Various collections of 
these formulas, of which the " Liber Diurnus" is one of 
the most ancient, were compiled at an early date. 
Many others will be found in the "Receuil general 
des formules" by de Roziere (Paris, 1861-1871), 
though these, like the series published by Zeumer 
(Formulae Merovingici et Karolini sevi, Hanover, 1886), 
are mainly secular in character. After the text of the 
document, which of course varies according to its na- 
ture, and in which not merely the wording but also the 
rhythm (the so-called cwrnut) has often to be con- 
sidered, attention must he paid (1) to the manner of 
dating, (2) to the signatures, (3) to the attestations of 
witnesses etc., (4) to the seals and the attachment of 
the seals, (5) to the material upon which it is written 
and to the manner of folding, as well as (6) to the 
handwriting — under this last heading the whole science 
of palaeography may be said to be involved. 

All these matters fall within the scope of diplomatics, 
and all offer different tests for the authenticity of any 
given document. There are other details which often 
need to be considered, for example the Tironian (or 
shorthand) notes, which are of not infrequent occur- 
rence in primitive Urkunden, both papal and imperial, 
and which have only begun of late years to be ade- 
quately investigated (see Tangl, "Die tironischen 
Noten T ', in "Archiv fur Urkundenforschung", 1907, 
I, 87-166). A special section in any comprehensive 
study of diplomatics is also likely to be devoted to 
spurious documents, of which, as already stated, the 
number is surprisingly great. 

Besides the books referred to in the course of this article see 
the bibliography of the article Bulla and Briefs. A larger 
selection of authorities may be found in such treatises as those 
of Girt, Manuel de Diplomatique (Paris, 1804); and Bresslau, 
Handbuch der Urkundenlehre (Leipzig, 1889), I. One very use- 



- - B jy 

ful work for the study of papal diplomatics, the Practioa Cancel- 
larva ApottoHccr, ed. Schmitz-Kallenberq (Munich, 1904). 
though confined to the working of the Chancery at the close of 
the fifteenth century, is valuable for the indirect light thrown on 
other periods. Consult also the important work of Tangl, Die 
p&petltchen Kamlei-Ordnungen von 1900-1500 (Innsbruck, 1894); 
Erben, Urkundenlehre (Munich, 1907); and Rosenmund, Die 
FortschriUe der Diplomatik eeii Mabillon (Munich. 1897), though 
these last two books hare little directly to do with papal docu- 
ments. In A. Meister's important work on early ciphers. Die 
Anf&nge der modemen diplomaliechen Geheinuehrift (raderborn. 




berg to the QrundrisederGtechichtsvriMenschaft (Leipzig, 1906), 
vol. I, pp. 172-230. 

Herbert Thurston. 

Diptych (or Diptychon, Gr. blxrvxow from ftfo, 
twice, and rrAnretr, to fold), a sort of notebook, 
formed by the union of two tablets, placed one upon 
the other and united by rings or by a hinge. These 
tablets were made of wood, ivory, bone, or metal. 
Their inner surfaces had ordinarily a raised frame and 
were covered with wax, upon which characters were 
scratched by means of a stylus. Diptychs were 
known amongthe Greeks from the sixth century be- 
fore Christ. They served 'as copy-books for the exer- 
cise of penmanship, for correspondence, and various 
other uses. The Roman military certificates, privi- 
legia militum, were a kind of diptych. Between the 
two tablets others were sometimes inserted, and the 
diptych would then be called a triptych, polyptych, 
etc. The term diptych is often restricted to a 
highly ornamented type of notebooks. They were 
generally made out of ivory with carved work, and 
were sometimes from twelve to sixteen inches in 
height. In the fourth and fifth centuries a distinction 




IVORY DIPTYCH, X CENTURY THE LOUVRE 
IVORY DIPTYCH (LEGEND OF S. DENIS), XIV CENTURY, MUSEE DE CLUNY 



DIPTYOH 



23 



DIPTYOH 



arose between profane and ecclesiastical (liturgical) 
diptychs, the former being frequently given as pres- 
ents by high-placed persons. It was customary to 
commemorate in this way one's elevation to a public 
office, or any event of personal importance, e. g. a 
marriage. The consuls, on the day of the installation, 
were wont to offer diptychs to their friends and even 
to the emperor. Those presented to the latter often 
had a bonier of gold and were quite large. Their tab- 
lets often exhibited on a central plate the portrait of 
the sovereign, surrounded by four other plates. The 
(undated) Barberini ivory at the Louvre is thus con- 
structed and once served as an ecclesiastical diptych 
(see below). Some believe it to be the binding of a 
book offered to the emperor. Strzygowski holds it to 
be of Egyptian origin and thinks that the portrait is 
that of Constantine the Great, defender of the Faith. 
The oldest dated consular diptych is that of Probus 
(406); it is kept in the treasury of the cathedral of 
Aosta, Piedmont. The latest is that of the Eastern 
consul, Basilius (541), one tablet of which is at the 
Uffizi Museum in Florence and the other at the Brera 
in Milan. The Theodosian Code (384) forbade the 
offering of ivory diptychs to any but the regular (i. e. 
not honorary) consuls. The tablet at tne Mayer 
Museum in Liverpool, bearing the image of Marcus 
Aurelius (d. 480), is prior to this enactment. The 
consular diptychs are recognizable by their inscrip- 
tions or by the figure of the consul which they bear. 
On the diptych of Boetius at Breseia (487) and several 
others of the same type, the consul is clad in a trabea 
(a kind of toga) ; he holds in his left hand the acipio 
(consular sceptre) and in his right the mappa circensis, 
or white cloth which he used to wave as the signal for 
the games in the circus. These games (ludi) or other 
liberalities offered to the people by the consul were 
frequently represented on tne tablets of the diptychs. 
There is less certainty concerning the diptychs of 
officials other than consuls, e. g. praetors, qusestors, 
etc. The diptych of Rufius Probianus V. C. (i. e. vir 
clarissimus) vicarius urbis Romce, in the Berlin Mu- 
seum, is the most precious relic of this class, and prob- 
ably dates from the end of the fourth century. 
Among the diptychs of private individuals that of 
Gallienus Concessus, discovered at Rome on the Es- 
quiline, exhibits only the name of its owner. Others 
were richly ornamented and reproduced often some of 
the masterpieces of ancient art. Thus on a diptych in 
the Mayer Museum, Liverpool, are seen iEsculapius and 
Telesphorus, Hygieia, and Amor. The most beautiful 
of the profane diptychs was carved at the time of a 
marriage between the Symmachi and the Nicomachi 
(392 to 394, or 401). It represents on each leaf (one 
of which is at the South Kensington Museum and the 
other, in a very damaged condition, at Cluny) a 
woman performing a sacrifice. Many of the profane 
diptychs were preserved in the treasuries of the 
churches, where they were eventually used for liturgi- 
cal purposes or enshrined in book-bindings or in gold- 
smith work. The diptych of Boetius, among others, 
bears, on the interior, some liturgical texts and relig- 
ious paintings, attributed to the seventh century. 
The Liege diptych of the consul Anastasius (517), one 
leaf of which is at Berlin and the other at South Ken- 
sington, bears an inscription of forty-two lines and the 
prayer Cammunicantes from the Canon of the Mass. 
Another of the same consul (in the Bibliotheque Na~ 
tionale, Paris) has a list of the bishops of Bourges. At 
the cathedral of Monza, Lombardy, a diptych repre- 
sents in the dress of consuls King David and St. Greg- 
ory the Great. It is perhaps an ancient consular 
diptych, transformed in the eighth or ninth century; 
according to some it appears to be of ecclesiastical ori- 
gin. Many carved diptychs reproduced purely relig- 
ious subjects. On a diptych in the treasury of 
Rouen cathedral the figure of St. Paul is exactly the 
•ame as that on a sarcophagus in Gaul. A diptych 



leaf in the treasury of Tongres was evidently influenced 
by the carvings on the cathedra of St. Maximinus at 
Ravenna, and seems to have belonged to an ancient 
episcopal see. Certain diptychs with religious sub- 
jects, e. g. the Holy Sepulchre and the holy women at 
the Tomb of Christ (Milan), an angel (British Mu- 
seum), probably date from the fourth or fifth century. 
Diptych leaves divided into five compartments have 
generally served as a cover for copies of the Gospels. 
The diptychs, though often clumsily executed, are 
important for the history of sculpture, there being a 
good number of them extant, and several being accu- 
rately dated. At different periods in the Middle Ages, 
numerous diptychs or triptychs of ivory were made, 
to serve as little devotional panels. 

The liturgical use of diptychs offers considerable 
interest. In the early Christian ages it was custom- 
ary to write on diptychs the names of those, living or 
dead, who were considered as members of the Church, 
a signal evidence of the doctrine of the Communion of 
Saints. Hence the terms "diptychs of the living" 
and u diptychs of the dead ' '. Such liturgical diptychs 
varied m shape and dimensions. Their use (*acrcB 
tabula, matriculce, libri vivorum et mortuorum) is at- 
tested in the writing? of St. Cyprian (third century) 
and by the history of St. John Chrysostom (fourth 
century), nqr did they disappear from the churches 
until the twelfth century in the West and the four- 
teenth century in the East. In the ecclesiastical life 
of antiquity these liturgical diptychs served various 
purposes. It is probable that the names of the bap- 
tized were written on diptychs, which were thus a 
kind of baptismal register. The "diptychs of the 
living 19 would include the names of the pope, 
bishops, and illustrious persons, both lay and ecclesi- 
astical, of the benefactors of a church, and of those 
who offered the Holy Sacrifice. To these names were 
sometimes added those of the Blessed Virgin, of mar- 
tyrs, and of other saints. From such diptychs came 
the first ecclesiastical calendars and the martyrolo- 
gies. The "diptychs of the dead" would include the 
names of persons otherwise qualified for inscription on 
the diptychs of the living, e. g. the bishops of the com- 
munity (also other bishops), moreover priests and 
laymen who had died in the odour of sanctity. It is 
to this kind of diptychs that the later necrologies owe 
their origin. Occasionally special diptychs were 
made to contain only the names of a series of bishops; 
in this way arose at an early date the episcopal lists or 
catalogues of occupants of sees. Whatever their im- 
mediate purpose the liturgical diptychs admitted only 
the names of persons in communion with the Church; 
the names of neretics and of excommunicated mem- 
bers were never inserted. Exclusion from these lists 
was a grave ecclesiastical penalty; the highest dignity, 
episcopal or imperial, would not avail to save the 
offender from its infliction. The content of the 
diptychs was read out, either from the am bo (q. v.) or 
from the altar by a priest or a deacon. In this respect 
a variety of customs obtained in different churches 
and at different periods ; sometimes the diptychs were 
simply laid on the altar during Mass, and when read 
publicly, such reading did not always occur at the 
same stage of the Mass. The order of which traces 
are now seen in the Roman Canon of the Mass was the 
fixed usage of the Roman Church as early as the fifth 
century. In that venerable document a long passage 
after the Sanctus corresponds to the ancient recitation 
of the diptychs of the living; it contains, as is well 
known, mention of those for whom the Mass is offered, 
of the pope, of the bishop of the diocese, of the Blessea 
Virgin, and of several saints. At Easter and at Pente- 
cost the Hanc igitur furnished a proper occasion to 
mention the names of the newly baptized, now men- 
tioned only as a body. Finally the recitation of the 
"diptychs of the dead" is still recalled by the Me- 
mento which follows the consecration. 



24 



DIRECTION 



Thompson, Handbook of Cheek and Latin Palaograpku (Lon- 
don, 1804), 19; Gobi, Thesaurus veterutn diptyohorum (Florence, 
1795); Mounieb, Histoire generals des art* appliques a Vindus- 
trie (Paris, 1896), I; Ventubi, Storia deW arte Italiana (Rome, 
1901). 1, 356, 484: Gbaeven, Frunchristliche und mittelalterliche 

Elfenbexnwerhe (Rome, 1898 ): Weotwood, A Descriptive 

Catalogue of the Fictile Ivories in the South Kensington Museum 
(London, 1896); Meter, AbhandL. der philos. phUol. Classe der 
bayerischen Akademie. XV, I. 4; Dabembebg and Saglio. Die- 
tionnaire des antiquites greegues et romaines (Paris, 1892). II, 1, 
271; Kbaus, Real-Encyklopadie der christlichen Alterthumer 
(Freiburg im Br., 1896). I. 499; Leclebcq, Manuel dfarcheo- 
logie chretienne (Paris. 1907). II, 834; Mounieb. Les obituaires 
francais (Paris, 1890), 4; Duchesne, Origines du culte Chretien 
(Paris, 1902); Cabbol, Diet, do lit. et d'arch chrU. t s. v. 

R. Maere. 



Direction, Spiritual. — In the technical sense of 
the term, spiritual direction is that function of the 
sacred ministry by which the Church guides the faith- 
ful to the attainment of eternal happiness. It is part 
of the commission given to her in the words of Christ: 
"Going, therefore, teach ve all nations . . . teach- 
ing them to observe all things whatsoever I have com- 
manded you" (Matt., xxviii, 19 sq.). She exercises 
this function both in her public teaching, whether in 
word or writing, and in the private guidance of souls 
according to their individual needs; but it is the pri- 
vate guidance that is generally understood by the term 
"spiritual direction". 

I. In one way the Church requires all her adult 
members to submit to such private direction, namely, 
in the Sacrament of Penance. For she entrusts to her 
priests in the confessional, not only the part of judge 
to absolve or retain the sins presently confessed, but 
also the part of a director of consciences. In the latter 
capacity he must instruct his penitents if ignorant of 
their duties, point out the wrong or the danger in their 
conduct, and suggest the proper means to be employed 
for amendment or improvement. The penitent, on his 
part, must submit to this guidance. He must also, in 
cases of serious doubt regarding the lawfulness of his 
action, ask the advice of his director. For a person 
who acts in a practical doubt, not knowing whether he 
is offending God or not, and yet consenting to do what 
he thinks to be morally wrong, thereby offends his 
Creator. Such consultation is the more necessary as 
no one is a good judge in his own cause: a business 
man is sometimes blind to the injustice of a tempting 
bargain, and passion often invents motives for unlaw- 
ful indulgence. 

II. Still more frequently is spiritual direction re- 
quired in the lives of Christians who aim at the attain- 
ment of perfection (see Perfection). All religious are 
obliged to do so by their profession; and many of the 
faithful, married and unmarried, who live amidst 
worldly cares aspire to such perfection as is attainable 
in their states of life. This striving after Christian per- 
fection means the cultivation of certain virtues and 
watchfulness against faults and spiritual dangers. The 
knowledge of this constitutes the science of asceticism 
(q. v.). The spiritual director must be well versed in 
this difficult science, as his advice is very necessary 
for such souls. For, as Cassian writes, by no vice 
doer the devil draw a monk headlong and bring him 
to death sooner than by persuading him to neglect the 
counsel of the Elders and trust to his own judgment 
and determination" (Conf. of Abbot Moses). 

III. Since, in teaching the Faith, the Holy Ghost 
speaks through the sovereign pontiff and the bishops 
of the Church, the work of the private spiritual di- 
rector must never be at variance with this infallible 

Guidance. Therefore the Church has condemned the 
octrine of Molinos, who taught that directors are 
independent of the bishops, that the Church does not 
judge about secret matters, and that God and the 
director alone enter into the inner conscience (Den- 
singer. Enchiridion, nos. 1152, 1153). Several of the 
most learned Fathers of the Church devoted much 
attention to spiritual direction, for instance, St. Jer- 



ome, who directed St. Paula and her daughter St 
Eustochium; and some of them have left us learned 
treatises on ascetic theology. But while the hierarchy 
of the Church is Divinely appointed to guard the 
purity of faith and morals, the Holy Spirit, who 
"breatheth where he will; and thou nearest his voice, 
but thou knowest not whence he cometh, and whither 
he gpeth" (John, iii, 8), has often chosen priests or 
religious, and even simple laymen and women, and 
filled them with supernatural wisdom in order to pro- 
vide for the spiritual direction of others. 

IV. Whoever the director be, he will find the prin- 
cipal means of progress towards perfection to consist 
in the exercise of prayer (q. v.) and mortification (q. 
v.). But upon the special processes of these two 
means, spiritual guides have been led by the Holy 
Spirit in various directions. Different is trie type for 
the solitary in the desert, the cenobite in the commu- 
nity, for a St. Louis or a Blanche of Castile in a palace, 
St. Frances of Rome in her family, or a St. Zita in her 
kitchen, for contemplative and for active religious 
orders and congregations. Another marked difference 
in the direction of souls arises from the presence or 
absence of the mystical element in the life of the per- 
son to be directed (see Mysticism). Mysticism in- 
volves peculiar modes of action by which the Holy 
Ghost illumines a soul in ways which transcend the 
normal use of the reasoning powers. The spiritual 
director who has such persons in charge needs the 
soundest learning and consummate prudence. Here 
especially sad mistakes have been made by presump- 
tion and imprudent zeal, for men of distinction in the 
Church have gone astray in this matter. 

V. Even in ordinary cases of spiritual direction in 
which no mysticism is involved, numerous errors must 
be guarded against; the following deserve special no- 
tice: (1) The false principles of the Jansenists, who 
demanded of their penitents an unattainable degree of 
purity of conscience before they allowed them to re- 
ceive Holy Communion. Many priests, not members 
of the sect, were yet so far tainted with its severity as 
gradually to alienate large numbers of their penitents 
from the sacraments and consequently from the 
Church. (2) The condemned propositions summarized 
under the headings "De perfectione Christiana" in 
Denzinger's "Enchiridion Symbolorum et Defini- 
tionum (Wurzburg, 1900), page 485, which are 
largely the principles of Quietism. These are speci- 
mens: To obtain perfection a man ought to deaden 
all his faculties; he should take no vows, should avoid 
external work, ask God for nothing in particular, not 
seek sensible devotion, not study science, not con- 
sider rewards and punishments, not employ reasoning 
in prayer. (3) The errors and dangers pointed out 
in the Encyclical of Leo XIII, "Testem Benevolen- 
tiffi". In it the pope singles out for particular con- 
demnation: "First, all external guidance is set aside 
for those souls which are striving after Christian per- 
fection as being superfluous, or mdeed not useful in 
any sense, the contention being that the Holy Spirit 
pours richer and more abundant graces into the soul 
than formerly; so that, without human intervention, 
He teaches and guides them by some hidden instinct 
of His own." Jn the same document warnings are 

S'ven against inculcating an exaggerated esteem of 
ie natural virtues, thus depreciating the super- 
natural ones; also against casting contempt on relig- 
ious vows, " as if these were alien to the spirit of our 
times, in that they restrict the bounds of human 
liberty, and that they are more suitable to weak than 
to strong minds". 

VI. An important document of Leo XIII bearing 




priests "the practic 
thoroughly inquiring into the state of then* subjects' 
consciences, which is a thing exclusively reserved to 



DIREOTORIXS 



25 



DIRECTORIES 



the Sacrament of Penance". It also forbids them to 
refuse to their subjects an extraordinary confessor, 
especially in cases where the conscience of the persons 
so refused stands greatly in need of this privilege; as 
also " to take it on themselves to permit at their pleas- 
ure their subjects to approach the Holy Table, or even 
sometimes to forbid them Holy Communion alto- 
gether". Jhe pope abrogates all constitutions, usages, 
and customs so far as they tend to the contrary ; and 
absolutely forbids such superiors as are here spoken 
of to induce in any way their subjects to make to 
them any such manifestations of conscience. (See 
the decree "Quemadmodum", with explanations, in 
the American Ecclesiastical Review, March, 1893.) 

VII. Catholic literature is rich in works of ascetic 
and mystical theology; of which we mention a few 
below. But it must be noticed that such works cannot 
be recommended for the use of all readers indiscrim- 
inately. The higher the spiritual perfection aimed at, 
especially when mysticism enters into the case, the 
more caution should be used in selecting and consult- 
ing the guide-books, and the more danger there is that 
the direction given in them may be misapplied. Spirit- 
ual direction is as much a matter for the personal 
supervision of an experienced living guide as is the 
practice of medicine; the latter deals with abnormal 
defects of the body, the former with the acquisition of 
uncommon perfection by the soul. 

Scaraji elu, Directorium Asceticum, or Guide to the Spiritual 
Life (Dublin, 1870); Idem, Directorium Mysticum, or Divine 
Asceticism; Guillore*. Maniere de Conduire lee Ames (Lyons 
and Paris. 1853) ; Fabbr, Growth in Holineee (Baltimore); Lan- 
coone. Manifestation of Conscience- Mew York, 1892); Schram, 
Institution** Theolooia Mystica- Neuiiayh, Idea Theologies 
Ascetica. or Science of the Spiritual Life (London, 1876); 
Idem. Higher Paths in Spiritual Life (London); St. Teresa. 
The Interior Cattle (London. 1859); Idem, Way of Perfection 
(London, 1860); St. Ignatius. Spiritual Exercises (London, 
1000); St. Francis of Sales, The Devout Christian (New York); 
Scrupoli, The Spiritual Combat (London); Clare, Science of 
the Spiritual Life (London. 1896); St. Liouori, The Christian 
Virtues (New York); Grou, Manual of Interior Souls (London, 
1905); Lallemant, Spiritual Doctrine (New York. 1884); 
Lehmkuhi*. Theotoqia Moralis (Friburg, 1889): Schieler- 
Heuser, Theory and Practice of the Confessional, Part III, sect. 
2, The Office of the Confessor; Dupont. Guide Spiritual (Paris, 
1866); Cardinal Bona. Traiti du Discemement dee Ssprits 
(Tournai. 1840); Lewis of Granada, Sinner's Quids (Phila- 
delphia, 1877); Brllecius, Solid Virtue (New York, 1882). 

Charles Coppens. 

Directories, Catholic. — The ecclesiastical sense of 
the word directory, as will be shown later, has become 
curiously confused with its secular use, but historically 
speaking the ecclesiastical sense is the earlier. Direc- 
torium simply means guide, but in the later Middle Ages 
it came to be specially applied to guides for the recita- 
tion of Office and Mass. For example, in the early part 
of the fifteenth century one Clement Maydeston, 
probably following earlier foreign precedents, adopted 
the title "Directorium Saoerdotum" for his reorgan- 
ised Sarum Ordinal . In this way the words " Directo- 
rium Sacerdotum" came to stand at the head of a 
number of books, some of them among the earliest 
products of the printing press in England, which were 
issued to instruct the clergy as to the form of Mass and 
Office to be followed from day to day throughout the 

Sear. This employment of the word directorium was 
y no means peculiar to England. To take one con- 
venient example, though not the earliest that might be 
chosen, we find a very similar work published at Augs- 
burg in 1501, which bears the title: Index sive Direc- 
torium Missarum Horarumque secundum ritum chori 
Constanciensis diocesis dicendarum". As this title 
suffices to show, a directorium or guide for the recita- 
tion of Office and Mass had to be constructed accord- 
ing to the needs of a particular diocese or group of dio- 
ceses, for as a rule each diocese has certain saints' days 
and feasts peculiar to itself, and these have all to be 
taken account of in regulating the Office, a single 
change often occasioning much disturbance by the 
necessity it creates of transferring coincident celebra- 



tions to other days. Out of the " Directorium Sacer- 
dotum ' ' which in England was often called the " Pye ", 
and which seems to have come into almost general use 
about the time of the invention of printing, our pres- 
ent Directory, the "Ordo divini Officii recitandi Sac- 
rique peragendi" has gradually developed. We may 
note a few of the characteristics both of the actual and 
the ancient usage. 

Actual Usage. — It is now the custom for every 
diocese, or, in cases where the calendar followed is 
substantially identical, for a group of dioceses belong- 
ing to the same province or country, to have a " Direc- 
tory' ' or "Ordo recitandi' 1 printed each year for the 
use of all the clergy. It consists simply of a calendar 
for the year, in which there are printed against each day 
concise directions concerning the Office and Mass to be 
said on that day. The calendar is usually provided 
with some indication of fast days, special indulgences, 
days of devotion, and other items of information 
which it may be convenient for the clergy to be re- 
minded of as they occur. This Ordo is issued with the 
authority of the bishop or bishops concerned, and is 
binding upon the clergy under their j urisdiction. The 
religious orders have usually a Directory of their 
own, which, in the case of the larger orders, often differs 
according to the country in which they are resident. 
For the secular clergy the calendar of the Roman Mis- 
sal and Breviary, apart from special privilege, always 
forms the basis of the " Ordo recitandi ' '. To this the 
feasts and saints' days celebrated in the diocese are 
added, and, as the higher grade of these special celebra- 
tions often causes them to take precedence of those in 
the ordinary calendar, a certain amount of shifting and 
transposition is inevitable, even apart from the com- 
plications introduced by the movable feasts. All this 
has to be calculated and arranged beforehand in ac- 
cordance with the rules supplied Dy the general rubrics 
of the Missal and Breviary. Even so, the clergy of 
particular churches have further to provide for the 
celebration of their own patronal or dedication feasts, 
and to make such other chances in the Ordo as these 
insertions may impose. The Ordo is always compiled 
in Latin, though an exception is sometimes made in 
the Directories drawn up for nuns who recite the 
Divine Office, and, as it is often supplemented with a 
few extra pages of diocesan notices, recent decrees of 
the Congregation of Rites, regulations for the saying of 
votive Offices, etc., matters only affecting the clergy, 
it is apt to acquire a somewhat professional and ex- 
clusive character. 

How long a separate and annual "Ordo recitandi" 
has been printed for the use of the English clergy it 
seems impossible to discover. Possibly Bishop Chal- 
loner, Vicar Apostolic from 1741 to 1781, had some- 
thing to do with its introduction. But in 1759 a 
Catholic London printer conceived the idea of trans- 
lating the official "Directorium", or Ordo, issued for 
the clergy, and accordingly published in that year: " A 
Lay Directory or a help to find out and assist at Ves- 
pers .... on Sundays and Holy Days". Strange to 
say, another Catholic printer, seemingly the publisher 
of the official Ordo, shortly afterwards, conceiving his 
privileges invaded, produced a rival publication: 'The 
Laity's Directory or the Order of the (Catholic) Church 
Service for the year 1764". This " Laity's Directory" 
was issued year by year for three-quarters of a century, 
gradually growing in size, but in 1837 it was supplanted 
by "The Catholic Directory" which since 1855 has 
been published in London by Messrs. Burns & Lam- 
bert, now Burns & Oates. The earliest numbers of 
the "Laity's Directory" contained nothing save an 
abbreviated translation of the clerical "Ordo reci- 
tandi", but towards the end of the eighteenth century 
a list of the Catholic chapels in London, advertise- 
ments of schools, obituary notices, important eccles- 
iastical announcements, and other miscellaneous mat- 
ters began to be added, and at a still later date we find 



DIRECTORIES 



26 



DIRECTORIES 



an index of the names and addresses of the Catholic 
clergy serving the missions in England and Scotland. 
This feature has been imitated in the " Irish Catholic 
Directory" and in the Catholic Directories of the 
United States. Hence the widespread idea that 
Catholic directories are so called because they com- 
monly form an address book for the churches and 
clergy of a particular country, but an examination of 
the early numbers of the "Laity's Directory" con- 
clusively shows that it was only to the calendar with 
its indication of the daily Mass and Office that the 
name originally applied. 

Former Usage. — In the Middle Ages, and indeed 
almost down to the invention of printing, the books 
used in the service of the Church were much more 
divided up than they are at present. Instead of one 
book, our modern Breviary for example, containing 
the whole Office, we find at least four books — the 
Psalterium, the Hymnarium, the Antiphonarium, and 
the Legendarium, or book of lessons, all in separate 
volumes. Rubrics or ritual directions were rarely 
written down in connexion with the text to which they 
belonged (we are speaking here of the Mass and Office, 
not of the services of rarer occurrence such as those in 
the Pontifical), but they were probably at first com- 
municated by oral tradition only, and when they be- 
gan to be recorded they took only such summary form 
as we find in the "Ordines Romani" of Hittorp and 
Mabillon. However, about the eleventh century there 
grew up a tendency towards greater elaboration and 
precision in rubrical directions for the services, and at 
the same time we notiee the beginning of a more or less 
strongly marked division of these directions into two 
classes, which in the case of the Sarum Use are con- 
veniently distinguished as the Customary and the 
Ordinal . Speaking generally, we may say that the for- 
mer of these rubrical oooks contains the principles and 
the latter their application; the former determines 
those matters that are constant and primarily the 
duties of persons, the latter deals with the arrange- 
ments which vary from day to day and from year to 
year. It is out of the latter of these books, i. e. the 
Ordinal (often called Ordinarium and Liber Ordinarius), 
that the "Directorium", or "Pye", and eventually 
also our own modern "Ordo recitandi" were in due 
time evolved. These distinctions are not clear-cut. 
The process was a gradual one. But we may distin- 
guish in the English and also in the Continental Or- 
dinals two different stages. We have, first, the type of 
book in common use from the twelfth to the fifteenth 
century, and represented by the "Sarum Ordinal" 
edited by W. H. Frere, or the "Ordinaria of Laon" 
edited by Chevalier. Here we have a great deal of 
miscellaneous information respecting feasts, the Office 
and Mass to be said upon them according to the 
changes necessitated by the occurrence of Easter and 
the shifting of the Sundays, as well as the " Incipits " of 
the details of the service, o. g. of the lessons to be read 
and the commemorations to be made. The second 
stage took the form of an adaptation of this Ordinal for 
ready use, an adaptation with which, in the case of 
Sarum, the name of Clement Maydeston is prominently 
connected. This was the " Directorium Sacerdotum , 
the complete " Pye" (known in Latin as Pica Sarum), 
abbreviated editions of which were afterwards pub- 
lished in a form which allowed it to be bound up with 
the respective portions of the Breviary. The idea of 
this great " Pye" was to give all the thirty-five possi- 
ble combinations, five to each Dominical Letter (q. v.), 
which the fixed and movable elements of the ecclesias- 
tical year admitted of, assigning a separate calendar 
to each, more or less corresponding to our present 
"Ordo recitandi". This arrangement was not pecu- 
liar to England. 

One of the earliest printed books of the kind was 
that issued about 1475 for the Diocese of Constance, of 
which a rubricated copy is to be found in the British 



Museum. It is a small folio in size, of one hundred and 
twelve leaves, and after the ordinary calendar it sup- 
plies summary rules, under thirty-five heads, for draw- 
ing up the special calendar for each year according to the 
Golden Number and the Dominical Letter. Then the 
Ordo for each of the thirty-five possible combinations 
is set out in detail. The name most commonly given 
to these "Pyes" on the Continent was "OrpUnarius", 
more rarely " Directorium Missae ' '. For example, the 
title of such a book printed for the Diocese of Liege in 
1492 runs: "In nomine Domini Amen . . . Incipit 
liber Ordinarius ostendens qualiter legatur et cantetur 
per totum anni circulum in ecclesia Teodiensi tarn de 
tempore quam de festis sanctorum in nocturnis officiis 
divinis." Such books were also provided for the re- 
ligious orders. An " Ordinarius Ordinis Praemonstra- 
tensis" exists in manuscript at Jesus College, Cam- 
bridge, and an early printed one in the British Museum. 
When the use of printing became universal, the step 
from these rather copious directories, which served for 
all possible years, to a shorter guide of the type of our 
modern "Ordo recitandi", ana intended only for one 
particular year, was a short and easy one. Since, how- 
ever, such publications are useless after their purpose 
is once served, they are very liable to destruction, and 
it seems impossible to say how early we may date the 
first attempt at producing an Ordo after our modern 
fashion. The fact that at the Council of Trent (Sess. 
XXIII, De Reform., cap. xviii) it was thought neces- 
sary to urge that ecclesiastical students should be 
trained in the understanding of the computus f by 
which they could determine the ordo recitandi in each 
year for themselves, seems to imply that such Ordos 
as we now possess were not in familiar use in the 
middle of the sixteenth century. 

Modern Directories. — At the present day it may 
be said that in every part of the world not only is a 
printed Ordo provided for the clergy of every diocese 
and religious institute, but that almost everywhere 
some adaptation of this is available for the use of the 
laity. The earliest English attempt at anything of the 
sort seems to have been a little "Catholic Almanac", 
which appeared for three or four years in the reign of 
James II (see The Month, vol. CXI, 1908). But this 
was a mere calendar of feasts without any directions 
for the Office and Mass. In Ireland the work which at 
present appears under the title "The Irish Catholic 
Directory and Almanac for 1909, with a complete 
Directory in English" seems to have existed under 
various names since 1837 or earlier. It was first called 
"A Complete Catholic Directory", and then, in 1846, 
"Battereby's Registry", from the name of the pub- 
lisher. For Scotland, though the Scottish missions 
are included in the "Catholic Directory" published in 
London, there is also a separate " Catholic Directory 
for the Clergy and Laity of Scotland" which began 
under a slightly different name in 1868. Catholic 
Directories also exist for the Australian and Canadian 
provinces, and occasionally for separate dioceses, e. g. 
the Diocese of Birmingham, England, possesses an 
"Official Directory" of its own. Attention may 
briefly be called, also, to two Roman handbooks of a 
character somewhat analogous to our Directories, 
which supply names and details regarding the Catholic 
hierarchy throughout the world and especially regard- . 
ing the cardinals, the Roman Congregations and their 
personnel, the prelates and cameneri, etc.. in attend- 
ance upon the papal court. The first of these, called 
since 1872 "La Gerarchia Cattolica e la Famiglia 
Pontificia", was first published in 1716 and was long 
familiarly known as "Cracas" from the name of the 
publisher. Officially, the early numbers were simply 
called "Notiaie per l'Anno 1716, etc." (see Moroni, 
Dizionario, XX, 26 sqq.). The other work, which is 
very similar in character, but somewhat more ample in 
its information, has appeared since 1898 under the 
title " Annuario Ecclesiastico ". Finally we notice the 



DIRECTORIES 



27 



DIRECTORIES 



existence of the "Directorium Chori", a work origin- 
ally compiled by Guidetti in 1582, possessing a quasi- 
official character and often reprinted since. It is in- 
tended for the use of the hebdomadarius and cantors 
in collegiate churches, and is quite different in charac- 
ter from the works considered above. 

See Bchbod in Kirchenlexikon, s. v. Directorium. For the 
Pye and Ordinal see especially Frere, The Uae of Sarum (Cam- 
bridge, 1901), II, Introduction; Wordsworth, The Directorium 
Sacerdotum of Clement Maydeston (Henry Bradshaw Society, 
London, 1902), especially the Appendixes to vol. II; and also, 
in the same series, The Tract* of Clement Maydeston (London, 
1894); Chevalier, BMioth^que lituraique (Paris, 1897 — ). in 
which series the editor has printed the Ordinaria of Laon, 
Reims, Bayeux, etc. On English directories, see Thurston, 
An Old-Eatablished Periodical in The Month (London, Feb., 
1882). 

Herbert Thurston. 

The United States. — These publications begin in 
the United States with an " Ordo Divini Officii Re- 
citandi", published at Baltimore, in 1801, by John 
Hayes. It had none of the directory or almanac 
features. "The Catholic Laity's Directory to the 
Church Service with an Almanac for the year", an 
imitation of the English enterprise, was the next, in 
1817. It was published in New York with the "per- 
mission of the Right Rev. Bishop Connolly 1 ' by 
Mathew Field, who was born in England of an Irish 
Catholic family and left there for New York in 1815. 
He died at Baltimore, 1832. His son, Joseph M. 
Field, was six years old when he arrived in New York, 
and became a prolific and brilliant writer, dying at 
Mobile in 1856. Joseph's daughter, Kate Field, was 
later the well-known author and lecturer. Though 
both were baptized, neither was a professed Catholic. 
This Field production, in addition to the ordinary 
almanac calendars, had a variety of pious and in- 
structive reading-matter with an account of the 
churches, colleges, seminaries, and institutions of the 
United States. It made up a small 32mo book of 
sixty-eight pages. Among other things, it promised 
the preparation of a Catholic magazine which, how- 
ever, was never started. Only one issue of this 
almanac was made. The next effort in the same 
direction, and on practically the same lines, was also 
at New York, in 1822, by W. H. Creagh. It was ed- 
ited by the Rev. Dr. John Power, rector of St. Peter's 
church, and says in the preface that it was " intended 
to accompany the Missal with a view to facilitate the 
use of the same". The contents include "Brief Ac- 
count of the Establishment of the Episcopacy in the 
United States"; "Present Status of religion in the 
respective Dioceses"; "A short account of the pres- 
ent State of the Society of Jesus in the U. S.", and 
obituaries of priests who had died from 1814 to 1821. 
This was the only number of this almanac. 

In 1834 Fielding Lucas of Baltimore took up the 
idea and brought out "The Metropolitan Catholic 
Calendar and Laity's Directory" for that year, to be 
published annually. He said in it that he had "in- 
tended to present it in 1832 but from circumstances 
over which he had no control it has been delayed to 
the present period". It prints a list of the hier- 
archy and the priests of the several dioceses, with their 
stations. . In this publication and its various succes- 
sors the title Directory is used in its purely secular 
meaning, as the issues include no ecclesiastical calen- 
dar or Ordo. James Meyers "at the Cathedral" is 
the publisher of the subsequent volumes until 1838, 
when Fielding Lucas, Jr., took hold and changed the 
name "U. S. Catholic Almanac", that Meyers had 

fjven it, back to "Metropolitan Catholic Almanac", 
n the issue of 1845 there is inserted a map of the 
United States, " prepared at much expense to exhibit 
at a glance the extent and relative situation of the 
different dioceses", with a table of comparative statis- 
tics, 1835 to 1845. A list of the clergy in England 
and Ireland was added in the volume for 1850. 
"Lucas Brothers" is the imprint on the almanac for 



1856-57, and the Baltimore publication then ceased, 
to be taken up in 1858 by Edward Dunigan & 
Brother of New York, as " Dunigan 'a. American Catho- 
lic Almanac and List of the Clergy". All general 
reading-matter was omitted in this almanac, publica- 
tion of which was stopped the following year when 
John Murphy & Co. of Baltimore resumed there the 
compilation of the "Metropolitan Catholic Almanac". 
Owing to the Civil War no almanacs were printed dur- 
ing 1862 or 1863. In 1864 D. & J. Sadlier of New 
York started "Sadlier's Catholic Directory, Almanac 
and Ordo "'which John Gilmary Shea compiled and 
edited for them. It made a volume of more than 600 
pages and gave lists of the clergy in the United States, 
Canada, Great Britain, Ireland/ and Australasia, with 
diocesan statistics. This publication continued alone 
in the field until 1886, when Hoffman Brothers, a Ger- 
man firm of publishers of Milwaukee, brought out 
"Hoffman '8 Catholic Directory", which the Rev. 
James Fagan, a Milwaukee priest, compiled for them. 
In contents it was similar to the New York publica- 
tion. This directory continued until 1896, when the 
Hoffman Company failed, and their plant was pur- 
chased by the WQtzius Company, which has since 
continued the directory. The Sadlier "Directory" 
ceased publication in 1895. 

The Wiltzius "Catholic Directory, Almanac and 
Clergy List" has reports for all dioceses in the United 
States, Canada, Alaska, Cuba, Sandwich Islands, Porto 
Rico, Philippine Islands, Newfoundland, England, 
Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, together with statistics 
of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, Belgium, Costa 
Rica, Guatemala, British Honduras, Nicaragua, San 
• Salvador, German Empire, Japan, Luxemburg, The 
United States of Mexico, Netherlands, Norway, 
Oceanica, South Africa, The United States of Brazil, 
Curacao, Dutch Guiana, Switzerland, and the West 
Indies. It contains also an alphabetical list of all 
clergymen in the United States and Canada, as well as 
a map of the ecclesiastical provinces in the United 
States. It gives a list of English-speaking confessors 
abroad, American colleges in Europe, and the leading 
Catholic societies; statistics of the Catholic Indian and 
Negro missions, and a list of Catholic papers and peri- 
odicals in the United States and Canada. 

In the almanac for 1837 it is noted, concerning the 
statistics, that " the numbers marked with an asterisk 
are not given as strictly exact, though it is believed 
they approximate to the truth, and are as accurate as 
could be ascertained from the statements forwarded to 
the editor from the several dioceses". On the same 
topic "Hoffman's Directory" for 1890 says: "It is 
much to be regretted that the statistics are not more 
carefully kept. In every diocese there are parishes 
that fail to report and many dioceses report statistics 
only partially, so that any general summary that 
can be made up at best is only an approximation." 
Dealing with this long-standing ana well-founded 
complaint .of inaccurate Catholic statistics, the arch- 
bishops of the United States, at their annual confer- 
ence m 1907, resolved to co-operate with the United 
States Census Bureau in an effort to collect correct 
figures. Archbishop Glennon of St. Louis was ap- 
pointed a special census official by the Government 
for this purpose, and under his direction an enumera- 
tion of the Catholics of every parish in the United 
States was made. The figures thus obtained were 
used in the "Directory" for 1909. It is the first, 
therefore, of these publications giving statistics of 
population on which any reliance can be placed in 
respect to accuracy of detail. 

Canada. — In 1886 "Le Canada Ecclesiastique, 
Almanach Annuaire du clerge 1 Canadien", printed in 
French, was begun in Montreal. The contents are 
similar to those of the directories in English. Recent 
issues have a number of illustrations of local and 
historical interest, such as a series of portraits of the 



1 



DTMMKrfT 



28 



DI80EBNMENT 



Bishops of Quebec in the issue for 1908, in commemo- 
ration of the centenary celebrations. The Rev. 

Charles P. Beaubien edited the publication. 

Fi]«* of these various publications; Finotti, BHUiographia 
CathUica Americana (New York, 1872). 

Thomas F. Meehan. 

Diriment Impediments. See Impediments. 

Discalced (Lat. dis, without, and calceus, shoe), a 
term applied to those religious congregations of men 
and women, the members of which go entirely unshod 
or wear sandals, with or without other covering for the 
feet. These congregations are often distinguished on 
this account from other branches of the same order. 
The custom of going unshod was introduced into the 
West by St. Francis of Assisi for men and St. Clare 
for women. After the various modifications of the 
Rule of St. Francis, the Observantines adhered to the 
primitive custom of going unshod, and in this they 
were followed by the Minims and Capuchins. The 
Discalced Franciscans or Alcantarines, who prior to 
1897 formed a distinct branch of the Franciscan Order 
went without footwear of any kind. The followers of 
St. Clare at first went barefoot, but later came to wear 
sandals and even shoes. The Colettines and Capu- 
chin Sisters returned to the use of sandals. Sandals 
were also adopted by the Camaldolese monks of the 
Congregation of Monte Corona (1522), the Uniat 
Maronite monks, the Poor Hermits of St. Jerome of 
the Congregation of Bl. Peter of Pisa, the Aueustinians 
of Thomas of Jesus (1532), the Barefooted. Servites 
(1593), the Discalced Carmelites (1568), the Feuil- 
knts (Cistercians, 1575), Trinitarians (1594), Merce- 
darians (1604), and the Passionists. (See Friars 
Minor.) 

Heimbuchxb, Die Orden u. Kongreoationen (Paderborn, 
1907), I, 44; Buchbsrgsr, Kirchlichee HandLex.^n. v. 

Stephen M. Donovan. 

Discernment of Spirits. — All moral conduct may 
be summed up in the rule: avoid evil and do good. 
In the language of Christian asceticism, spirits, in the 
broad sense, is the term applied to certain complex 
influences, capable of impelling the will, the ones 
toward good, the others toward evil; we have the 
worldly spirit of error, the spirit of race, the spirit of 
Christianity, etc. However, in the restricted sense, 
spirits indicate the various spiritual agents which, by 
tneir suggestions and movements, mav influence the 
moral value of our acts. Here we shall speak only of 
this second kind. They are reduced to four, includ- 
ing, in a certain way, the human soul itself, because in 
consequence of the original Fall, its lower faculties are 
at variance with its superior powers. Concupiscence, 
that is to say, disturbances of the imagination ana 
errors of sensibility, thwart or pervert the operations 
of the intellect and will, by deterring the one from the 
true and the other from the good (Gen., viii, 21; 
James, i, 14). In opposition to our vitiated nature or, 
so to speak, to the flesh which drags us into sin, the 
Spirit- of God acts within us by grace, a supernatural 
help given to our intellect and will to lead us back to 
good and to the observance of the moral law (Rom., 
vii, 22-25). Besides these two spirits, the human ana 
the Divine, in the actual order of Providence, two 
others must be observed. The Creator willed that 
there should be communication between angels and 
menrand as the angels are of two kinds (see Angeus), 
good and bad, the latter try to win us over to their 
rebellion and the former endeavour to make us their 
companions in obedience. Hence four spirits lay 
siege to our liberty, the angelic and the Divine seeking 
its good and the human (in the sense heretofore men- 
tioned); the diabolical its misery. In ordinary lan- 
guage they may, for brevity sake, be called simply 
the good and the evil spirit. 

Discernment of spirits is the term given to the judg- 
ment whereby to determine from what spirit the im- 



pulses of the soul emanate, and it is easy to understand 
the importance of this judgment both for self-direction 
and the direction of others. Now this judgment may 
be formed in two way*. In the first case the discern- 
ment is made by means of an intuitive light which in- 
fallibly discovers the quality of the movement; it is 
then a gift of God. a grace gratis data, vouchsafed 
mainly for the benefit of our neighbour (I Cor., xii, 10). 
This charisma or gift was granted in the early Church 
and in the course of the lives of the saints as, for ex- 
ample, St. Philip Neri. Second, discernment of spirits 
may be obtained through study and reflexion. It is 
then an acquired human knowledge, more or less per- 
fect, but very useful in the direction of souls. It is 
procured, always, of course, with the assistance of 
grace, by the reading of Holy Writ, of works on the- 
ology and asceticism, of autobiographies, and the cor- 
respondence of the most distinguished ascetics. The 
necessity of self-direction and of directing others, 
when one had charge of souls, produced documents, 
preserved in spiritual libraries, from the perusal of 
which one may see that the discernment of spirits is a 
science that has always flourished in the Church. In 
addition to the special treatises enumerated in the 




course to the monks of Egypt, in his life by St. 
Athanasius; the "De perfectione spirituali" (ch. 30- 
33) by Marcus Diadochus * the "Confessions" of St. 
Augustine; St. Bernard's XXIII sermon, "Dediscre- 
tione spirituum"; Gerson's treatise, "De diversis dia- 
boli tentationibus"; St. Theresa's autobiography and 
"Castle of the Soul"; St. Francis de Sales' letters of 
direction, etc. 

An excellent lesson is that given by St. Ignatius 
Loyola in his "Spiritual Exercises". Here we find 
rules for the discernment of spirits and, being clearly 
and briefly formulated, these rules indicate a secure 
course, containing in embryo all that is included in the 
more extensive treatises of later date. For a complete 
explanation of them the best commentaries on the 
"Exercises" of St. Ignatius may be consulted, espe- 
cially those by P. Gagliardi and a few authors tike 
Godinez, Lopez Ezquerra, and Scaramelli who, setting 
aside the other parts of the "Exercises", are mani- 
festly imbued with the doctrine of this book on the 
discernment of spirits. Of the rules transmitted to us 
by a saint inspired by Divine light and a learned psy- 
chologist taught by personal experience, it will suffice 
to recall the principal ones. Ignatius gives two 
kinds and we must call attention to the fact tnat in the 
second category, according to some opinions, he some- 
times considers a more delicate discernment of spirits 
adapted to the extraordinary course of mysticism. 
Be that as it may, he begins by enunciating this clear 
principle, that both the good and the evil spirit act 
upon a soul according to the attitude it assumes 
toward them. If it pose as their friend, they flatter 
it; if it resist them, they torment it. . But the evil 
spirit speaks only to the imagination and the senses, 
whereas the good spirit acts upon reason and con- 
science. The evil labours to excite concupiscence, the 
good to intensify love for God. Of course it may hap- 
pen that a perfectly well-disposed soul suffers from the 
attacks of the devu deprived of the sustaining consola- 
tions of the good angel; but this is only a temporary 
trial the passing of which must be awaited in patience 
and humility. St. Ignatius also teaches us to distin- 
guish the spirits by their mode of action and by the 
end they seek. Without any preceding cause, that is 
to say, suddenly, without previous knowledge or senti- 
ment, God alone,. by virtue of His sovereign dominion, 
can flood the soul with light and joy. But if there has 
been a preceding cause, either the good or the bad 
angel may be the author of the consolation; this re- 
mains to be judged from the consequences. As the 



DISCIPLE 



29 



DISCIPLES 



good angel's object is the welfare of the soul and the 
Bad angel's its defects or unhappiness, if, in the prog- 
ress of our thoughts all is well and tends to good 
tffere is no occasion for uneasiness; on the contrary, if 
we perceive any deviation whatsoever towards evil or 
even a slight unpleasant agitation, there is reason to 
fear. Such, then, is the substance of these brief rules 
which are nevertheless so greatly admired by the mas- 
ters of the spiritual life. Although requiring an au- 
thorized explanation, when well understood, they act 

as a preservative against many illusions. 

Suarm, De Oratid, Prolog. Ill, c. 5, n. 36 et sqq.; Gaqliardi, 
S. P. lgnatii de Loyola de Discretione spirituum regula expla- 
nata (Naples, 1851); Rossiqnoli, De Discipline Christ. Perfec 
tioni* (Venice, 1601), 1, III, c. 13-20; Bona, De Discretion* 
Spirituum (Brussels, 1671); de Paje, Opera Spxritualia (Main*, 
1619), III, V, 1855; Scabamelli, Dtscernimento de* Spiriti 

i Venice, 1753) ; Sarnklli, La Discretione dealt Spiriti (Naples, 
864); Godinez, Praetiea de la Theotogia Mistiea (Madrid, 
1903); Ezquerba, Lucerna mystiea pro Directoribus Animarum 



(Venice, 1722). 



Paul Debuchy. 



Disciple. — This term is commonly applied to one 
who is learning any art or science from one distin- 
guished by his accomplishments. Though derived 
from the Latin discipulus, the English name conveys 
a meaning somewhat narrower than its Latin equiva- 
lent : disciple is opposed to master, as scholar to teacher, 
whilst both disciple and scholar are included under 
the Latin discipulus. In the English versions of the 
Old Testament the word disciple occurs only once 
(Is., viii, 16) ; but the idea it conveys is to be met with 
in several other passages, as, for instance, when the 
Sacred Writer speaks of the "sons" of the Prophets 
(IV K., ii, 7); the same seems, likewise, to be the 
meaning; of the terms children and son in the Sapiential 
books (e. g. Prov., iv, 1, 10; etc.). Much more fre- 
quently does the New Testament use the word dis- 
ciple in the sense of pupil, adherent, one who con- 
tinues in the Master's word (John, viii, 31). So we read 
of disciples of Moses (John, ix, 28), of the Pharisees 
(Matt., xxii, 16; Mark, ii, 18; Luke, v, 33), of John the 
Baptist (Matt., ix, 14; Luke, vii, 18; John, iii, 25). 
These, however, are only incidental applications, for 
the word is almost exclusively used of the Disciples of 
Jesus. 

In the Four Gospels it is most especially applied to 
the Apostles, sometimes styled the twelve disciples" 
(Matt., x, 1 ; xi, 1 ; xx, 17 ; xxvi, 20 ; the sixteenth verse 
of chapter xxviii, having reference to events subse- 

r tit to Christ's Passion, mentions only the " eleven 
iples"), sometimes merely called "the disciples 11 
(Matt., xiv, 19; xv, 33, 36; etc.). The expression "his 
disciples" frequently has the same import. Occasion- 
ally the Evangelists give the word a broader sense and 
make it a synonym for believer (Matt., x, 42; xxvii, 
57; John, iv, 1 ; ix, 27, 28; etc.). Besides, tne significa- 
tion of "Apostle" and that of "believer" were is 
finally a third one, found in St. Luke, and perhaps also 
in the other Evangelists. St. Luke narrates (vi, 13) 
that Jesus "called unto him his disciples, and he chose 
twelve of them (whom also he namea apostles) ". The 
disciples, in this context, are not the crowds of be- 
lievers who flocked around Christ, but a smaller body 
of His followers. They are commonly identified with 
the seventy-two (seventy, according to the received 
Greek text, although several Greek MSS. mention 
seventy-two, as does the Vulgate) referred to (Luke, 
x, 1) as having been chosen by Jesus. The names of 
these disciples are given in several lists (Chronicon 
Paschale, and Pseudo-Dorotheus in Migne, P. G., 
XCII, 521-524; 543-545: 1061-1065); but these lists 
are unfortunately worthless. Eusebius positively 
asserts that no such roll existed in his time, and men- 
tions among the disciples only Barnabas, Sosthenes, 
Cephas, Matthias, Thaddeus, and James "the Lord's 
brother" (Hist. Eccl., I, xii). In the Acts of the 
Apostles the name disciple is exclusively used to desig- 
nate the converts, the believers, both men and women 



(vi, 1, 2, 7; ix, 1, 10, 19; etc. ; in reference to the latter 
connotation see in particular ix, 36). even such as were 
only imperfectly instructed, like tnose found by St. 
Paul at Ephesus (Acts, xix, 1-^5). 

Cbemer, BiMtich-theologisches Worterbuch der neutestament- 
liehen Gracital (8th ed., Gotha, 1895), tr. Ubwxck, Btblico-theo- 
Ugieal Lexicon of the N. T. Greek (3rd ed., Edinburgh, 1892); 
Harnack, Die Mission und die Ausbreitung des Christentutns 
(Leipzig, 1902); Txllemont, Memoires pour servir a Vhistoire 
ecd. (Paris, 1655). I; Olliytkr, Les amities de Jesus (Paris, 
1895); XjBsAtbe, La sainte Eglise au siectc des ApMres (Paris, 
1q9o). 

Charles L. Souvat. 

Disciples of Christ, a sect founded in the United 
States of America by Alexander Campbell. Although 
the largest portion of his life and prodigious activity 
was spent in the United States, Alexander Campbell 
was born, 12 Sept., 1788, in the County Antrim, Ire- 
land. On his father's side he was of Scotch extrac- 
tion; his mother, Jane Corneigle, was of Huguenot 
descent. Both parents are reported to have been 
persons of deep piety and high literary culture. His 
father, after serving as minister to the Anti-Burgher 
Church in Ahorev and director of a prosperous academy 
at Richhill, emigrated to the United States and en- 
gaged in the oft-attempted and ever futile effort "to 
unite all Christians as one communion on a purely 
scriptural basis", the hallucination of so many noble 
minds, the only outcome of which must always be. 
against the will of the Founder, to increase the discord 
of Christendom by the creation of a new sect. In 
1808 Alexander embarked with the family to join his 
father, but was shipwrecked on the Scottish coast and 
took the opportunity to prepare himself for the minis- 
try at the University of Glasgow. In 1809 he migrated 
to the United States, and found in Washington County, 
Pennsylvania, the nucleus of the new movement m 
the "Christian Association of Washington", under 
the auspices of which was issued a " Declaration and 
Address", setting forth the objects of the association. 
It was proposed " to establish no new sect, but to 
persuade Christians to abandon party names and 
creeds, sectarian usages and denominational strifes, 
and associate in Christian fellowship, in the common 
faith in a divine Lord, with no other terms of religious 
communion than faith in and obedience to the Lord 
Jesus Christ". 

An independent church was formed at Brush Run 
on the principles of the association, and, 1 Jan., 1812, 
Alexander was "ordained". His earnestness is at- 
tested by the record of one hundred and six sermons 
preached in one year;, but he wrecked every prospect 
of success by finding in his reading of the Scriptures 
the invalidity of infant baptism, and the necessity of 
baptism by immersion, thus excluding from the Chris- 
tian discipleship the vast majority of believing Chris- 
tians. On 12 June, 1812, with his wife, father, 
mother, and three others, Alexander was rebaptized 
by immersion. Nothing was left him now but to seek 
association with one or other of the numerous Baptist 
sects. This he did, but with the proviso that he 
should be allowed to preach and teach whatever he 
learned from the Holy Scriptures. The Baptists 
never took to him cordially; and in 1817, after five 
years of herculean labours, his followers, whom he 
wished to be known by the appellation of " Disciples 
of Christ", but who were generally styled "Campbel- 
lites", numbered only one hundred and fifty persons. 
Campbell's mission as a messenger of peace was a 
failure; as time went on he developed a polemical na- 
ture, and became a sharp critic in speech and in writ- 
ing of the weaknesses and vagaries of the Protestant 
sects. Only once did he come in direct contact with 
the Catholics, on the occasion of his five days' debate, 
in 1837, with Archbishop Purcell of Cincinnati, which 
excited great interest at the time but is now forgotten. 
His sixty volumes are of no interest. Campbell was 
twice married and was the father of twelve children* 



DISCIPLINE 30 DISCIPLINE 

He died at Bethany, West Virginia, where he had ee- more usual acceptation of the word discipline. Never- 

tablished a seminary, 4 March, 1866. theless, it must be understood that this distinction, 

According to their census prepared in 1906 the however justified, is not made for the purpose of sepa,- 

sect then had 6475 ministers, 11,633 churches, and a rating ecclesiastical laws into two clearly divided cate- 

membership of 1,235,294. It is strongest in the West gories in so far as practice is concerned; the Church 

and South- West, Missouri, Indiana, Illinois, Kentucky, does not always make known to what extent she 

and Ohio having the largest bodies. J. H. Garrison, speaks in the name of natural or of Divine law, and 

editor of their organ "The Christian Evangelist") out- with this corresponds the observance of laws by her 

lines (1906) the relief of his sect. According to their subjects. 

investigations of the New Testament the confession of II. Object of Discipline. — Since ecclesiastical dis- 
faith made by Simon Peter, on which Jesus declared he cipline should direct every Christian life, its object 
would build His Church, namely "Thou art the must differ according to the obligations incumbent 
Christ the Son of the living God , was the creed of on each individual. The first duty of a Christian is to 
Christianity and the essential faith, and that all those believe; hence dogmatic discipline, by which the 
who would make this confession from the heart, being Church proposes what we should believe and so regu- 
penitent of their past sins, were to be admitted by lates our conduct that it shall not fail to assist our 
baptism into the membership of the early Church ; that faith. Dogmatic discipline springs from the power of 
baptism in the early Church consisted of the burial of a rnaaisterium, i. e. the teaching office, in the exercise of 
penitent believer in water in the name of the Father, which power the Church can proceed only by declara- 
and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, and that only tion ; therefore it is ecclesiastical discipline only in a 
such were fit subjects for baptism; that the form of broad sense. The second duty of Christians is. to ob- 
church government was congregational; that each serve the Commandments, hence moral discipline 
congregation had its deacons and elders or bishops, the (disciplina morum). Strictly understood the latter 
former to look after the temporal and the latter the does not depend much more upon the Church than 
spiritual interests of the church. They practise does dogmatic discipline, as the natural law is anterior 
weekly communion and consider it not as a sacrament and superior to ecclesiastical law; however, the 
but as a memorial feast. While they hold both New Church authoritatively proposes to us the moral law, 
and Old Testaments to be equally inspired, both are she specifies and perfects it; hence it is that we gener- 
not equally binding upon Christians. Accepting the ally call moral discipline whatsoever directs the Chris- 
Bible as an all-sufficient revelation of the Divine will, tian in those acts tnat have a moral value, including 
they repudiate all authoritative creeds and human the observance of positive laws, both ecclesiastical and 
grounds of fellowship. secular. Among the chief duties of a Christian the 

Campbell, Christian System (Cincinnati. 1853); Ewiirrr, worship of God must be assigned a place apart. The 

Our Position (Cincinnati, 1885); Richardbon, L»/e of Alexan- i xi l^ nhsu*rvt*\ in thin wnmahin Aarwiallv ruihlio 

der CamvbeU (Philadelphia, 1868); Garhmon, the Reformation rules to be Observed in UllS worsnip, especially pUDIlC 

of the Nineteenth Century (St. Louis, 1901). worship, constitute liturgical discipline. This cannot 

James F. Loughlin. be said to depend absolutely upon the Church, as it 

derives the essential part of the Holy Sacrifice and the 

Discipline, Ecclesiastical. — Etymologically the sacraments from Jesus Christ: however, for the 

word discipline signifies the formation of one who greater part, liturgical discipline nas been regulated by 

places himself at school and under the direction of a the Church and includes the rites of the Holy Sacrifice, 

master. All Christians are the disciples of Christ, de- the administration of the sacraments and of the sacra- 

sirous to form themselves at His school and to be mentals, and other ceremonies, 

guided by His teachings and precepts. He called There still remain the obligations incumbent on the 

Himself , and we, too, call Him, Our Master. Such, faithful considered individually, either on the members 

then, is evangelical discipline. However, in ecclesi- of different groups or classes of ecclesiastical society, 

astical language the word discipline has been invested or, finally, on those who are to any extent whatever 

with various meanings, which must here be enumer- depositaries of a portion of the authority. This is dis- 

ated and specified. cipline properly so called, exterior discipline, estab- 

I. Meaning* of Discipline. — All discipline may be lished by the free legislation of the Church (not, of 

considered first in its author, then in its subject, and course, in a way absolutely independent of natural or 

finally in itself. In its author it is chiefly the method Divine law, but outside of, yet akin to this law) for the 

employed for the formation and adaptation of the pre- pood government of society and the sanctification of 

pepts and directions to the end to be attained, which individuals. On individuals it imposes common pre- 

is the perfect conduct of subjects; in this sense disci- cepts (the Commandments of the Church); then it 

pline is said to be severe or mild. In those who re- states their mutual obligations, in conjugal society by 

ceive it discipline is the more or less perfect conform- matrimonial discipline, m larger societies by detennin- 

ity of acts to the directions and formation received; it ing relations with ecclesiastical superiors, parish 

is in this sense that discipline may be said to flourish in priests, bishops, etc Special classes also have their 

a monastery. Or, again, it is the obligation of sub- own particular discipline, there being clerical disci- 

jects to conform their acts to precepts and directions, pline lor the clergy and religious or monastic discipline 

and is thus defined by Cardinal Cavagnis : Praxis fac- for the religious. The government of Christian society 

lorum fidei consona — " conduct conforming itself to is in the hands of prelates and superiors who are subject 

faith 19 (Inst. jur. publ. eccl., Bk. IV, n. 147). More to a special discipline either for the conditions of their 

frequently, however, discipline is considered objec- recruitment, for the determining of their privileges 

tively, that is, as being the precepts and measures for and duties, or for the manner in which they should ful- 

the practical guidance of subjects. Thus understood fil their functions. We may include here the rules for 

ecclesiastical discipline is the aggregate of laws and the administration of temporal goods. Finally, any 

directions given by the Church to the faithful for their authority from which emanate orders or prohibitions 

conduct both private and public. This is discipline in should have power to ratify the same by penal meas- 

its widest acceptation, and includes natural and Di- ures applicable to all transgressors; hence, another 

vine as well as positive laws, and faith, worship, and object of discipline is the imposing and inflicting of 

morals; in a word, all that affects the conduct of disciplinary sanctions. It must be noted, however, 

Christians. But if we eliminate laws merely f ormu- that the object of these measures is to ensure observ- 

lated by the Church as the exponent of natural or ance or to chastise infractions of the natural and Di- 

Divine law, there remain the laws and directions laid vine as well as of ecclesiastical laws, 

down and formulated by ecclesiastical authority for III. Disciplinary Power or the Church. — U is 

the guidance of the faithful; this is the restricted and evident, therefore, that the disciplinary power of the 



DISCIPLINE 31 v DI80IPLXNE 

Church is a phase, a practical application, of its power otous, with time defects crept in. Later it over- 
of jurisdiction, and includes the various forms of the came these defects and although along some lines its 
Matter, namely, legislative, administrative, judicial, usefulness increased, in other ways its first splendour 
and coercive power. As for the power of order (potestas waned. That in its old age it languishes is evident 
or dints), it is the basis of liturgical discipline by which from the leniency and indulgence which now seem ab- 
its exercise is regulated. For the proof that the solutely necessary. However, all things fairly consid- 
Church is a society and that, as such, it necessarily ered, it will appear that old age and youth have each 
has the power of jurisdiction which it derives from their defects and good qualities. " Were it necessary 
Divine institution through the Apostolic succession, to exemplify the mutability of ecclesiastical discipline 
see Church. Disciplinary power is proved by the very it would be perplexing indeed to make a choice. The 
fact of its exercise; it is an organic necessity in every ancient catechumenate exists only in a few rites; the 
society whose members it guides to their end by provid- Latin Church no longer gives Communion to the laity 
ing them with rules of action. Historically it can be under two kinds ; the discipline relating to penance and 
shown that a disciplinary power has been exercised by indulgences has undergone a profound evolution; 
the Church uninterruptedly, first by the Apostles and matrimonial law is still subject to modifications; fast- 
then by their successors. The Apostles in the first ing is not what it formerly was; the use of censures in 
council at Jerusalem formulated rules for the conduct of penal law is but the shadow of what it was in the Mid- 
the faithful (Acts, xv). St. Paul pave moral advice to die Ages. Many other examples will easily occur to 
the Christians of Corinth on virginity, marriage, and the mind of the well-informed reader, 
the agape (I Cor., vii, xi). The Pastoral Epistles of St. V. Disciplinary Infallibility. — What connexion 
Paul are a veritable code of clerical discipline. The is there between the discipline of the Church and her 
Church, moreover, has never ceased to represent her- infallibility? Is there a certain disciplinary infallibil- 
self as charged by Christ with the guidance of mankind ity ? It does not appear that the question was ever 
in the way of eternal salvation. The Council of Trent discussed in the past by theologians unless apropos of 
expressly affirms the disciplinary power of the Church the canonization of saints and the approbation of re- 
in all that concerns liturgical discipline and Divine ligious orders. It has, however, found a place in all 
worship (Sees. XXI, c. ii): "In the administration of recent treatises on the Church (De EcclesiA). The 
the sacraments, the substance of the latter remaining authors of these treatises decide unanimously in favour 
intact, the Church has always had power to establish of a negative and indirect rather than a positive and 
or to modify whatever she considered most expedient direct infallibility, inasmuch as in her general disci- 
for the utility of those who receive them, or best calcu- pline, i. e. the common laws imposed on all the faith- 
lated to ensure respect for the sacraments themselves tul, the Church can prescribe nothing that would be 




for the maintenance, development, or restoration of amounts to saying that the Church does not and can- 

the moral and spiritual life of Christians. not impose practical directions contradictory of her 

IV. Mutability op Discipline. — That ecclesiasti- own teaching. It is quite permissible, however, to 

cal discipline should be subject to change is natural inquire how far this infallibility extends, and to what 

since it was made for men and by men. To claim that extent, in her disciplinary activity, the Church makes 

it is immutable would render the attainment of its end use of the privilege of inerrancy granted her by Jesus 

utterly impossible, since, in order to form and direct Christ when she defines matters of faith and morals. 

Christians, it must adapt itself to the variable circum- Infallibility is directly related to the teaching office 

stances of time and place, conditions of life, customs of (magisterium) , and although this office and the disciplin- 

peoples and races, Deing, in a certain sense, like St. ary power reside in the same ecclesiastical authorities, 

Paul, all things to all men. Nevertheless, neither the the disciplinary power does not necessarily depend di- 

actual changes nor the possibility of further alteration rectly on the teaching office. Teaching pertains to 

must be exaggerated. There is no change in those the order of truth ; legislation to that of justice and 

disciplinary measures through which the Church sets prudence. Doubtless, in last analysis all ecclesiasti- 

before the faithful and confirms the natural and the cal laws are based on certain fundamental truths, but 

Divine law, nor in those strictly disciplinary regula- as laws their purpose is neither to confirm nor to con- 

tions that are closely related to the natural or Divine demn these truths. It does not seem, therefore, that 

law. Other disciplinary rules may and must be modi- the Church needs any special privilege of infallibility 

tied in proportion as they seem less efficacious for the to prevent her from enacting laws contradictory of her 

social or individual welfare. Thomassin aptly says doctrine. To claim that disciplinary infallibility con- 

[Vetus et nova Ecclesis disciplina (ed. Lyons, 1706), sists in regulating, without possibility of error, the 

preface, n. xvii]: "Whoever has the least idea of eo- adaptation of a general law to its end, is equivalent to 

clesiastical laws, those that concern government as the assertion of a (quite unnecessary) positive infalli- 

well as those that regulate morals, knows well that they bility, which the incessant abrogation of laws would 

are of two kinds, some represent immutable rules of belie and which would be to the Church a burden and 

eternal truth, itself the fundamental law, the source m a hindrance rather than an advantage, since it would 

and origin of these laws, from the observance of which ' suppose each law to be the best. Moreover, it would 

there is no dispensation, against which no prescription make the application of laws to their end the object of 

obtains, and which are not modified either by diver- a positive judgment of the Church ; this would not 

sity of custom or vicissitudes of time. Other ecclesias- only be useless but would become a perpetual obstacle 

tical rules and customs are by nature temporary, in- to disciplinary reform. 

different in themselves, more or less authoritative, From the disciplinary infallibility of the Church, 

useful, or necessary according to circumstances of correctly understood as an indirect consequence of her 

time and place, having been established only to facili- doctrinal infallibility, it follows that she cannot be 

tate the observance of the fundamental and eternal rightly accused of introducing into her discipline any- 

law." As to the variations of discipline concerning thing opposed to the Divine law; the most remarkable 

these secondary laws, the same author describes them instance of this being the suppression of the chalice in 

in these terms 0°c- cit., n. xv): "While the Faith of the Communion of the laity. This has often been vio- 

the Church remains the same in all apes, it is not so lently attacked as contrary to the Gospel. Concern- 

with her discipline. This chances with time, grows ing it the Council of Constance (1415) declared (Sess. 

old with the years, is rejuvenated, is subject to growth XIII): "The claim that it is sacrilegious or illicit to 

MM) decay, Though in its early days admirably vig- observe this custom or law [Communion under one 



i 



DISOIFLDOB 32 DISOIFLnOB 

kind] must be regarded as erroneous, and those who result. So again, in times of persecution, it was neees- 

obstinately affirm it must be cast aside as heretics." sary to be very careful about those who offered them- 

The opinion, generally admitted by theologians^ that selves for instruction, and who might be spies wishing 

the Church is infallible in her approbation of religious to be instructed only that they might betray. The 

orders, must be interpreted in the same sense; it doctrines to which the reserve was more especially 

means that in her regulation of a manner of life des- applied were those of the Holy Trinity and the Sacra- 

tined to provide for the practice of the evangelical ment of the Holy Eucharist. The Lord's Prayer, too, 

counsels she cannot come into conflict with these was jealously guarded from the knowledge of all who 

counsels as received from Christ together with the rest were not fully instructed. With regard to the Holy 

of the Gospel revelation. (See Roman Congbega- Eucharist and the Lord's Prayer some relics of the 

tions.) practice still survive in the Church. The Mass of the 

Thomajuhn, Vetut et nova Baden* duuiplina (ed. Lyons, Catechumens, that earlier portion of the Eucharistic 



1706). preface; Jexubr in Kirchenlex..B.v. Discivhn;eJltTintiBeB -p-vi-^ *« w k; r k WrnprH and nannhvtai wpt-p *A- 
on public ecclesiastical law, especially that by Cavagnm, hut. ^JT 10 ? *> ™wn learners ana neopnytes were aa- 




Chriti SccUsid (Ratisbon 1897), 409 sq. • "» °*" 1 4««? • ^J? ^£2- ' U " T ""»" W1C *"f"™»* » w 

A. Boudinhon. longer survives m the Western Liturgy, as it does in 

the Eastern, of formally bidding the uninitiated to de- 
Discipline of the Secret (Lat. Disciplina Ar- part when the more solemn part of the service is about 
cam; Ger. ArcandiscipLin), a theological term used to to begin. So also the custom of saying the Lord's 
express the custom which prevailed in the earliest ages Prayer in silence in all public services, except the lat- 
of the Church, by which the knowledge of the more ter part of the Mass, when catechumens would accord- 
intimate mysteries of the Christian religion was care- ing to the ancient use no longer have been present, 
fully kept from the heathen and even from those who owes its origin to this discipline, 
were undergoing instruction in the Faith. The cms- The earliest formal witness for the custom seems to 
torn itself is beyond dispute, but the name for it is be Tertullian (Apol., vii): Omnibus mysteriis sileniii 
comparatively modern, and does not appear to have fides adhibetur. Again, speaking of heretics, he corn- 
been used before the controversies of the seventeenth plains bitterly that their discipline is lax in this re- 
century, when special dissertations bearing the title spect, and that evil results have followed: "Among 
"De disciplina arcani" were published both on the tnem it is doubtful who is a catechumen and who a 
Protestant and on the Catholic side. # believer; all can come in alike; they hear side by side 
The origin of the custom must be looked for in the and pray together; even heathens, if any chance to 
recorded words of Christ: "Give not that which is come in. That which is holy they cast to the dogs, 
holy to dogs; neither cast ye your pearls before and their pearls, though to be sure they are not real 
swine; lest perhaps they trample them under their ones, they fling to the swine" (Prsescr. adv. Haer., xli). 
feet, and turning upon you, they tear you" (Matt., Other passages from the Fathers which may be cited 
vii, 6), while the practice in Apostolic times is suffi- are St. Basil (De Spir. Sanct., xxvii): "These things 
ciently vouched for by St. Paul's assurance that he must not be told to the uninitiated"; St. Gregory 
had fed the Corinthians "as . . . little ones in Nazianzen (Oratio xl, in s. bapt.) where he speaks of a 
Christ", giving them "milk to drink, not meat", be- difference of knowledge between those who are with- 
cause they were not yet able to bear it (I Cor., iii, 1-2). out and those who are within, and St. Cyril of Jerusa- 
With this passage we may compare also Heb., v, 12- lem whose "Catechetical Discourses "are entirely built 
14, where the same illustration is used, and it is de- upon this principle, and who in his first discourse cau- 
clared that "solid food is for the perfect; for them tions his hearers not to tell what they have heard, 
who by custom have their senses exercised to the dis- "Should a catechumen ask what the teachers have 
cerning of good and evil.' 9 Although the origin of the said, tell nothing to a stranger; for we deliver to thee 
custom is thus to be traced back to the very beginnings a mystery . • • Let no man say to thee, What harm 
of Christianity, it does not appear to have Deen so if I also know it? • . . See thou let out nothing, not 
general, or to have been carried out with so much that what is said is not worth telling, but because the 
strictness in the earlier centuries as it was immedi- ear that hears does not deserve to receive it. Thou 
ately after the persecutions had ceased. This may be thyself wast once a catechumen, and then I told thee 
due in part to tne absence of detailed information with not what was coming. When thou hast come to ex- 
regard to the earlier period, but it is probable enough perience the height of what is taught thee, thou wilt 
that the discipline was growing more strict all through know that the catechumens are not worthy to hear 
the second and third centuries on account of the pres- them" (Cat., Lect. i, 12). St. Augustine and St. 
sure of persecution, and that, when persecution was at Chrysostom in like manner frequently stop short in 
last relaxed, the need for reserve was felt at first, while their public addresses, and, after a more or less veiled 
the Church was still surrounded by hostile Paganism, reference to the mysteries, continue with: "The initi- 
to be increased rather than diminished. After the ated will understand what I mean." 
fifth or sixth century, when Christianity was thor- The Lord's Prayer was in St. Augustine's time 
oughly established and secure, the need of such a dis- taught eight days before baptism {Horn, xlii; cf . " En- 
ch>Ene was no longer felt, and it passed rapidly away. *chir.", lxxi, and the "Apostolic Constitutions", VII, 
The practice of reserve (olxopofda) was exercised xliv; St. Chrys., Horn, xx, al. xix, in Matt.). The 
mainly in two directions, in dealing with catechumens, Creed in like manner was taught just before baptism, 
and with the heathen. It will be convenient to treat So St. Ambrose, writing to his sister Marcellina 
of these separately, as the reasons for the practice, and (Epist. xx, Benedict, ed.), says that on Sunday, after 
the mode m which it was carried out, differ somewhat the catechumens had been dismissed, he was teaching 
in the two cases. the Creed in the baptistery of the basilica to those who 
(1) Catechumens. — It was desirable to bring learners were sufficiently advanced. (Cf. also St. Jerome, 
slowly and by degrees to a full knowledge of the Epist. xxxviii, ad Pammach.) More detailed teach- 

Faith. A convert from heathenism could not profit- ing about the Holy Trinity and about the other sacra- 

« ■ .....i_ A _ ai t_i_^i_^v_i; — 1;_» a — ~~ u..a — ~~±~ -—»- ~~i_ _„.,»» «r«- A . iv««vt:« m Other passages 

'Horn, in Matt.", 
Pseud. Augustine, 



DISCIPLINE 



33 



DI80IPLIH1 



cence applied to all the sacraments, and no catechu- 
men was ever allowed to be present at their celebra- 
tion. St. Basil (De Spir. S. ad Amphilochium, xxvii) 
speaking of the sacraments says: ''One must not cir- 
culate in writing the doctrine of mysteries which none 
but the initiated are allowed to see/' For baptism 
reference may be made to Theodoret (Epitom. De- 
cret., xviii), St. Cyril of Alexandria (Contr. Julian., i), 
and St. Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. xl, de bapt.)- 

The discipline with respect to the Holy Eucharist 
of course requires no proof. It is involved in the very 
name of the Afissa Catechumenorum, and one can 
scarcely turn to any passage of the Fathers which 
deals with the subject in which the reticence to be 
observed is not expressly stated. Confirmation was 
never spoken of openly. St. Basil, in the treatise 
already quoted (De Spir. S., xxv, 11), says that no one 
has ever ventured to speak openly in writing of the 
holv oil of unction, and Innocent I. writing to the 
Bishop of Gubbio on the sacramental "form" of this 
ordinance answers: "I dare not speak the words, lest 
I should seem rather to betray a trust, than to respond 
to a request for information" (Epist. i, 3). Holy 
orders in the same way were never given publicly. 
The Council of Laodicea forbade it definitely in its 
fifth canon. St. Chrysostom (Horn, xvii in II Cor.), in 
speaking of the practice of begging the prayers of the 
faithful for those who are to be ordained, says that 
those who understand co-operate with and assent to 
what is done. "For it is not lawful to reveal every- 
thing to those who are yet uninitiated. " So also St. 
Augustine (Tract xi, in Joann.) : " If you say to a cate- 
chumen, Dost thou believe in Christ? he will answer, I 
do, and will sign himself with the Cross. . . . Let us 
ask him, Dost thou eat the Flesh of the Son of Man 
and drink the Blood of the Son of Man? He will not 
know what we mean, for Jesus has not trusted himself 
to him." 

(2) The Heathen. — The evidence for the reserve of 
Christian writers when dealing with religious ques- 
tions in books which might be accessible to the 
heathen is, naturally, to a large extent of a negative 
character, and therefore difficult to produce. Theo- 
doret (Quffiet. xv in Num.) lays down the general 
principle in terms which are quite clear and unmis- 
takable: "We speak in obscure terms concerning the 
Divine Mysteries, on account of the uninitiated, but 
when these have withdrawn we teach the initiated 
plainly." That passage alone would suffice to refute 
the allegation not unfrequently made that the Discip- 
line of the Secret was a confinement of the knowledge 
of the mysteries of the Faith to a chosen few, and was 
introduced in imitation of the heathen "mysteries". 
On the contrary all Christians were taught the whole 
truth, there was no esoteric doctrine, but they were 
brought to full knowledge slowly, and precautions 
were taken, as was very necessary, to prevent heathens 
from learning anything of which they might make an 
evil use. A very striking example of the way in 
which the discipline worked may be found in the writ- 
ings of St. Chrysostom. He writes to Pope Innocent 
I to say that in the course of a disturbance at Con- 
stantinople an act of irreverence had been committed, 
and "the blood of Christ had been spilt upon the 
ground ". In a letter to the pope there was no reason 
for not speaking plainly. But Palladius, his bio- 
grapher, speaking of the same incident in a book for 
general reading, says only, " They overturned the sym- 
bols" (Chrys. ad Inn., i, 3 in P. G., LII, 534; cf. 
Dolknger, "Lehre der Eucharistie", 15). It is, no 
doubt, on this account that almost all the early apolo- 
gists, as Minucius Felix, Athenagoras, Arnobius, Ta- 
tian. and Theophilus, are absolutely silent on the Holy 
Eucharist. Justin Martyr and to a less degree Ter- 
tullian are more outspoken; the frankness of the 
former has been unduly urged to prove the non-exist- 
ence of this institution in the first half of the second 
V— 3 



century. So again, as Cardinal Newman has ob- 
served (Development, 27), both Minucius Felix and 
Arnobius in controversy with heathens deny abso- 
lutely that Christians used altars in their churches. 
The obvious meaning was that they did not use altars 
in the heathen sense, and they must not be taken as 
denying the teaching of the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
that, in a Christian sense, "we nave an altar". 

The controversial importance of this subject in 
more recent times is, of course, obvious. The Catho- 
lics answered the accusation of Protestant writers, 
that their special doctrines could not be found in the 
writings of the early Fathers, by showing the exist- 
ence of this practice of reserve. If it was forbidden to 
speak or write publicly of these doctrines, silence was 
completely accounted for. So again, if here and there 
in early writings terms were used which seemed to 
countenance Protestant teaching — as for instance by 
speaking of the Holy Eucharist as symbols — it became 
necessary always to examine whether these terms were 
not used intentionally to conceal the true doctrine 
from the uninitiated, and whether the same writers 
did not, under other circumstances, use much more 
definite language. Protestant controversialists, there- 
fore, endeavoured first of all to deny that the 
practice had ever really existed, and then when they 
were driven from this position, they asserted that it 
was unknown to the earliest Christians, as shown by 
the freedom with which Justin Martyr speaks on the 
subject of the Holy Eucharist, and that it was the 
result of persecution. They alleged therefore that 
Catholics could not use it to account for the silence of, 
any writer before the latter part of the second century 
at the earliest. To this Catholics responded that, 
although no doubt the practice may have been intensi- 
fied through persecution, it goes back to the very be- 
ginnings of Christianity, and to Christ's own words. 
Moreover it can be shown to have been in force before 
St. Justin's time, and his action must be regarded as 
an exception, rendered necessary by the need for put- 
ting before the emperor an account of the Christian 
religion which should be true and full. 

The monuments of the earliest centuries afford in- 
teresting examples of the principle of the Discipline of 
the Secret. Monuments which could be seen by all 
could only speak of the mysteries of religion under 
veiled symbols. So in the catacombs there is scarcely 
any instance of a painting the subject of which is di- 
rectly Christian, although all spoke of Christian truth 
to those who were instructed in their meaning. Jew- 
ish subjects typical of Christian truths were commonly 
chosen, while the representation of Christ under the 
name and form of a fish (see Fish) made the allusion to 
the doctrine of the Holy Eucharist possible and plain. 
There is, for example, the famous Autun inscription 
(see Pbctorius) : "Take the food, honey-sweet, of the 
redeemer of the saints, eat and drink holding the Fish 
in thy hands"; words which every Christian would 
understand at once, but which conveyed nothing to 
the uninitiated. The inscription of Abercius (q. v.) 
offers another notable instance. 

The need for this reticence became less pressing 
after the fifth century, as Europe became Christian- 
ized and the discipline gradually passed away. We 
may, however, still trace its effects m the seventh cen- 
tury in the absurd misstatements contained in the 
Koran on the subject of the Blessed Trinity and the 
Holy Eucharist. This, perhaps, is almost the last 
instance which could be Drought forward. Once the 
doctrines of the Church had been publicly set forth, 
any such discipline became impossible and no return 
to it was practicable. For a refutation of the theory of 
G. Anrich (Das antike Mysterienwesen, 1894), that the 
primitive Christians borrowed this practice from the 
mysteries of Mithra, see Cumont, "The Mysteries of 
Mithra" (London, 1903), 196-99. 

ScHELSTitATB, De diseiplind arcani (Antwerp, 1678); Miiek, 



I 



DISCUS 34 DISCUSSIONS 

De rtcondiid vet Bed. theoL (Helmstedt, 1670); Scrolling**, lie interests upon occasions when a theologian would 

ftf*"*^ ?*"• ^ < v enice. 1766): Lmnhabdt, De anhq. fa out Q e p i ace But wnen there ^ a quegtJonof dog- 

Ixturg, et de due. arc. (Straaburg, 1823); Toklot, De Due. are. w :> *^^ .. Y "**"** ""..,;: M««"» v " v * ~_3i 

(Cologne, 1836);' Wmm, Dm aU*irtW«*« PadagoQik (1869); matic or moral theology, every intelligent layman will 

Mahixgny, Did.; Newman, Ariane, i, S3. Amonf Protestant concede the propriety of leaving the exposition and 

works: Fbomanzv, De Disc, arc in vet. Bed. (Jena, 1833); defence of it to the clenrv 

Rotm, De diee. are. (Heidelberg. 1841); Crednkb in Jenaer awenje ™ » *° «» Clergy. 

Literaturzctiuno (1844); Bonwbtock, ifc&er TPew», EnuUhuna But the clergy are not free to engage m public dis- 

u. Fortqang d. Arkanidueipiin in Zeiuchr. far hut. TheoL putes on religion without due authorisation. In the 

Batiffol in Etudes d'Hut. d de Thtotogie positive (Pari*, we find the f ollowing decree, issued 8 March, 1625: 

1902), 1-42, aa to the antiquity and customary view of the Dis- " The Sacred (Congregation has ordered that public dis- 

ciplina Arcani seem to have beeneatirf aetorily quieted by the cussions shall not be held with heretics, because for the 

learned treatise of Iqnaz von Funk, Dae Alter der Arkanx- X^X^JT^W ««£^ri^ 

dutiplin in his Thedoguche Abhandlunoen (Paderborn. 1907), most part, either owing to then* loquacity or audacity 

III, 42-57; MacDonald, The Discipline of the Secret in The or to the applause, of the audience, error prevails and 

Am. Bed. Rev. (Philadelphia. 1904), ,xxx. the truth is crushed. But should it happen that such 

akthur d. Barnes. a discussion is unavoidable^ notice must first be given 

Discus. See .Paten. to the S. Congregation, which, after weighing the cir- 

Discussions, Religious (Conferences, Disputa- cumstances of time and persons, will prescribe in de- 

tions, Debates), as contradistmguished from polem- tail what is to be done. The Sacred Congregation 

ical writings, designate oral dialectical duels, more or enforced this decree with such vigour, that the custom 

less formal and public, between champions of diver- of holding public disputes with Heretics wellnigh fell 

gent religious beliefs. For the most part, the more into desuetude. [See the decree of 1631 regarding the 

celebrated of these discussions have been held at the missionaries in Constantinople; also the decrees of 

instigation of the civil authorities; for the Church has 1645 and 1662, the latter forbidding the General of the 

rarely shown favour to this method of ventilating re- Capuchins to authorize such disputes (Collectanea, 

vealed truth. .This attitude of opposition on the part 1674, n. 302).] 

of the Church is wise and intelligible. A champion of That this legislation is still in force appears from the 
orthodoxy, possessed of all the qualifications essential letter addressed to the bishops of Italy by Cardinal 
to a public debater, is not easily to be found. More- Rampolla in the name of the Cong, for Ecclesiastical 
over, it seems highly improper to give the antagonists Affairs (27 Jan., 1902) in which it is declared that dis- 
of the truth an opportunity to assail mysteries and in- cussions with Socialists are subject to the decrees of 
stitutions which should be spoken of with reverence, the Holy See regarding public cusputes with heretics; 
The fact that the Catholic party to the controversy is and, in accordance with the decree of Propaganda, 7 
nearly always obliged to be on the defensive places Feb., 1645, such public disputations are not to be per- 
him at a disadvantage before the public, who, as mitted unless there is hope of producing greater good 
Demosthenes remarks, " listen eagerly to revilings and and unless the conditions prescribed by theologians 
accusations". At any rate, the Church, as custodian are fulfilled. The Holy See, it is added, considering 
of Revelation, cannot abdicate her office and permit a that these discussions often produce no result at all or 
jury of more or less competent individuals to decide even result in harm, has frequently forbidden them 
upon the truths committed to her care. and ordered ecclesiastical superiors to prevent theny 
St. Thomas (II— II, Q. z, a. 7) holds that it is lawful where this cannot be done, care must be taken that the 
to dispute publicly with unbelievers, under certain discussions are not held without the authorization of 
conditions. To discuss as doubting the truth of the the Apostolic See; and that only those who are well 
faith, is a sin; to discuss for the purpose of refuting qualified to secure the triumph of Christian truth shall 
error, is praiseworthy. At the same time the character take part therein. It is evident, then, that no Catho- 
of the audience must be considered. If they are well He priest is ever permitted to become the aggressor or 
instructed and firm in their belief, there is no danger; to issue a challenge to such a debate. If he receives 
if they are simple-minded then, where they are solid- from the other party to the controversy a public chal- 
ted by unbelievers to abandon their faith, a public lenge under circumstances which make a non-accept- 
defence is needful, provided it can be undertaken by ance appear morally impossible, he must refer the case 
competent parties. But where the faithful are not to his canonical superiors and be guided by their coun- 
exposed to such perverting influences, discussions of sel. We thus reconcile two apparently contradictory 
the sort are dangerous. It is not, then, surprising utterances of the Apostles: for according to St. Peter 
that the question of disputations with heretics has (I Pet., iii, 15) you should be " ready always to satisfy 
been made the subject of ecclesiastical legislation. By every one that asketh you a reason of that hope which 
a decree of Alexander IV (1254-1261) inserted in is in you", while St. Paul admonishes Timothy (II 
"Sextus Decretalium", Lib. V, c. ii, and still in force, Tim., ii, 14), "Contend not in words, for it is to no 
all laymen are forbidden, under threat of excommuni- profit, but to the subverting of the hearers", 
cation, to dispute publicly or privately with heretics Historic Disputations in Early Times. — The 
on the Catholic Faith. The text reads: " Inhibemus disputes of St. Stephen and St. Paul, mentioned in the 
quoque, ne cuiquam laic® persons) liceat public* vel Acts of the Apostles, were rather in tne nature of Apos- 
privatim de fide catholica disputare. Qui vero contra tolic pleading than of formal discussions. St. Justin's 
tecerit, excommunicationis laqueo innodetur." (We "Dialogue with Tryphon" was, in all probability, a 
furthermore forbid any lay person to engage in dis- literary effort after the model of Plato's dialogues, 
pute, either private or public, concerning the Catholic St. Augustine, the ablest disputant of all time, en- 
Faith. Whosoever shall act contrary to this decree, gaged in several set debates with Arians, Manichseans, 
let him be bound in the fetters of excommunication.) Donatists, and Pelagians. An interesting summary 
This law, like all penal laws, must be very narrowly of each of these great disputations is preserved among 
construed. The terms Catholic Faith and dispute have the saint's works, and ought to be closely studied by 
a technical signification. % The former term refers to those who are called to defend the Catholic cause. Of 
questions purely, theological; the latter to disputa- particular interest is the celebrated Conference of Cap- 
tions more or less formal, and engrossing the attention thage, convened by order of Emperor Honorius to fin- 
of the public. There are numerous questions, some- ish the inveterate schism of the Donatists. It opened 
what connected with theology, which many laymen 1 June, 411, and lasted three days. The tribune Mar- 
who have received no scientific theological training cellinus represented the emperor, and in the presence 
can treat more intelligently than a Driest. In modern of 286 Catholic and 279 Donatist bishops, St. Augus- 
life, it frequently happens that an O'Connell or a Mon- tine, as chief spokesman of theCatholics, so completely 
talembert must stand forward as a defender of Catho- upset the sectarian arguments, that the victory was 



DISOUSSIOlfS 



35 



DISOUSSIOHS 



awarded to the Catholics, many prominent members 
of the sect were converted, and Donatism was doomed 
to a lingering death. Another memorable disputation 
took place in Africa a couple of centuries later (645) 
between St. Maximus, Abbot of Chrysopolis (Scutari) 
and the Monothelite Patriarch Pyrrhus, who had been 
driven from Constantinople by popular violence. It 
was conducted with rare skill and ended with the tem- 
porary conversion of Pyrrhus to the orthodox faith. 

During the Reformation Period. — At the out- 
break of the Lutheran and Zwinglian revolution, 
tumultuous discussions of religious subjects grew to 
be epidemic: Luther opened the revolt by inviting 
discussion upon his ninety-five theses, 31 Oct., 1517. 
Although ostensibly framed to furnish matter for an 
ordinary scholastic dispute, Luther did not seriously 
cpn template an oral debate; for several of his theses 
were at variance with Catholic doctrine and could not 
be discussed at a Catholic university. Instead, they 
were widely scattered through Europe, everywhere 
creating -confusion. An opportunity of dissemina- 
ting more openly his peculiar tenets regarding justifi- 
cation by faith alone, the slavery of the human will, 
and the sinfulness of good works was offered to the 
Reformer by his order during a convention held at 
"Heidelberg in April, 1518, when he directed a dispute 
on twenty-eight theological and forty philosophical 
theses in the presence of many professors, students, 
citizens, and courtiers. Though his novel tenets were 
viewed with deep displeasure by the older heads, he 
was successful in winning over several of his younger 
hearers, notably Brenz and the Dominican, Martin 
Bucer. Emboldened by the outcome of the Heidel- 
berg Dispute, and having discovered that the road to 
success lay m captivating the young, the agitator 
made futile attempts at organizing disputations at the 
seats of higher learning; but no university would lend 
its halls to the dissemination of un-Catholic doctrines. 

The imprudence of Dr. Eck, who had become in- 
volved in a literary contest with Carlstadt and had 
hastily challenged his adversary to a public debate, 
cave Luther his long-looked-for opportunity. With 
his customary energy, he took the direction of the in- 
tellectual duel, encouraged both antagonists to per- 
severe, and arranged the details. The city of Leipzig 
was chosen as the scene. Although the faculty of the 
university entered a vigorous protest, and the Bishops 
of Merseburg and Brandenburg launched prohibitions 
and an excommunication, the disputation took place 
under the aegis of Duke George of Saxony. The dis- 
content of the Catholics was increased when they 
learned that Luther had secured permission to sub- 
join a controversy with Eck on the subject of papal 
supremacy. Eck came to Leipzig with one attend- 
ant; Luther and Carlstadt entered the city accompan- 
ied by an army of adherents, mostly students. The 
preliminaries were carefully arranged; after which, 
from 27 June to 4 July (1519) Eck and Carlstadt de- 
bated the subject of free will and our ability to co- 
operate with grace. Eck had the better part of the 
argument throughout, and forced his antagonist to 
make admissions which stultified the new Lutheran 
doctrine. Thereupon Luther himself came forward 
to assail the dogma of Roman supremacy by Divine 
right. Sweeping away the authority of decretals, 
councils, ana Fathers, he discovered to his hearers, 
and possibly also to himself, how completely he had 
abandoned the basic principles of the Catholic religion. 
There could no longer remain a doubt that a new Hub 
had arisen to scourge the Church. The debate on the 
primacy was succeeded by discussions of purgatory, 
indulgences, penance, etc. On 14 and 15 July, Carl- 
stadt, regaining courage, resumed the debate on free 
will and good works. Finally. Duke George declared 
the disputation closed, and eacn of the contendents de- 
parted, as usual, claiming the victory. 

Of the two universities, Erfurt ana Paris, to which 



the final decision had been reserved, Erfurt declined 
to intervene and returned the documents; Paris sat in 
judgment upon Luther's writings, attaching to each of 
his opinions the proper theological censure. The 
most tangible outcome of this disputation was that, 
while it opened the eyes of Duke George to the true 
nature of Luther's revolt and attached him unalter- 
ably to the Church of his fathers, on the other hand it 
gained for the Lutheran cause the valuable aid of the 
youthful Melanchthon, who never understood the 
merits of the controversy, but was overawed by the 
vigorous personality of the Reformer. 

The Leipzig Disputation was the last occasion on 
which the ancient custom of swearing to advance no 
tenet contrary to Catholic doctrine was observed. In 
all subsequent debates between Catholics and Prot- 
estants, tne bare text of Holy Writ was taken as the 
sole and sufficient fountain of authority. This, natur- 
ally, placed the Catholics in a disadvantageous posi- 
tion and narrowed their prospect of success. This was 
particularly the case in Switzerland, where Zwingli 
and his lieutenants organized a number of one-sided 
debates under the presidency of town councils already 
won over to Protestantism. Such were the disputa- 
tions of Zurich, 1523, of Swiss Baden, 1526, and of 
Berne, 1528. In all of these the result was invariably 
the same, the abolition of Catholic worship and the de- 
secration of churches and religious institutions. 

Passing over the numerous futile attempts made by 
the Protestants to heal their intestine quarrels by 
means of colloquies, we come to the still more hopeless 
efforts of Charles V to bring the religious troubles of 
Germany to a "speedy and peaceful termination" by 
conferences between the Catholic and the Protestant 
divines. Since the Protestants proclaimed their de- 
termination to adhere to the terms of the Augsburg 
Confession, and, in addition, formally repudiated the 
authority of the Roman pontiff and " would admit no 
other judge of the controversy than Jesus Christ", it 
was to be foreseen that the result of conferences thus 
conducted could only be to waste time and increase 
the acrimony already existing between the parties. 
This was as clear to Pope PaulIII as to Luther, both 
of whom predicted the inevitable failure. However, 
since the emperor and his brother, Bang Ferdinand, 
persisted in making a trial, the pope authorized his 
nuncio, Morone, to proceed to opeyer, whither the 
meeting had been summoned for June, 1540. As the 
plague was raging in that city the conference took 
place in Hagenau. Neither the Elector of Saxony 
nor the Landgrave of Hesse could be induced to at- 
tend. Melanchthon was absent through a heavy ill- 
ness brought on by grief and shame at tne ignoble part 
he had taken in the affair of the Landgrave's bigamy. 
The leading Protestant theologians at the conference 
were Bucer, My conius, Brenz, Blaurer, and Urban us 
Rhegius. The most prominent on the Catholic side 
were Bishop Faber of Vienna and Dr. Eck. Present 
and actively intriguing to prevent an accommodation 
was John Calvin, then exiled from Geneva; he ap- 
peared as confidential agent of the King of France, 
whose settled policy it was to perpetuate religious dis- 
cord in the domains of his rival. After a month 
wasted in useless wrangling, King Ferdinand pro- 
rogued the conference to reassemble at Worms on 
28 October. 

Undismayed by the failure of the Hagenau confer- 
ence, the emperor made more strenuous efforts for the 
success of the coming colloquy at Worms. He dis- 
patched his minister Granvella and Ortiz, his envoy, to 
the papal court. The latter brought with him the 
celebrated Jesuit, Father Peter Faber. The pope sent 
the Bishop of Feltri, Tommaso Campeggio, brother of 
the great cardinal, and ordered Morone to attend. 
They were not to take part in the debates, but were to 
watch events closely and report to Rome. Granvella 
opened the proceeding* at Worms, 25 Nov., with an 




DI80U88I0NB 



36 



DI40U88IOHS 



eloquent and conciliatory address. He pictured the 
evils which had befallen Germany, " once the first of 
all nations in fidelity, religion, piety, and divine wor- 
ship " 9 and warned his hearers that all the evils that 
shall come upon you and your people, if, by clinging 
stubbornly to preconceived notions, you prevent a re- 
newal of concord, will be ascribed to you as the au- 
thors of them/' On behalf of the Protestants, Me- 
lanchthon returned " an intrepid answer " ; he threw all 
the blame upon the Catholics, who refused to accept 
the new Gospel. 

A great deal of time was spent in wrangling over 
points of order; finally it was decided that Dr. Eck 
should be spokesman for the Catholics and Melanch- 
thon for the Protestants. The debate began 14 Jan., 
1 54 1 . A tactical blunder was committed in accepting 
the Augsburg Confession as the basis of the confer- 
ence. That document had been drawn up to meet an 
emergency. It was apologetic and conciliatory, so 
worded as to persuade the young emperor that there 
was no radical difference between the Catholics and 
the Protestants. It admitted the spiritual jurisdic- 
tion of the bishops and tacitly acknowledged the su- 
premacy of the pope by laying the ultimate appeal 
with a council by him convened. But many changes 
had taken place in the ten intervening years. The 
bishops had been driven out of every Protestant terri- 
tory in Germany; the Smalkald confederates had 
solemnly abjured the pope and scorned his proffer of 
a council: each petty territorial prince had constituted 
himself the head and exponent of religion within his 
domain. For all practical purposes the Augsburg 
Confession was as useless as the laws of Lycurgus. 
Moreover, as Dr. Eck pointed out, the Augsburg Con- 
fession of 1540 was a different document from the, 
Confession of 1530, having been changed by Melanch- 
thon to suit his sacramentajrian view of the Eucharist. 
Had the theologians at Worms reached an agreement 
on every point of doctrine, the discord in Germany 
would have continued none the less; for the princes 
had not the remotest idea of giving up their lucrative 
dominion over their territorial churches. Eck and 
Melanchthon battled four days over the topic of orig- 
inal sin and its consequences, and a formula was 
drafted to which both parties agreed, the Protestants 
with a reservation. 

At this point Granvella suspended the conference, 
to be resumed at Ratisbon, whither the emperor had 
summoned a diet, which he promised to attend in per- 
son. This diet, from which the emperor anticipated 
brilliant results, was called to order 5 April, 1541. As 
legate of the pope appeared Cardinal Contarini, as- 
sisted by the nuncio Morone. The inevitable Calvin 
was present, ostensibly to represent Luneburg, in 
reality to foster discord in the interest of France. As 
collocutors at the religious conference which met 
simultaneously. Charles appointed Eck, Pflug, and 
Gropper for the Catholic side, and Melanchthon, 
Buoer, and Pistorius for the Protestants. A docu- 
ment of mysterious origin, the " Ratisbon Book ", was 
presented by Joachim of Brandenburg as the basis of 
agreement. This strange compilation, it developed 
later, was the result of secret conferences, held during 
the meeting at Worms, between the Protestants, Bucer 
and Capito, on one side, and the Lutheranixing Grop- 
per and a secretary of the emperor named Veltwick on 
the other. It consisted of twenty-three chapters, in 
which, by an ingenious phraseology, the attempt was 
made so to formulate the controverted doctrines that 
each party might find its own views therein expressed. 
How much Charles and Granvella had to do in the 
transaction, is unknown; they certainly knew and ap- 
proved of it. The "Book" had been submitted by 
the Elector of Brandenburg to the judgment of Luther 
and Melanchthon; and their contemptuous treatment 
of it augured ill for its success. When it was shown to 
the legate and Morone, the latter was for rejecting it 



summarily; Contarini, after making a score of emen- 
dations, notably emphasizing in Article 14 the dogma 
of Transubstantiation, declared that now "as a pii 
vate person " he could accept it; but as legate he must 
consult with the Catholic theologians. Eck secured 
the substitution of a conciser exposition of the doc- 
trine of justification. Thus emended, the "Book" 
was presented to the collocutors by Granvella for con- 
sideration. The first four articles, treating of man 
before the fall, free will, the origin of sin, and original 
sin, were accepted. The battle began in earnest when 
the fifth article, on justification, was reached. After 
long and vehement debates, a formula was presented 
by Bucer and accepted by the majority, so worded as 
to be capable of bearing a Catholic and a Lutheran in- 
terpretation. Naturally, it was unsatisfactory to 
both parties. The Holy See condemned it ana ad- 
ministered a severe rebuke to Contarini for not pro- 
testing against it. No greater success was attained 
as to the other articles of importance. 

On 22 May the conference ended, and the emperor 
was informed as to the articles agreed upon and those 
on which agreement was impossible. Charles was 
sorely disappointed, but he was powerless to effect 
anything further. The decree known as the " Ratis- 
bon Interim", published 28 July, 1541, enjoining upoir 
both sides the observance of the articles agreed upon 
by the theologians, was by both sides disregarded. 
Equally without result was the last of the conferences 
summoned by Charles at Ratisbon, 1546, just previ- 
ously to the outbreak of the Smalkaldic War. 

The Colloquy at Poissy. — In 1561 six French 
cardinals and thirty-eight archbishops and bishops, 
with a host of minor prelates and doctors, wasted in a 
barren controversy with the Calvinists an entire 
month, which might have been spent far more advan- 
tageously to the Church and more in consonance with 
the duties of their offices had they taken their places in 
the Council of Trent. The conference had been ar- 
ranged by Catharine de' Medici, the queen-mother and 
regent during the minority of her son, Charles IX. 
Between this typical representative of the Medici and 
her contemporary, Elizabeth of England, there was 
little to choose. With both religion was simply, a 
matter of expediency and politics. The Calvinist fac- 
tion in France, though less than half a million in num- 
ber, was aggressive and insolent, under the guidance 
of several princes of the royal blood and members of 
the higher nobility. The fatal virus of Gallicanism 
and chronic disaffection towards the Holy See para- 
lysed Catholic activity : and although a general council 
was in session under the legitimate presidency of the 
Roman pontiff, voices were heard even among the 
French bishops, advocating the convocation of a 
schismatical national synod. We may regard it as an 
extenuation of the guilt of Catharine and her advisers, 
that they refused to go the whole length of a schism 
and chose the alternative of a religious conference 
under the direction of the civil power. The pope did 
his utmost to prevent what, under the circumstances, 
could only be construed as a public defiance of ecclesi- 
astical authority. He dispatched the Cardinal of Fer- 
rara, with Laynez, General of the Jesuits, as his ad- 
viser, to dissuade the regent and the bishops. But the 
affair had gone too far; on 9 Sept. the representatives 
of the rival religions began their pleadings before a 
woman and a boy eleven years old. The proceeding* 
were opened by a speech of Chancellor L'Hopital, m 
which be emphasized the right and duty of the mon- 
arch to provide for the needs of the Church. Even 
should a general council be in session, a colloauy be- 
tween Frenchrren convened by the king was the bet- 
ter wav of settling religious disputes; for a general 
ccuncif, being, for the rrost part, composed of foreign- 
ers, was incapable of understanding the wishes and the 
iwe 9 of France. Yet these French politicians who 
refused to sai,mit articles of faith to the decision of a 



DISIBOD 



37 



DISPARITY 



general council because the majority of the Fathers 
were not French, chose as authoritative expounders of 
the' dogmas of the Church the Genevan Beza and the 
Italian Vermigli. 

It was a deep humiliation for the proud hierarchy of 
France to be compelled to listen to a long tirade by 
Besa against the most cherished of Catholic doctrines, 
the Real Presence of Christ in the Eucharist. They 
suppressed their feelings, out of respect for the king, 
until the hardy Reformer, in the heat of argument, 

five utterance to his conviction that the Body and 
lood of Christ were as far distant from the bread and 
wme, as the highest heaven is from the earth. This 
was too much tor the bishops to bear, and they cried 
out, " He blasphemeth ". It was too much for Catha- 
rine herself, and proved to her that the fundamental 
dogma of the Catholic Church was at stake. Beza's 
speech, revised and emended, was scattered broadcast 
among the people of France. We are told that the 
Cardinal of Lorraine confuted the heretic at the next 
session in a masterly address; but since he did not set 
it down in writing its value cannot be ascertained. 
The only sensible speech made at this colloquy was 
that of the Jesuit Laynez, who had the courage to re- 
mind the queen that the j>roper place for ventilating 
subjects concerning the Faith was Trent, not Paris; 
that the Divinely appointed judge of the religious con- 
troversies was the supreme pontiff, not the Court of 
France. Catharine wept; but instead of following the 
Jesuit's wise counsel, she appointed a committee of 
five Calvinists and five lukewarm Catholics, who 
drafted a vague formula which could be interpreted in 
a Catholic or a Calvinistic sense, and. was conse- 
quently condemned by both parties. 

The spread of Protestantism and the application of 
its fundamental principle of private judgment natur- 
ally produced far-reaching differences in belief. To 
heal these and so bring about unity, various confer- 
ences were held: at Weimar (1560), between the Luth- 
erans, Striegel and Flacius, on free will; at Altenburg 
(1568-69), between the Jena theologians and those 
from Wittenberg, on free will and justification; at 
Montbeliard (1586), between Beza and the Tubingen 
theologians, on predestination. None of these re- 
sulted in harmony; they rather emphasized diver- 
gences in belief and intensified partisanship. 

Discussions in Modern Times. — The conference of 
Poissy was the last attempt made to reconcile or slur 
over the radical differences of Catholicity and Prot- 
estantism. There have been some notable oral de- 
bates between champions of the rival religions in more 
recent times; but in these each side laboured to estab- 
lish its own position and prove that of its adversary 
untenable. The most memorable and successful of 
these modern disputations was the "Conference on 
the Authority of the Church" held 8 March, 1679, be- 
tween Bossuet and the Calvinist minister Jean Claude. 
This was a model of close debate, in which, with due 
courtesy, each antagonist kept strictly to the subject 
in hand, the relation of the Church and the Bible. 
The fondness of English-speaking peoples for public 
disputes has often shown itself in challenges, generally 
delivered by Protestant controversialists, to discuss 
religious topics in public. As a rule, they have pro- 
duced no good results, since both sides revived worn- 
out arguments and wandered over too wide a field. 
Such was the " Controversial Discussion between Rev. 
Thomas Maguire and Rev. Richard T. Pope", held in 
the lecture-room of the Dublin Institution in April, 
1827, Daniel O'Connell being one of the presiding offi- 
cers. It was printed and widely circulated. Of a 
similar nature was the " Debate on the Roman Catho- 
lic Religion", held in Cincinnati from 13 to 21 Jan., 
1837, between Alexander Campbell, the founder of 
the Campbellite sect, and Bishop John P. Purcell. 
More satisfactory, because confined within closer 
limits, was the celebrated "Discussion of the Ques- 



tion, Is the Roman Catholic Religion, in any or in 
all its Principles or Doctrines, Inimical to Civil or 
Religious Liberty? and of the Question, Is the 
Presbyterian Religion, in any or in all its Principles 
or Doctrines, Inimical to Civil or Religious Lib- 
erty?" debated in Philadelphia in 1836 between 
Rev. John Hughes, later Archbishop of New York, 
and Rev. John Breckinridge of the Presbyterian 
Church. Both parties kept their tempers remarkably 
well; but to judge from the violent riots which broke 
out not long after, the debate had little effect in extin- 
guishing unreasoning prejudices. With the exception 
of a debate on the auestion of St. Peter's residence in 
Rome, held in the Eternal City in 1872, there have 
been no oral religious discussions in recent times and 
this method of elucidating religious truth may be re- 
garded as discountenanced by modern public opinion. 

Gopfekt in Kirchenlex., a. v. Disputation; Santo, Pradec- 
tiones Juris Can. (4th ed., Ratisbon, 1906), lib. V, p. 108; 
Loibblet, Ce que pense VEqlise des Conferences Contradictoires 
in Etudes (20 Aug., 1905): Pabtok, Die kirchlichsn Reunions- 
bestrebungen wahrend der Regierung Karl* V. (Freiburg, 1879). 

James F. Loughun. 

Diaibod, Saint, Irish bishop and patron of Disen- 
berg (Disibodenberg), born c. 619; d. 8 July, 700. 
His life was written in 1170 by St, Hildegarde, from 
her visions. St. Disibod journeyed to the Continent 
about the year 653, and settled in the valley of the 
Nahe, not far from Bingen. His labours continued 
during the latter half of the seventh century, and, 
though he led the life of an anchorite, he had a numer- 
ous community, who built bee-hive cells, in the Irish 
fashion, on the eastern slopes of the mountain. Be- 
fore his death he had the happiness of seeing a church 
erected, served bv a colony of monks following the 
Rule of St. Columba, and he was elected abbot-bishop, 
the monastery being named Mount Disibod, subse- 
quently Disenberg, in the Diocese of Mains. Numer- 
ous miracles are recorded of the saint. Some authors 
are of opinion that his death really took place on 8 
Sept., whilst the date 8 July is that of the translation 
of nis relics in the year 754, St. Boniface being present. 

Acta 88., 8 July; Mabillon, Annal. Ord. 8. Ben. (Lucca, 
1739), IV; Butlbb. Lives of the Saints, 8 Sept.; O'Hanlon. 
Lives of the Irish Saints (London. 1875), VII, IX. 

W. H. Grattan-Flood. 

Disparity of Worship (DUpariias Cultus), a diri- 
ment impediment introduced by the Church to safe- 
guard the sanctity of the Sacrament of Marriage. To 
effect this purpose a law was necessary that would 
debar Catholics from contracting marriage with per- 
sons unfit to receive the sacrament. The unfitness 
consists in (a) either non-reception of the Sacrament 
of Baptism, which is the door to the other six sacra- 
ments; or (b) in an unbelief in the sacramental char- 
acter of marriage or in either or both of its essential 
properties (unity and indissolubility) ; or (c) in a pro- 
fession of belief or unbelief that endangers the three 
ends and threefold substantial blessings or advan- 
tages of this " great sacrament ... in Christ and the 
church". This unfitness, in whole or in part, is to be 
found in all persons who are not of the Catholic Faith 
and worship. Disparity of worship, in a general way, 
signifies a difference of religion or worship between 
two persons. This state of disagreement may be an- 
tecedent, to, or consequent upon, their marriage. 
Consequent disparity occurs in tne case of two pagans 
or unbaptized persons, one of whom, becoming a con- 
vert, is baptized in the Catholic Faith or validly bap- 
tized in some Christian sect after marriage. The 
marriage is not affected by this consequent disparity 
of religion. Another species of consequent diversity of 
worship which does not militate against the marriage 
is that of two Catholics, one of whom after their union 
apostatizes, or turns infidel, Mohammedan, etc. Ante- 
cedent disparity is twofold: considered in its strict and 
proper sense it is called perfect disparity of worship, 



DISPARITY . 38 DISPARITY 

or simply disparity of worship, and implies a different tions or turned infidel. Onoe baptized always bap* 

relation on the part of the contracting parties in the tized, and always subject to the laws of Christ and His 

matter pran essential religious rite, to wit, the Sacra- infallible Church, is axiomatic. Disparity of worship 

ment of Baptism. Viewed in a less strict, but still a embraces and renders null and void (no dispensation 

proper, sense, it is named imperfect disparity of wor- having been granted) the marriage (a) of a Catholic 

ship or, more commonly, mixed religion (mixta re- with pagan, Mohammedan, Jew, or catechumen, 

ligio), which presupposes an equality as to the recep- and (b) of baptized non-Catholics, e. g. heretics 

tion of baptism, but denotes a divergency as to form and schismatics, with unbaptized persons. It does 

of belief and religious observance. Imperfect dis- not extend to, or make void, the marriage (1) of two 

parity, or mixed religion, does not render void the certainly unbaptized persons, for. since they do not 

marriage of a Catholic with a baptized non-Catholic; belong to Christ by baptism, the Church has no juria- 

but it does make it (unless dispensation intervenes) diction over them; (2) of a Catholic with a baptized 

illicit and sinful. However, such a marriage may be Protestant, or schismatic, or apostate Catholic, or 

null and void on account of another diriment impedi- Catholic turned infidel ; (3) of Daptized non-Catho- 

ment, e. g. clandestinity. lies with one another. Seeing that the parties in the 

Disparity of worship, in its strict sense, and as the second and third classes have been baptized, it is evi- 

subject of this article, is that diversity which exists dent that their marriages are outside the domain of 

between two persons, one of whom has, and the other the diriment impediment, whose aim is to protect the 

has certainly not, received Christian baptism. This sacrament. 

disparity exists between a baptized Christian, whether Difficulties as to the marriages of Catholics with 
Catholic or non-Catholic, and a pagan, Moham- non-Catholics, and of non-Catholics with one another, 
medan, Jew, or even a catechumen (believer in the or with pagans or other unbaptized persons have in 
Catholic Faith yet not baptized). Imperfect dispar- these days multiplied, due either to absolute omission 
ity of worship, or mixed religion, might more strictly of baptism, or its careless and often invalid adminis- 
and aptly be named disparity of faith, since faith (an tration even among the so-called Christian denomina- 
internal act), and ,not baptism, is the point of differ- tions. Doubts about the administration (dubium 
ence; perfect disparity of worship, on the contrary, factt) or valid administration (dubium jurti) of bap- 
might more aptly and properly be called disparity of tism in these sects are as a consequence frequent, and 
baptism, for the reason that the external act (bap- render complex the question whether or not disparity 
tism), and not the internal assent of the mind (faith), of worship covers the marriages in these instances, 
is the fixed point of dissimilarity. Baptism has been The safe guide in this confusion is the axiom: a doubt- 
chosen as the basis of this diriment impediment for a ful baptism, as regards a marriage already, or about to 
twofold reason: (1) it is an external ceremony, easy of be, celebrated, is presumed to be valid if, after due in- 
recognition and proof, and (2) it is a sacrament which vestigation, the doubt is still insoluble or it is not 
imprints an indelible character upon the soul of the prudent (on account of delay, etc.) to remove it. 
receiver and so presents a personal religious condition This rule, so different from that governing baptism as 
which is fixed and unchangeable. Personal faith, on a necessary means for salvation, is based upon the 
the contrary, viewed either as the internal assent of principle that the right to marry yields but to the evi- 
the mind or as the outward profession of the internal dence (not doubt) of the non-baptism. Accordingly, 
act, is subject to change and not always easy of de- disparity of worship invalidates the matrimonial 
monstration, and hence could not afford, a certain and union of one doubtfully baptized with another cer- 
immovable foundation. The primary reason why tainly not baptized. Tne doubt may concern the act 
Catholics are debarred from intermarriage with un- of baptizing or the validity of the ceremony. Inves- 
baptized persons is because the latter are not capable tigation on these points must proceed in this manner: 
of receiving the Sacrament of Matrimony, as baptism search must be made of the ritual belonging to the 
is the door to all the other sacraments. Further- denomination of the party concerning whose baptism 
more, according to the more probable opinion, the there is doubt, and if the ritual teaches the necessity 
Catholic party who, with a dispensation, marries an of baptism, and prescribes the use of the valid matter 
unbaptized person, does not receive the sacrament or and form in its administration, and, further, if the 
the concomitant graces (cf. Sanchez, Bk. II, disp. parents are strict adherents and observers of their 
viii, n. 2; Pirhing, Bk. IV, tit. i, n. 71: Schmalzgru- religion, there is a certainty (sufficient for marriage) 
l>er, Bk. IV, tit. i, n. 307; Billot, "De Ecclesie Sacra- that the baptism was valid. If the ritual prescribes 
mentis", pars posterior, 359 sqq.; Hurter, III, 538, baptism with the necessary matter and form, but, 
n. 598; and Wernz, who examines the reasons for the upon investigation, a serious doubt remains, the bap- 
opposite opinion and answers them, "Jus Decret.", tism is still considered valid. If , on the contrary, the 
IV; 63 sqq.). The Church has not decided this ques- Beet repudiates baptism, forbids infant-baptism, or 
tion; hence the opinion of Dominicus de Soto (In IV admits to baptism only adults of thirty years, or the 
Sent., art. iii, ad finem), Perrone (II. 306), Rosset, parents assert that they do not belong or wish to be- 
who holds that it is the more probable (De Sacr. Majbri- long to any sect or denomination, but are satisfied with 
monii, I, 284 sqq.), and Tanquerey (Synopsis Theol. pleasing the Supreme Being by a good, moral life 
Dogmat., II, 648, n. 31), to wit, that the Catholic does rather than by any fixed form of worship, then there 
receive the sacrament, is tenable. The marriage, ac- is no certainty, not even a presumption, m favour of 
cording to both opinions, is certainly sacred (Leo the baptism in childhood. Should the parents be 
XIII, " Arcanum", 10 Feb., 1880) and indissoluble. careless and negligent in the observances of the sect of 

Extent of the Impediment. — This impediment which they are members, or belong to a denomination 
exists only in instances where the disparity is of such which, whilst not rejecting baptism, yet does not ad- 
nature that one of the contracting parties is, and the mit its necessity, and in which, ordinarily, baptism is 
other party is certainly not, baptized. Every bap- not administered, then there is no presumption for or 
tized person, Protestant as well as Catholic, is subject against the baptism of their offspring, ana each indi- 




children baptized as infants in the Catholic Church baptism, even after careful investigation concerning 
but never reared or instructed in her teachings, Catho- the baptismal ceremony or its validity, remains doubt- 
lies who have fallen away or apostatized from the ful. Neither does it m any way influence the mar- 
Catholic Faith and have joined othef denomina- riage of two who, after diligent examination, are still 



DISPARITY 39 DISPARITY 

— « 

considered doubtfully baptized. There is a difference or at least religious indifference, of the children, and, 

of opinion among the jurists and theologians as to the finally, injury to domestic peace and happiness by the 

influence of this diriment impediment upon the mar- constant exposure to disputes, and sometimes bitter 

riage of two doubtfully baptized, if after investiga- quarrels, about the fundamental principles of Catholic 

tion it turns out for a certainty that one was cer- Faith, and the consequent weakening, if not total ex- 

tainly unbaptized. The more common opinion is that tinction, of Christian love between husband and wife 

disparity of worship does not nullify this marriage. (St. Ambrose, De Abraham, Bk. I, ch. ix, says: 

Gasparri gives as reason that the consuetudinary law " There can be no unity of love where there is no unity 

never contemplated this case, and hence does not in- of faith"). At different periods and in different 

fiuenceit (DeMatrimonio,I,nos.597and601). Wernz countries (especially Spain and Gaul) particular 

(IV, 772, note), Gury-Ballerini (II, 831), and others councils inveighed against them, and although these 

say that the marriage is valid, but give as reason the canons were not strictly observed, and there were 

Church's dispensation, either special or general, many mixed marriages in the days of Sts. Jerome 

Lehmkuhl (II, 536) distinguishes and asserts that if a (Lib. I in Jovinianum) and Augustine (Lib. de Fide et 

dispensation from the prohibitive impediment of operibus, ch. xix), yet after the death of the latter, and 

" mixed religion " has been granted antecedent to the especially from the seventh to the twelfth century, the 

marriage, the union is valid j his reason, however, that detestation of them so increased, and the conviction that 

the Church in dispensing with the prohibitive did im- they were not Christian marriages, and therefore to be 

plicitly dispense with the diriment impediment, seems shunned and not contracted, grew so strong and gen- 

to be at variance with a decree of the Holy Office (29 eral throughout the entire Church that as far back' as 

April. 1840, n. 2^ which clearly states that the Holy the twelfth century it was a universal custom and 

See dispenses with the impediment of disparity of practice which even had the force of a universal 

worship only in express terms. Where no dispen- church law (Beliarmine, De Controversiis, III, De 

sation has been granted, he holds that the marriage is Sacramento Matrimonii, Bk. I, ch. xxiii; Benedict 

null on account of the existing disparity of worship XIV, Constit. "Singulari nobis", paragraphs 9 and 

and must be revalidated. He recognizes, however, as 10). 

valid the marriage of the doubtfully baptized, if they This impediment lis binding on Christians of newly 

had been considered and had considered themselves converted or even pagan countries, where there has 

Catholics, and had followed Catholic practices, and been no such custom inasmuch as there have been no 

afterwards it was discovered that one of them had not Catholics. The opinion of Lessius and others to the 

been baptized (loc. cit. in note). contrary is clearly refuted by the granting of faculties 

Origin of the Impediment. — This impediment, by Gregory XIII to the Christian missionaries of Ja- 
inasmuch as it is diriment, is not enjoined by the pan to dispense with this impediment in the cases of 
natural, Divine, or written ecclesiastical law, but has newly converted Japanese Catholics. Many theolo- 
been introduced by a universal custom and practice in gians and canonists say that there is one exception to 
the Eastern and Western Churches since the twelfth this nullifying law, and that is the instance of an emi- 
century. The natural and Divine laws do, however, grant Catholic family settled in a pagan country 
repudiate and prohibit such marriages as tend to f rus- without a single Catholic neighbour, forty or fifty days 
trate the primary ends of marriage by exposing be- journey removed from the nearest Catholic, and un- 
lievers and their offspring to the loss of their Catholic able on account of the distance or want of means to 
faith, and this prohibition continues in force so long as leave the country or procure a dispensation from the 
the danger exists and no proportionately grave cause impediment, and thus compelled to remain their whole 
dictates the necessity of such marriage. The Mosaic lives single or marry pagans (Santi-Leitner, IV, 74; 
Law (Deut., vii, 3) prohibits marriage between the Gasparri, De Matrimonio, I, 429). It does not seem 
Israelites- and the Chanaanites, and even the Samari- that disparity of worship holds in a case of this kind; 
tans (who kept the Law and had the Book of Moses), the ecclesiastical law under such circumstances does 
on account of the heathenish ceremonies they ob- not bind a man so as to deprive him of his natural right 
served, lest the Jews might be turned away from the to marry. Wernz, however (Jus Decret., IV, 7/5, 
service of the true God and cling to the worship of the n. 37), holds the opposite opinion, 
false gods of their pagan wives. The Pauline in June- Dispensation from the Impediment. — The 
tions (I Cor., vii, 39), " . . . let her marry to whom Church can dispense from this impediment, inasmuch as 
she will but only in the Lord" and (II Cor., vi, 14): it is of ecclesiastical institution. It never does so unless 
"... bear not the yoke with [i. e. do not marry] un- for gravest reasons and upon the fulfilment of certain 
believers'', do not, indeed, declare invalid the mar- conditions and guarantees that safeguard, as far as pos- 
riages of Christians with unbelievers, but certainly do sible, the ends of the Sacrament of Matrimony. The 
earnestly forbid the faithful to marry unbelievers un- natural and Divine laws, before permitting mixed mar- 
less the ends of Christian marriage are safeguarded riages. exact the removal of all danger to the faith of the 
and grave and weighty reasons exist for the union. Catholic and to the baptism and Catholic bringing-up of 
Certainly in the time of St. Paul and immediately allofthe children of the marriage. The Church cannot 
afterwards the proportionately small number of dispense with this necessary requirement, and, the bet- 
Christians was sufficiently grave cause for permitting ter to ensure its presence, insists upon certain conditions 
such intermarriages with tne hope of the conversion and promises, which must be committed to writing 
of the unbelieving partner. and signed and, in some instances and countries, also 

With the development of the Church and its growth sworn to, by the unbaptized party to the pact. The 
in numbers, opportunities for Christian marriage in- unbeliever promises faithfully to comply with the re- 
creased, proportionately grave reasons for mixed quirements of the Church, and the Church on her part 
unions (unless in rare cases) ceased, and then the nat- grants the permission for the marriage. The prom- 
ural and Divine laws asserted their right to prohibit ises on the part of the unbaptized party are: (1) that 
such marriages as tended to frustrate the ends of the he (or she) will afford the Catholic partner full and per- 
matrimonial sacrament by exposing the Catholic to a feet freedom to practise the Catholic Faith, and that 
weakening or loss of faith, the offspring to a lack of he (or she) will abstain from saying or doing aught to 
Christian education, and the family to a want of weaken or change that faith, and, if he be an inhab- 
that Christian love which is its very corner-stone. The itant of a pagan country, that he will not practise 
Christian laity, as well as clergy, realized from sad polygamy; (2) that he (or she) will permit all children 
experience and observation the ordinary tendency of of their union to be baptized and reared in the Catho- 
mixed unions to a compromise or loss of faith on the lie Faith and practice, and that he (or she) will do or 
part of the Catholic, and the un-Catholic bringing-up, say nothing calculated to lessen their faith or turn 



DISPARITY 40 DISPAEITY 

them away from it or its practices. The Catholic pe- far as possible (Collectanea S. C. de Prop. Fide, n. 

titioner for the dispensation must also give promise 2188). Bishops cannot dispense in instances where 

(usually also written, in order that the dispenser may the ends, purposes, and substantial blessings of the 

have a moral certainty of the absence of danger to the sacrament are well protected, unless there also exists 

substantial ends of the sacrament) that he (or she) a grave and proportionately weighty reason. There 

will strictly attend to his (or her) personal religious are sixteen canonical reasons, some grave and others 

duties and have all the children baptized and properly still more grave (Instruct. S. C. de Prop. Fide, 9 May, 

reared and trained in the Catholic doctrine and prac- 1877). Should the bishop dispense without cause, 

tice, and that by prayer and good example and other the dispensation would be null and void. The pope's 

legitimate and prudent means he (or sne) will con- dispensation, in a similar case labouring under the 

stantly labour to bring about the conversion to the same defect, would be valid. The reason of this dif- 

Catholic Faith of his (or her) unbaptized partner, ference is that a bishop cannot violate the law of his 

The promise to strive to effect the conversion of the superior (in this instance the universal law), whereas 

unbeliever is of special importance, although too fre- the pope, who is supreme legislator, can dispense from 

quently lost sight of. The conversion most assuredly universal ecclesiastical laws. He cannot, however, 

eliminates the last vestige of possible perversion of the do so validly with the prohibition of the natural ana 

Catholic party, ensures the primary end of marriage, Divine laws; hence he must have, before conceding 

i. e. the bearing and rearing of children for the Church the dispensation, a moral certainty that the practice 

and heaven, and rounds out, by the perfect unity of of the Faith by the Catholic, and the Catholic bap- 

the married couple in faith and Christian love, their tism and rearing of the children, are amply protected, 

marriage according^ to its great type, the union of The Holy See dispenses from this impediment only for 

Christ with the Church. Even with all these prom- the gravest reasons and only in express terms (Col- 

ises, written and sworn to as safeguards to Christian lectanea S. C. de Prop. Fide, n. 948, 2) ; hence a dis- 

marriage, a dispensation cannot be licitly given unless pensation from mixed religion instead of disparity of 

a grave necessity, proportionate to the great risks to worship would not suffice for the validity of the mar 1 

be encountered, justifies the marriage. riage. 

This dispensation, in former days very rarely ^ All the European Governments (except Austria) 
granted in Catholic countries, is now of more frequent ignore this impediment. The Austrian impediment is 
occurrence, owing to the existence of "civil mar- different from the ecclesiastical impediment. Its 
riage 1 ' ana the growing indifference on the part of basis is the profession of faith, and not the baptism of 
parents in the matter of their children's baptism, the parties, and so far as Catholicism is concerned, this 
The rule of the Church was, and is, not to grant a dis- civil impediment is more injurious than otherwise, 
pensation from this impediment unless in provinces or According to the Austrian law, the marriage of a Cath- 
countries where the Catholics are largely outnum- olic with a Jew, or other unbaptized party, is civilly 
bered by the non-baptized inhabitants. Rather than invalid as leng as the Catholic remains in the Catholic 
dispense from the disparity of worship, the Church Church. Should the Catholic leave the Church, and 
will more willingly and readily grant dispensation announce that he (or she) held no belief in any faith, 
from the diriment impediments of affinity and consan- the marriage with an unbaptized partner would be 
guinity, precisely for the reason that in the latter cases civilly valid. Unbaptized parties can, on the other 
there is no danger to the faith of either Catholic or hand, enter into civilly valid marriage with baptized 
offspring, while in the case of the former, even though Protestants. The Church in granting dispensation 
the necessary promises are made and kept, there is from disparity of worship, thus permitting the mar- 
always danger of religious indifference on the part of riage of a Catholic and an unbaptized person, by that 
the Catholic parent, and especially of the children on act dispenses also from all impediments of purely 
account of the example of the non-baptized parent, ecclesiastical institution, from which the unbaptized is 
The pope alone suo jure can dispense with this impedi- exempt (except clandestinity; cf. "Praxis Curiae 
ment; bishops cannot. They, however, are dele- Romans "; "NeTemere", 2 Aug., 1907): the Church 
gated to do so, but in the pope's name and by virtue of does this in order that the exemption of the unbap- 
the delegated authority. Thus the bishops in pagan tized may, on account of the indissolubility of the 
countries— China, Japan, Africa, etc. — and in coun- marriage, be communicated to the Catholic party 
tries where the unbaptized largely outnumber the (Congreg. of Inquis., 3 March, 1825). This dispensa- 
Catholics, as England, United States, etc., have ample tion never includes dispensation in any degree in the 
faculties in respect of this impediment. To-day the direct line nor in the first degree of the transverse line 
only case (and should there be danger in delay it is (Gasparri, op. cit., nos. 700, 701). This impediment, 
not: see Formula T, 11 June. 1907) reserved to Rome which is pumiei jurU, can be invoked by any Catholic 
in the faculties granted to bishops of the United States to annul a marriage contracted without the necessary 
is that of a Catholic with an orthodox Jew, i. e. a cir- dispensation. The burden of proof rests upon the 
cumcised follower of Judaism. The case of a Jew un- challenger, who must clearly demonstrate that there 
circumcised, or even circumcised if he has abandoned was either no act of baptismal administration or that 
Judaism, is not reserved. t the act of administration which actually took place 

This delegated faculty to bishops is given only for a was certainly invalid. The usual canonical laws of 

specified period of five years or for a certain number evidence are supplemented by special laws laid down 

of cases and requires that the bishop in granting a dis- for the demonstration of the ceremony or the validity 




bishops may dispense without express faculty of negligent Catholics. The rules prescribed by the 

Rome, which in such cases is presumed to grant it. Congreg. of the Inquisition (1 Aug., 1883, and 5 Feb., 

All bishops can (decrees of Congreg. of Inquis., 20 1851) for the verification of the fact or non-fact of the 

Feb., 1888, and 1 March, 1889) dispense, and delegate baptism, as also of the validity of the act, must be 

the parish priests to dispense, from the impediment of strictly followed. 

disparity of worship in tne case of one who is in danger SchmalzqrCber. Bk. IV, (it. vi, sect. 4: Ferraris. Bxbii' 

of Seat* but i. only civilly married or lives in concu- «*-£ g«ft Jg"}-,^ Szfffi&SSiif&BBZ 

binage. The aforesaid promises cannot be omitted, monialibu* (Louvain, 1874), xx; Gasparri. De Motrimonio 

The sick party must promise absolutely to observe the <P«w. \??3), 1, 401 sqq.; Ballbrini, Opus Theol. Morale (Prato. 

* A ~i,;. A .vtATt+ii g\t tit* natural an/1 Divin* laws anH *n 1894), VI, De Matnmonw, 530 Bq.; Haine, Thiol. Moralu 

requirements of the natural ana Uivme laws, ana to Blementa (Lo Uvai „ ( 1900), iv, 168 iqq,; Wkrni, Ju» Decret. 

Cany OUt the injunctions of the ecclesiastical law as (Rome, 1904), IV, 759-81; Romet, De Sacramento Matrimonii 



DISPENSATION 41 DISPENSATION 

IMontreuil-sur-Mer, 1805), III, art. Ui: Santi-Lwtneb, Prate*, impediment of a vow, the pope remits the obligation 

{BJ^ ( 2rttWU*^£S^T2?i&; reeultjng.fwm the promise made to God, coi^ntly 

1001), 84-86; Becker, De Sponsal. et Matrimonio (Brussels, also the impediment it raised against marriage, (d) 

iS? 6 *' 21 ! «**••» No">w. ?« Sacrament* (Innabruck, 1906), Adispensation may be in formd gratiosd.in formd com- 

&W*5^^ ^nM^ W A Wof the first 

024 sqq.; Collectanea 8. Cong, de Prop. Fide (Rome, 1907), Class need no execution, but contain a dispensation 

index, *. v. Dieporita*. granted ipso facto by the superior in the act of sending 

r. M. J. Rock. ^ Those of the second class rive jurisdiction to the 

person named as executor of the dispensation, if he 

Dispensation (Lat. dirpensatio), an act whereby should consider it advisable; they are, therefore, 

in a particular case a lawful superior grants relaxation favours to be granted. Those of the third class com- 

from an existing law. This article will treat: I. Die- mand the executor to deliver the dispensation if he can 

pensation in General; II. Matrimonial Dispensations, verify the accuracy of the facts for which such dispen- 

For dispensations from vows see Vows and Religious sation is asked; they seem, therefore, to contain a 

Orders; and from fasting and abstinence, Fast, Ab- favour already granted. From the respective nature 

STiNENCB. v of each of these forms of dispensation result certain 

I. Dispensation in General.— Dispensation differs important consequences that affect delegation, ob- 
f rom abrogation and derogation, inasmuch as these sup- reption, and revocation in the matter of dispensations 
press the law totally or in part, whereas a dispensation (see Delegation ; Obreption ; Revocation). 
leaves it still in vigour; and from epikeia, or a favoura- (2) The Dispensing Power. — It lies in the very no- 
ble interpretation of the purpose of the legislator, tion of dispensation that only the legislator, or his 
which supposes that he did not intend to include a lawful successor, can of his own right grant a dispensa- 
particular case within the scope of his law, whereas by tion from the law. His subordinates can do so only in 
dispensation a superior withdraws from the jaower of the measure that he permits. If such communication 
the law a case which otherwise would fall under it. of ecclesiastical authority is made to an inferior by 
The raison d'Hre for dispensation lies in the nature of reason of an office he holds, his power, though de- 
prudent administration, which often counsels the rived, is known as ordinary. If it is only given him by 
adapting of general legislation to the needs of a partic- way of commission it is known as delegated power, 
ular case by way of exception. This is peculiarly true When such delegation Jakes place through a perma- 
of ecclesiastical administration. Owing to the uni- nent law, it is known as delegation by right of law. It 
venality of the Church, the adeauate observance by m styled habitual, when, though given by a particular act 
all its members of a single code of laws would be very of the superior, it is granted for a certain period of time 
difficult. Moreover, the Divine purpose of the or a certain number of cases. Finally, it is called partic- 
Church, the welfare of souls, obliges it to reconcile as ular if granted only for one case. When the power of 
far as possible the general interests of the community dispensation is ordinary it may be delegated to another 
with the spiritual needs or even weaknesses of its in- unless this be expressly forbidden. When it is dele- 
dividual members. Hence we find instances of eccle- gated, as stated above, it may not be subdelegated 
siastical dispensations from the very earliest centuries ; unless this be expressly permitted ; exception is made, 
such early instances, however, were meant rather to however, for delegation ad universUatem causarum, 
legitimize accomplished facts than to authorize before- i. e. for all cases of a certain kind, and for delegation 
hand the doing of certain things. Later on antecedent by the pope or the Roman Congregations. Even 
dispensations were frequently granted; as early as these exceptions do not cover delegations made be- 
the eleventh century Yves of Chartres, among other cause of some personal, fitness of the delegate, nor 
canonists, outlined the theory on which they were those in which tne latter receives, not actual junsdic- 
based. With reference to matrimonial dispensations tion to grant the dispensation, but an appointment to 
now common, we meet in the sixth and seventh cen- execute it, e. g. in the case of dispensations granted. in 
turies with a few examples of general dispensations formd commissd mixtd (see above), 
granted to legitimize marriages already contracted, or The power of dispensation rests in the following 
permitting others about to be contracted. It is not, persons: (A) The Pope. — He cannot of his own right 
nowever, until the second half of the eleventh century dispense from the Divine law (either natural or posi- 
that we come upon papal dispensations affecting in- tive). When he does dispense, e. g. from vows, oaths, 
dividual cases. The earliest examples relate to al- unconsummated marriages, he does so by derived 
ready existing unions; the first certain dispensation power communicated to him as Vicar of Christ, and 
for a future marriage dates from the beginning of the the limits of which he determines by his magisteriurn, 
thirteenth century. In the sixteenth century the or authoritative teaching power. There is some di- 
Holy See began to give ampler faculties to bishops and versity of opinion as to the nature of the pope's dis- 
missionaries in distant lands ; in the seventeenth cen- pensing power in this respect; it is generally held that 
tury such privileges were granted to other countries, it operates by way of indirect dispensation; that is, by 
Such was the origin of the ordinary faculties (see virtue of his power over the wills of the faithful the 
Faculties, Canonical) now granted to bishops. pope, acting in the name of God. remits for them an 

(1) Kinds of Dispensation. — (a) A dispensation may obligation resulting from their deliberate consent, and 

be explicit, tacit, or implicit, according as it is mam- therewith the consequences that by natural or positive 

fested by a positive act, or by silence under circum- Divine law flowed from such obligation. The pope, of 

stances amounting to acquiescence, or solely by its his own right, has full power to dispense from all ecclesi- 

connexion with another positive act that presupposes astical laws, whether universal or particular, even 

the dispensation, (b) It may be granted in foro in- from the disciplinary decrees of oecumenical councils. 

ternoy or in foro externo t according as it affects only the Such authority is consequent on his primacy and the 

personal conscience, or conscience and the community fullness of his immediate jurisdiction. A part of this 

at large. Although dispensations in foro interno are power, however, he usually communicates to the 

used tor secret cases, they are also often granted in Roman Congregations. 

public cases; hence they must not be identified with (B) The Bishop. — Of his ordinary right, the bishop 

dispensations in casu occulto. (c) A dispensation may can dispense from his own statutes ana from those of 

be either direct or indirect, according as it affects the his predecessors, even when promulgated in a diocesan 

law directly, by suspending its operation, or indirectly, synod (where he alone is legislator). From the other 

by modifying the object of the, law in such a way as to laws of the Church he cannot dispense of his own 

withdraw it from the tatter's control. For instance, right. This is evident from the nature of dispensa- 

when a dispensation is granted from the matrimonial tion and of diocesan jurisdiction. A principle main- 



1 



DISPENSATION 42 DISPENSATION 

tained by some authors, viz. that the bishop can intends to grant only a licit dispensation. Therefore 
grant all dispensations which the pope has not re- a dispensation is null when in the motives set forth for 
served to himself, cannot be admitted. But by de- obtaining it a false statement is made which has in- 
rived right (either ordinary or delegated according to fluenced not only the causa impulsiva, i. e. the reason 
the terms of the grant) the bishop can dispense from inclining the superior more easily to grant it, but also 
those laws that expressly permit him to do so or the causa motiva, i. e. the really determining reason 
from those for which he has received an indult to for the grant in question. For this, and in general for 
that effect. Moreover, by ordinary right, based on the information which should accompany the petition, 
custom or the tacit consent of the Holy See, he may in order that a dispensation be valid, see below apro- 
dispense: (a) in a case where recourse to the Holy See pos of obreption and subreption in rescripts of dia- 
ls difficult and where delay would entail serious dan- pensation. Consequently a false statement or the 
ger; (b) in doubtful cases, especially when the doubt fraudulent withholding of information, i. e. done with 
affects the necessity of the dispensation or the suffi- positive intention of deceiving the superior, totally 
ciency of the motives : (c) in cases of frequent occur- annuls the dispensation, unless such statement bear on 
rence but requiring dispensation, also in frequently a point foreign to the matter in hand. But if made 
occurring matters of minor importance; (d) in de- with no fraudulent intent, a false statement does not 
erees of national and provincial councils, although he affect the grant unless the object of the statement be 
may not pronounce a general decree to the contrary; some circumstance which ought to have been ex- 

Se) in pontifical laws specially passed for his diocese, pressed under pain of nullity, or unless it affects di- 

t should be always remembered that to fix the exact rectly the motive cause as above described. Even 

limit of these various powers legitimate custom and then false statements do not always nullify the grant; 

the interpretation of reputable authors must serve as for (a) when the dispensation is composed of several dis- 

guides. Superiors of exempt religious ordera (see Ex- tinct and separable parts, that part or element alone is 

emption) can grant to their subjects, individually, nullified on which tails the obreption or subreption, 

those dispensations from ecclesiastical laws which the as the case may be; (b) when several adequately 

bishop grants by his ordinary power. When there is distinguished motive causes are set forth, the dispen* 

auestion of the rules of their order they are bound to sation is null and void only when the obreption or 

follow what is laid down in their constitutions (see subreption in question affects them all. It is enough, 

Religious Orders). ^ , ^ moreover, that the accuracy of the facts be verifiedat 

(C) Hie Vicar-General. — He* enjoys by virtue of his the moment when the dispensation is granted. There- 
appointment the ordinary dispensing power of the fore, in the case of dispensations ex gratid (or in forma 
bishop, also the delegated powers of the latter, i. e. gratiosd), i. e. granting favours, the facts must be true 
those granted him not personally but as ordinary when the dispensation is expedited; on the other 
(according to present discipline, the pontifical facul- hand, in the case of dispensations in formd commissi 
ties known as ordinary) ; exception is made, however, (and according to the more general opinion, in those in 
for those powers which require a special mandate like formd commissd mixta), the causes alleged must be 
those of the chapter Liceat t for dealing with irregu- verified only when the dispensation is actually executed, 
ferities and secret cases. The vicar capitular like- (4) Form and Interpretation. — It is proper, gener- 
wise has all the dispensing power which the bishop ally speaking, that dispensations be asked for and 
has of his own right, or which has been delegated to granted in writing. Moreover, the Roman Congrega- 
him as ordinary. tions are forbidden, as a rule, to receive petitions for 

(D) Parish Priest. — By his own ordinary right, dispensations or to answer them by telegram. The 
founded on custom, he may dispense (but only in execution of a dispensation made on receipt of tele- 
particular cases, and for individuals separately, not graphic information that such dispensation had been 
tor a community or congregation) from the observ- granted would be null, unless such means of communi- 
ance of fasting, abstinence, and Holy Days. He can cation had been officially used by special authoriza- 
sJso dispense, within his own territory, from the ob- tion from the pope. Except when the interest of a 
servance of diocesan statutes when the latter permit third party is at stake, or the superior has expressed 
him to do so; the terms of these statutes usually de- himself to the contrary, the general dispensing power, 
dare the extent of such power, also whether it be whether ordinary or delegated, ought to be Droadly 
ordinary or delegated. . Dispensation being an act of interpreted, since its object is the common good. But 
jurisdiction, a superior can exercise it only over his the actual dispensation (and the same holds true of 
own subjects, though as a general rule he can do so in dispensing power given for a particular case) ought to 
their favour even outside his own territory. The be strictly interpreted unless it is a question of a dis- 
bishop and the parish priest, except in circumstances pensation authorized by the common law, or one 
governed by special enactments, acquire jurisdiction granted motu proprio (by the superior spontaneously) 
over a member of the faithful by reason of the domi- to a whole community, or with a view to the public 
cile or quasi-domicile he or she has in a diocese or good. Again, that interpretation is lawful without 
parish (see Domicile). Moreover, in their own terri- which the dispensation would prove hurtful or useless 
tory they can use their dispensing power in respect of to the beneficiary, also that which extends the bene- 
persons without fixed residence (vagi), probably also fits of the dispensation to whatever is juridically con- 
in respect of travellers temporarily resident in such nected with it. 

territory. As a general rule he who has power to (5) Cessation of Dispensations. — (a) A dispensation 

dispense others from certain obligations can also dis- ceases when it is renounced by the person in whose 

pense himseif. favour it was granted. However, when the object of 

(3) Causes for Granting Dispensations. — A sufficient the dispensation is an obligation exclusively resulting 

cause is always required in order that a dispensation from one's own will, e. g. a vow, such renunciation is 

may be both valid and licit when an inferior dispenses not valid until accepted by the competent superior, 

from a superior's law, but only for the liceity of the Moreover, neither the non-use of a dispensation nor 

act when a superior dispenses from his own law. the fact of having obtained another dispensation in* 

Nevertheless, in this latter case a dispensation compatible with the former is, in itself, equivalent to a 

granted without a motive would not (in se), except renunciation. Thus, if a girl had received a dispensa- 

for some special reason, e. g. scandal, constitute a tion to marry Peter and another to marry P&uL she 

serious fault. One may be satisfied with a probably would remain free to marry either of them, (b) A 

sufficient cause, or with a cause less than one that, of dispensation ceases when it is revoked after due no- 

itself and without any dispensation, would excuse tice to the recipient. The legislator can validly 

from the law. It is always understood that a superior revoke a dispensation, even without cause, though in 



DISPENSATION 



43 



DISPENSATION 



the latter case it would be illicit to do so ; but without 
a cause an inferior cannot revoke a dispensation, even 
validly. With a iust cause, however, he can do so if 
he has dispensed by virtue of his general powers 
(ordinary or delegated); not so, however, when his 
authority extended merely to one particular case, 
since thereby his authority was exhausted, (c) A 
dispensation ceases by the death of the superior when, 
the dispensation having been granted in formd com- 
mind, the executor had not vet begun to execute it. 
But the grant holds good if given ex gratid (as a fav- 
our) and even, more probably, if granted in formd com- 
missd mixtd. In any case, the new pope is wont to re- 
validate all favours granted in the immediately previous 
year by his predecessor and not yet availed of. (d) A 
conditional dispensation ceases on verification of the 
condition that renders it void, e. g. the death of the 
superior when the dispensation was granted with 
the clause ad beneplacitum nostrum (at our good 
pleasure), (e) A dispensation ceases by the adequate 
and total cessation of its motive causes, the dispensa- 
tion thereupon ceasing to be legitimate. But the 
cessation of the influencing causes, or of a part of the 
motive causes, does not affect the dispensation. 
However, when the motive cause, though complex, is 
substantially one, it is rightly held to cease with the 
disappearance of one of its essential elements. 

II. Matrimonial Dispensations. — A matrimonial 
dispensation is the relaxation in a particular case of an 
impediment prohibiting or annulling a marriage. It 
may be granted: (a) in favour of a contemplated mar- 
riage or to legitimize one already contracted: (b) in 
secret cases, or in public cases, or in both (see Impedi- 
ments of Matrimony) ; (c) in foro inferno only, or in 
foro externa (the latter includes also the former), 
rower of dispensing in foro interna is not always re- 
stricted to secret cases {casus occuUi). These expres- 
sions, as stated above, are by no means identical. 
We shall classify the most important considerations in 
this very complex matter, under four heads: (1) gen- 
eral powers 01 dispensation; (2) particular moults of 
dispensation; (3) causes for dispensations; (4) costs 
of dispensations. 

(1 ) General Powers of Dispensation. — (A) The Pope. 
— The pope cannot dispense from impediments found- 
ed on Divine law— except, as above described, in the 
case of vows, espousals, and non-consummated mar- 
riages, or valid and consummated marriage of neo- 
phytes before baptism (see Neophytes). In doubtful 
cases, however, ne may decide authoritatively as to 
the objective value of the doubt. In respect of im- 
pediments arising from ecclesiastical law the pope has 
full dispensing power. Every such dispensation 
granted by him is valid, and when he acts from a suffi- 
cient motive it is also licit. He is not wont, however, 
out of consideration for the public welfare, to exercise 
this power personally, unless in very exceptional 
cases, where certain specific impediments are in ques- 
tion. Such cases are error, violence. Holy orders, 
disparity of worship, public conjugiciae, consanguin- 
ity in the direct line or in the first degree (equal) of 
the collateral line, and the first degree of affinity (from 
lawful intercourse) in the direct Tine. As a rule the 
pope exercises his power of dispensation through the 
woman Congregations and Tribunals. 

Up to recent times the Dataria was the most im- 
portant channel for matrimonial dispensations when 
the impediment was public or about to become public 
within a short time. The Holy Office, however, had 
exclusive control in foro externa over all impediments 
connected with or juridically bearing on matters of 
faith, e. g. disparity of worship, mixta religio, Holy 
orders, etc. The dispensing power in foro interna lay 
with the Penitentiana, and in the case of pauperes or 
quasi-pauperes this same Congregation haa dispensing 
power over public impediments in foro externa. The 
Penitentiana held as pauperes for all countries outside 



of Italy those whose united capital, productive of a 
fixed revenue, did not exceed 5370 lire (about 1050 
dollars) ; and as quasi-pauperes, those whose capital 
did not exceed 9396 lire (about 1850 dollars). It 
likewise had the power of promulgating general in- 
dults affecting public impediments, as for instance the 
indult of 15 Nov., 1907. Propaganda was charged 
.with all dispensations, both in foro interna and in foro 
externa, for countries under its jurisdiction, as was the 
Congregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs 
for all countries depending on it, e. g. Russia, Latin 
America, and certain vicariates and prefectures Apos- 
tolic. 

On 3 November, 1908, the duties of these various 
Congregations received important modifications in 
consequence of the Constitution "Sapienti", in which 
Pope Pius X reorganised the Roman Curia. Dis- 
pensing power from public impediments in the case of 
Siuperes or quasi-pauperes was transferred from the 
ataria and the renitentiaria to a newly established 
Congregation known as the Congregatio de Disciplina 
Sacramentorum. The Penitentiana retains dispens- 
ing power over occult impediments in foro interna 
only. The Holy Office retains its faculties, but re- 
stricted expressly under three heads: (1) disparity of 
worship; (2) mixta religio; (3) the Pauline Privilege 
[see Divorce (in Moral Theology)]. Propaganda 
remains the channel for securing dispensations for all 
countries under its jurisdiction, but as it is required 
for the sake of executive unity, to defer, in all matters 
concerning matrimony, to the various Congregations 
competent to act thereon, its function is henceforth 
that of intermediary. It is to be remembered that 
in America, the United States, Canada and New- 
foundland, and in Europe, the British Isles are now 
withdrawn from Propaganda, and placed under the 
common law of countries with a hierarchy. The Con- 
gregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs loses 
all its powers; consequently the countries hitherto 
subject to it must address themselves either to the 
Holy Office or to the Congregatio de Disciplina Sacra- 
mentorum according to the nature of the impediment. 

It should be noted that the powers of a Congrega- 
tion are suspended during the vacancy of the Holy 
See, except those of the Penitentiana xn foro interna, 
which, during that time, are even increased. Though 
suspended, the powers of a Congregation may be used 
in cases of urgent necessity. 

(B) The Diocesan Bishops. — We shall treat first of 
their fixed perpetual faculties, whether ordinary or 
delegated, afterwards of their habitual and temporary 
faculties. By virtue of their ordinary power (see 
Jurisdiction) bishops can dispense from those pro- 
hibent impediments of ecclesiastical law which are 
not reserved to the pope. The reserved impediments 
of this kind are espousals, the vow of perpetual chas- 
tity, and vows taken in diocesan religious institutes 
(see Religious Congregations), mixta religio, public 
display and solemn blessing at marriages within for- 
bidden times, the vetitum, or interdict laid on a mar- 
riage by the pope, or by the metropolitan in a case of 
appeal. The bishop may also dispense from diriment 
impediments after the following manner: — 

(a) By tacit consent of the Holy See he can dispense 
in foro inferno from secret impediments from which 
the pope is wont to exercise his power of dispensing, 
in the three following cases: (1) in marriages already 
contracted and consummated, when urgent necessity 
arises (i. e. when the interested parties cannot be sep- 
arated without scandal or endangering their souls, and 
there is no time to have recourse to the Holy See or to 
its delegate)— it is, however, necessary that such mar- 
riage shall have taken place in lawful form before the 
Church, and that one of the contracting parties at least 
shall have been ignorant of the impediment; (2) in 
marriages about to be contracted ana which are called 
embarrassing (perplexi) cases, i. e. where everything 




DISPENSATION 



44 



DISPENSATION 



being ready a delay would be defamatory or would 
cause scandal; (3) when there is a serious doubt of 
fact as to the existence of an impediment; in this case 
the dispensation seems to hold good, even though in 
course of time the impediment becomes certain, and 
even public. In cases where the law is doubtful no 
dispensation is necessary; but the bishop may, if he 
thinks proper, declare authentically the existence and 
sufficiency of such doubt, (b) By virtue of a decree 
of the Congregation of the Inquisition or Holy Office 
(20 February, 1888) diocesan bishops and other ordina- 
ries (especially vicars Apostolic, administrators Apos- 
tolic, and prefects Apostolic, having jurisdiction over 
an allocated territory, also vicars-general in spirituaU- 
bus, and vicars capitular) may dispense in very urgent 
(gravissimum) danger of death from all diriment im- 
pediments (secret or public) of ecclesiastical law, except 
priesthood and affinity (from lawful intercourse) in the 
direct line. However, they can use this privilege only 
in favour of persons actually living in real concubinage 
or united by a merely civil marriage, and only when 
there is no time for recourse to the Holy See. They 
may also legitimize the children of such unions, ex- 
cept those born of adultery or sacrilege. In the de- 
cree of 1888 is also included the impediment of clan- 
destinity. This decree permits therefore (at least 
until the Holy See shall have issued other instructions) 
to dispense, in the case of concubinage or civil mar- 
riage, with the presence of the priest and of the 
two witnesses required by the Decree "Ne temere" 
in urgent cases of marriage in extremis. Canonists 
do not agree as to whether bishops hold these fac- 
ulties by virtue of their ordinary power or by general 
delegation of the law. It seems to us more prob- 
able that those just described under (a) belong to 
them as ordinaries, while those under (b) are dele- 
gated. They are, therefore, empowered to delegate 
the former; in order to subdelegate the latter tney 
must be guided by the limits fixed by the decree of 
1888 and its interpretation dated 9 June, 1889. That 
is, if it is a question of habitual delegation parish 
priests only should receive it, and only for cases where 
there is no time for recourse to the bishop. 

Besides the fixed perpetual faculties, bishops also 
receive from the Holy See habitual temporary indults 
for a certain period of time or for a limited number of 
cases. These faculties are granted by fixed "for- 
mulae", in which the Holy See from t<me to time, or as 
occasion requires it, makes some slignt modifications. 
(See Faculties, Canonical.) These faculties call for a 
broad interpretation . Nevertheless it is well to bear in 
mind, when interpreting them, the actual legislation of 
the Congregation whence they issue, so as not to extend 
their use beyond the places, persons, number of cases, 
and impediments laid down in a given indult. Facul- 
ties thus delegated to a bishop do not in any way re- 
strict his ordinary faculties; nor (in se) do the facul- 
ties issued by one Congregation affect those granted 
by another. When several specifically different im- 
pediments occur in one and the same case, and one of 
them exceeds the bishop's powers, he may not dis- 
pense from any of them. Even when the bishop has 
faculties for each impediment taken separately he 
cannot (unless he possesses the faculty known as de 
cumulo) use his various faculties simultaneously in a 
case where, all the impediments being public, one of 
them exceeds his ordinary faculties. It is not neces- 
sary for a bishop to delegate his faculties to his vicars- 
ceneral; since 1897 they are always granted to the 
bishop as ordinary, therefore to the vicar-general also. 
With regard to other priests a decree of the Holy 
Office (14 Dec., 1898) declares that for the future tem- 
porary faculties may be always subdelegated unless 
the indult expressly states the contrary. These 
faculties are valid from the date when they were 
granted in the Roman Curia. In actual practice they 
do not expire, as a rule, at the death of the pope nor 



of the bishop to whom they were given, but pass on to 
those who take his place (the vicar capitular, the 
administrator, or succeeding bishop). Faculties 
granted for a fixed period of time, or a limited number 
of cases, cease when the period or number has been 
reached ; but while awaiting their renewal the bishop, 
unless culpably negligent, may continue to use them 
provisionally. A bishop can use his habitual facul- 
ties only in favour of his own subjects. The matri- 
monial discipline of the Decree "Ne temere" (2 Aug., 
1907) contemplates as such all persons having a true 
canonical domicile, or continuously resident for one 
month within his territory, also vagi, or persons who 
have no domicile anywhere and can claim no continu- 
ous stay of one month. When a matrimonial impedi- 
ment is common to both parties the bishop, in dispens- 
ing his own subject, dispenses also the otter. 

(C) Vicars Capitular and Vicars-General. — A vicar « 
capitular, or in nis place a lawful administrator, en- 

t'oys all the dispensing powers possessed by the 
►ishop in virtue of his ordinary jurisdiction or of dele- 
gation of the law; according to the actual discipline 
he enjoys even the habitual powers which had been 
granted the deceased bishop for a fixed period of time 
or for a limited number of cases, even if the indult 
should have been made out in the name of the Bishop 
of N. Considering the actual praxis of the Holy See, 
the same is true of particular indults (see below). 
The vicar-general has by virtue of his appointment all 
the ordinary powers of the bishop over prohibent im- 
pediments, but requires a special mandate to give him 
common-law faculties for diriment impediments. As 
, for habitual temporary faculties, since they are now 
addressed to the ordinary, they belong also ipso facto 
to the vicar-general while he holds that office. He 
can also use particular indults when they are ad- 
dressed to the ordinary, and when they are not so ad- 
dressed the bishop can always subdelegate him, unless 
the contrary be expressly stated in the indult. 

(D) Parish Priests and Other Ecclesiastics. — A par- 
ish priest by common law can dispense only from an 
interdict laid on a marriage by him or by his prede- 
cessor. Some canonists of note accord him authority 
to dispense from secret impediments in what are 
called embarrassing (perplexi) cases, i. e. when there is 
no time for recourse to the bishop, but with the obliga- 
tion of subsequent recourse ad cautelam, i. e. for greater 
security; a similar authority is attributed by them to 
confessors. This opinion seems yet gravely probable, 
though the Penitentiaria continues to grant among its 
habitual faculties a special authority for such cases 
and restricts somewhat its use. 

(2) Particular Indults of Dispensation. — When there 
is occasion to procure a dispensation that exceeds the 
powers of the ordinary, or when there are special 
reasons for direct recourse to the Holy See, procedure 
is by way of supplica (petition) and private rescript. 
The supplica need not necessarily be drawn up by 
the petitioner, nor even at his instance; it does not, 
however, become valid until he accepts it. Although, 
since the Constitution "Sapienti , all the faithful 
may have direct recourse to the Congregations, the 
supplica is usually forwarded through the ordinary 
(of the person's birthplace, or domicile, or, since the 
Decree Ne temere", residence of one of the peti- 
tioners), who transmits it to the proper Congregation 
either by letter or through his accredited agent; out if 
there is question of sacramental secrecy, it is sent direct- 
ly to the Penitentiaria, or handed to the bishop's agent 
under a sealed cover for transmission to the Peniten- 
tiaria. The supplica ought to give the names (family 
and Christian) of the petitioners (except in secret cases 
forwarded to the Penitentiaria), the name of the 
ordinary forwarding it, or the name of the priest to 
whom, in secret cases, the rescript must be sent; the 
age of the parties, especially in dispensations affecting 
consanguinity and affinity; their religion, at least 



DISPENSATION 45 DISPENSATION 

when one of them is not a Catholic; the nature, de- unless he subdelegates to another ordinary. When 
, and number of all impediments (if recourse is the impediment is common to, and known to, both 




to the Congregatio de Discipline Sacramentorum parties, execution ought to be made for both ; where- 

ortothe Holy Office in a public impediment, and to the fore, in a case in foro interno, the confessor of one of 

Penitentiaria at the same time in a secret one, it is the parties hands over the rescript, after he has exe- 

neceasary that the latter should know of the public cuted it, to the confessor of the other. The executor 

impediment and that recourse has been had to the com- ought to observe with care the clauses enumerated in 

petent Congregation). The supplica must, moreover, the decree, as some of them constitute conditions sine 

contain the causes set forth for granting the dispensa- qud nan for the validity of the dispensation. As a 

tion and other circumstances specified in the Propagan- rule, these clauses affecting validity may be recog- 



da Instruction of 9 May, 1877 (it is no longer necessary, nized by the conditional conjunction or adverb of ex- 
either for the validity or liceity of the dispensation, to elusion with which they begin (e. g. dummodo, "pro- 
observe the paragraph relating to incestuous inter- vided that"; et nan editor, "not otherwise"), or by an 



course, even when probably this very thing had been ablative absolute. When, however, a clause only 
alleged as the only reason for granting the dispensa- prescribes a thing already of obligation by law it has 
tion). When there is question of consanguinity in the merely the force of a reminder. In this matter also it 
second degree bordering on the first, the supplica is weft to pay attention to the stylus curia, i. e. the 
ought to be written by the bishop's own hand. He legal diction of the Roman Congregations and Tri- 
ought also to sign the declaration of poverty made by bunals, and to consult authors of repute, 
the petitioners when the dispensation is sought from (3) Causes for Granting Dispensations. — Following 
the Penitentiaria in forma vauperum; when he is in the principles laid down for dispensations in general, 
any way hindered from so aoing he is bound to com- a matrimonial dispensation granted without sufficient 
mission a priest to sign it in his name. A false declar- cause, even by the pope himself, would be illicit ; the 
ation of poverty henceforth does not invalidate a die- more difficult and numerous the impediments the 
pensation in any case; but the authors of the false more serious must be the motives for removing them, 
statement are bound in conscience to reimburse any An unjustified dispensation, even if granted ^y the 
amount unduly withheld (regulation for the Roman pope, is null and void, in a case affecting the Divine 
Curia, 12 June, 1908). For further information law; and if granted by other bishops or superiors in 
on the many points already briefly described the cases affecting ordinary ecclesiastical law. Moreover, 
reader is referred to the special canonical works, as it is not supposable that the pope wishes to* act 
wherein are found all necessary directions as to what illicitly, it follows that if he has been moved by false 
must be expressed so as to avoid nullity. When a allegations to grant a dispensation, even in a matter of 
supplica is affected (in a material point) by obreption ordinary ecclesiastical law, such dispensation is invalid, 
or subreption it becomes necessary to ask for a so- Hence the necessity of distinguishing in dispensations 
called "reformatory decree" in case the favour asked between motive or determining causes (causa motive*) 
has not yet been granted by the Curia, or for the let- and impulsive or merely influencing causes {causa im- 
ters known as " Perinde ac valere" if the favour has puUiva). Except wheel the information given is false, 
already been granted. If, after all this, a further still more when he acts spontaneously (moJuproprio) and 
material error is discovered, letters known as " Perinde " with certain knowledge ", the presumption always is 
ac valere super perinde ac valere ' ' must be applied for. that a superior is actingf rom j ust motives. It may be 
See Gasparri, "Tractatus de matrimonio" (2nd ed., remarked that ifthepope refuses to grant a dispensation 
Rome, 1892), I, no. 362. on a certain ground, an inferior prelate, properly au- 
Dispensation rescripts are generally drawn up in thorized to dispense, may grant the dispensation in 
formd commissd mixta, i. e. they are entrusted to an the same case on other grounds which in his judgment 
executor who is thereby obliged to proceed to their are sufficient. ^ Canonists do not agree as to whether 
execution, if he finds that the reasons are as alleged (si he can grant it on the identical ground by reason of 
vera sint exposita). Canonists are divided as to whether his divergent appreciation of the Tatter's force, 
rescripts in formd commissd mixta contain a favour Among the sufficient causes for matrimonial dis- 
granted from the moment of their being sent off, or to pensations we may distinguish canonical causes, i. e. 
be granted when the execution actually takesjriace. classified and held as sufficient by the common law and 
Gasparri holds it as received practice that it suffices if canonical jurisprudence, and reasonable causes, i. e. 
the reasons alleged be actually true at the moment not provided for nominally in the law, but deserving of 
when the petition is presented. It is certain, how- equitable consideration m view of circumstances or % 
ever, that the executor required by Penitentiaria re- particular cases. An Instruction issued by Propa- 
scripts may safely fulfil his mission even if the pope ganda (9 May, 1877) enumerates sixteen canonical 
should die before he had begun to execute it. The causes* The "Formulary of the Dataria" (Rome, 
executor named for public impediments is usually the 1901) gives twenty-eight, which suffice, either alone or 
ordinary who forwards the supplica and for secret concurrently with others, and act as a norm for all 
impediments an approved confessor chosen by the sufficient causes. They are: smallness of place or 
petitioner. Except when specially authorized the places; smallness of place coupled with the fact that 
person delegated cannot validly execute a dispensa- outside it a sufficient dowry cannot be had; lack of 
tion before lie has seen the original of the rescript, dowry; insufficiency of dowry for the bride; a larger 
Therein it is usually prescribed that the reasons given dowry; an increase of dowry by one-third; cessation 
by the petitioners must be verified. This verification, of family feuds; preservation of peace; conclusion of 
usually no longer a condition for valid execution, can peace between princes or states; avoidance of law- 
be made, in the case of public impediments, extra- suits over an inheritance, a dowry, or some important 
judicially or by subdelegation. In foro interna it can business transaction ; the fact that a fiancee is an or- 
be made by the confessor in the very act of hearing phan; or has the care of a family; the age of the fian- 
the confessions of the parties. Should the inquiry cee over twenty-four; the difficulty of finding another 
disclose no substantial error, the executor proclaims partner, owing to the fewness of male acquaintance, or 
the dispensation, i. e. he makes known, usually in the difficulty the latter experience in coming to her 
writing, especially if he acts in foro externa, the decree home ; the hope of safeguarding the faith of a Catholic 
which dispenses the petitioners; if the rescript au- relation; the danger of a mixed marriage* the hope 
thorises him, he also legitimises the children. Al- of converting a non-Catholic party; the keeping of 
though the executor may subdelegate the preparatory property in a family; the preservation of an illustrious 
acta, he may not, unless the rescript expressly says or honourable family; the excellence and merits of the 
so, subdelegate the actual execution of the decree, parties; defamation to be avoided, or scandal pre* 



46 



rented; vAu&xum *\n*Ay having taken pbee be- frj w f h j/ i gw 1 g* q fr .i«R L n. n P. U 

tween the petftionen, or tape; the dinayr of a eml %Syff g, ^jf ySSS-i* '* " " "" 

marriage; of marriage before a Protestant mini s te r ; fact. JCMwvLXXTlti; 
levalidatiou of a marriage that wm null and roid; *-" u " 

ftnefir, aB reasonable causes judged such in the opin- ^ j„ — i ^ ««■>. a 

ion of the pope fe. g, the pubbe good), or special ren- «i»paM. ■AaJoS^ 

sonabfe ranees actuating the petitioners and made #«• '*— »«*^ i** 2 * F S r *- Dr 

known to the pone, L e, motives winch, owing to the v^^BcSt dT*£» 

social statu* of the petitionees, it it opportune aboold Pokto. iv dfrp 

unexplained out of respect for their reputation. M^ Bo****.** 




These various cause* hare been stated in their briefest JJJ!' gUiS/Sl. 

terms. To reaeh their exact force, some acquaintance BfcTvTII; Gasp. 

k nee* awry with the tftyhu curiae and the pertinent JX 2 ^ »▼. i** 

works of reputable authors, always a voiding anything J^f. 

like exaggerated formalism. This list of causes is by Lm 

no meaiis exhaustive; the Holy See, in granting a dis- p€ ?*%5_J* 

pensation, will consider any weighty circumstances Sr^boESSL r ^_, _ __ _ 

that render the dispensation really justifiable. Ktrdumr^ ijanrii.* VaqnTand Lxxvm, ai; 

(4) CW* */ i>i#x*n*rf*m4,--The Council of Trent *"*& emdmt «w;P«. unn n. 3L5; 

(8ess,XXIV.cap.rri>cref.matrim0d^ A»«^^«n^*^(T«^i8^nz 
peneations should be free of all charges. Diocesan *Li-an\.j»*asjaaT. 

chanceries ate bound to co nf orm to this law (many i^muLm «■# *w * ■■«— /t^* tk-'-v j— ,_ 

pontifical document*, and at tinies clauses in induHs, ,2*2?%^?*^^^ 

remind them of H) and neither to exact nor accept J^rt'^SSiT^^ 

4M( .i« *. _^ 4.* ^ _i^j._a ^ Wfc «._rt — ^t-«. *^ au^ J ,i. J .„«..l M wont ot tne rwetve Apostles, it ■ ceJeoratea as a 

anytaing out tne modest eontnixition to tne enancery j-.-u- «_-;,««, ~- k i»i— on*-. £~* „ tv ^ ^ *us- 

i r? ^--^i^-j w«r -_ f«-*-.^*^« .tiMMr^ \S~ double major on 15 July, lne nmt vestige of tins 

eentian Tu (Taxa Inncxentiana). Bo«et hold, thai ^^S^^^^J^^^^}^^^ 

H te «1*> l»Wul, when the dioceae k poor, to demand S£"~J ^E.^wM <w wJ TiTti 

^■>rt t . ■.»■ ^ *ul . ,, u :««..•• /X. ,i;-»m.,— «;,,..- wnen provost of tne cnurcn ot uur .Lady, lne ae- 

ESSS^l^H^ftS^S^&fiS^SS; 9"«« - «i*hentic beyond doubt (G. It Drevw, 

2^^t^^ y j«^^K^STJSt Jl Hymnomphi Latini, if 399, Leipzig, MW7; Idem, 

revenues from tnis source snail De amployea for some ma^tMwyad bv William Durandus. BishoD of Mende 

w^ aJtMt t~m Um mamu.'m peTsio , or i/ivisio Apostolorum it was universally 

to eoltoct for ito execution. Sebrnted in the nortfiem countries of Europe, but 

He Ages in Spain and Italy. 
Godeacalcus) is to conunem- 

shaa been employed. Tliia fee is fixed u^^^^!^^^^}jf\^^S^L llZ? 

t~. *u- '•- ^ < M ^..».^.v>» f /i^ * way (4 n ~„\ ♦-* i^-v Jerusalem for tne various parts of the world, some four- 

IS XT^A L SS rCSS^TL'nS *S5S^?S «* St PeteVand Tk Paul by St. Sylvester (Sehulting, 

r^^.^JTM? ^teSSS ^S? ?ff ^f^™ Bibl. eecL, 1591, 2. 2, 173 sq ; M. irmellini, CWesea 

m n^ey. paid undeV the tot two heads, do not Jj^ ^^Slo m^mTLffald^ch 

affect, strictly speaking, the gratuity of the dispensa- SocesaT and Sitae tfodted StTtea ^^eeclea^ticS 

tion. Thev constitute a just compensation for the SSSJEL^o^t^^ 

expenses the petitioner* obeasion the Curia. As for ^v^^^|t^uis, (^cago, Muwaukee, Dubuque, 

the alma and the componendum, besides the fact that ^mSuwii i 

they do not profit the pope nor the members of the 

Curia personally, but are employed in pious uses, they 

are justifiable, either as a fine for the faults which, as a w>- lfllHJ2 - „ p „ 

rule, give occasion for the dispensation, or as a check • **" 11 ° LWB v x - 

to restrain a too great frequency of petitions often Dispersion of the Jews. See Diaspora. 

based on frivolous grounds. And if the Tridentine 

prohibition be still urged, it may be truly said that the Dissen, Heinrich yon, b. 18 Oct., 1415, at Osna- 

pope has the right to abrogate the decrees of councils, bruck, in Westphalia; d. at Cologne, 26 Nov., 1484. 

and is the best judge of the reasons that legitimize After studying philosophy and theology at Cologne 

suoh abrogation. We may add that the custom of under Heinrich von Gorinchem (Gorkum), a cele- 

tax and componendum is neither uniform nor uni- brated divine of that time and vice-chancellor of the 

venal in the Roman Curia. university, he became a monk in the Carthusian mon- 

^l.V\»peoM^tiotM[n^enU8vARn,I^t4ffpm$^p\mA8S2) t astery of the same place, and took his solemn vows 

^^.^t^igr^So&fe^!?^! " Jan., 1437 He remained th ere all bis life, wlu^ 

KoNtNOA-I'uTfsa, Comnuniariumin facuUaUt opoHoticas (New was a very laborious one, for he read much, copied 

York, 1808), pt. I; thaoommmtaton on th« Decratate, atpeoially many books for the library of his monastery, and com- 

tit. iv, 138; ton Scnsssa, Uandbuch de» Kirehmrechu pnor 23 March, 1457, and continued m that office until 

Qiu, 1988). I. 172; Hinsckius, 8yUm d. kath. Kirchenr. his death. His literary productions, all in Latin, 

&tS Wt^,2^^ S2SS&7SZ& compri* S <»n^entarie 9 ontheP S alm8,on.the Apoc*- 



Schkkmaniv, Propheten und ApottdUgenden (Lapsig, 1907); 
Funk in Kirchenlex., I, 1151; Dabqel, Thesaurus kymnolofficus 
(Halle, 1841), II, 45; cf. Kzixnsr, Heortologie (FrelburE, 1901), 



DISSENTERS 



47 



DITHMAB 



tate", "De multiplici bonorum verecundia", "Quo the intention to pray and therefore in the 
pacto haereticorum fraudes deprehendi quean t ", "Ex- some formal advertence: otherwise a man 



beginning 

. , would not 

positio in totum Missale", "Expositio Antiphonarii", know what he was doing, and his prayer could not be 

"Consolationes in Cantica Canticorum", "De XIII described even as a human act. So long, however, as 

inansionibus", etc. It does not appear that any of nothing is done outwardly which would be incompati- 

these works have ever been printed. ble with any degree whatever of attention to the f unc- 

Lb Vasbeub, Evhemerides Ord. Cartus (Montreuil, 1892), IV. tion of prayer, wie lack of explicit mental application 

434; Petbkius, BMiotheea Carhu. (Cologne, 1609); Hubter, j-_- -1 •- i_ 1_ • iV» A *T_ .n._ 



Nomendator (Innsbruck, 1899). IV, 911. 

Edmund Gurdon. 

Dissenters. See Nonconformists. 

Dissentis, Abbey of, a Benedictine monastery in 
the Canton Grisons in eastern Switzerland, dedicated 



does not, so to speak, invalidate prayer. In other 
words, it keeps its substantial value as prayer, al- 
though, of course, when the dissipation of thought is 
wilful our addresses to the throne of mercy lose a 
great deal in efficacy and acceptability. This doc- 
trine has an application, for example, m the case of 



to Our Lady of Mercy. Tradition ascribes its f ounda- those who are bound to recite the canonical Office and 
tion to Sts. Placid and Sigebert, in the year 614, but who are esteemed to have fulfilled their obligation 
Mabillon places the date two yeare earlier. The his- substantially even though their distractions have been 



tory of the abbey has been somewhat chequered, but it 
has at times risen to positions of great importance and 
influence. It was destroyed by the Avars in 670, 
when its abbot and thirty monks suffered martyrdom, 
but was rebuilt by Charles Martel and Abbot rirmin- 
ius in 711. Charlemagne visited the abbey on his re- 
turn journey from Rome in 800 and bestowed upon it 
many benefactions. Abbot Udalric I (1031-1055) 



abundant and absorbing. Voluntary distractions, 
that is the conscious deliberate surrender of the mind 
to thoughts foreign to prayers, are sinful because of 
the obvious irreverence for God with Whom at such 
times we are presuming to hold intercourse. The 
guilt, however, is judged to be venial. In the admin- 
istration of the sacraments their validity cannot be 
assailed merely because the one who confers them 



was the first of its superiors to be made a prince of the fails to, here and now, think of what he is doing. Prov 
empire, which dignity was subsequently held by vided he has the required intention and posits the es- 
se veral other of its abbots ; many of them also became sentials of the external rite proper to each sacrament, 
bishops of the neighbouring^ sees. In 1581 the abbey no matter how taken over ne may be by outside re- 
was honoured by a visit from St. Charles Borromeo. flections, his act is distinctly a human one and as such 
After enjoying independence for a thousand years it its value cannot be impugned. Such a state of mind, 
was incorporated into the newly formed Swiss Con- however, when it is wilful, is sinful, but the guilt is 
gregation m 1617, since which date it has, in common not mortal unless one has thereby laid himself open to 
with the other five Benedictine abbeys of Switzerland, the danger of making a mistake in what is regarded as 
been subject to the jurisdiction of the president of that essential for the validity of the sacrament in question. 

Congregation. In 1799 it was burned and plundered Noldin, Sutnnm theoloffia moralia (Innsbruck, 1904): Lehm- 

byJL eoldieni of Napoleon's anny when amongst j^SSS&rMSft&J" 7 * O^""-*"*"* 

other valuable treasures, a seventh century MS. - — - 
chronicle of the abbey perished. The printing press 
that had" 
same time 



Joseph F. Delany. 



id been set up in 1729 was also destroyed at the Distributions (from Lat. distribute), canoni- 
same tune, but much of the melted type and other ^y termec i distrubtionea quotidians, are certain por- 
metal was saved and from it were made the pipes of tkam of the revenue of a church, distributed to the 
the organ of St. Martin's church at Dissentis, which is ^^ present at Divine service. There are many 
still m use. The abbey was rebuilt by Abbot Anselm regulations concerning these distributions in the " Cor- 
Huonder, thelast of its superiors to enjoy the rank pus JuriB ». The latest law on the subject is found in 
and title of Prince of the Empire. During the nine- a^ decrees of the Council of Trent (Sess. XXII, cap. 
teenth century the monastery suffered greatly from m j^ ^j where it is ordained that bishops have 
misfortunes of various lands, and so great was the p 0wer to set aside one-third of the revenues of officials 
relaxation of discipline in consequence that its recpv- J^ d dignitaries of cathedral and collegiate chapters 
ery was almost despaired of. Abbot Paul Birker ^ convert this third into distributions for those who 
came from his abbey of St. Boniface at Munich to as- 8&tki y exact iy their obligation of being personally 
sist in restoring regular observance, but so little sue- present every day at the service to which they are 
cess attended his efforts that he left Dissentis in 1861 found. Canons retired on account of their age retain 
and returned to Munich as a simple monk. The ab- ^^ right to the distributions, as do also capitulars 
bey has, however, survived those evil tunesL and is ma who have received coadjutors, and supernumerary 
satisfactory and flourishing condition. Dom Bene- canong wno are waiting a regular stall in the chapter, 
diet Prevost, the eightieth who has ruled over its for- To ea rn these distributions it is necessary to chant the 
tunes, was abbot m 1908 of a community of between q^^ m common, according to the custom of the par- 
thirty and forty monks, who, among theur other duties, ticular church to which the beneficiary belongs. A 
served five public oratories and conducted successfully mere corporal presence, however, without mental ap- 
a grmnasium of nearly a hundred boys. plication to the services performed, will not entitle one 

Mabillon. Annalcs Ordxnxs Sanctx BeneaxcU (Pans. 1708- f_ -~ T%Dri ;-- k , Wk * rt ♦I,-*-** *JU^l„™<>«+o 

1739); Yifb, Chrtmiean General* Ord. 8. P. N. Bentdidi m conscience to these emoluments. 

(Oologne 1 1603): Brdnnkr, Bin Benediktinerbuch (WOribur*. Amd^-Waohml Diet, duDrv* Cath. (Pans. 1801); Fe«- 

1880); Album Benedidinum (St. Vinccnfa. Penn.. 1880). Babm, BM. Can. (Rome, 1899), III. 

G. Cyprian Alston. William H. W. Fanning. 



Dissidents in Poland. See Poland. 

Distraction (Lat. distrahere, to draw away, hence 
to distract) is here considered in so far as it is wont to 
happen in time of prayer and in administering the 
sacraments. It hardly needs to be noted that the 
idea of mental prayer and mind-wandering are de- 
structive of each other. So far as vocal prayer is con- 
cerned, the want of actual interior attention, if volun- 
tary, will take from its perfection and be morally 
reprehensible. Distractions, however, according to 
the commonly accepted teaching, do not rob prayer of 
its-essential character. To be sure one must nave had 



District of Columbia. See Washington. 

Dithmar (Thietmar), Bishop of Merseburg and 
medieval chronicler, b. 25 July, 975; d. 1 Dec., 1018. 
He was a son of Count Siegfried of Walbeck and a rela- 
tive of the imperial family of the Saxon Ottos. After 
receivinghis education in the monastic schools of Qued- 
linburg, Bergen, and Magdeburg, he became, in 1002, 
provost of the monastery of Walbeck which nad been 
founded by his grandfather, was ordained priest in 
1003 and consecrated fourth Bishop of Merseburg on 
24 April, 1000. As bishop he worked with great en- 
ergy for the spiritual and temporal restoration of his 



r 



DIURNAL 48 DIVINATION 

diocese which had been almost ruined by Giseler, the parently always will be7 true, that there is no nation, 
second Bishop of Merseburg, in his unholy ambition civilized or barbarian, which does not believe that 
to become Archbishop of Madgeburg in 981. At the there are signs of the future and persons who can in- 
same time he fearlessly defended the canonical liberty terpret them. Cicero divided divination into natural 
of ecclesiastical elections against the encroachments and artificial. Natural (untaught, unskilled) in- 
of the secular princes. eluded dreams and oracles in which the diviner was a 

While Bishop of Merseburg he composed his famous passive subject of inspiration, and the prediction was 
chronicle "Chronicon Thietmari", which comprises in from a power supposed to be then and there within 
eight books the reigns of the Saxon Emperors Henry I him. Artificial (taught, studied) comprised all fore- 
(called the Fowler;, the three Ottos, and Henry II telling from signs found in nature or produced by man. 
(the Saint). The first three books, covering the Here the diviner was active, and the divination came 
reigns of Henry I and the first two Ottos, are largely apparently from his own skill and observation. This 
based on previous chronicles, most of which are still division is almost^, the same as that given by St. 
extant; the fourth book, comprising the reign of Otto Thomas with respect to the invocation of demons: 
III, contains much original matter; while the remain- divination with express invocation of spirits, embrac- 
ing four books, which describe the reign of Henry II ing dreams, portents or prodigies, and necromancy, 
to the year 1018, are the independent narrative of and divination with tacit invocation through signs and 
Dithmar. As^ councillor of the emperor and partici- movements observed in objects in nature, such as 
pant in many important political transactions, ne was stars, birds, figures, etc., or through signs and arrange- 
well equipped for writing a history of his times. The ments produced by man/ such as molten lead poured 
spirit of sincerity which pervades his chronicle is in water, casting of lots, etc. Dreams here mean 
abundant compensation for the barbarous expressions those expressly prepared and prayed for with hope of 
which occasionally mar the literary style. The last intercourse with gods or the dead. Portents or prodi- 
four books, besides being the principal source for gies are unusual and marvellous sights coming from 
Saxon history during the reign of the holy emperor the lower world. Here we are considering artificial 
Henry II, contain valuable information, not to be divination. 

found elsewhere, regarding the contemporary his- Methods. — The variety of divinatory methods is 
tory and civilization of the Slavic tribes east of the very great. Scarcely an object or movement in the 
river Elbe, especially the Poles and Hungarians, heavens, on the earth, or in the air or water escaped 
Dithmar's original manuscript, with corrections and being metamorphosed into a message of futurity, 
additions made by himself, is still preserved at Dres- Add to these the inventions of man, and there is a 
den. A facsimile edition of it was prepared by L. glimpse of the immense entanglement of superstitions 
Schmidt (Dresden, 1905). The chronicle was also in wnich pagan people groped their way. They can, 
published by Kurze in "Script. Her. Germ. 1 ' (Han- however, De grouped into three classes, as seen from 
over, 1889). and by Lappenberg in " Mon. Germ. Hist.: St. Thomas's division. A detailed list has been given 
Script." Ill, 733-87 1, whence it was reprinted in Migne, by Cicero, Clement of Alexandria in his " Stromata ' ', 
P. L., CXxXIX, 1183-1422. A German translation and others of the Fathers. Under the first class, ex- 
was made by Laurent (Berlin, 1848, and Leipzig, press invocation, come oneiromancy or divination by 
1892). dreams; necromancy, by so-called apparitions of the 

Kubzs in N. Archiv. der OfdUeh. far AlUre deuUcke Qe- dead or spiritism; apparitions of various kinds, which 

iSSftSSSS^ inaybee^erextemaf^ 

teb, Nomendator (3d ed. f Innsbruck. 1903), 1. 060 sq ; Weuti serves ; Pythomsm or by possessed persons, as the Del- 
ia KircfunUx., •. v. phic Pythoness; hydromancy, by signs in water; aero- 

Michael Ott. mancy, by signs in air; geomancy, oy signs in terres- 

-tj ,, v a tt trial substances (geomancy has also another meaning); 

Diurnal (hom diurn jd) . See Hours. aruspices, by signs in the entrails of sacrificial victims, 

Dives (Latin for rich).— The word is not used in the ?*• , The , 8econ ? . class i tacit Evocation * n . d *&» 

Bible as a propernoun; but in the Middle Ages it came *"£{! ******** in nature, embraces judicial or ge- 

to be employed the name of the rich \San in the ^ tWia f £**?&> Pending *> JeD the future 

parable of the rich man and Lasarus, Luke, XVI, through the stars; augury, through the notes of 

19-31. It has often been thought that in this lesson }»"**> »? d J ater /T™^ P"**"* 10 * ^^ *?* 

on the use of riches Christ spoke of real persons and ?wde of acting, feeding, flying, and also the neigh- 

events. The "House of Dives'' is still pointed out in "8 of horae8 * n ? s^ng t of men > etc.— with us 




tanas on this poaaaca of 8t. Luke. ' lar modes. The third class, tacit invocation and 

W. S. Reillt. signs prepared by man, includes geomancy from points 

or lines on paper or pebbles thrown at random; draw- 

Divination, the seeking after knowledge of future ing of straws; throwing dice; cutting cards; letting 

or hidden things by inadequate means. The means a staff fall or measuring it with the fingers saying, "I 

being inadequate they must, therefore, be supple- will, I will not"; opening a book at random, called 

men ted by some power which is represented all Sortes VirgiLiann y so much was the JSneid used in this 

through history as coming from gods or evil spirits, fashion by the Romans; etc. This last transferred to 

Hence the word divination has a sinister signification, the Bible is still common in Germany and elsewhere. 

As prophecy is the lawful knowledge of the future, Hypnotism is also used for purposes of divination, 

divination, its superstitious counterpart, is the unlaw- History. — To attempt to trace the origin of divina- 

ful. As magic amis to do, divination aims to know, tion is a waste of time, since like religion it is universal 

Divination is practically as old as the human race. It and indigenous in one form or another. Some nations 

is found in every ace and country, among the Egyp- cultivated it to a higher decree than others, and their 

tians, Chaldeans, Hindus, -Romans, and Greeks; the influence caused certain modes of divination to spread, 

tribes of Northern Asia had their shamans, the inhab- By its practice they gained a wide reputation for 

Hants of Africa their mgangas, the Celtic nations their occult power. Pre-eminent in history stand the 

druids, the aborigines of America their medicine-men Chaldeans as seers and astrologers, but the ancient 

— all recognized diviners and wizards. Everywhere Egyptians and Chinese were also great adepts in elab- 

divination flourished and nowhere, even to-day, is it orate mysterious rites. Which of them had priority 

completely neglected. Cicero's words were, and ap- therein is still an open question, though the larger share 



DIVUrATIOM 



49 



DIVINATION 



1b the development of divination, especially in connex- 
ion with celestial phenomena, is attributed to the Chal- 
deans, a vague term embracing here both Babylonians 
and Assyrians. In Greece from the earliest historical 
times are found diviners, some of whose methods came 
from Asia and from the Etruscans, a people famous 
for the art. While the Romans had modes of their 
own, their intercourse with Greece introduced new 
forms, and principally through these two nations they 
spread in the South and West of Europe. Before 
Christianity divination was practised everywhere 
according to rites native and foreign. In early days 
priest and diviner were one, and their power was very 
great. In Egypt the pharaoh was generally a priest; 
in fact, he had to be initiated into all the secrets of the 
sacerdotal class, and in Babylonia and Assyria almost 
every movement of the monarch and his courtiers was 
regulated by forecasts of the official diviners and as- 
trologers. The cuneiform inscriptions and the papyri 
are filled with magical formulae. Witness 'the two 
treatises, one on terrestrial and the other on celestial 

Shenomena, compiled by Sargon several centuries 
efore our era. In Greece, where more attention was 
paid to aerial signs, the diviners were held in high es- 
teem and assisted at the public assemblies. The Ro- 
mans, who placed most reliance in divination by sacri- 
fices, had official colleges of augurs and amspices who 
by an adverse word could postpone the most impor- 
tant business. No war was undertaken, no colony 
sent out without consulting the gods, and at critical 
moments the most trifling occurrence, a sneese or a 
cough, would be invested with meaning. Alongside 
all this official divining there were practised secret 
rites by all kinds of wizards, magicians, wise men, and 
witches. Chaldean soothsayers and strolling sibyls 
spread everywhere telling fortunes for gain. Be- 
tween the regulars and the irregulars there was a very 
bitter feeling, and as the lattervoften invoked gods or 
demons regarded as hostile to the gods of the country, 
they were regarded as illicit and dangerous and were 
often punished and prohibited from exercising their 
art. From time to time m various countries the number 
and influence of the regular diviners were diminished 
on account of their pride and oppression, and no doubt 
at times they in turn may have adroitly mitigated the 
tyranny of rulers. With an increase of knowledge the 
fear and respect of the cultivated people for their 
mysterious powers so decreased that their authority 
suffered greatly and they became objects of contempt 
and satire: Cicero's "De Divinatione" is not so 
much a description of its various forms as a refuta- 
tion of them; Horace and Juvenal launched many a 
keen arrow at diviners and their dupes, and Cato's say- 
ing is well known, that he wondered how two augurs 
could meet without laughing at each other. Rulers, 
however, retained them ana honoured them publicly, 
the better to keep the people in subjection, and out- 
side classical lands, workers of magic still held sway. 
Wherever Christianity went divination lost most of 
its old-time power, and one form, the natural, ceased 
almost completely. The new religion forbade all 
kinds, and after some centuries it disappeared as an 
official system though it continued to have many ad- 
herents. Hie Fathers of the Church were its vigorous 
opponents. Hie tenets of Gnosticism gave it some 
strength, and neo-Platonism won it many followers. 
Wfrfeft* the Church itself it proved so strong and at- 
tractive to her new converts that synods forbade it 
and councils legislated against it. The Council of 
Ancyra (c. xxiv) in 31f decreed five years penance to 
eonsulters of diviners, ana that of Laodicea (c. xxxvi), 
•bout 360, forbade clerics to become magicians or 
to make amulets, and those who wore them were to be 
driven out of the Church. A canon (xxxvi) of Orleans 
(51 1) excommunicates those who practised divination, 
auguries, or lots falsely called Sortes Sanctorum (Bibli- 
orum), i. e. deciding one's future conduct by the first 



passage found on opening a Bible. This method was 
evidently a great favourite, as a synod of Vannes (c. xvi) 
in 461 had forbidden it to clerics under pain of excom- 
munication, and that of Agde (c. xlii) in 506 condemned 
it as against piety and faith. Sixtus IV, Sixtus V. 
and the Fifth Council of Lateran likewise condemned 
divination. Governments have at times acted with 
great severity. Constantius decreed the penalty of 
death for diviners. The authorities may have feared 
that some would-be prophets might endeavour to ful- 
fil forcibly their predictions about the death of sov- 
ereigns. When the races of the North, which swept 
over the old Roman Empire, entered the Church, it 
was only to be expected that some of their lesser su- 

Siratitions should survive. All during the so-called 
ark Ages divining arts managed to live in secret, but 
after the Crusades they were followed more openly. 
At the time of the Renaissance and again preceding 
the French Revolution, there was a marked growth of 
noxious methods. The latter part of the nineteenth 
century witnessed a strange revival, especially in the 
United States and England, of all sorts of supersti- 
tion, necromancy or spiritism being in the lead. To- 
day the number of persons who believe in signs and 
seek to know the future is much greater than appears 
on the surface. They abound in communities where 
dogmatic Christianity is weak. 

The natural cause of the rise of divination is not 
hard to discover. Man has a natural curiosity to 
know the future, and coupled with this is the desire of 
personal gain or advantage; some have essayed, 
therefore, m every age to* lift the veil, at least par- 
tially. These attempts have at times produced re- 
sults which cannot be explained on merely natural 
grounds, they are so disproportionate or foreign to the 
means employed. They cannot be regarded as the 
direct work of God nor as the effect of any purely 
material cause; hence they must be attributed to 
created spirits, and since they are inconsistent with 
what we know of God, the spirits causing them must 
be evil. To put the question directly: can man know 
future events? Let St. Thomas answer ii substance: 
Future things can be known either in their causes or in 
themselves. Some causes always and necessarily pro- 
duce their effects, and these effects can be foretold with 
certainty, as astronomers announce eclipses. Other 
causes brine forth their effects not always and neces- 
sarily, but they generally do so, and these can be fore- 
told as well-founded conjectures or sound inferences, 
like a physician's diagnosis or a weather observer's 
prediction about rain. Finally there is a thini class 
of causes whose effects depend upon what we call 
chance or upon man's free will, and these cannot be 
foretold from their causes. We can only see them in 
themselves when they are actually present to our eyes. 
Only God alone, to whom all things are present in His 
eternity, can see them before they occur. Hence we read 
in Isaias (xli, 23), " Shew the things that are to come 
hereafter, and we shall know that ye are gods." Spirits 
can know better than men the effects to come from 
the second class of causes because their knowledge is 
broader, deeper, and more universal, and many occult 
powers of nature are known to them. Consequently 
they can foretell more events and more precisely, just 
as a physician who sees the causes clearer can better 
prognosticate about the restoration of health. The 
difference, in fact, between the first and second classes 
of causes is due to the limitations of our knowledge. 
The multiplicity and complexity of causes prevent us 
from following their effects. Future contingent 
things, the effects of the third class, spirits cannot 
know for certain, except God reveal tnem, though 
they may wisely conjecture about them because of 
their wide knowledge of human nature, their long ex- 
perience, and their judgments based upon our 
thoughts as revealed to them by our words, counte- 
nances, or acta. Unless we wish to deny the value of 



^ 



DIVINATION 



50 



DIVINATION 



human testimony, it cannot be doubted that diviners 
foretold some contingent things correctly and magi- 
cians produced at times superhuman effects. The 
very survival of divination for so many centuries 
would otherwise be inexplicable and its rdfe in history 
an insoluble problem. On religious grounds, to say 
that cUvination and kindred arts were complete im- 
postures would be to contradict Scripture. In it we 
read laws forbidding magic, we have facts like the 
deeds of Jannes and Mambres before Pharaoh, and we 
have a declaration of God showing it possible for a 
sign or wonder to be foretold by false prophets and to 
come to pass (Deut., xiii, 1-12). But, except when 
God gave them knowledge, their ignorance of the 
future resulted in the well-known ambiguity of the 
oracles. 

Attempts to give artificial divination a merely nat- 
ural basis have not succeeded. Chrysippus (de Di- 
vinatione, ii, 63) spoke about a power in man to recog- 
nize and interpret signs, and Plutarch (de Oraculis) 
wrote on the special qualifications an augur should 
have and the nature of the signs; but a preternatural 
influence was recognized in the end. Some modes 
may have been natural in their origin, especially when 
necessary causes were concerned, and many a predic- 
tion made without occult intervention, but these must 
have been comparatively rare, for the client, if not 
always the seer, generally believed in supernatural 
assistance. That some analogy may be traced between 
an eagle and victory, an owl and sadness — though 
to the Athenians a welcome omen — and that to lose 
a tooth is to lose a friend, may readily be admitted, 
but to try to connect these with future contingent 
events would be to reason badly from a very slight 
analogy, just as to stab an image, to injure the person 
it represents, would be to mistake an ideal connexion 
for a real one. Human instinct demanded a stronger 
foundation and found it in the belief in an intervention 
of some supernatural agency. Reason demands the 
same. A corporeal sign is either an effect of the same 
cause of which it is a sign, as smoke of fire, or it pro- 
ceeds from the same catfse as the effect which it signi- 
fies, as the falling of the barometer foretells rain, i. e. the 
change in the instrument and the change in the weather 
come from the same cause. Man's future actions and 
signs in nature stand in no such relation. The sign is not 
an effect of his future act; neither do the sign and his 
act proceed from the same cause. The other kinds of 
signs from living creatures can be passed over by al- 
most the same reasoning. From those who believed in 
fatalism, or pantheism, or that man, gods, and nature 
were all in close communion, or that animals and plants 
were divinities, a belief in omens and auguries of all 
kinds might be expected (see Animism) . Everywhere, as 
a matter of fact, divination and sacrifice were so closely 
connected that no strict line could have been drawn in 
practice between divination with and without express 
invocation of gods or demons. The client came to 
offer sacrifice, and the priest, the diviner, tried to an- 
swer all his questions, while the private wizards 
boasted of their "familiar spirits". 

Theological Aspect. — From a theological stand- 
point divination supposes the existence of devils who 
nave great natural powers and who, actuated by 
jealousy of man and hatred of God, ever seek to lessen 
His glory and to draw man into perdition, or at least 
to injure him bodily, mentally, and spiritually. Di- 
vination is not, as we have seen, foretelling what 
comes from necessity or what generally happens, or 
foretelling what God reveals or what can be discov- 
ered by human effort, but it is the usurpation of 
knowledge of the future, i. e. arriving at it by inade- 
quate or improper means. This knowledge is a pre- 
rogative of Divinity and so the usurper is said to di- 
vine. Such knowledge may not be sought from the 
evil spirits except rarely in exorcisms. Yet every 
divination is from them either because they are 



expressly invoked or because they mix themselves 
up in these vain searchings after the future that they 
may entangle men in their snares. The demon is in- 
voked tacitly when anyone tries to acquire informa- 
tion through means which he knows to be inadequate, 
and the means are inadequate when neither from their 
own nature nor from any Divine promise are they cap- 
able of producing the desired effect. Since the knowl- 
edge of futurity belongs to God alone, to ask it directly 
or indirectly from demons is to attribute to them a 
Divine perfection, and to ask their aid is to offer them 
a species of worship; this is superstition and a rebel- 
lion against the providence of God Who has wisely 
hidden many things from us. In pagan times when 
divining sacrifice was offered it was idolatry, and even 
now divination is a kind of demonolatry or devil- 
worship (d'Annibale.) All participation in such at- 
tempts to attain knowledge is derogatory to the dig- 
nity of a Christian, and opposed to his love and trust in 
Providence, and militates against the spread of the 
Kingdom of God. Any method of divination with 
direct invocation of spirits is grievously sinful, and 
worse still if such intervention ensues; with tacit 
invocation divination is in itself a grievous sin, though 
in practice, ignorance, simplicity, or want of belief may 
render it venial. If, however, notwithstanding the 
client's disbelief the diviner acts seriously, the client 
cannot be easily excused from grievously sinful co- 
operation. If in methods apparently harmless strong 
suspicion of evil intervention arises it would be sinful 
to continue; if only a doubt arise as to the natural or 
diabolical character of the effect protest should be 
made against the intervention of spirits; if in doubt 
as to whether it be from God or Satan, except a mirac- 
ulous act be sought (which would be extremely rare), 
it should be discontinued under pain of sin. A pro- 
testation of not wishing diabolical interference in 
modes of divination where it is expressly or tacitly ex- 
pected is of no avail, as actions speak louder than 
words. A scientific investigator in doubt about the 
adequacy of the means can experiment to see if such 
superhuman intervention be a fact, but he should 
clearly express his opposition to all diabolical assist- 
ance. The divining-rod, if used only for metals or 
water, may perhaps be explained naturally; if used 
for detecting guilty persons, or things lost or stolen 
as such (which may be metals), it is certainly a tacit 
method. To believe in most of the popular signs is 
simply ignorance or weakness of mind (see Super- 
stition). 

Divination in the Bible. — The Hebrews coming 
from Egypt, a land teeming with diviners, and dwell- 
ing in a country surrounded by superstitious tribes 
would have their inborn desire for foreknowledge in- 
tensified by the spirit of the times and their environ- 
ments ; but God forbade them repeatedly to have any- 
thing to do with charmers, wizards, diviners, necro- 
mancers, etc., all of whom were abomination in His 
sight (Deut., xviii, 10, 11). The ideal was in Ba- 
laam's day when "there is no soothsaying in Jacob 
nor divination in Israel" (Num., xxiii, 23), and to 
preserve this, the soul that went aside after diviners 
God declared He would destroy (Lev., xx, 6), and the 
man or woman in whom there was a divining spirit 
was to be stoned to death (Lev., xx, 27). God, how- 
ever, as St. Chrysostom puts it, humoured the Hebrews 
like children, and to preserve them from excessive temp- 
tation, lots were allowed under certain conditions (Jos., 
vii, 14; Num., xxvi, 55; Prov., xvi, 33, and in N. T. 
See also Lot3). Hebrew seers were permitted to an- 
swer when it pleased Him (Origen, c. Gels., I, xxxvi, 
xxxvii), prophets might be consulted on private affairs 
(I K., ix, 6), and the high priest could respond in greater 
matters by the Urim and Thummim. Gifts were 
offered to seers and prophets when consulted, but the 
great prophets accepted no reward when they acted 
as God's representatives (IV K., v, 20). When the 



DIVOT 51 D1VUI 

Hebrews fell into idolatry, divination, Which always Jannes and Mambres, and their modes are styled- sor* 

accompanied idolatry, revived and flourished, but ceries (Vulg. veneficia) in IV K., ix, 22 and (Vulg. 

all 'during their history it is evident that secretly maleficta) Micheas, v, 11. 

and again more openly wrongful arts were used, 7. The word *6bh (31N) signifies the spirit called and 
and as a result condemnations were frequent (I K.,. the person calling him, the necromancer. In Deut., 
xv, 23; IV K., xvii, 17; Zach., x, 2; Is... xliv, 25 etc.). xviii, 11, it is expressed by "seeking the truth from the 
It should be borne in mind that their history is a very dead" (the best known case is that of the witch of 
lone one, and when we reflect how completely other Endor) and elsewhere by Pythons (Is., viii, 19), divin- 
nations were given over to all kinds of impious arts and ing spirits (I K., xxviii, 7). The Septuagint trans- 
silly observances we shall readily admit that the He- lates the words by "ventriloquist" because when the 
brews were in comparison remarkably free from super- necromancers failed or wished to deceive the people 
stitions. When later on these flourished more strongly they muttered as if from under the ground as though 
and permanently it was during the decay of faith pre- spirits so spoke; it recalls Shakespeare's "squeak and 
ceding and following the time of Christ (see Jos., Ant. gibber". (Cf. Is., xxix, 4.) A bottle or skin water- 
Jud., XX, v, i, viii, 6 ; Bell. Jud., VI, v, 2). The Talmud bag is 'dbh; the use of the word here may come from the 
shows the downward tendency. diviner containing the spirit or being inflated by it. 

The various methods of divining and kinds of di- 8. The Yidde 'onim (CPJJTP) were diviners whom we 

vinersare not alwaysclearly distinguished in Scripture, generally find connected with necromancers, and the 

the Hebrew words being differently interpreted and two terms are perhaps practically synonymous (I K., 

sometimes merely synonyms. The following list is xxviii, 3; IV K., xxi, 6; etc.). 

based mainly upon Lesetre's article in Vigouroux's 9. Divining by Me'dnin (pWD) included appar- 

* Diet, de la Bible": — ently many methods: divination by chance words, as 

1. Divination by consulting the ferHphtm (tfD'tfl), when Abraham's servant sought a wife for Isaac (Gen., 
or small household gods of which we first read in the xxiv, 14; I K, xiv, 9; III K., xx, 33); auguries (Is., 
time of Abraham and Laban (Gen., xxxi, 19). How xi, 6); observers of dreams (Deut., xviii, 10), etc. 
they were consulted is not known. It was apparently There were also modes by charming serpents (Jer., 
a Chaldean form, as Laban came from that country, viii, 17), astrology (Is., xlvii, 13), and by consulting 
Tliey are met with in Judges, xvii, 5: IV K., xxiii, 24, the Ephod (I K, xxiii, 9). 

and elsewhere. They sometimes deceived their in- l n the N. T. diviners are not specifically mentioned 

quirers (Zach., x, 2). except in Acts, xvi, 16, concerning the girl who had a 

2. The Hdrtummtm (DTOtnn), a name translated by pythonical spirit ; but it is altogether likely that Simon 
"interpreters" (Vulg. conjectures) in the Douay ver- Magus (Acts, viii, 9), Elymas (Acts, xiii, 6), and others 
Irion (Gen., xli, 8), but elsewhere (Dan., ii, 2) by a di- (II Tim., iii, 13), including the possessors of the mag- 
viners" (Vulg. arioli) and other names, especially ical books burnt at Ephesus (Acts, xix, 19), practised 
"Chaldeans". divination and that it is included in the wonders by 

3. The gdJc&mfm (D^DDH) are the wise men (Vulg. which Antichrist will seduce many (Apoc., xix, 20). 
mijnentes) of the Bible (Gen., xli, 8), a name given Under the New Law all divination is forbidden be- 
to those skilled in divination in Egypt, Idumea cause, placed on a higher plane than under the Old 
(Abd., 8), Persia (Esth., i, 13), and Babylon (Jer., Dispensation, we are taught not to be solicitous for the 
If 35). morrow (Matt., vi, 34), but to trust Him perfectly 

4. Qiaim or MiqaOm (QDp, DDpO) designated divi- Who numbers the very hairs of our heads (Matt., x, 

nation in general and is always used in the Scrip- 30). In divination, apart from the fraud of the 

ture in a bad sense except in Pro v., xvi, 10. By it the Fatherof lies, there was much merely human fraud and 

witch of Endor raised up the dead Samuel (I K., endless deception: the predictions were generally a* 

xxviii, 8). "The king of Babylon stood in the high- vague and as worthless as modern fortune-telling, and 

way, at the head of two ways, seeking divination the general result then as now favoured vice and in 

totstm], shuffling arrows; he inquired of the idols jured virtue. (See Astrology.) 

Uer&pktm). and consulted entrails" (Ezech., xxi, 21). Tn-oa. Researches into the Early Hi*, of Mankind (London, 

^Pk~ orrAwfl hnr» tho aitmn or nam ajj nf tnwnn And 1865); Id KM, Primitive Culture (London, 1891); Salebta 

ti.- arrows bore tne signs or names of towns, Mia p^^y J Magic (New York, 1862); Ennkrmoseb. Hi*, of 

rst name drawn was the One to be attacked. lniS Magic (Bonn); Anthon-Suith, Did. of Or. and Rom. Antiq., 



The 
the first 



was a Babylonian mode. The Arabs practised it so: J*voiwinHA*T. f D»d. > <rftoB^(NewYork.i905) t s.v.ZHwio- 

*1imm» .mvQ worn nrpnAtwH and thft drttt intmriheA '«•»• Whttbhoum, tbtd., 8. v. Soothsaying; Lenorma.nt, Chal- 

three arrows were prepared ana tne nrst lnscnoea daan Ma ^. (Lond on. 1875). tr. of La Divination... chez UsChai- 

"The Lord Wills it", the second "The Lord Wills it dSen$ (Paris. 1875); Lbbbtrs in Via. .Dict.de la BibU (Paris); Le- 

not'\ and the third was blank. If the blank Came a cl«bq. Hist. d*la divination dan* FantimiiU (Pfris); Schol*. 

new drawing followed until an insmbed arrow was ^^y^^^^X^^^^^^- 

taken. The last method mentioned m text quoted De Oraculis- &r. Cuembntof Alex., Stromal*, I; Delrio, Dis- 

was aruspicy (Vulg. exta consuluit). guiaitionea Maaiom (Louvain. 1509) often reprinted; eompen- 

R KAhAah fmm*\ia QAA^aflvino fViilty munir>'itm\ in axum in French (Pans, 1611); Slater, Moral Theology (New 

5. MMds* (PTO) IS 800thsaying( Vulg. augwnum) in York 19Q8) hunter, Outlines of Doom. Theol. (New York. 

the Bible (Num., XX1U, 23). The precise method 1896); Lehmkuhl, Theol. Morali* (Freiburg. 1888); d'Anni- 

aumified by it is in dispute. The versions make it bale. Summula Theol. Mor (Rome, 1908); Bt.Thouab, gumma, 

^uivalen/to divination"^ the flight of birds, but this ^^^^^JS^AS^SS^SSS^ 
mode, so common among the Greeks and Komans, was jj. p # Graham. 

apparently not used by the Hebrews except towards ^. ^. _^^_ n ._ _ 

the time of Christ. From its derivation, as com- Divine Charily, Society op (Societas Divine 



sense in the Scriptures. Balaam's divination by ani- the social question through the pursuit of agriculture 

mal sacrifices is so termed (Num.. xxiv, 1) and and trades (printing, etc.) as well as iby means lof mtel- 

also Joseph's (Gen., xliv, 5. 15) which remains a lectual pursuits. The society consists of both priests 

vexed question in spite of Calmet's triumphant and laymen, 

solution (Diet, of the Bible. Ill, p. 30) except Tta*»^«0«»^ 
the reasonable explanation of Grotius be accepted 

(Hummelauer, Com. in Gen., p. 561). Sisters of Divine Charity, founded at Besancon, 

6. Mek&shsheph (v\VHQ) is the magician (Vulg. moZa- in 1799, by a Vincentian Sister, and modelled on the 

ficus) in Ex., vii, 11, and the wisard in Deut.. xviii, 10, Sisters of Mercy of St. Vincent de Paul. The mother- 

who not only seeks the secrets of the future but works house, originally at Naples, is now in Rome, and there 

wonders St. Paul mentions two of their leaders, are many filial establishments in Italy, in Malta, and 



DIVINE 52 DIVOTS 



.' 



Uosso. The sisters have charge of educational insti- the novitiate are a teacher's seminary and practice 

tutions, orphanages, hospitals, and insane asylums. school. 

Daughters of Divine Charity, founded at Vienna, II. The Society or Divine Providence, founded, 
21 November, 1868, by Franziska Lechner (d. 1894) in 1842, at St. Maurits near Munster by Eduard Miohe- 
on the Rule of St. Augustine, and approved by the Jis, chaplain and private secretary to Archbishop 
Holy See in 1884 and definitively confirmed 22 July, Droste su Vischering of Cologne. He shared the im- 
1891. The purpose of the congregation is to furnish prisonment of his archbishop and on his return went 
girls without positions, shelter, care and the means of to St. Maurits, where, with the help of two other 
obtaining a position, without compensation, likewise priests, he founded an orphan asylum. He selected 
to care for servants no longer able to work. The sis- several teachers whom he sent to the Sisters of Divine 
ters are also engaged in schools, orphan asylums, and Providence at Rappoltsweiler to be trained in the 
kindergartens. The mother-house and novitiate are religious life. The rule followed there was adopted 
at Vienna; the congregation has 36 filial houses, 766 with a few alterations by the new community and re- 
sisters, and 59 postulants. ceived episcopal approbation. The congregation took 

F. M. Rudge. as its special work the care of poor, neglected, and 

orphaned children, as well as teaching in general. In 

Divine Compassion, Institute op the, founded in 1878 the work of the sisters was interrupted by the 

the City of New York, U. S. A., by the Rt. Rev. ? utt , wr *? w */ , /» and they were forced to take refuge at 

Thomas Stanislaus Preston. On 8 September, 1869, Steyl, Holland. In 1887, when they resumed their 

Father Preston began a semi-weekly gathering of the woric m Germany, the mother-house was removed to 

poor and abject children of the street in one of the Friedrichsburg near Monster, where a boarding and a 

most wretched quarters of the city; after this came » trade school were opened. In the city of Munster the 

the opening of a house for -the reformation of young sisters have charge of the domestic m a n a g e me nt of 

'girls not yet hardened in vice, and the preservation of five episcopal institutions, and in the city and diocese 

children and older girls from the moral danger in which they conduct boarding schools, orphan asylums, pro* 

they lived. The founder called it the House of the tectories, trade schools, elementary schools, Sunday 

Holy Family and became its spiritual director. The «hools, a working-women's home (Rheine), and a 

work was fostered by many prominent Catholic ladies Magdalen asylum (at Marienburg) . In Bremen they 

of New York, under the name of The Association for direct an elementary school, Sunday school, and or* 

Befriending Children and Young Girls. Foremost phanage. This congregation has 50 branch houses in 

among these ladies was Mrs. MaryC. D. Starr (in relig- Germany and 14 in Holland, among the latter the 

ion Mother Veronica: d. at White Plains, 9 Aug., convent of St. Joseph at Steyl, that of Mana-Roepaan 

1904), who became the president of the association at Ottersum, and of St. Aloysius at Kessel. In 1895 a 

and devoted all her time and energies to this work of colony of sisters went to Brazil, where thev now have 

charity under the direction of Father Preston. Seeing «* institutions. The congregation numbers (1908) 

the necessity of a religious community which should be 1115 members. F. M. Rudge. 

trained to tnis work and perpetuate it, Father Preston __ rt ^ ^ -",««. 

compiled a rule of life for those who desired to devote , ni - Sisters ofDivinr Providence, founded atFm- 

their lives to it. The first draft was written 5 Septem- then near Mams (whence they are sometimes called the 

ber, 1873, and was observed in its elemental form until Finthen Sisters) in 1851 by Bishop Wilhelm Emmanuel 

1886, when it was elaborated and obtained the infor- Freiherr von Ketteler. The first superior was sent to 

mal approbation of the Archbishop of New York. The theSistersof DivmeProvidenceatRibeauvillee. Alsace, 

constitutions, which are an enlargement of the rule, to be formed in the religious life, and the rule followed 

and represent the norm of living in the institute, were there was made the basis of the new institute, which 




ical apprdbation of Archbishop Corrigan of New York, their duties as teachers. The right of corporation 

The object of the institute is (1) the reformation of was not obtained until 1858, but as early as 1856 the 

erring girls; and (2) the training, religious, mental, Finthen Sisters had charge of the orphan asylum of 

and industrial of girls in moral danger from ignorance, Neustadt. At the time of the K^urkampf they had 

indolence, or waywardness, or* dangerous influences. 24 foundations m the Grand Duchy of Hesse. When 

The institute is composed of two classes, choir sisters they were allowed to resume their activities they de- 

and little (or lay) sisters. In addition to the House of v ^ themselves less to purely educational work and 

the Holy Family the sisters are in charge of a training took charge of hospitals, children s asylums, homes for 

school for girls at White Plains, and a working-girls^ ^i industrial and housekeeping schools, orphan asy- 

home in New York City. The institute comprises lumB t servants homes, endowed infirmaries, and alms- 

about 40 sisters in charge of 215 girls. houses. Connected with the mother-house at Mams 

are 76 branch houses with 730 members, 70 in the 

Divine Office. See Office. Diocese of Mainz, and 6 in that of Limburg. In 

Mainz the sisters conduct a boarding school with 

Divine Providence, Sisters of. — I. Sisters of housekeeping and trade courses. At Oberursel they 
Divine Providence of St. Vincent db Paul, direct the Johannesstift for abandoned children 
founded at Molsheim, in the Diocese of Strasburg, by founded by Johannes Janssen. Wherever these sis- 
Vicar Ludwig Kremp (1783). After the Revolution ters have nouses they care for the sick in their homes, 
the community reassembled at Bindernheim and, in IV. Sisters of Divine Providence, mother-house 
1807, received both ecclesiastical and civil approba- at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, U.-S. A., founded in 1876 
tion, the former from the Archbishop of Strasburg, the by six sisters from Mainz (see III), who were later 
latter from Napoleon I. In 1819 the mother-house joined by other sisters from Mainz. The congregation 
was definitely located at Rappoltsweiler, and in 1869 now numbers about 200, in charge of 20 schools in the 
the institute received papal confirmation. The con- Diocese of Pittsburg, one in the Wheeling, and 2 in the 
gregation has (1908) 1800 members, over 1200 of them Columbus, Diocese, 
teachers in 357 primary schools of Alsace. The sisters Sister M. Theresia. 

have over 44 K 000 children under instruction; they 

i asylums, Divine Providence, Congregation of the Sis- 
school for ters of, founded in Lorraine, 1762, by the Venerable 
Attached to Jean-Martin Moye (b. 1730; d. 1793), priest of the 




DZYIHS 53 DIVINK 

Diocese of Metz, afterwards missionary to China, for ther Anton Gapp, " for the Christian instruction of 
"the propagation of the faith, the ensuring of a children in the primary schools and higher schools for 
Christian education to children, especially those of girls". The congregation received the authorisation 
the rural population, for the care of the sick, and of the French Government in 1826, and the mother- 
other works of mercy". Approved by the Bishop of house was established at Forbach, Lorraine, but in 
Metz in 1762, and recommended to the solicitude of 1839 was removed to Peltre. Destroyed in 1870 by 
his clergy, within six years the congregation had ex- the flames which swept the whole district, it was re- 
ceeded the limits of his diocese and planted itself on built after the close of the Franco-Prussian War. The 
the banks of the Vosges. Marie Morel was the first congregation has now in Lorraine 138 institutions, 
superior. Suppressed in 1792, the congregation was among them 7 higher schools for girls, 20 trade and 
re-established after the Revolution; in 1816 the Rules several housekeeping schools, and 9 hospitals. In 
and Constitutions were formally approved by Louis Belgium they have 35 foundations. There are alto- 
XVIII. The mother-house general is at St-Jean-de- gether 900 sisters, who teach 17,000 children in Lor- 
Bassel, in the Diocese of Metz, Lorraine, with' estab- raine and 4000 in Belgium. 

lishments in Lorraine, Alsace, Belgium, and the Heimbuchbr, Die Orden und Kongregationen (Paderborn, 

United States. There are about 500 sisters in the 1**). in ; lDBM > n KirchenUx., n. v. Vonehung. 
Diocese of Metz, and 300 in the Diocese of Stras- 

burg, who direct schools, boarding schools, industrial Divine Redeemer, Daughters of the, mother- 
schools, domestic economy institutes, hospitals, etc. house at Oedenburg, Hungary; founded in 1863 from 
At St-Jean-de-Bassel there is a normal institute de- the Daughters of the Divine Saviour of Vienna. This 
voted exclusively to the training of the young teachers congregation has 37 filial houses and 300 sisters, who 
of the congregation, generally 185 in number, and conduct schools of all kinds and care for the sick, 
connected with this institute is a model school, all 

under the supervision of the educational boards of the Divine Saviour, Society op the, founded at 
German Imperial Government. In Belgium there Rome, 8 Dec., 1881, by Johann Baptist Jordan (b. 
are about 100 sisters. At Pecq, near Tournai, they 1848 at Gartweil im Breisgau), elected superior gen- 
direct a normal school and a boarding school. Else- eral as Father Francis Mary of the Cross. The origi- 
where they have charge of schools and kindergartens, nal name, Society of Catholic Instruction, was changed 

Archives and Unpublished Annals of Congregation; Diredoire some years after its foundation to the present title. 

£^r~*d£ i 1S^M&^ Th« ^B^ # W*^ ~B«ntad » the " Deere- 

I'Abbt Move (Paris, 1872). turn laudis of 27 May, 1005. The founder imposed on 

his congregation, in addition to the vows of poverty, 
Sisters of Divine Providence, of Kentucky, incor- chastity^and obedience, a fourth of apostolic mission 
porated American provincial house at Mt. St. Martin's work. The rules and constitutions are based largely 
convent, Newport, Kentucky. Mother Anna Houlne*, on those of the Society of Jesus. The habit is black 
superior general (d. 1903) of the congregation sue- with a black cincture, in which four knots are tied to 
ceeded in placing the Sisters of St-Jean-de-Bassel in remind the wearer of his four vows. In tropical coun- 
the foremost ranks of teachers in Alsace-Lorraine, 'and tries the habit is white and the cincture is red. 
then, like Moye, longed to see them labour for the On 13 Dec., 1889, the newly erected Prefecture Apos- 
Christian education of youth in America, where she tolic of Assam was placed in charge of the society, 
rightly judged the labourers to be few. In 1888 which has now 7 principal and 32 dependent stations, 
Bishop Maes of Covington, Kentucky, visited the served by 13 missionaries, aided by 12 native cate- 
mother-house general at St-Jean-de-Bassel, and ar- chists. The Fathers have published many books in 
ranged to have the sisters introduced into his diocese, the Khasi dialect, and since September, 1906, a 
Accordingly, in August, 1889, three sisters arrived in periodical, " Ka iing Khristan ". At Lochau, near 
Covington and took up residence in one of the histori- Bregenz, a German college was established 15 Sept., 
cal mansions of northern Kentucky, now known as 1893; in the same year a station was founded at Cor- 
Mt. St. Martin's convent. The .growth of the Ameri- vallis, Oregon, U. S. A.; in 1896 several members be- 
can branch has necessitated the building of a new gan work in Brazil. At present (1908) missions are 
convent. In October, 1908, a considerable estate given in thirteen languages from the various centres, 
was acquired at Melbourne, Kentucky, the site of a The Salvatorians have establishments in Italy, Sicily, 
new St. Ann's Convent, where it is designed to erect Austria, Poland, Moravia, Galicia, Hungary, Ger- 
the new provincial house. Mother Anna visited the many, Switzerland, Belgium, England, the United 
American Province in 1892. There are 215 sisters; States, Brazil, and Colombia. The congregation 
until 1903 occasional small colonies were added from numbers 400 members, 175 priests, the rest scholas- 
the mother-house general ; about one-third of the sub- tics, lay brothers, and novices, in 35 foundations, of 
jects are American. At Mt. St. Martin's convent are which 28 are Marian Colleges and 7 mission centres, 
the novitiate and normal school for the province. Among the periodicals issued by the society, in ad- 
Teaching is the primary object of the sisters. They dition to the " Apostel-kalender (in German and 
conduct an academy and many parish schools, an Hungarian), are the "Nuntius Romanus", "II Mis- 
infant asylum, a home for French emigrant and work- sionario" (in German "Der Missionar", since 1907 
' ing girls, and a home for the aged. The sisters are " IUustrierte Monatshefte furs christl. Haus"; also in 
working in the dioceses of Covington, Providence, and Polish), " L'amico dei fanciulli " (in German " Manna 
Cleveland, and the archdioceses of New York, Balti- fur Kinder"; also in Polish), and the "Salvatorian- 
more, and Cincinnati. Sister M. Camillub. ische Mitteilungen " (German and Polish), containing 

reports of the work of the society. Connected with the 

VI. Sisters of Divine Providence, founded at society are a Third Order for lay men and women; the 
Castroville, Texas, U. S. A., 1868, by Sister St. An- "Academia litteratorum", the members of which co- 
drew ■ from the mother-house at St-Jean-de-Bassel, operate with the fathers in the advaneement of Catho- 
Lorraine, at the instance of Bishop Dubuis of Galves- lie knowledge and literature; the Angel Sodality, 
ton. In 1896 the mother-house was transferred to founded 8 Dec., 1884, for children under fourteen, 
San Antonio. The Constitutions were approved by which has as its organ "L'amico dci fanciulli", and a 
Pope Leo X, 28 May, 1907. The sisters have charge membership of 40,000. 

v (1908) of 67 schools and academies in Texas, Louim- Sisters op the Divine Saviour, founded 8 Dec., 

ana, and Oklahoma. Mother Mart Florence. 1888, by Father Jordan, to supplement the work of the 

VII. Sisters op Divine Providence op St. Andrew, Salvatorian Fathers, and placed under the Third Rule 
founded at Hambourg-la-Forteresse, in 1806, by Fa- of St. Francis. The mother-house is in Rome and 



DIVINE 



54 



DIVOROK 



there are stations in Assam (where the sisters conduct 
6 orphan asylums), Austria, Hungary, Belgium, Swit- 
zerland, Italy, Sicily, British Burma, and m the 
United States. They conduct orphan asylums, kin- 
dergartens, and schools, and visit the sick in their 
homes. The congregation numbers about 200. 

Daughters of the Divine Saviour, mother-house 
at Vienna, a branch of the Niederbrunn Sisters of the 
Most Holy Saviour, established 1857. The congrega- 
tion has over 1200 sisters, choir and lay, who care for 
the sick in hospitals and in their own homes, and con- 
duct schools for girls, primary and grammar schools, 
trade schools, kindergartens, etc. The sisters have 
72 houses in the Dioceses of Vienna, St. Pdlten, Seckau, 
Kdniggratz, Brunn, Gran, Raab ; and Parenco-Pola. 

Heimbucher, Orden und Kongregattonen (Paderbora, 1908); 
Die Gesellschaft dee gottlichen Heilandes (Rome, 1903); MttNZ- 
loher. Die ap. Prafektur Assam (Rome, 1899). 

F. M. Rudoe. 

Divine Service. See Breviary ; Feasts ; Liturgy ; 
Mass; Worship. 

Divine Word, Society op the (Societas Verbi 
Divini), the first German Catholic missionary society 
established. It was founded in 1875 during the 
period of the KuUurkampf at Steyl, near Tegelen, 
Holland, by a priest, Rev. Arnold Janssen (d. 15 
January, 1909), for the propagation of the Catholic 
religion among pagan nations. It is composed of 
priests and lay brothers. On completion of their 
philosophical studies the students make a year of 
novitiate, at the end of which they take the ordinary 
vows binding for three years. Before ordination the 
members of the society make perpetual vows. The 
coadjutor brothers renew their vows every three 
years for nine years, when they take perpetual vows. 

The first mission of the society was established in 
1882 in Southern Shantung, China, a district containing 
158 Catholics and about 10,000,000 pagans. Accord- 
ing to the statistics of 1906-07, this mission num- 
bered 35,378 Catholics, 36,367 catechumens, 1 semi- 
nary with 64 Chinese seminarians, 46 European priests, 
12 Chinese priests, 13 coadjutor brothers of the society, 
3 teaching brothers, and 19 nuns. The second mis- 
sion founded was in Togo, West Africa, in 1892. 
There were then scarcely a hundred Catholics in the 
district. In 1906 the mission had a prefect Apostolic, 
31 European priests, 12 coadjutor brothers, 14 nuns, 
53 native teachers, and 68 mission stations. There 
were nearly 3000 children attending the schools; the 
Catholics numbered 3300. The third mission was in 
German New Guinea. It is a comparatively new 
colony. Dangerous fevers are common. The na- 
tives are Papuans (Negritos). They are all savages, 
recognizing no form of authority, having no fixed 
customs, or administration of justice. The greatest 
difficulty experienced by the missioners is the incred- 
ible number of languages. Thus in the entire mission 
district, 467 sq. m., probably more than a hundred 
languages are spoken. The first Catholic missionaries 
arrived in German New Guinea in August, 1896. At 
the close of 1906, there were in the mission a prefect 
Apostolic, 16 Europeanpriests, 13 coadjutor brothers, 
18 nuns, 1000 native Catholics, and 400 children in 
the schools. 

In the Argentine Republic the society numbers 
51 priests, 31 coadjutor brothers, and 41 nuns. 
They have charge of colleges, seminaries, and of 12 
parishes in the four Dioceses of Buenos Ayres, La 
Plata, Santa Fe\ and Parana. Part of the mission dis- 
trict includes the territory once occupied by the fa- 
mous Jesuit Reductions of Paraguay. The mission 
was established in 1898. In Brazil there are 39 
priests, 14 coadjutor brothers, and 13 nuns. The so- 
ciety also has a mission in the United States, at Sher- 
merville Techny, Cook Co., Illinois. There are 13 
priests and 37 coadjutor brothers in charge of a techni- 
cal school, and 30 nuns who conduct a home for the 



aged. In Europe the society has six houses or col- 
leges with 126 pnests^46coa4jutor brothers, and 1089 
students for the society. The training convent fo* 
the nuns has 231 members. The colleges in Europe 
are: (1) St. Michael, at Steyl near Tegelen, Holland, 
founded 8 Sept., 1875. The superior general resides 
here with 47 priests, 314 coadjutor brothers, and 282 
students for the society. (2) Heiligkreus (Holy 
Cross) near Neisse, Silesia, founded 24 Oct., 1892. 
There are 23 priests, 84 coadjutor brothers, and 241 
students. (3) St. Wendel, in the Diocese of Trier, 
with 18 priests, 68 coadjutor brothers, and 185 stu- 
dents. (4) St. Gabriel, near Vienna, established 4 
Oct., 1889. There are 26 priests, 370 novices and 
students of philosophy and theology, and 80 coadjutor 
brothers. (5) St. Raphael, Rome, with 5 priests and 
one coadjutor brother. (6) Bischofshofen, near Salz- 
burg in Austria, established 17 Aug., 1904. 

Nuns. — The Society of the Servants of the Holy 
Ghost (Societas Servarum Spiritus Sanrti) was founded 
in 1889, at Steyl, Holland, by the Rev. Arnold Jans- 
sen. It numbers about 300 nuns who help the 
fathers in their missions, chiefly by teaching. 

Heimbucher, Die Orden und Kongregalionen der batholieclten 
Kirche (Paderborn, 1808), III, 510-15. 

Eb. Lmbrock. 

Divinity of Christ. See Jesus Christ. 

Divisch, Procopiub, Premonstratensian, b. at 
Senftenberg, Bohemia, 26 March, 1698; d. at Prendits, 
Moravia, 21 December, 1765. He was christened 
Wenceslaus, but took the name of Procopius when he 
became a religious. He began his studies at the 
Znaym Gymnasium and later entered the cloister 
school of the Premonstratensians at Bruck, Styria. 
In 1726 he was ordained and soon after became pro- 
fessor of philosophy at the school. His lectures on 
physics were illustrated by numerous interesting ex- 

Eeriments. He received the doctorate in theology at 
alzburg in 1733, his thesis being "Tractatus de Dei 
imitate sub inscriptione A et O . In 1736 he took 
charge of the little parish of Prenditz near Znaym. 
Here he had sufficient leisure for work and experiment 
in his favourite subjects, hydraulics and electricity, 
constructing the necessary instruments himself. His 
fame soon spread abroad, and he was called to Vienna 
to repeat his electrical experiments before the Em- 
peror Francis and the Empress Maria Theresa. He 
was one of the first to apply electricity in the treatment 
of disease. In 1750, prior to the publication of the 
French translation of Franklin's letters to Collinson 
(1751), he knew of the discharging property of pointed 
rods and applied his knowledge to the performance of 
curious tricks. The first lightning-rod was erected by 
Divisch at Prenditz, in 1754, before Franklin's sugges- 
tions were known and before they had been carriedout 
elsewhere. Divisch 's device is quite different from 
that proposed by the Philadelphia^. He petitioned 
the emperor in 1755 to put up similar rods ail over the 
country and thus protect the land from lightning. 
This proposal was rejected on the advice of the mathe- 
maticians of Vienna. He also constructed the Deny- 
dor (Denis, "Divisch", d'or, "of gold"), a musical in- 
strument, imitating string and wind instruments and 
producing orchestral effects. His theories are ex- 
pounded in his published work, "Theoretischer 
Tractat oder die langpt verlangte Theorie von der me- 
teorologischen Electricitat" (Tubingen, 1765; Frank- 
fort, 1768; Bohemian tr. Prague, 1899). 

Pelzl, AbbUdungen bohm. and mahr. Gel. (Vienna, 1777); 
Nc&l, Prokop Divii (Prague, 1899); Poogendorff, Geeeh. a. 
Phyeik (Leipzig. 1879). WlLLIAM Fox. 

Divorce. — This subject will be treated here under 
two distinct heads: I. In Moral Theology; II. In 
Civil Jurisprudence. 

I. In Moral Theology. — The term divorce (divor- 
Hum, from divertere, divortere, "to separate") was 



DIVOROS 



55 



DIVOROS 



employed in pagan Rome for the mutual separation 
of married people. Etymologically the word does 
not indicate whether this mutual separation included 
the dissolution of the marriage bona, and in fact the 
word is used by the Church and in ecclesiastical law in 
this neutral signification. Hence we distinguish be- 
tween divortium plenum or perfectum (absolute di- 
vorce), which implies the dissolution of the marriage 
bond, and divortium imperfectum (limited divorce), 
which leaves the marriage bond intact and implies 
only the cessation of common life (separation from 
bed and board, or in addition separation of dwelling- 
place). In civil law divorce means the dissolution 
of the marriage bond; divortium imperfectum is called 
separation (separation de corps). 

The Catholic doctrine on divorce may be summed 
up in the following propositions: A. In Christian 
marriage, which implies the restoration, by Christ 
Himself, of marriage to its original indissolubility, 
there can never be an absolute divorce, at least after 
the marriage has been consummated; B. Non-Chris- 
tian marriage can be dissolved by absolute divorce 
under certain circumstances in favour of the Faith; C. 
Christian marriage before consummation can be dis- 
solved by solemn profession in a religious order, or by 
an act of papal authority; D. Separation from bed 
and board (divortium imperfectum) is allowed for 
various causes, especially in the case of adultery or 
lapse into infidelity or heresy on the part of husband 
or wife. These propositions we shall explain in detail. 

A. In Christian marriage, which implies the restor- 
ation, by Christ Himself, of marriage to its original 
indissolubility, there can never be an absolute divorce, 
at least after the marriage has been consummated. 

1. The Original Indissolubility of Marriage and Its 
Restoration by Christ. — The inadmissibility of absolute 
divorce was ordained by Christ Himself according to 
the testimony of the Apostles and Evangelists: 
" Whosoever shall put away his wife and marry an- 
other, committeth adultery against her. And if the 
wife shall put away her husband, and be married to 
another, she committeth adultery'' (Mark, x, 11, 12. — 
Cf. Matt., xix, 9; Luke, xvi, 18). In like manner, St. 
Paul: "To them that are married, not I but the Lord 
commandeth, that the wife depart not from her hus- 
band. And if she depart, that she remain unmarried, 
or be reconciled to her husband. And let not the 
husband put away his wife" (I Cor., vii, 10, 11). In 
these words Christ restored the original indissolubility 
of marriage as it had been ordained by God in the 
Creation and was grounded in human nature. This is 
expressly stated by Him against the Pharisees, who 

gut forward the separation allowed by Moses : " Moses 
y reason of the hardness of your heart permitted you 
to put away your wives: but from the beginning it 
was not so" (Matt., xix, 8); "He who made man 
from the beginning, made them male and female. 
And he said: For this cause shall a man leave father 
and mother, and shall cleave to his wife, and they 
two shall be in one flesh. Therefore now they are 
not two, but one flesh. What therefore God hath 
joined together, let no man put asunder 11 (Matt., xix, 
4-6). The indissolubility of all marriage, not merely 
of Christian marriage, is here affirmed. The perma- 
nence of marriage for the whole human race according 
to natural law is here confirmed and ratified by a 
Divine positive ordinance. 

No Catholic can doubt that even according to the* 
natural law marriage is in a certain sense indissoluble. 
The following proposition is condemned in the 
Syllabus of Pius IX (Proposition LXVII): "Accord- 
ing to the natural law, the bond of marriage is not in- 
dissoluble, and in certain cases divorce in the strict 
sense can be sanctioned by civil authority/' The 
meaning of this condemnation is clear from the docu- 
ment whence it has been taken. This is the papal 
Brief ("Ad apostolic® sedjs fastigium", 22 August, 



1851, in which several works of the Turin professor, 
J. N. Nuyta, and a series of propositions defended by 
him were condemned, as is expressly said, "de Apos- 
tolic® potestatis plenitudine". A certain indissolu- 
bility of marriage whenever contracted must there- 
fore be aoxnitted, even according to the natural law, 
at least in the sense that marriage, unlike other con- 
tracts, may not be dissolved at the pleasure of the 
contracting parties. Such dissolubility would be in 
direct contradiction with the essential purpose of 
marriage, the proper propagation of the human race, 
and the education of the children. That in excep- 
tional cases, in which continued cohabitation would 
nullify the essential purpose of marriage, the dissolu- 
tion may nevertheless not be permitted, can hardly 
be proved as postulated by the natural law from 
the primary purpose of marriage. However, even 
such dissolubility would not be in accord with the 
secondary purposes of marriage, and it is therefore 
regarded by St. Thomas (IV Sent., dist. xxxiii, Q. ii, 
a. 1) and most Catholic scholars as against the sec- 
ondary demands of the natural law. In this sense 
marriage, considered merely according to the natural 
law, is intrinsically indissoluble. That it is also ex- 
trinsically indissoluble, i. e. that it cannot be dis- 
solved by any authority higher than the contracting ' 
parties, cannot be asserted without exception. Civil 
authority, indeed, even according to the natural law, 
has no such right of dissolving marriage. The evil 
consequences which would follow so easily, on account 
of the might of passion, in case the civil power could 
dissolve marriage, seem to exclude such a power; it is 
certainly excluded by the original Divine positive 
law: " What therefore God hath joined together, let 
no man put asunder" (Matt., xix, 6). However, that 
part of the proposition condemned by Pius IX, in 
which it is asserted, " And in certain cases divorce in 
the strict sense can be sanctioned by civil authority", 
need not necessarily be understood of marriage ac- 
cording to the purely natural law, because Nuyti, 
whose doctrine was condemned, asserted that the 
State had this authority in regard to Christian mar- 
riages, and because the corresponding section of the 
Syllabus treats of the errors about Christian marriage. 
[Cf. Schrader, Der Papst und die modernen Ideen, 
II (Vienna, 1865), p. 77.] 

2. Divorce among the Israelites. — In spite of the 
Divine law of the indissolubility of marriage, in the 
course of time divorce, in the sense of complete dis- 
solution of marriage, became prevalent to a greater or 
less extent among all nations. Moses found this cus- 
tom even among the people of Israel. As lawgiver, 
he ordained in the name of God (Deut.. xxiv, 1) : " If 
a man take a wife, and have her, ana she find not 
favour in his eyes, for some uncleanness: he shall 
write a bill of divorce, and shall give it in her hand, 
and send her out of his house." The rest of the pas- 
sage shows that this divorce was understood as justi- 
fying the wife in her marriage with another husband, 
hence as a complete annulment of the first marriage. 
Some regard it only as a freedom from penalty, so 
that in reality the remarriage of the divorced wife was 
not allowed, and was adultery, because the bond of 
the first marriage had not been dissolved. This 
opinion was held by the Master of the Sentences, 
Peter Lombard (IV Sent., dist. xxxiii, 3), St. Bona- 
venture (IV Sent., dist. xxxiii, art. 3, Q. i), and 
others. Others again, however, believe that there 
was a real permission, a dispensation granted by God, 
as otherwise the practice sanctioned in the law would 
be blamed as sinful in some part of the Old Testament. 
Moreover, Christ (loc. cit.) seems to have rendered illicit 
what was illicit in the beginning, but what had really 
been allowed later, even though it was allowed "by 
reason of the hardness of your heart " (St. Thomas, III, 
Supplem., Q. lxvii, a. 3; Bellarmine, "Controvers. de 
matrira.", J, xvii; Sanchez, "De matrim.", X, disp. L 




Divoaos 



56 



Divoaos 



n. 7; Palmieri, " De matrimonio christ.", Rome, 1880, 
133 sqq.; Werna, "Jus decretalium", IV, n. 696, not. 
12; etc.)* This second opinion maintains and must 
maintain that the expression "for some uncleanness" 
(in Hebrew *m nV"iy) does not mean any slight cause, 
but a grievous stain, something shameful directed 
against the purpose of marriage or marital fidelity. 
A separation at will, and for slight reasons, at the 
pleasure of the husband, is against the primary prin- 
ciples of the natural moral law, and is not subject to 
Divine dispensation in such a way that it could be 
made licit in every case. It is different with separ- 
ation in serious cases governed by special laws. 
This, indeed, does not correspond perfectly with 
the secondary purposes of marriage, but on that 
account it is subject to Divine dispensation, since the 
inconvenience to be feared from such a separation can 
be corrected or avoided by Divine Providence. In 
the time of Christ there was an acute controversy 
between the recent, lax school of Hillel and the 
strict, conservative school of Schammai about the 
meaning of the phrase "OT DTty. Hence the question 
with which the Pharisees tempted Our Lord: "Is it 
lawful ... for every cause? " The putting-away of 
the wife for frivolous reasons had been sharply cpn- 
demned by God through the Prophets Micheas (ii, 9) 
and Malachias (ii, 14), but in later days it became 
very prevalent. Christ abolished entirely the per- 
mission which Moses had granted, even though this 
permission was strictly limited; He allowed a cause 
similar to the "OT nvw as reason for putting away the 
wife, but not for the dissolution of the marriage bond. 
3. The Dogmatic Basis and Practical Application of 
the Complete Indissolubility of Consummated Marriage 
within the Catholic Church. — (a) Its Foundation m 
Scripture. — The complete exclusion of absolute 
divorce (divortium perfectum) in Christian marriage 
is expressed in the words quoted above (Mark, 
x; Luke, xvi; I Cor., vii). The words in St. Mat- 
thew's Gospel (xix, 9), "except it be for fornica- 
tion ", have, however, given rise to the question 
whether the putting-away of the wife and the dis- 
solution of the marriage bond were not allowed on 
account of adultery. The Catholic Church and Cath- 
olic theology have always maintained that by such an 
explanation St. Matthew would be made to contradict 
Sts. Mark, Luke, and Paul, and the converts instructed 
by these latter would have been brought into error in 
regard to the real doctrine of Christ. As this is in- 
consistent both with the infallibility of the Apostolic 
teaching and the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture, the 
clause in Matthew must be explained as the mere dis- 
missal of the unfaithful wife without the dissolution of 
the marriage bond. Such a dismissal is not excluded 
by the parallel texts in Mark and Luke, while Paul 
(I Cor <: vii, 11) clearly indicates the possibility of such 
a dismissal: "And if she depart, that she remain un- 
married, or be reconciled to her husband 1 '. Gram- 
matically, the clause in St. Matthew may modify one 
member of the sentence (that which refers to the put- 
ting-away of the wife) without applying to the follow- 
ing member (the remarriage of the other), though we 
must admit that the construction is a little harsh. If 
it means, " Whoever shall put away his wife, except it 
be for fornication, and shall marry another, commit- 
eth adultery", then, in case of marital infidelity, the 
wife may be put away; but that, in this case, adultery 
is not committed by a new marriage cannot be con- 
cluded from these words. The following words, 
"And he that shall marry her that is put away" — 
therefore also the woman who is dismissed for adul- 
tery — " committeth adultery", say the contrary, since 
they suppose the permanence of the first marriage. 
Moreover, the brevity of expression in Matthew, xix, 
9. which seems to us harsh, is explicable, because the 
Evangelist had previously given a distinct explana- 
tion of the same subject, and exactly laid down what 



was justified by the reason of fornication: "Whoso- 
ever shall put away his wife, excepting for the cause 
of fornication, maketh her to commit adultery: and he 
that shall marry her that is put away, committeth 
adultery" (Matt., v, 32). Here all excuse for remar- 
riage or for the dissolution of the first marriage is ex- 
cluded. Even the mere dismissal of the wife, if this is 
done unjustly, exposes her to the danger of adultery 
and is thus attributed to the husband who has dis- 
missed her — "he maketh her to commit adultery". 
It is only in the case of marital infidelity that com- 
plete dismissal is justified — " excepting for the cause 
of fornication". In this case not be, but the wife 
who has been lawfully dismissed, is the occasion, and 
she will therefore be responsible should she commit 
further sin. It must also be remarked that even for 
Matthew, xix, 9, there is a variant reading supported 
l>y important codices, which has "maketh ner to 
oommit adultery" instead of the expression "com- 
mitteth adultery". This reading answers the diffi- 
culty more clearly. (Cf. Knabenbauer, "Comment, 
in Matt.", II, 144.) 

Catholic exegesis is unanimous in excluding the per- 
missibility of absolute divorce from Matthew, xix, but 
the exact explanation of the expressions, " except it be 
for fornication" and "excepting for the cause of for- 
nication ", has given rise to various opinions. Does it 
mean the violation of marital fidelity, or a crime com- 
mitted before marriage, or a diriment impediment? 
(See Palmieri, "De matrim. christ.", 178 sqq.; Sasse, 
"De sacramentis", II, 418 sqq.) Some have tried to 
answer the difficulty by casting doubt on the authen- 
ticity of the entire phrase of Matthew, xix, but the 
words are in general fully vouched for by the most 
reliable codices. Also, the greater number, and the 
best, have "committeth adultery". (See Knaben- 
bauer, loc. cit., and Schans, " Kommentar uber das 
Evang. d. hi. Matth.", 191, 409.) That absolute 
divorce is never allowable is therefore clear from Scrip- 
ture, but the argument is cogent only for a con- 
summated marriage. For Christ founds His law on the 
words: "They two shall be in one flesh", which are 
verified only in consummated marriage. How far 
divorce is excluded, or can be allowed, before the con- 
summation of the marriage must be derived from 
other sources. 

(b) Tradition and the Historical Development in 
Doctrine and Practice. — The doctrine of Scripture 
about the ilUcitness of divorce is fully confirmed by 
the constant tradition of the Church. The testimo- 
nies of the Fathers and of the councils leave us no 
room for doubt. In numerous places they lay down 
the teaching that not even in the case of adultery can 
the marriage bond be dissolved or the innocent party 
proceed to a new marriage. They insist rather that 
the innocent party must remain unmarried after the 
dismissal of the guilty one, and can only enter upon a 
new marriage in case death intervenes. 

We read in Hennas (about the year 150), " Pastor", 
mand. IV, i, 6: "Let him put her [the adulterous 
wife] away and let the husband abide alone; but if 
after puttmg away his wife he shall marry another, he 
likewise committeth adultery" (ed. Funk. 1901). 
The expression in verse 8, "For the sake of her re- 
pentance, therefore, the husband ought not to 
marry", does not weaken the absolute command, 
.but it gives the supposed reason of this great com- 
mand. St. Justin Martyr (d. 176) says (Apolog., I, 
xv, in P. G., VI t 349), plainly and without exception: 
"He that marneth her that has been put away by 
another man committeth adultery." In like manner 
Athenagoras (about 177) in his "Legatio pro christ.", 
xxxiii (P. G-, VI, 965): "For whosoever shall put 
away his wife and shall marry another, committeth 
adultery"; Tertullian (d. 247), "Demonogamia", c. 
(P. L. t II, 991): "They enter into adulterous 



IX 



unions even when they do not put away their wives; 



DIVOROK 57 DIVOEOK 

ire are not allowed even to marry, although we the same time the illicit character of Buch a second 

§ut our wives away"; Clement of Alexandria (d. marriage, because it says of these husbands, "They 

17), "Strom.", II, xxiii (P. G., VIII, 1096), mentions are forbidden to marry' (prohikentur nubere, Labbe. 

the ordinance of Holy Scripture m the following II, 472). The same declaration is to be found 

words: " You shall not put away your wife except for in the Second Council of Mileve (416), canon xvii 

fornication, and pBtoly ScriptureJ considers as adultery (Labbe, IV, 331); the Council of Hereford (673), 

a remarriage while the other of the separated persons canon x (Labbe, VII, 554) ; the Council of Friuli 

survives." Similar expressions «are found in the (Forum Julii), m northern Italy (791), canon x 

course of the following centuries both in the Latin and f Labbe, IX, 46) ; all of these teach distinctly that the 

in the Greek Fathers, e. g. St. Basil of Cssarea, marriage bond remains even in case of dismissal for 

"Epist. can.", ii, "Ad Amphilochium", can. xlviii adultery, and that new marriage is therefore forbid- 

(P. G., XXXII. 732); St. John Chrysostom, "De den. 

hbello repud." (P. G., LI, 218); Theodoretus, on I The following decisions of the popes on this subject 

Cor., vii, 39, 40 (P. G., LXXXII, 275): St. Ambrose, deserve special mention: Innocent I, "Epist. ad Ex- 

"in Luc", VIII, v. 18 sqq. (P. L.. XV, 1855); St. super.", c. vi, n. 12 (P. L., XX, 500): "Your diligence 

Jerome, Epist. lv (aa Amana.), n. 3 (P. L., XXII, 562) ; has asked concerning those, also, who, bv means of a 

St. Augustine, "De adulterinis conjugiis", II, iv (P. deed of separation, have contracted another marriage. 

L., XL, 473), etc., etc. The occurrence of passages in It is manifest that they are adulterers on both sides." 

some Fathers, even among those just quoted, which Compare also with " Epist. ad Vict. Rothom.", xiii, 15 

treat the husband more mildly in case of adultery, or (P. L., XX, 479) : " In respect to all cases the rule is 

seem to allow him a new marriage after the infidelity kept that whoever marries another man, while her 

of his spouse, does not prove that these expressions are husband is alive, must be held to be an adulteress, and 

to be understood of the permissibility of a new mar- must be granted no leave to do penance unless one of 

riage, but of the lesser canonical penance and of ex- the men shall have died." The impossibility of ab- 

emption from punishment by civil law. Or if they solute divorce during the entire life of married people 

refer to a command on the part of the Church, the could not be expressed more forcibly than by declaring 

new marriage is supposed to take place after the aeath that the permission to perform public penance must be 

of the wife who was dismissed. This permission was refused to women who remarried, as to a public sinner, 

mentioned, not without reason, as a concession for the because this penance presupposed the cessation of sin, 

innocent party, because at some periods the Church's and to remain in a second marriage was to continue in 

laws in regard to the guilty party forbade forever any sin. 

further marriage 'cf. can. vii of the Council of Com- Besides the adultery of one of the married parties, 

piegne, 757). It is well known that the civil law, even the laws of the empire recognized other reasons for 

of the Christian emperors, permitted in several cases a which marriage might be dissolved, and remarriage 

new marriage after the separation of the wife. Hence, permitted, for instance, protracted absence as a pns- 

without cont r adicting himself, St. Basil could say of oner of war, or the choice of religious life by one of the 

the husband, "He is not condemned", and "He is spouses. In these cases.. also, the popes pronounced 



penance imposed for adultery. St. Epiphanius, who is LXXVII, 833, and Epist. ad Hadrian, notar. , . u 
especially reproached with teaching that the husband P. L., LXXVII, 1169. This last passage, which is 
who had put away his wife because of adultery or an- found in the "Decretum " of Gratian (C. xxvii, Q. ii. c. 
other crime was allowed by Divine law to marry an- xxi), is as follows: "Although the civil law provides 
other (Hseres., lix, 4, in P. G., XLI, 1024) . is speak- that, for the sake of conversion (i. e. for the purpose of 
ing in reality of a second marriage after the death of the choosing the religious life), a marriage may be dis- 
divorced wife, and, whilst he declares in general that solved, though either of the parties be unwilling, vet 
such a second marriage is allowed, but is less honour- the Divine law does not permit it to be done." That 
able, still he makes the exception m regard to this last the indissolubility of marriage admits of no exception 
part in favour of one who had long been .separated is indicated by Pope Zacharias in his letter of. 5 Janu- 
rrom his first wife. The other Fathers of the following ary, 747, to Pepin and the Frankish bishops, for in chap- 
centuries, in whose works ambiguous or obscure ex- ter vii he ordains " by Apostolic authority", in an- 
pressions may be found, are to be explained in like swer to the questions that had been proposed to him: 
manner. # v " If any layman shall put away his own wife and marry 
The practice of the faithful was not indeed always in another, or if he shall marry a woman who has been 
perfect accord with the doctrine of the Church. On put away by another man, let him be deprived of 
account of defective morality, there are to be found commumon"[Monum. Germ. Hist.: Epist., Ill: Epist. 
regulations of particular synods which permitted un- Merovingici et Karolini sevi, I (Berlin, 1892), 482J 
justifiable concessions. However, the synods of all (c) Laxer Admissions and their Correction. — 
centuries, and more clearly still the decrees of the Whilst the popes constantly rejected absolute divorce 
popes, have constantly declared that divorce which in all cases, we find some of the Frankish synods of 
annulled the marriage and permitted remarriage was the eighth century which allowed it in certain acute 
never allowed. The Svnod of Elvira (a. d. 300) cases. In this regard the Councils of Verberie (752) 
maintains without the least ambiguity the perma- and Compiegne (757) erred especially. Canon ix of 
nence of the marriage bond, even in the case of adul- the first council is undoubtedly erroneous (Labbe, 
tery. Canon ix decreed: " A faithful woman who has VIII, 407). In this canon it is laid down that if a 
left an adulterous husband and is marrying another man must go abroad, and his wife, out of attachment 
who is faithful, let her be prohibited from marrying: to home and relatives, will not go with him, she must 
if she has married, let her not receive communion until remain unmarried so long as the husband is alive 
the man she has left shall have departed this life, un- whom she refused to follow; on the other hand, in con- 
less illness should make this an imperative necessity " trast to the blameworthy woman, a second marriage 
(Labbe, " Concilia", II, 7). The Synod of Aries (314) is allowed to the husband: " If he has no hope of re- 
speaks indeed of counselling^ as far as possible, that turning to his own country, if he cannot abstain, he 
trie young men who had dismissed their wives for can receive another wife witn a penance." So deeply 
adultery should take no second wife" (nt, in quart- was the pre-Christian custom of the people engraven in 
turn possit, consilium eU detur) ; but it declares at their hearts that it was believed allowance would be 



DIVOROK 58 DIVOROS 

made for it to some degree. Canon v seems also to (d) Dogmatic Decision on the Indissolubility of 
grant the unauthorized permission for a second mar- Marriage. — The Council of Trent was the first to make 
riage. It treats of the case in which the wife, with the a dogmatic decision on this question. This took place 
help of other men, seeks to murder her husband, and in Session XXI V ? canon v: "If anyone shall say that 
he escapes from the plot by killing her accomplices in the bond of matrimony can be dissolved for the cause 
self-defence. Such a husband is allowed to take an- of heresy, or of injury due to cohabitation, or of wilful 
other wife: "That husband can put away that wife, desertion; let him be anathema", and in canon vii: "If 
and, if he will, let him take another. But let that anyone shall say that the Church has erred in having 
woman who made the plot undergo a penance and re- taught, and in teaching that, according to the teaching 
main without hope of marriage. Some explain this of the Gospel and the Apostles, the bond of matri- 
canon to mean that the husband might marry again mony cannot be dissolved, and that neither party — 
after the death of his first wife, but that the criminal not even the innocent, who has given no cause by 
wife was forbidden forever to marry. This last is in adultery-^can contract another marriage while the 
agreement with the penitential discipline of the age, other lives, and that he, or she, commits adultery who 
because the crime in question was punished by life- puts away an adulterous wife, or husband, and mar- 
long canonical penance, and hence by permanent ex- ries another; let him be anathema." The decree de- 
clusion from married lite. fines directly the infallibility of the church doctrine in 
In its thirteenth canon (according to Labbe, VIII, regard to the indissolubility of marriage, even in the 
452; others call it the sixteenth), the Council of Com- case of adultery, but indirectly the decree defines the 
piegne gives a some what ambiguous decision and may indissolubility of marriage. Doubts have .been ex- 
seem to allow absolute divorce. It says that a man who pressed here and there about the dogmatic character 
has dismissed his wife in order that she might choose of this definition (cf. Sasse, "De Sacramentis". II, 
the religious life, or take the veil, can marry a second 426). But Leo XIII, in his Encyclical " Arcanum , 10 
wife when the first has carried out her resolution. February, 1880, calls the doctrine on divorce con- 
Nevertheless, the intended choice of the state of Chris- demned by the Council of Trent " the baneful heresy " 
tian perfection seems to imply that this canon must be (hoeresim deterrimam). The acceptance of this in- 
limited to a marriage that has not been consummated, dissolubility of marriage as an article of faith defined 
Hence it gives the correct Catholic doctrine, of which by the Council of Trent is demanded in the creed by 
we shall speak below. This must also be the meaning which Orientals must make their profession of faith 
of canon xvi (Labbe, VIII, 453; others, canon xix), when reunited to the Roman Church. The formula 
which allows the dissolution of a marriage between a prescribed by Urban VIII contains the following sec- 
leper and a healthy woman, so that the woman is auth- tion: "Also, that the bond of the Sacrament of Matri- 
oroed to enter upon a new marriage, unless we suppose mony is indissoluble; and that, although a separation 
that here there is question of the diriment impediment tori et cohabUationis can be made between the parties, 
of impotence. If these canons were really intended in for adultery, heresy, or other causes, yet it is not law- 
any other sense, then they are contrary to the general ful for them to contract another marriage/' Exactly 
doctrine of the Church. Other canons, in which sepa- the same declaration in regard to marriage was made 
ration and second marriage are allowed, refer un- in the short profession of faith approved by the Holy 
doubtedly to the diriment impediments of affinity and Office in the year 1890 (Collectanea S. Congr. de Prop, 
spiritual relationship, or to a marriage contracted in Fide, Rome, 1893, pp. 639, 640). The milder indirect 
error by persons one of whom is free and the other not form in which the Council of Trent pronounced its 
free. Hence they have no reference to actual divorce, anathema was chosen expressly out of regard for the 
and cannot be interpreted as a lax concession to popu- Greeks of that period, who would have been very much 
lar morals or to passion. It is true that several of the offended, according to the testimony of the Venetian 
Penitential Books composed about this time in the ambassadors, if the anathema had been directed 
Frankish regions contain the cases mentioned by against them, whereas they would find it easier to ao- 
these two synods and add others in which the real dis- oept the decree that the Roman Church was not guilty 
solution of the marriage bond and a new marriage with of error in her stricter interpretation of the law (ralla- 
another wife might be allowed. The following cases vicini," Hist. Cone. TVid.". XXII, iv). 
are mentioned in several of these Penitential Books: (e) Development of the Doctrine on Divorce outside 
adultery, slavery as punishment for crime, imprison- of the Catholic Church. — In the Greek Church, and the 
ment in war, wilful desertion without hope of reunion, other Oriental Churches in general, the practice, and 
etc. (Schmitz, "Bussbucher", II, 129 sqq.). These finally even the doctrine, of the indissolubility of the 
Penitential Books had indeed no official character, but marriage bond became more and more lax. Zmshman 
they influenced for a time the ecclesiastical practice in (Das Eherecht der orientalischen Kirchen, 729 sqq.) 
these countries. However, their influence did not last testifies that the Greek and Oriental Churches separ- 
long. In the first decades of the ninth century, the ated from Rome permit in their official ecclesiastical 
Church began to proceed energetically against them documents the dissolution of marriage, not merely on 
(cf. the Synod of Chalons, in the year 813, canon account of adultery, but also "of those occasions and 
xxxviii; Labbe, IX, 367). They were not completely actions the effect of which on married life might be re- 
suppressed at once, especially as a general decay of garded as similar to natural death or to adultery, or 
Christian morality took place in the tenth and early which justify the dissolution of the marriage bond in 
part of the eleventh century. Towards the end of the consequence of a well-founded supposition of death or 
eleventh century, however, every concession to the adultery". Such reasons are, first, high treason; sec- 
laxer practice as regards divorce had been corrected, ond, criminal attacks on life; third, frivolous conduct 
The complete indissolubility of Christian marriage had giving rise to suspicion of adultery; fourth, intentional 
become so firmly fixed in tne juridical conscience that abortion; fifth, acting as sponsor for one's own child in 
the authentic collections of church laws, the Decretals baptism; sixth, prolonged disappearance; seventh, in- 
of the twelfth century, do not even see tne necessity of curable lunacy rendering cohabitation impossible; 
expressly declaring it, but simply suppose it, in other eighth, entrance of one party into a religious order with 
juridical decision^ as a matter of course and beyond the permission of the other party, 
discussion. This is shown in the entire series of cases Among the sects that arose at the time of the Refor- 
in IV Decretal., xix. In all cases, whether the cause mation in the sixteenth century, there can hardly be 
be criminal plotting, adultery, loss of faith, or any- question of any development of church law about di- 
thing else, the bond of marriage is regarded as abso- vorce. Jurisdiction in matrimonial affairs was rele- 
lutely indissoluble and entrance upon a second mar- gated, on principle, to the civil law, and only the bless- 
riage as impossible. ing of marriage was assigned to the Church. It is true 



DIVORCE 



59 



DlVOftOB 



that the interpretation of the so-called ecclesiastical 
officials, their approbation or disapprobation of the 
civil marriage laws, might find expression in certain 
cases shouldthey refuse to bless an intended marriage 
of people who had been divorced when the reason for 
the divorce seemed to them to be too much opposed to 
Scripture. It is not surprising that in this respect the 
tendency should have been downwards, when we re- 
member that in the various sects of Protestantism the 
growth of liberalism has advanced even to the denial 
of Christ [Dr. F. Albert, Verbrechen und Strafen als 
Ehescheidungsgrund nach evangel. Kirchenrecht (in 
Stuts JCirchenr. Abhandlungen, Stuttgart, 1903) ,1, IV1. 
4. Declaration of Nullity. — The declaration of nul- 
lity must be carefully distinguished from divorce 
proper. It can be called divorce only in a very im- 
proper sense, because it presupposes that there is and 
has been no marriage. However, as there is question 
of an alleged marriage and of a union which is consid- 
ered by the public as a true marriage, we can under- 
stand why a previous ecclesiastical judgment should 
be required, declaring the presence of a diriment im- 
pediment and the consequent invalidity of a supposed 
marriage, before the persons in question might be free 
to separate or to enter upon a new marriage. It is 
only when the invalidity of a marriage becomes pub- 
licly known, and further cohabitation gives scandal, 
or when other important reasons render a prompt 
separation of domicile necessary or advisable, that 
such a separation should take place at once, to be 
made definitive by a later Judicial sentence. When 
the invalidity of a marriage is publicly known, official 
procedure is necessary, and the ecclesiastical process 
of nullification must be introduced. In the case of 
impediments which refer exclusively to the rights of 
the husband and wife, and which can be removed by 
their consent, only the one of the supposed spouses 
whose right is in question is permitted: to impugn the 
marriage by complaint before the ecclesiastical court, 
provided it is desired to maintain this right. Such 
cases are the impediments of fear or violence, of essen- 
tial error, of impotence on the part of the other not 
fully established, and failure to comply with some fixed 
condition. In cases of the other possible impediments, 
every Catholic, even a stranger, may enter a com- 

Elaint of nullity if he can brine proofs of such nul- 
ty. The only plaintiffs excluded are those who, on 
account of private advantage, were unwilling to de- 
clare the invalidity of the marriage before its disso- 
lution by death, or who knew the impediment when 
the banns of marriage were proclaimed and culpably 
kept silence. Of course it is aUowed to the married 
parties to disprove the reasons alleged by strangers 
against their marriage (Wernz, "Jus decretalium'V 
IV, n. 743). 

That separation and remarriage of the separated 
parties may not take place merely on account of pri- 
vate convictions of the invalidity of a supposed mar- 
riage, but only in consequence of an ecclesiastical 
judgment was taught by Alexander III and Innocent 
III in IV Decretal., xix, 3, and II Decretal., xiii, 13. 
In the earlier centuries the summary decision of the 
bishops sufficed; at present the Constitution of Bene- 
dict XTV, " Dei miseratione", 3 November, 1741, must 
be followed. This prescribes that in matrimonial 
oases a "defender of the matrimonial tie" (defensor 
matrimonii) must be appointed. If the decision is for 
the validity of the marriage, there need be no appeal in 
the second instance. The parties can be satisfied with 
the first decision and continue in married life. If the 
decision is for the invalidity of the marriage, an appeal 
must be entered, and sometimes even a second appeal 
to the court of third instance, so that it is only after two 
concordant decisions on the invalidity of the marriage in 
question that it can be regarded as invalid, and the 

res are allowed to proceed to another marriage. 
Ill Cone. plen. Baltim., App. 262 sqq.; Cone. 



Americ. latin., II, n. 16; Laurentius, "Instit. iuris 
eccl.",2nd ed., n. 696 sqq. ; Wera," J us decretal.", IV, 
n, 744 sqq.) Sometimes, however, in missionary 
countries, Apostolic prefects are permitted to give 
summary decision of cases in which two concordant 
opinions of approved theologians or canonists pro- 
nounce the invalidity of the marriage to be beyond 
doubt. Moreover, in cases of evident nullity, because 
of a manifest impediment of blood-relationship or 
affinity, of previous marriage, of the absence of form, 
of lack of baptism on the part of one party, a second 
sentence of nullity is no longer demanded (Deer, of the . 
Holy Office, 5 June, 1889. and 16 June, 1894. Cf . Acta 
S. Sedis, XXVII, 141; also Deer, of the Holy Office, 
27 March, 1901, Acta S. Sedis, XXXIII, 756). The 
court of first instance in the process of nullification is 
the episcopal court of the diocese, of second instance 
the metropolitan court, of third instance the Roman 
See. Sometimes, however, Rome designates for the 
third instance a metropolitan see of the country in 
question (Laurentius, above, 697, not. 6). No one, how- 
ever, is prohibited from immediate application in the 
first instance to the Holy See. Custom reserves to the 
Holy See matrimonial cases of reigning princes. 

In the Decretals the declaration of nullity is treated 
under the title "De Divortus 1 '. But it is important 
that these matters should be carefully. distinguished 
from one another. The lack of exact distinction be- 
tween the expressions " declaration of invalidity" and 
" divorce '\ and the different treatment of invalid mar- 
riages at different periods, may lead to incorrect judg- 
ments of ecclesiastical decisions. Decisions of partic- 
ular Churches are too easily regarded as dissolutions 
of valid marriages, where in fact they were only dec- 
larations of nullity; and even papal decisions, like 
those of Gregory II communicated to St. Boniface and 
of Alexander III to the Bishop of Amiens, are looked 
on by some writers as permissions granted by the popes 
to the Frankish Churches to dissolve a valid marriage in 
certain cases. The decision of Gregory II, in the year 
726, was embodied in the collection of Gratian (C. 
xxxii. Q. vii, c. xviii), and is printed in "Mon. Germ. 
Hist. , III: Epist. (Epist. Merovingici et Karolini&vi 
I), p. 276; the decision of Alexander III is given in the 
Decretals as pars decisa, i. e., a part of the papal letter 
(IV Decretal., xv, 2) left out in the Decretal itself. In 
both cases there was question of a declaration of the 
invalidity of a marriage which was invalid from the 
very beginning because of antecedent impotence. A 
certain concession to the Frankish Churches was, how- 
ever, made in these cases. According to Roman custom 
such supposed husband and wife were not separated, 
but were bound to live together as brother and sister. 
In the Frankish Churches, however, a separation was 
pronounced and permission to contract another mar- 
riage was allowed to the one not afflicted with abso- 
lute impotence. This custom Alexander III granted 
to the Frankish Churches for the future. If. there- 
fore, the union in question is spoken of as a tegitima 
conjunctio, or even as a legitimum matrimonium, this is 
done only on account of the external form of the mar- 
riage contract. That in such cases a diriment impedi- 
ment according to the natural law was present, and an 
actual marriage was impossible, was well understood 
by the pope. He says this expressly in the part of his 
letter that has been embodied m the Decretals (IV De- 
cretal., xv, 2. Cf. SagmQller, " Die Ehe Heinrichs II » 
in the Tubingen "Theol. Quartalschr. , \ LXXXVII, 
1905, 84 sqq.). That in similar cases decision has 
been given sometimes for separation and sometimes 
against it, need excite no surprise, for even at the pres- 
ent day the ecclesiastical idea of impotence on the part 
of the woman is not fully settled (cf . controversy in 
" The American Eccl. Review " XXVIII, 51 sqq.). 

B. Non-Christian Marriage Can Be Dissolved by Ab- 
solute Divorce under Certain Circumstances in Favour of 
the Faith. 



t 



Divoaos 



60 



DIVOROI 



1. The Pauline Privilege. — The Magna Charta in 
favour of Christian faith is contained in the worth of 
the Apostle, I Cor., vii, 12-15: " If any brother hath a 
wife that believeth not, and she consent to dwell with 
him, let him not put her away. And if any woman 
hath a husband that believeth not, and he consent to 
dwell with her, let her not put away her husband. For 
the unbelieving husband is sanctified by the believing 
wife, and the unbelieving wife is sanctified by the be- 
lieving husband: otherwise your children should be 
unclean; but now they are holy. Bvt if the unbeliever 
depart, let him depart. For a brother or sister is not under 
servitude in such cases. But God hath called us in 
peace. 9 * (On the interpretation of these words see 
Comely on I Cor., 175 sqq.) The exegetical contro- 
versy, as to whether these words are dependent on the 
preceding sentence, " For to the rest I speak, not the 
Lord ", or whether that sentence refers to the one pre- 
ceding it, is of no importance in this question. In the 
first supposition, we should seem to have here an ordi- 
nance which is not immediately Divine, but was es- 
tablished by the Apostle through the power of Christ. 
In the second supposition, it may be an immediately 
Divine ordinance. 

These words of the Apostle tell us that in all cases 
when one of the married parties has received the 
Christian Faith, and the other remains an infidel and is 
not willing to hve in peace with the Christian, the be- 
liever is not bound but is free. The Apostle does not 
indeed, say expressly and formally that the marriage 
bond has been dissolved, but if it were not at least m 
the power of the Christian to dissolve the previous 
bona and to enter upon another marriage, the words 
would not have their full truth. Henee the Church 
has understood the words in this sense, and at the 
same time has fixed more exactly how and under what 
conditions this so-called Pauline privilege may be ex- 
ercised. Innocent III declares authoritatively (IV 
Decretal., xix, 7, in cap. "Quanto") that the convert 
is justified in entering upon another marriage if he 
will, provided the non-Christian is unwilling either to 
hve with the other or such cohabitation would cause 
the blasphemy of the Divine name or be an incentive 
to mortal sin: "Si enim alter infidelium coniugum ad 
fidem convertatur, altera vel nullo modo, vel non sine 
blasphemia divini nominis, vel ut eum pertrahat ad 
mortale peccatum ei cohabitare volente: qui relinqui- 
tur, ad secunda, si voluerit. vota transibit: et in hoc 
casu intelligimus quod ait Apostolus: Si infidelis dis- 
cedit, etc., et canonem etiam in quo dicitur: Contumelia 
areolaris solvit jus matrimonii circa eum qui rclinquir 
tur. n According to the Church's interpretation and 
practice, the dissolution of the marriage that was con- 
tracted before conversion is not effected by the separa- 
tion of the married parties, but only when a new mar- 
riage is contracted by the Christian party because of 
this privilege. The Holy Office says this expressly in 
the decree of 5 August, 1759, ad 2: "Then only may 
the yoke of the matrimonial bond with an infidel be 
understood to be loosed when the convert spouse . . . 
proceeds to another marriage with a believer (Collec- 
tan. S. Congr. de Prop. F., n. 1312). The manner of 
obtaining this right to enter upon a new marriage is 
fixed by the Church under penalty of invalidity, and 
consists in a demand (interpellatio) made of the non- 
Christian party whether he or she be willing to live with 
the other m peace or not. If this interpellation is not 
possible, an Apostolic dispensation ab interpeUatione 
must be obtained (Collectanea, n. 1323). If the 
spouse that remains in infidelity agrees to live in 
peace, but later on acts contrary to this agreement by 
abusing the Christian religion, or tempting the Chris- 
tian to infidelity, or preventing the children from 
being educated in the Christian Faith, or becomes a 
temptation for the Christian to commit any mortal sin, 
,the latter regains the right to proceed to a new mar- 
* riage after any lapse of time. This consequence which 



follows from the very nature of the privilege was ex* 

Sressly declared by the Holy Office in the decree of 27 
eptember, 1848, and was confirmed by Pius IX (Col- 
lectan., n. 1337; Ballerini-Palmieri, "Opus theol. 
Mor.", 3d ed., VI, n. 468). If, however, the non- 
Christian party refuses to continue further in married 
life, not from hatred of the Faith or for other sinful 
reasons, but because the Christian, by sinful conduct 
(for instance by adultery), has given just reason for 
separation, the Christian would not be justified in en- 
tering upon a new marriage. The privilege, however, 
would still be his if the non-Christian party wished to 
maintain as reason for separation adultery committed 
before the time of conversion. (Collectan., n. 1312, 1318, 
1322.) The interpellation of the non-Christian party, 
which must take place before the remarriage of the 
Christian, must as a general rule be about living to- 
gether in peace or not, but as peaceful cohabitation 
can only be imagined in a case where there are no seri- 
ous dangers, and such dangers may arise in certain cir- 
cumstances from continued living with the non- 
Christian party, it is readily understood that the" Holy 
See is justified in making the interpellation mean, 
whether the non-Christian party be willing to accept 
the Christian Faith; and in case the non-Christian re- 
fuses after careful deliberation, then, as a result of this 
refusal, permission may be granted to the Christian 
party to enter upon a new marriage and thereby to 
dissolve the previous one. This procedure, allowed 
by Sixtus V, received new confirmation and direction 
under Leo XIII by the decree of the Holy Office, 29 
November, 1882 (Collectan., n. 1358, ad 3). 

The Pauline privilege is said to be in favour of the 
Christian Faith, but the meaning of the privilege and 
the right in such cases to absolute divorce is not ex- 
actly defined thereby. Doubt, might arise in regard 
to catechumens, and also in regard to such as join a 
Christian denomination but do not belong to the Ro- 
man Catholic Church. The solution of these doubts is 
contained in the following proposition: the Pauline 
privilege is attached to baptism. That the privilege is 
granted to nobody before the actual reception of bap- 
tism is beyond question from the decree of the Sacred 
Congregation of Propaganda, 16 January, 1803 
(Collectan., n. 1319), and also from the decree of the 
Holy Office, 13 March, 1901 (Acta S. Sedis, XXXIII, 
550). Even the interpellation of the non-Christian 
party ought to be postponed until after the baptism of 
the other. It requires a papal dispensation to pro- 
ceed to such an interpellation validly before baptism 
(Cf. Instructio S. Officii, under the authorisation of 
Pius IX,- 3 June, 1874. in Collectan., n. 1357). It is 
also certain that the dissolubility here in question is 
not limited to the marriages of pagans, but to all mar- 
riages of unbaptized persons, even though they should 
belong to some non-Catholic Christian denomination 
(Acta S, Sedis, loc. cit.) . Whether, however, the privi- 
lege is so joined to baptism that it belongs to Christian 
adherents of a non-Catholic denomination when they 
profess the Christian Faith by the reception of bap- 
tism is a question disputed by theologians. Some 
theologians of repute assert that the privilege is granted 
in this case, and that a practical decision to this effect 
has been made by a Roman Congregation, according 
to the testimony of Konings, "Theol. mor.", II, 394 
(New York, 1878). (Cf. Palmieri, "De matrim. 
christ.", th. xxvii, p. 224; Tarquini in "Archiv fur 
kath. Kirchenrecnt , L, 224 sqq.; Wernz, "Jus de- 
cretal.", IV, n. 702, not. 59; Gasparri, "De matrim.", 
II, n. 1331; Ballerini-Palmieri, "Opus theol. mor.", 
3d ed., VI, 457 sqq.) Even in the early ages, the 
Venerable Bede ana St. Augustine seem to have 
understood the passage from St. Paul (I Cor.) in this 
sense. 

2. The Papal Authority to Dissolve a Non-Christian 
Marriage. — From the ecclesiastical decisions that 
have been already quoted, it is clear that the Church 



DIVOROI 61 DIVOEOI 

has at least the authority of explaining the Pauline infidelity is not absolutely indissoluble according to 

privilege, of limiting, and extending it. This would Divine right, it follows from the general power ofloos- 

give rise to no difficulties if the Pauline privilege, as ing which was granted to the successor of St. Peter, 

expressed in I Cor., vii, 15, were ah immediate Apos- Matt., xvi. 19— " Whatsoever thou shalt loose on 

tone ordinance ana only mediately Divine, inasmuch earth, it shall be loosed also in heaven" — that this 

as Christ would have granted the power in general in a power extends also to our present matter. Moreover, 

case of necessity to dissolve in favour of the Faith a the successors of St. Peter are themselves the best in- 

marriage contracted in infidelity. For the entire terpreters of their power. Whenever the exercise of 

Apostolic power passed to the supreme head of the an authority that has not hitherto been clearly recog- 

Ghurch, and as the Apostle could determine fixed nised occurs, not merely on one occasion but fre- 

rules and conditions for the dissolution of the mar- quently, there can be no more doubt that such au- 

riages in question, the pope would have precisely the tnority is rightfully exercised. Now this is precisely 

same authority. Yet on this point there is a diversity what took place in the grants of Pius V, Gregory XIII, 

of opinion among theologians, and the Church has not and Urban VIII for the vast territories of India, the 

settled the dispute. For, even if the privilege as pro- West Indies, etc. 

mulgated bv St. Paul was of immediate Divine right, 3. The Dissolution of Marriage Contracted in InjU- 
the Church's power to make at least modifications in delity by Profession in a Rdiaums Order. — When the 
case of necessity can readily be explained because such doctrine explained above, which now is practically 
a power belongs to her without a doubt in other matters admitted beyond doubt, has been established, the 
that are of Divine right. The first opinion seems to question, whether a marriage contracted in infidelity 
have been held in the fourteenth century by eminent can be dissolved by the religious profession of the 
scholars like P. de Palude and de Tudeschis, and in converted party, is not very important. It is so to be 
the fifteenth century by St. Antoninus; in recent times understood that the baptised party may choose the 
it is defended by Gasparri, Rossi. Fahrner, and others, religious life, even against the will of the one still un- 
The second opinion is held by Th. Sanches, Benedict baptised, and, in consequence of this, the other may 
XIV, St. Alphonsus, Perrone, Billot. Werns, and enter upon a new marriage. According to the doc- 
others. The instruction of the Holy Office, 11 July, trine we have just explained, it is clear that the pope, 
1866 (Collectan., n. 1353), calls the privilege a Di- at least in single oases, can permit this. Whether, ac- 
vine privilege "promulgated by the Apostle . How- cording to a general law, and by immediate Divine 
ever, m spite of the disagreement in regard to the Pau- ordinance, without the intervention of the pope, this 
tine privilege, the defenders of both opinions agree privilege belongs to the baptised party, is somewhat 
that there is another method for the dissolution of the connected with another question, vis., for what reason 
marriage of infidels when one of the parties receives Christian (i. e. sacramental) matrimony, not yet con- 
baptism, namely, by papal authority. This power is summated, can be dissolved by religious profession, 
indeed not admitted by all theologians. Even Lam- This leads us to the third proposition about this sub- 
bertini (who later became Pope Benedict XIV) ject of divorce. 

doubted it when he was secretary of the Sacred Con- C. Christian Marriage before Consummation Can Be 

gregation of the Council, in the causa Florentina, in Dissolved by Solemn Profession in a Religious Order, or 

the year 1726. But earlier papal decisions, as well as by an Act of Papal Authority. 

the actual decision in this very case, leave no room for 1. Dissolution by Solemn Profession. — The fact that 
doubt that the popes attribute to themselves this religious profession causes the dissolution of the mar- 
power and act accordingly. riage bond, provided the marriage has not been con- 
If the Pauline privilege alone be applied, it will fol- summated, is distinctly taught m the Extrav. Joan, 
low that when a pagan is converted who has been liv- XXII (tit. VI. cap. unic), and was solemnly defined 
ing in polygamy, he can be permitted to choose any by the Council of Trent (Sees. XXIV, can. vi). The 
one of his wives who may be willing to receive bap- reason why this dissolution takes place is a theological 
tiam, provided his first wife is unwilling to live with Question. The definition reads: If anyone shalfsay 
him in peace or, under the circumstances, to be con- tnat a* marriage contracted, but not consummated, is 
verted to the Faith. Hence it is that the answers of not dissolved by the solemn religious profession of 
Roman Congregations based on the Pauline privilege either one of the parties to the marriage, let him be 
always include the phrase nisi prima vcluerit converts,, anathema." The expression, by the solemn profession, 
Now several of the popes have at times granted per- is important. Neither the mere entrance into a re- 
mission to whole nations to choose any one of the sev- ligious order, nor life in the novitiate, nor the so-called 
era! wives, without adding the clause " unless the profession ot simple vows, even though they be for 
first be willing to be converted "• This was done for life, as is customary in modern congregations, is capa- 
India by St. Pius V, 2 August, 1571, in the Constitu- ble of dissolving a previous marriage. The simple 
tibn "Romani Pontificis". Urban VIII, 20 October, vows which are pronounced in the Society of Jesus, 
1626, and 17 September, 1627, did the same for the either as vows of scholastics or as vows of formed co- 
South American nations, andexpre8slydeclares:"Con- adjutors, do not dissolve a marriage which has been 




Palmieri, Opus theol. mor.", 3d ed., VI, nn. 444, 451, son such marriage is dissolved by solemn religious pro* 
452). The theological proof of this papal authority is fession is answered by some by pointing to an imme- 
easy for those who, as nas been saia, regard the Pau- diate Divine right, as if God himself had so ordained 
line privilege as an immediate Apostolic ordinance, immediately. Others, however, ascribe it to the 
For it is then expressly testified by Holy Scripture power which the Church has received from God, and 
that the Apostolic authority, hence also the papal au- to its ordinance. The first opinion is defended by 
thority, can allow in favour of the Faith the dissolution Dominic Soto, Th. Sanches, Benedict XIV, Perrone, 
of marriage contracted in infidelity. The method of Rosset, Palmieri, and others; the second by Henry de 
procedure and the precise application in various cases Segusia (commonly called Hostiensis), Suares, Lay- 
would naturally be committed to the bearer of the mann, Kugler, the Wurzburg theologians, Werni, 
Apostolic authority. Those who consider that the Gasparri, Laurentius, Fahrner. and others. The 
Pauline privilege is an immediate Divine determina- tradition of the Christian Church for centuries bears 
tion of tne case in which marriage may be dissolved, witness that Christian marriage before consummation 
prove the papal authority in another way. Since it has not the same indissolubility as a consummated 
follows from I Cor., vii, 15, that marriage contracted in marriage. Scholars, however, are not unanimous 



fl 



DIVOROI 62 DIVOROK 

about the limits of its dissolubflity. Many facts from tells us that he had seen several Bulls of these popes 
the lives of the saints, of St. Thecla, St. Cecilia, St. which granted such a dispensation or a dissolution of a 
Alexius, and others, such for example as are narrated marriage that had not Deen consummated, so that 
by Gregory the Great (III Dialog., xiv, in P. L., thereafter they might proceed to a new marriage 
XXXIfi) and by the Venerable Sede (Hist AngL, (Summa theol., III, tit. i, c. xxi). We can find traces 
Six, in P. L., XCV, 201 sqq.), are proof of the uni- of such a practice even in much'earlier times. A de- 
versal Christian conviction that, even after mar- cretal of Alexander III, namely, IV Decretal., xiii, 2, 
riage had been contracted, it was free for either of the seems, according to a probable interpretation, to refer 
married parties to separate from the other in order to to a possible concession of such a dissolution. Perhaps 
choose a life of evangelical perfection. Now this the decision of Gregory II to St. Boniface, in 726 (see 
would be a violation of the right of the other spouse if above under A. 4). nught possibly be explained in the 
in such circumstances the marriage bond were not dis- same sense, though it is very uncertain, for it seems 
solved, or at least could not easily be dissolved under to refer neither to the dissolution of a consummated 
certain conditions, and thereby the right granted to marriage, as some supposed, nor to the dissolution 
the other to enter upon another marriage. The pre- of a real marriage that had not been consummated, 
cise conditions under which this dissolution of the mar- but rather to a declaration of invalidity. For 
riage bond actually took place, and still takes-place, several centuries the exercise of this power of dissolv- 
can only be decided with certainty by the authentic ing such marriages has belonged to the ordinary f uno- 
declaration* of the Church. Such a declaration was tions of the Holy See, and is exclusively papal; for the 
made by Alexander III, according to III Decretal., work of the Roman Congregations in such cases is only 
xxxii, 2: "After a lawfully accorded consent affecting preparatory. However, exceptional instances occur 
the present, it is allowed to one of the parties, even when it has been delegated to bishops (Werns, op. cit., 
against the will of the other, to choose a monastery n. 698, not. 41). The judicial procedure in such cases 
(just as certain saints have been called from marriage) , was exactly prescribed by Benedict XIV in his Bull of 
provided that carnal intercourse shall not have taken judicial procedure ("Dei miseratione", 3 November, 
place between them; and it is allowed to the one who 1741 (section 15), obligatory on the whole Latin 
is left to proceed to a second marriage." A similar Church. Any uncertainty about this ecclesiastical 
declaration was made by Innocent III, op. cit., cap. power (cf. Fahrner, Geschichte des Unauflostichkei ta- 
xi v. From this latter declaration we learn that re- princips, p. 170 sqq.) was removed by this Bull; for if 
ligious profession alone has this effect, and that there- this power did not belong to the Church, then the Bull 
fore those who wished to practise a life of higher per- in question would have approved and originated an in- 
fection in any other manner could be obliged by the stitution against all good morals. It is, however, in- 
other spouse either actually to choose the religious conceivable that the pope could issue a general pre- 
state or else to consummate the marriage, under scription that would contain an attack on morality 
earlier ecclesiastical conditions, no long delay was im- and could formally sanction bigamy in certain cases, 
posed upon the other party before entering upon an- Several of the older canonists, especially those of Bo- 
other marriage, because religious profession might be logna, brought forward some special reasons which are 
made without a long novitiate. The introduction of a supposed to j ustif y the dissolution of a marriage before 
novitiate of at least one year by the Council of Trent, consummation. If thereby they wish to assert the 
and the time of three years prescribed by Pius IX and right of dissolution by private authority, then they 
Leo XIII for simple vows Wore the solemn profes- erred. If they intended to speak of a dissolution that 
sion. and the general restriction of solemn profession could be granted by the Church, that is, by its su- 
by the establishment of simple profession, which does preme head, and the permission for a new marriage, 
not dissolve the marriage bona, have rendered diffi- then they had merely collected the cases in which such 
cult the-dissolution of unconsummated marriage by a dissolution might take place in virtue of the papal 
religious profession. So that now it seems practically authority j ust spoken of, but they had not given a new 
necessary that if one of the married parties should title to such dissolution. Some held the erroneous 
choose the state of evangelical perfection before the opinion of private dissolubility, because they regarded 
consummation of the marriage, the marriage bond such a union as no real marriage) but simply as a be- 
should be dissolved by papal authority. trothal, and therefore they treated it according to the 
2. Dissolution by the Pope of Marriage not yet Con- juridical principles in regard to betrothal. This the- 
summated. — The pope's authority as supreme head of ory of marriage, however, was not often defended, and 
the Church to dissolve Christian marriage not yet con- has lone disappeared from theological schools ; neither 
summated is proved on the one hand from the words does it deserve any consideration at present, because it 
of Christ to Peter, Matt., xvi. 19 (see above, under B is in conflict with established Cathouc dogmas. 
2), and on the other, from the dissolubility of such a D. Limited Divorce, or Separation from Bed and 
marriage by religious profession, 'inasmuch as this pro- Board (Divortium Imperfectum) is allowed for various 
fession must be solemn, for according to the declara- causes, especially in tne case of adultery or lapse into 
tion of Boniface VIII (III Sexti Decretal., xv, c. infidelity or heresy on the part of husband or wife, 
unic), solemn vows as such depend entirely upon the A separation of married parties leaving the marriage 
ordinance of the Church — "voti solemnitas ex sola bond intact is mentioned by St. Paul, ICor., Vii, 11: 
constitutione Ecclesue est inventa ". Hence it follows " If she depart, that she remain unmarried, or be re- 
without a doubt that the dissolution of a marriage by conciled to her husband." From the very nature of the 
solemn profession could never take place without the case it follows that occasions may arise in which fur- 
exercise of the Church's authority. Now if the ther cohabitation is unadvisable or even unseemly and 
Church can cause such a dissolution according to a morally impossible. If such circumstances do not 
general law, a fortiori she can do this in single cases — bring about a dissolution of the marriage bond, at 
not indeed arbitrarily, but for grave reasons — because least a cessation of married life must be permitted, 
this power has been granted by God to dispense in Hence it is that the Council of Trent, immediately 
matters of Divine right, and a delegated authority after its definition of the indissolubility of the marriage 
may not be exercised without a sufficient reason (cf. bond, even in case of adultery, added another canon 
Werns, " Jus decretal. ", IV, n. 698, not. 39). The ac- (SesB. XXIV, can. viii) : " If anyone shall say that 
tual exercise of this power on the part of the popes, the Church errs when she, for many causes, decrees 
which has become constant and general, is a further a separation of husband and wife m respect to bed 
proof of its propriety and its actual existence. Clear and dwelling-place for a definite or an indefinite 
Instances occur during the pontificates of Martin V period; let turn be anathema." The cessation of mar- 
(1417-31) and Eugene IV (1431-47). St. Antoninus riedlife in common may have different degrees. There 



DIVORCE 



63 



DIVOROK 



can be the mere cessation of married life (separatio 
quoad torum), or a complete separation as regards 
dwelling-place (separatio quoad cohabitationem). Each 
of these may be permanent or temporary. Tempo- 
rary abstinence from married life, or separatio a toro, 
may take place by mutual private consent from higher 
religious motives, not, however, if such continence be 
the occasion of moral danger to either of the parties. 
Should such danger threaten either, it would become 
their duty to resume married life. The Apostle 
speaks of this in I Cor., vii, 5: "Defraud not one an- 
other, except, perhaps, by consent, for a time, that you 
may give yourselves to prayer; and return together 
again, lest Satan tempt you for your incontinency." 

1. The Choice of Evangelical Perfection. — For a per- 
manent separation on account of entrance into the 
state of Christian perfection, i. e. entrance into reli- 
gious life on the part of the wife or of the husband, or 
by the reception of Holy orders on the part of the hus- 
band, there is required not only mutual consent, but 
also some arrangement on the part of ecclesiastical au- 
thority, according to the laws about such cases. This 
holds in regard to the reception of the major orders 
immediately after the contraction of marriage, even 
before it is consummated. In regard to the choice of 
religious life, it holds only after consummated mar- 
riage. For, as we have said above, by the religious 
life marriage which has not yet been consummated can 
be dissolved, and on that account newly-married par- 
ties have the right to a delay of two months to con- 
sider the choice of the state of perfection, and during 
which the consummation of the marriage may be re- 
fused (St. Alphonsus, " Theol. mor.^-, VI, n. 958). In 
case the marriage is not dissolved, the reception of 
Holy orders or religious profession cannot take place 
before provision has been made for a continent life on 
the part of the other party. In accordance with the 
judgment of the diocesan bishop, he or she must either 
enter a religious order, or, if ace and other circum- 
stances remove all suspicion ana all danger of incon- 
tinency, at least take a private vow of perpetual chas- 
tity. In no case can it ever be allowed that the 
husband who should receive Holy orders might dwell in 
the same house with the wife bound only by a private 
vow (of. Lauren ti us, " Instit. jur. eccl.", 2nd ed., n. 694). 

2. Adultery of One of the Parties. — Cause for the 
cessation of complete community of life, which in itself 
is perpetual, is given to the innocent party by adul- 
tery of the spouse. In order, however, that this right 
may exist, the adultery must be, first, proven; second, 
not attributable to the other spouse either entirely or 
as accomplice; third, not already condoned; fourth, 
not, as it were, compensated by the adultery of the 
other party (cf. IV Decretal., xiii, 6, and xix, 4, 5; 
Wernz, "Jus decret.", IV, n. 707 sq.; St. Alphonsus, 
VI, n. 960). If the innocent party is certain of the sin 
of the other, he or she has a right immediately to re- 
fuse the continuation of married life. If the crime is 
manifest, then the innocent party is justified in leav- 
ing at once the guilty one, or in dismissing him or her 
from the house. If, however, the crime is not known, 
or not proved with certainty, then complete separa- 
tion can follow only after a judicial investigation and 
a judicial decision, which must be made by ecclesias- 
tical authority (IV Decretal., xix. 4, 5; i, 9; Wernz, 
"Jus decretal.", IV, n. 711). All sexual intercourse 
outside of married life is regarded as equivalent to 
adultery in justifying complete separation, even the 
unnatural sins of sodomy and bestiality. As proof of 
the crime may be alleged what are called susmciones 
vehementes. In the first centuries of the Churcn, there 
was often a commandment, and the duty was im- 
posed on the innocent party, to separate from the 
party guilty of adultery. There never, however, was 
any such general legislation. The duty, however, of 
separation was founded partly on the canonical pen- 
ance imposed for adultery that was publicly known 



(and this penance was incompatible with marital life), 
and partly on the duty of avoiding scandal, as contin- 
ued living with a husband or wife addicted to adultery 
might seem to be a scandalous approval of this criminal 
life. For this latter reason, even nowadays, circum- 
stances may arise making the dismissal of the guilty 
garty a duty (cf. St. Alphonsus, VTj n. 963 sq<q.). 
ommonly, however, at least for a single violation, 
there is no duty of separation; still less is there any 
duty of permanent separation; in fact, charity may in 
certain cases demand that after a temporary separa- 
tion the contrite party might be invited or admitted to 
a renewal of the married life. There is, however, never 
any obligation of justice to receive again the guilty 
party. The most that some theologians recognize' is 
an obligation of justice when the party originally in- 
nocent has meanwhile become guilty of the same 
crime. The innocent party always retains the right 
in justice to recall or to demand the return of the 
guilty party. If the innocent husband or wife wishes 
to give up this right forever, then he or she can enter a 
religious order, or he may receive Holy orders, without 
the necessity of consent on the part of the guilty wife 
or husband who has been dismissed, or without any 
further obligation being imposed upon this party (III 
Decretal., xxxii, 15, 16). The guilty party can, how- 
ever, proceed to the religious life or to the reception of 
Holy orders only with the consent of the innocent. 
This consent must either be granted expressly or be 
deduced with certainty from the constant refusal to be 
reconciled. It is the business of ecclesiastical author- 
ity to decide in any case, whether such certainty ex- 
ists or not. A further obligation, such as the vow of 
perpetual chastity, is not imposed upon the innocent 
party, but the freedom to remarry is allowed after the 
death of the other spouse (cf. Ill Decretal., xxxii, 19; 
Wernz, op. cit., n. 710, not. 126; St. Alphonsus, VI, n. 
969). . 

3. Heresy or Defection from the Faith. — Next to 
adultery, a reason for separation almost equivalent to 
it is defection from the Faith, whether by tne rejection 
of Christianity or by heresy (IV Decretal., xix, 6, 7). 
However, there are some important differences to be 
noted: — 

(a) In the case of adultery, a single action, if proven, 
is enough for permanent separation, but in the case oi 
infidelity or heresy, a certain persistence in the sin is 
required (cf. St. Thomas, IV Sent., dist. xxxv, Q. i, a. 
1), such for example as adhesion to a non-Catholic de- 
nomination. 

(b) An ecclesiastical sentence is necessary in this 
case for the right of permanent separation. If this 
has not been obtained, the innocent party is bound to 
receive the guilty party after conversion and recon- 
ciliation with the Church. This is expressly decided 
by IV Decretal., xix, 6. When, however, the right to 
permanent separation has been granted, the innocent 
party can proceed at once to the religious life or re- 
ceive Holy orders, and thereby- render it impossible to 
return to married life. It need hardly be mentioned 
that infidelity or heresy, as such, gives no just cause 
for separation of any kind, if it existed before the mar- 
riage was contracted, and if a dispensation from the. 
impediment of disparity of worship between a bap- 
tized and a non-baptized person has been granted, or 
if a valid marriage, even without ecclesiastical dis- 
pensation, has taken place between a Catholic and a 
baptized non-Catholic. In such cases, passage from 
one denomination to another does not give a reason 
for separation. 

4. Danger to Body or Soul. — Besides these special 
cases of separation founded on ecclesiastical law, 
many other cases may arise, which, of their nature, jus- 
tify temporary separation. They are summon up 
under the general notion of " danger to body or soul 1 ' 
(periculum corporis aut anima). There must, of 
course, be question of an approximate danger of great 




0IVORO1 



64 



DIVOBCS 



barm, because this very important right of the other 
party may not be set aside, or even partially limited, 
for trivial reasons. The reasons tor a temporary 
separation are as various as the evils which may be in- 
flicted. To judge the gravity correctly, reasonable 
consideration is demanded of all the circumstances. 
Danger to the soul, which is given as a reason for 
separation, almost always supposes a crime on the 
part of the other party. It consists in temptation to 
some mortal sin, either to the denial of the Catholic 
Faith, or the neglect of the proper education of the 
children, or to some other grievous sin and violation 
of the moral law. Dangerous solicitation, or pres- 
sure, or intimidation, or threats inflicted either by, or 
with the consent of, one party, or silent approbation to 
induce the other to a grievous violation of duty would 
give justification — and even the obligation, if the dan- 
ger were great — to proceed to separation, which should 
bust as lone as the danger exists. Such a reason as 
this might later on justify a separation in the case of a 
mixed marriage. Danger to the body, which is a fur- 
ther reason for a separation, means any great danger 
to life or health, as well as other intolerable condi- 
tions. Such are, without doubt, plotting against 
one's life, ill-treatment which in the circumstances 
should be regarded as gross, well-grounded fear of 
dangerous contagion, insanity, serious and constant 
auarrelling, etc. It is to be noted that in every case 
there must be a very serious evil to justify separation 
for any length of time. Other inconveniences must be 
borne with Christian patience. Great crimes of one 
party, provided they are not against marital fidelity, 
or do not include any incentive to sin on the part of 
the other, do not, according to Catholic law. of them- 
selves give any right to separation; neither do punish- 
ments that might be inflicted on the guilty party in 
consequence 01 such crimes, even when this punish- 
ment be joined with dishonour. The Catholic view of 
this matter is directly opposed to the non-Catholic, 
which, as we have seen above under A. 3. (e), permits 
in such cases the dissolution of the marriage bond. 

By private authority, i. e. without previous ap- 
plication to an ecclesiastical court and its decision, a 
temporary separation may take place when delay 
would bring danger. - The church law does not allow 
a separation in other cases (Wernz, "Jus Decret.", 
IV. n. 714; St. Alphonsus, "Theol. mor.", VI, n. 971), 
although, where there are evident and public reasons 
for separation, the non-observance of the Church's 
regulations can more easily be overlooked. Separa- 
tion because of the mere decision of a civil judge is 
never allowed to Catholics. (Cf. Ill Cone. plen. 
Baltim., tit. IV, c. ii.) 

Fahrner, Oeachichte der Ehcatkodung (Freiburg, 1903), I; 
BcHNRBif ann, Die JrrtUmer uber <Lc Ehe in Die Encydica Pitta 
IX. vom 8 Det. t 186U (Freiburg, 1866), III: Avoorado, Teorica 
delT latituzione del matrimonii) (Turin, 1853-1860); Perrons, 
De matrimonio chrialiano (Rome, 1858); Palmieri, De matri- 
monii) chrialiano (Rome, 1880); Ballkrini-Palmieri, Opus 
theol. mor. (Prato, 1900). VI; Same, De sacramenlis (Friburg, 
1898); Pmch, Praiectiones doffmat.iFriburx, 1900), VII; 
St. Alphonsus, Theoiogia moral., VI; Wernz, Jut decretalium, 
IV: Jus matrimoniale (Rome, 1904), Esmzin, he manage en 
droit canonique (Pari*, 1891); Laurentiub, Institution** juris 
cedes. (Friburg. 1908); Gasparri, De matrtmonio tract, canon. 
(Paris, 1904); KossBT, De eacramento matrimonii tract, dogm. 
etc. (Paris, 1895-1896); Freisen, Geackichte der hath. Eherechts 
hie turn VerfallderGloeeenliteratur (Tubingen, 1888); Ciooz, Die 
Unauflfielichkeit der christl. Ehe und die Ehescheidung nach 
Schrift und Tradition (Paderborn, 1895); Cornelt, Commentar. 
in Ep. ad Rom. (Paris, 1896); Knabenbauer, Commentar. in 
Matth. (Paris, 1903); Prat, La theologie de S. Paul (Paris, 
1908); Schanz, Kommentar uber doe Evanp. d. hi. Matth. (Frei- 
burg, 1879); 8cHum,Die Buaabucher una die Bussdisciplxn der 
Kirche (Mains, 1883; Dusseldorf, 1893); Collectanea S. Conor, de 
Prop. Fide (Rome, 1893); Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orien- 
taliachen Kirchen (Vienna, 1864); Slater, Manual of Moral 
Theology (New York. 1908), II, 278 sqq.; Devinb, The Law of 
Christum Marriage (New York, 1908), 85-114. 

For divorce among the Jews: Amram, The Jewish Law of 
Divorce (Philadelphia, 1896: London, 1897); Jewish Encyclope- 
dia, a. v. Divorce (New York and London, 1901-1906); S eld en, 
Uxor Bbraica absolvens nuptiae et divortia Ebraorum (Witten- 
berg, 1712). T 

Aug. Lehmkuhl. 



II. In Civil Jurisprudence. — Divorce is defined 
in civil jurisprudence as " the dissolution or partial sus- 
pension by law of the marriage relation" (Bouvier's 
Law Dictionary). Strictly speaking, there is but one 
form of absolute divorce, known, under the name 
derived from the civil and canon law, as divorce a, 
vinculo matrimonii, i. e. from the marriage tie. In the 
states where it is administered this form of divorce 

£uts an end legally to the marriage relation. There is, 
owever, a limited form of divorce which is, more 
accurately speaking, a suspension, either for a time or 
indefinitely, of the marriage relation, and is known as 
divorce a mensd et toro, or from bed and board. In 
addition, in some states courts grant decrees declaring 
marriages absolutely void, ab initio, i. e. from the be- 
ginning. Such marriages never having been valid, 
the parties cannot be said to have been divorced ; how- 
ever, proceedings for nullity are frequently provided 
for under divorce statutes. 

Pre-Christian Divorce Legislation among the 
Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans. — Before the adoption 
of Christianity as the state religion of the Roman 
Empire, it would appear that divorce in some 
form existed among all ancient peoples, from whom 
European civilization is derived. Among the Hebrews 
no precedent for divorce can be found prior to the 
Mosaic Law. It became frequent afterwards, though 
it would seem that the husband alone possessed 
the power, at least until the reign of Herod. 
Divorce was prevalent among the Greeks, especially in 
Athens, but the party suing had to appeal to the 
magistrate, state the grounds of complaint, and sub- 
mit to his judgment; if the wife was theprosecutor, 
she was obliged to appear in person. The lax cus- 
toms of the Spartans made divorce rare. Among the 
Romans the law of Romulus permitted divorce to 
men, but refused it to women. Adultery, poisoning of 
children, and falsification or counterfeiting of keys, 
were sufficient grounds. While divorce was so far 
free that there was no one authorized by the civil 
power to oppose it, this freedom was restrained by 
the moral feeling of the people and their respect for 
the marriage bond. It was necessary to consult the 
family council and there was fear of the authority of 
the censors. There were three forms of marriage 
among the Romans: the confarreatio, which was cele- 
bratea with certain highly religious ceremonies pecu- 
liar to that form of .wedding; the conventio in manum, 
effected by a simulated purchase (coemptio), a much 
more simple ceremony: and the urns or prescription, 
where, after living with her husband for one year with- 
out being absent for three days, the woman came, as 
in the other forms of marriage, in manum mariti, that 
is to say, under the control of her husband. No in- 
stance of divorce is known before a. u. c. 520 or 523. 
It is thought by many that this was the first instance 
of divorce under the Roman Republic, but it would 
seem probable that it was the first divorce for the 
special purpose of retaining the wife's dower (dos). 
This is the suggestion of Becker, who points out that 
the divorce ofAntonius took place in a. u. c. 447, 
and states that other proof exists that in much earlier 
times divorce was properly established and strictly or- 
dained by laws. He quotes also from Cicero (Phil., 
ii, 28) where he says jokingly of Antonius, who had 
dismissed his wife Cytheris under the same formalities 
as those of divorce, " that he commanded her to have 
her own property according to the Twelve Tables; he 
took away her keys and drove her out." 

The causes for divorce on the 'part of the woman 
were capital offences, adultery, and drinking. After 
the Punic wars the number of divorces reached scan- 
dalous proportions. Sulla, Caesar, Pompey, Cicero, 
Antony, Augustus, and Tiberius all put away their 
wives. Under Augustus an effort was made to curb 
the licence of divorce. In the interest of publicity, 
that emperor made it necessary for the party seeking 



MVOEOI 



65 



DIVOBOE 



a divorce to make his declaration in the presence of 
seven witnesses, all Roman citizens of full ace. Di- 
vorce remained, however, a private legal act. Women 
could obtain divorce without any fault of their hus- 
bands. Under the Roman law of the early imperial 
period, there was a separation pronounced, first, be- 
tween parties whose marriage engagement was not 
legally contracted ; second, where parties were separ- 
ated when the contract of espousals had been made 
but not consummated by actual marriage. This was 
known as repudium. uivortium was a separation 
of persons already married, and included divorce a 
mensd et toro and a vinculo matrimonii. 

Imperial Christian Legislation. — In 331 Constantino 
the Great restricted the causes for divorce to three 
On the part of the man, viz., if he was a mur- 
derer, a poisoner, or a robber of graves; and three on 
the part of the woman, viz., if she was an adulteress, a 
poisoner, or a corrupter of youth. Among soldiers an 
absence of four years was sufficient to entitle the 
petitioner to a divorce. This edict was ratified by 
Theodosius the Great and Honorius. Under Justinian 
several reasons for divorce were added, and liberty of 
divorce by mutual consent was restored by his 
nephew Justin (565-78). No change was now made 
in the Roman law until after a lapse of 34Q years, 
when Leo the Philosopher (886-912) made a collection 
of laws known as the "Libri Basilici", from which 
he excluded the edicts of Justin. 

English Legislation. — According as Catholic doc- 
trine penetrated more profoundly the medieval life, 
the laws of European nations were gradually accom- 
modated to its demands. In this way, for example, the 
teaching of the Council of Trent (1563), which anathe- 
matized the error that matrimony could so far be 
dissolved by divorce that it was lawful to marry again, 
was universally accepted among the nations adhering 
to the Catholic Church. This council, however, in- 
troduced thereby no essential change in the divorce 
law of the Church. Originally, under the common 
law. of England, there was no jurisdiction on the 
subject of divorce excepting in the ecclesiastical 
courts, they having jurisdiction in all matters re- 
lating to marriage and divorce, the restitution of 
conjugal rights, suits for limited divorce and for 
annulment of marriage. This followed from the 
Catholic doctrine that marriage, being a sacrament, 
could not be dissolved; for the same reason any 
question relative to its validity or to a suspension 
of conjugal relations must necessarily pertain to 
the ecclesiastical courts. The ecclesiastical law of 
England, though originating differently from the other 
branches of the common Taw and distinguished by 
special rules, was part of the unwritten law of the 
State, just as what are technically called the common 
law, the law of admiralty, and equity. 

The Protestant Reformers rejected the sacramental 
theory of marriage, and agreed that absolute divorce 
should be granted for adultery and for malicious de- 
sertion, and that the innocent party might then re- 
marry. As they also rejected the jurisdiction of the 
ecclesiastical courts it was for some time a question 
among them whether marriage was dissolved ipso facto 
by the commission of one of these offences, or whether 
it was necessary to have the dissolution declared by 
public authority. Luther recommended the parish 
priest as the proper tribunal. Appeals were some- 
times taken to the prince or sovereign. Gradually 
" consistorium courts" were created, of both lay and 
ecclesiastical members, under sanction of the civil 
power. In England under Henry VIII. after his sepa- 
ration from the Catholic Church, the law relative to 
divorce remained practically unchanged. An effort 
was made in the time of Edward VI to secure the 
adoption of a new code of ecclesiastical laws, drafted 
mainly by Cranmer, under which separation a mensd 
«t tere was not recognized and complete divorce was 
V.— 6 



granted in cases of extreme conjugal faithlessness; in 
cases of conjugal desertion or cruelty; in cases where a 
husband not guilty of desertion of nis wife, had been 
several years absent from her, provided there were 
reason to believe him dead; and in cases of such vio- 
lent hatred as rendered it in the highest degree im- 
probable that the husband and wife would survive 
their animosities and again love one another. Di- 
vorce was denied when both parties were guilty of un- 
faithfulness, and when only one was guilty the inno- 
cent party might marry again. The ecclesiastical 
court was to decide all questions concerning these 
causes. It is said by Howard (Hist, of Matrim. Insti- 
tutions, p. 80) that the principles of this code, known as 
the " Reformatio Legum ' ', were carried out in practice, 
though not enacted into law. He adds that " according 
to the ancient form of judgment divorce was prob- 
ably still pronounced only a mensa et thoro; but what- 
ever the shape of the decrees, there is strong evidence 
that from about 1548 to 1602, except for the short 
period of Mary's reign, 'the community, in cases of 
adultery, relied upon them as justifying a second act 
of matrimony'". He says also that throughout 
nearly the whole of Elizabeth's reign new marriages 
were freely contracted after obtaining divorce from 
unfaithful partners. However, in 1602 the Star 
Chamber pronounced a marriage invalid which had 
been contracted after separation from bed and board 
by the decree of an ecclesiastical judge (Foljambe's 
case, 3 Salk. 138). 

Following this decision the canon law was adminis- 
tered in the English spiritual courts with such rigour 
that it required an Act of Parliament to permit a re- 
marriage after divorce. In the tenth year of James I 
(1613) an Act was passed to restrain remarriage by one 
party while the other was alive, excepting, however, 
cases where sentences of divorce had been pronounced 
by ecclesiastical courts. There were some cases 
where, after sentences had been pronounced by an ec- 
clesiastical court, a second marriage was upheld, but 
the decisions are generally to the effect that a perfect 
marriage cannot do dissolved excepting by death. 
Oughton says (tit. 215) "that the marriage tie once 
perfected cannot be dissolved by man, but only by 
natural death. The parties may be separated, but 
they remain man and wife". The Puritans of Eng- 
land strongly advocated the right of divorce, but with- 
out effect, and until 1857 there was no English statute 
which permitted the granting of a decree of absolute 
divorce by any court, the only jurisdiction being 
vested in Parliament. Precedents of divorce by Par- 
liament strictly so called are not found earlier than 
1698, but it came to be understood that if a divorce a 
mensd had been granted by the spiritual court, a di- 
vorce would be granted by Parliament absolutely dis- 
solving the marriage, though only for the cause of 
adultery on the part of the wife. By the Act of 1857 
the entire jurisdiction in matrimonial questions was 
transferred to a new civil court for divorce and matri- 
monial causes, and since the judicature Act of 1873 
this jurisdiction has been vested in the probate, di- 
vorce, and admiralty division of the High Court of 
Justice. Its power is restricted, however, to England 
alone. The principles upon which divorce legislation 
may be based and which may be traced in the legisla- 
tion of those countries that permit divorce, are stated 
by Bishop (Marriage, Divorce and Separation, §46, ed. 
of 1891) as follows: — 

"Matrimony is a natural right, to be forfeited only 
by some wrongful act. Therefore the government 
should permit every suitable person to be the husband 
or wife of another, who will substantially perform the 
duties of the matrimonial relation ; and when it is in 
good faith entered into, and one of the parties without 
the other's fault so far fails in those duties as prac- 
tically to frustrate its ends, the government should 
provide some means whereby, the failure being estab- 



n 



DIVORCE 



66 



DIVOEOI 



fished and shown to be permanent, the innocent party 
may be freed from the mere legal bond of what has in 
fact ceased to be marriage, and left at liberty to form 
another alliance. The guilty party would have no 
claim to be protected m a second marriage; and 
whether it should be permitted to him or not is a ques- 
tion, not of right with him, but of public expediency, 
upon which there is considerable diversity of opin- 
ion." 

Modern European Legislation. — A full collection of 
laws and statistics relating to marriage and divorce 
in European countries will be found in the report of 
the United States Commissioner of Labor, Carroll 
D. Wright, for 1889. It is therein stated that " prior 
to 1868 the ecclesiastical courts had in most of 
the countries named more or less complete jurisdic- 
tion over matrimonial causes, but the civil courts have 
now exclusive jurisdiction over such matters in all of 
them 1 '. In Austria-Hungary absolute divorce is not 
allowed to members of the Catholic Church. Prior to 
1 January, 1876, all the cantons of Switzerland had 
their own peculiar laws of divorce, but subsequent to 
' that date a general law governing the subject took 
effect. In Germany perpetual separation equivalent 
to limited divorce was abolished throughout the em- 
pire, and the causes for such separation were made 
causes for absolute divorce. In Hungary divorce has 
been legal for Protestants since 1786 and for Hebrews 
since 1863. The laws of their respective churches ap- 
ply to Latin Catholics, Greek Catholics, and Orthodox 
Ureeks. Questions of divorce or validity of marriage 
among Protestants are subject to the jurisdiction of 
the civil courts. Excepting for Protestants and He- 
brews, the ecclesiastical courts of other bodies have 
jurisdiction. In case of mixed marriage the court of 
the defendant's confession has jurisdiction. In Italy, 
Spain, and Portugal, still Catholic countries, no abso- 
lute divorce is permitted. In Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, 
Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, 
Mexico, and Cuba, limited divorce alone is permitted. 

The following causes in Austria and in Hungary for 
absolute divorce are typical: in Austria, adultery; 
commission of a crime punishable by five years im- 
prisonment; malicious abandonment or non-appear- 
ance after one year's solicitation where the absentee's 
residence is known; assault endangering life or health ; 
repeated cruelty; unconquerable aversion, on account 
of which both parties demand a divorce. In the last 
case a limited divorce or separation from bed and 
board must $rst be obtained. In Belgium, where the 
husband is at least twenty-five years of age and the 
wife twenty-one, and the parties have been married 
two years or longer, divorce may be obtained by mu- 
tual consent on certain terms and conditions, but 
must be approved by the courts. In France divorce 
was introduced by the law of 1792. This law was 
modified in 1798 and in 1803 (Code Napoleon), was 
subsequently abrogated in 1816, and reintroduced in 
1884; the grounds of divorce being adultery of either 
party; excesses, cruelty, grave injury inflicted by one 

3K>use on the other; condemnation to infamous pen- 
ty of either of the spouses; mutual and persevering 
agreement of the wedded to separate, if said consent 
is expressed and established as prescribed. By recent 
legislation, after the lapse of a fixed period of time, a 
decree of separation can be changed into a judgment 
of divorce on the application of either of the parties. 
(Civil Code. Sec. 307.) In the German Empire perpet- 
ual judicial separations have been abolished, and all 
subjects of the empire, without regard to their relig- 
ious status may avail themselves of the laws of di- 
vorce which exist in their respective states. In Prus- 
sia there are seven causes known as major causes for 
divorce and six as minor causes. Among the major 
causes are: false accusations of serious crimes pre- 
ferred by one of the parties against the other, and en- 
dangering the life, honour, or office of the other spouse ; 



among the minor causes are: insanity, disorderly con- 
duct or mode of living, refusal of maintenance or sup- 
port by the husband. It may be noted that in the 
divorce laws of European states the/e exists much 
similarity as regards the causes for divorce. In Scot- 
land divorce is granted for adultery and malicious de- 
sertion; the former since 1560; the latter since 1573. 
The injured party has the right to choose either a judi- 
cial separation or an absolute divorce. In Ireland the 
civil courts have no jurisdiction to grant decrees of 
absolute divorce. In Canada exclusive authority 
was conferred upon the Parliament by the British 
North America Act of 1867 (Sec. 91). At that time 
courts of divorce existed in Nova Scotia, New Bruns- 
wick, Prince Edward Island, and British Columbia, 
and they still continue to exercise their functions. 
Excepting in Prince Edward Island, the divorce 
courts appear to have been modelled upon the English 
court of divorce and matrimonial causes. A court 
of divorce and alimony was established in Prince Ed- 
ward Island as early as 1836. In the other provinces 
of Canada no divorce court has ever been constituted 
and divorces are granted only by special Act of Fed- 
eral Parliament. The courts of Quebec, however, can 
grant separation de carps under the English divorce 
court practice and annul marriage on the ground of 
impotence. 

In Australia, at the time of the formation of the. 
Federal Commonwealth, there were divorce courts in 
all or almost all of the constituent states. Under the 
Constitution (Act 63-64, Vict., ch. xii, part V, Sec. 51), 
power was granted to the Parliament of the Com- 
monwealth of Australia, comprising the states of New 
South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, 
Tasmania, and Western Australia, with respect to di- 
vorce and matrimonial causes and in relation to pa- 
rental rights and the custody and guardianship of in- 
fants. The object of this subsection is stated to have 
been to avoid " the great mistake made by the framers 
of the Constitution of the United States of America, 
who left the question to the states to deal with as they 
respectively thought proper' ' and " to provide for uni- 
formity in the law of divorce" (Quick and Garran, 
Aust. Const., pp. 262-609). The local statutes in the 
various states still prevail, however, with the right of 
appeal to the High Court with respect to judgments 
of the Supreme Court of a state (Act of 1903, 2 Com. 
Stat., p. 148). In New Zealand, which does not form 
a part of the Australian Commonwealth, divorce is 
allowed for adultery on the part of the wife, and adul- 
tery with certain aggravating circumstances, or with 
cruelty, on the part of the husband. (New Zealand 
Statutes, Vol. I, p. 229.) 

Divorce in the United States. — Colonial Period 
(1607-1787). — At the time of the settlement of the 
various colonies which subsequently declared their in- 
dependence of Great Britain, there were no ecclesias- 
tical courts; as in England, therefore, the practice of 
special acts of legislatures obtained. Sometimes it 
was in the form of a private statute directly dissolving 
the marriage; sometimes the court was empowered to 
investigate the cause andgrant the divorce if the com- 

{)laint was sustained. There are many instances of 
egislative divorces granted in the New England col- 
onies, all being divorces a vinculo. Adultery and de- 
sertion were sufficient reasons, though male adultery 
would require additional circumstances. In the 
Southern colonies there was no court having jurisdic- 
tion to grant divorce, though in some of them an ap- 
peal for alimony would be considered in a court of 
equity. Under the Dutch government of New York 
divorce jurisdiction was exercised by the courts for 
absolute, as well as for limited, separation, but when 
the English took possession of the colony, this juris- 
diction was no longer recognized. In Pennsylvania 
under "The Great Law of 1682* ' divorce was author- 
ized for adultery. The legislature also granted di- 



DIVOR01 



67 



DIYOROS 



vorces. In New Jersey there was no divorce jurisdic- 
tion granted the courts. It may be said, therefore, 
that outside of New England during the colonial period 
there was no such thing as a judicial divorce. 

From 1787-1906.— The Constitution of the United 
States does not grant the Federal Government any 
power over the subject of divorce. In this matter, 
therefore, Congress can legislate only for the District 
of Columbia and for the territories. The organic acts 
creating the territories give power to their legislatures 
over all" rightful subjects of legislation not inconsist- 
ent with the constitution of the laws of the United 
States"; special and general divorce laws are, there- 
fore, within the power of territorial legislatures, but by 
the Act of 30 July, 1886, all special divorce acts have 
bean expressly forbidden. Tne various states of the 
Union succeeded to the full sovereign rights exercised 
by the Parliament of England over all subjects relat- 
ing to marriage and divorce, but in the absence of 
special divorce statutes, there being no tribunal hav- 
ing jurisdiction, the law would remain the same as in 
the colonies prior to the Revolution. However, all 
states of the Union have adopted divorce statutes, ex- 
cepting South Carolina, and have clothed the courts 
with full jurisdiction to administer relief. In most of 
the states and territories divorces a vinculo and a 
mensd et toro are provided for, and in some of the 
states courts of equity take jurisdiction over special 
proceedings for a decree of nullity of marriage. In 
some states, however, decrees a mensd are expressly 
forbidden. The causes for which a decree may be 
granted vary from the single cause of adultery on the 
part of either husband or wife (law of New York and 
the District of Columbia) to nine separate causes in 
the State of Washington, the last being known as the 
" omnibus provision , which permits a divorce for any 
other cause deemed by the court sufficient, provided 
that the court shall be satisfied that the parties can no 
longer live together. In most of the states there is no 
restriction upon the parties remarrying after divorce, 
though in some, as in New York, the court may forbid 
the guilty party to remarry during the lifetime of the 
innocent, and in others, as in Pennsylvania, marriage 
of the guilty party with a paramour during the lite- 
time of the innocent party is null and void. 

Great uncertainty as to the effect of the divorce stat- 
utes of the different states has arisen where relief has 
been sought by a party whose husband or wife was 
resident of a different state from that in which the pro- 
ceeding was brought. While it is a fundamental 
principle that the courts of any state have entire con- 
trol over the citizens of that state in divorce proceed- 
ings, a different question arises where the husband is a 
resident of one state and the wife of another. The 
English doctrine that the domicile of the husband is 
that of the wife, irrespective of where she may actu- 
ally be living during coverture, does not prevail in the 
United States. For the purposes of a divorce pro- 
ceeding the wife may have a domicile separate from 
that of her husband. In consequence of this rule of 
American law it has frequently happened that actions 
for divorce have been initiated and carried to a con- 
clusion without the respondent receiving any actual 
notice of the proceeding. This is made possible by 
provisions in the state statutes providing for service 
of notice by publication, where actual service cannot 
be had upon a respondent by reason of absence from 
the state. While decrees granted in accordance with 
the statutes of any particular state are valid in that 
state, there is no power to enforce a recognition of their 
validity in other states, and in consequence it fre- 
quently happens that a divorce may be valid in one 
state and invalid in another; the children of a second 
marriage legitimate in one state and illegitimate in 
another; the property rights of the former husband 
and wife terminated in one state and in full force in 
another. The Constitution of the United States (Art. 



IV, Sec. I) provides that "full faith and credit shall be 
given in each state to the public acts, records and 
judicial proceedings of every other state, and the Con- 
gress may by general laws prescribe the manner in 
which such acts, records and proceedings shall be 

E roved, and the effect thereof." This provision, 
owever, does not require the recognition of a divorce 
where one of the parties is not a citizen of the state 
that has granted tne decree. Thus in a case where a 
husband abandoned his wife without justifiable cause, 
and removed to another state and acquired a domicile 
therein, and the wife remained in the matrimonial 
domicile, since her domicile did not follow that of her 
husband when he sued for a divorce in the state of his 
new domicile, and a decree was rendered upon a 
merely constructive service of process, it was held by 
the Supreme Court of the United States that the court 
of the husband's domicile did not acquire such juris- 
diction over the wife as would entitle a decree to ob- 
ligatory enforcement in the state of her domicile, 
though the state in which the decree was rendered had 
power to enforce it within its borders, and the state of 
the wife's domicile had the power to give the decree 
efficacy if it saw fit to do so. (Haddock vs. Haddock. 
201, U. S., 562.) While the courts of the states called 
upon to administer divorce statutes receive their juris- 
diction by reason of the theory adopted by the legisla- 
tures representing the actually predominant sentiment 
of the various communities that marriage results 
from a civil contract, bringing about a civil status 
with certain rights and duties appertaining to hus- 
band and wife, they by no means accept the theery 
that it is such a relation or status that the parties by 
their own agreement can dissolve it. The difference 
between the marriage relation and that of a contract 
is set out by Bishop in the following language: — "Be- 
cause the parties cannot mutually dissolve it; be- 
cause an act of God incapacitating one to discharge its 
duties will not release it; because there is no accepted 
performance that will end it; because a minor of mar- 
riageable age can no more recede from it than an 
adult ; because it is not dissolved by failure of the orig- 
inal consideration ; because no suit for damages will 
lie for the non-fulfillment of its duties; because legisla- 
tion mav annul it at pleasure; and because none of its 
other elements are those of contract but are all of 
status." (I. Marriage and Divorce, § 46.) 

Keeping this distinction in mind, it will be perceived 
that a suit for divorce is not an action on a contract, 
but is a proceeding sui generis founded on the violation 
of duty enjoined by law and resembling more an action 
of tort than of contract. The law looks upon marriage 
as a permanent status, to be ended only by the death of 
one of the parties, a promise of competent persons to 
marry at their pleasure requiring a marriage licence 
merely to attest their competency. To change this 
status by divorce it is necessary to satisfy the court 
that the purpose of the marriage relation has been 
ended by the fault of the guilty party, and that greater 
evil will follow from maintaining the marriage status 
than from terminating it. Therefore, in theory, the 
divorce statutes embrace only such causes as are re- 
cognized as being of such a nature as to defeat the ends 
for which the marriage was entered into. In the great 
majority of the United States six causes are included 
in this category: (1) adultery, (2) bigamy, (3) convic- 
tion of crime in certain classes of cases, (4) intolerable 
cruelty, (5) wilful desertion for two years, (6) habitual 
drunkenness. These are recognized as just causes, 
either for absolute divorce or for divorce a mensd. 
The following causes are also considered such impedi- 
ments to a lawful marriage that upon their being made 
to appear, the courts wul decree such marriages null 
and void, in some jurisdictions under a separate pro- 
ceeding for nullity, and in others under the form of a 
proceeding for divorce. These causes are (1) im- 
potence, (2) consanguinity and affinity properly lim- 



r 



DIVORCE 68 DIVORCE 

{ted, (3) existing marriage, (4) fraud, force, or coercion, divorces were returned as contested and probably in 

(5) insanity unknown to the other party. many of these cases the contesting was hardly more 

The growth of divorce in the United States under the than a formality. Alimony was demanded in 18 per 

general divorce laws has been unprecedented, and ex- cent of the divorces granted to the wife and was 

ceeds in number those of any other modern nation, granted in 12.7 per cent. The proportion of husbands 

excepting Japan. An analysis of the statistics prepared who asked for alimony was 2.8 per cent and the pro- 

by Carroll D.Wright, Commissioner of Labor, in 1889, portion obtaining it was 2 percent. The average 

showed the total number of divorces for a period of duration of marriages terminated by divorce is about 

twenty years, from 1867 to 1887, to be 328,716, an in- ten years. Sixty per center three-fifths last less than 

crease of 157 per cent, while the increase inpopulation ten years and forty per cent last longer. Of the di- 

for the same period was 60 per cent. The Census vorced couples known to have been married in the 

Bulletin upon marriage and divorce in the United United States 88.5 per cent were married in the same 

States, issued by the Department of Labor and Com- state in which thev were divorced. Of the divorced 

merce under authority of an Act of Congress, in 1908, couples known to nave been married in foreign coun- 

shows that the total number of divorces for the entire tries 36.9 per cent were married in Canada, 12.7 per 

country from 1887 to 1906 inclusive was 945,625. cent in England, 16.1 per cent in Germany and 

For the earlier investigation covering the twenty 1.9 per cent in Ireland. Children were reported in 

years, from 1867 to 1886 inclusive, the number re- 39.8 per cent of the total number of divorced cases, 

ported was 328,716, or hardly more than one-third The proportion is much larger for divorces granted to 

of the number reported in tha second twenty years, the wife than for divorces granted to the husband; 

At the beginning of the forty-year period covered children being present in 46.8 per cent of the former 

by the two investigations, divorces occurred at the class of divorces and 26 per cent of the latter. A rea- 

rate of 10,000 a year. At the end of that period the son suggested for this is that the children are usually 

annual number was about 66,000. This increase, assigned by the court to the mothers, and to her, 

however, must be considered in connexion with the therefore, divorce does not imply separation from her 

increase in population. An increase of 30 per cent in children, while to the husband it involves a severance 

population between the years 1870 to 1880, was ac- of the parental as well as the marital relation. In 

companied by an increase of 79 per cent in the num- Canada during 1900 there were eleven divorces ; in 

ber of divorces granted. In the next decade, 1880 to 1901 nineteen. In England there were 284 in 1902, 

1890, the population increased 25 per cent and divor- as compared with 177 in 1901. In Germany at the 

ces 70 per cent. In the following decade, 1890 to same time there were about 10,000 annually, and in 

1900, an increase of 21 per cent in population was ac- France 21,939, with a tendency towards a rapid in- 

companied by an increase of 66 per cent in the number crease. Among the Japanese there are about 100,000 

of divorces. In the six years from 1900 to 1906, pop- divorces per annum. It is estimated that about fifty 

ulation, as estimated, increased 10.5 per cent ana ai- per cent of divorced couples have children, and it is 

vorces 29.3 per cent. It thus appears at the end of urged " that consideration for the children of divorced 

the forty-year period that divorces were increasing people should be a first concern in stimulating re- 

about three times as' fast as the population, while in strictive legislation 11 . It has been stated that tnree- 

the first decade, 1870 to 1880, they increased only quarters of the boys in two reformatories, one in Ohio 

about two and two-thirds as fast. and one in Illinois, come from families broken up by 

The divorce rate per 100,000 population increased death or divorce, "mainly by divorce" (The Divorce 
from 29 in 1870 to 82 in 1905. In the former year Question in New Hampshire, Rev. W.Stanley Emery), 
there was one divorce for every 3441 persons and in Divorce Congress of 1906. — A well concerted effort 
the latter year one for every 1218. The rate per 100,- was made in 1906, upon the initiative of the State 
000 married population was 81 in the year 1870 and of Pennsylvania, to secure uniform legislation by the 
200 in the year 1900. This comparison indicates that various states and territories of the Union so as to 
divorce is at present two and one-half times as com- eliminate as far as possible fraudulent proceedings for 
mon, compared with married population, as it was divorce. It resulted in the meeting of a Divorce Con- 
forty years ago. Divorce rates appear to be much gress in the City of Washington, where all of the states, 
higher in the United States than in any of the foreign excepting Nevada, Mississippi, and South Carolina, 
countries for which statistics relating to this subject were represented, in addition to the District of Colum- 
have been obtained. Two-thirds of the total number bia and the territory of New Mexico. The outcome of 
of divorces granted in the twenty-year period covered this congress was the adoption of a form of statute 
by this investigation were granted to the wife. The designed to overcome flagrant evils arising from lack 
most common single ground for divorce is desertion, of uniformity, and also from inherent objections to 
This accounts for 38.9 per cent of all divorces (period various existing methods of procedure. A summary of 
1887 to 1906), 49.4 per cent or almost one-half of these points will show how far the existing statutes 
those granted to the husband, and 33.5 per cent or one- were considered to need amendment. Having in mind 
third of those granted to the wife. The next most the evils that have arisen from migratory divorce (that 
important ground of divorce is. for husbands, adul- is, where the plaintiff has left his or her own state to 
tery, and for wives, cruelty. Of the divorces granted obtain a residence for the purpose of divorce in another) 
to husbands (1887 to 1906), 28.8 per cent were for the congress recommended that all suits for divorce 
adultery, and of those granted to wives 27.5 per cent should be brought and prosecuted only in the state 
were for cruelty. Only 10 per cent of the divorces where one of the parties has a bona fide residence; that 
granted to wives were for adultery of the husband, and when the courts are given cognizance of suits where 
10.5 per cent of divorces granted to husbands were for the plaintiff was domiciled in a foreign jurisdiction at 
cruelty on the part of the wife. Drunkenness was the the time the cause of complaint arose, relief should not 
ground for divorce in 5.3 per cent of the cases for be granted unless the cause be included among those 
which the wife brought suit, and in 1.1 per cent of the recognized in the foreign domicile, and the same rule 
cases in which the suit was brought by the husband, should apply in the case of the defendant. At least 
Intemperance was reported as an indirect or contribu- two years residence should be required of one of the 
tory cause for divorce in 5 per cent of the divorces parties before jurisdiction should be assumed. The 
granted to the husband, and in 18 per cent of the di- defendant should be given every opportunity to ap- 
vorces granted to the wife, and appeared as a direct or pear and make defence, and one accused as co-respon- 
indirect cause in 19.5 per cent of all divorces, and 26.3 dent should be permitted to defend in the same suit. 
per cent of those granted to wives, and 6.1 per cent of Hearings and trials should always be before the court 
those granted to husbands. Only 15 per cent of the and not before a delegated representative of it, and in 



DIXON 69 DLUGOSZ 

all uncontested cases, and^n any other case where in reform the civil statutes in the interest of honest trials, 
the judgment of the court it is wise, a disinterested may succeed in abating some of the evils flowing from 
attorney should be assigned to defend the cause. No lax methods of administering the divorce statutes in 
decree should be granted on affirmative proof aside some of the states, and in obtaining restrictive legisla- 
from the admission of the respondent. A decree dis- tion in all of them, but it is not probable that the de- 
solving marriage so as to permit remarriage of either moralization will be stopped until the majority of the 
party should not become operative until the lapse of a people of the civilized nations return to the belief in 
reasonable time after hearmg or trial upon the merits the supernatural sanction of marriage and " that it is a 
of the case. If an inhabitant of one state should go sacramental union, productive of the graces necessary 
Into another state or territory to obtain a divorce for a to bear with one another's shortcomings ; an indissolu- 
cause which occurred in the matrimonial domicile, or ble union as that of soul and body, which can be 
for a cause which would not authorize a divorce by the dissolved only in death. This means a return to the 
laws of that domicile, such divorce should have no Catholic view of marriage, and this return alone can 
force or effect in the state of the domicile. Fraud or remove the national evil of divorce". (See Marriage; 
collusion in obtaining or attempting to obtain divorces Woman; Parents; also the articles on the various 
should be made a statutory crime. The legitimacy of states and countries for divorce legislation.) 
children bom during coverture, except in the case of T EBB . Essay on Adultery and Divorce; Becker, QaUus and 
bigamous marriages, should not b 
of the parents. On the subject 




. .„ .. _. ^w - — ,---«. — — . ~ ~« — ~w w ~ ~„ gee Marnage ana uxvorce Bibliography oj the worta luomp 

the marriage contract of SO serious a character as to tive Law Bureau of the American Bar Association, 1908). 

defeat the /purpose of the marital relation. The con- Walter George Smith. 
cress expressed the hope that the number of causes for 

divorce would be reduced rather than increased and Dixon, Joseph, Archbishop of Armagh, Ireland, 
declared its opinion that in such jurisdictions as New fc. at Coalisland, Co. Tyrone, in 1806 ; d. at Armagh, 29 
York and the District of Columbia, where the only April, 1866. Having entered Maynooth College at the 
cause is adultery, no change is called for. It was ageof sixteen he was ordained priest in 1829. In 1834 
recommended that where conviction of crime is made he was appointed to the chair of Sacred Scripture and 
a cause, it must be followed by imprisonment for two Hebrew, a post he worthily occupied for the next 
yearsj but no absolute divorce should be granted for eighteen years. His class had an average of 200 stu- 
lnsanity, and that desertion should not be a cause un- dents, amongst whom was John McEvilly, afterwards 
less persisted in for at least two years. Practically Archbishop of Tuam and a distinguished writer on 
the same causes for divorce a mensd et toro were Scriptural subjects. Dr. Dixon's professorship was 
enumerated. The provisions of this statute have al- signalized by his "Introduction to the Sacred Scrip- 
ready been adopted in Delaware and New Jersey and fares", a work highly praised by Cardinal Wiseman 
are under consideration (1908) in other states. While ^d which was very much needed at the time. The 
the reforms thus suggested will not put an end to what first edition appeared in 1852 and a second in 1875. 
is known as the divorce evil, it is believed that they As Primate of Armagh he held an important synod in 
will have the effect of safeguarding trials and abating 135^ a t which all the bishops of the northern province 
fraud upon the courts. assisted with their theologians. In the same year he 
Philosophical thinkers recognize the fact that the began the heavy task of completing the unfinished 
prevalence of divorce in the United States arises from cathedral of Armagh and almost accomplished the 
two causes. The first of these causes is the gradual W ork before his death. In 1856 he formed the dio- 
change in the attitude of society towards women in cesan chapter consisting of thirteen members. Dur- 
the recognition of their individual rights to their own m g his incumbency he brought some religious congre- 
property, and of theircapacity to earn their own living gations into the diocese, viz. the Sisters of Charity of 
in many vocations heretofore closed to them. The §t. Vincent de Paul (1855), who opened a house in 
legal fiction that the identity of the woman was merged Drogheda; the Marist Fathers (1861) who opened a 
in that of her husband has given place to a growing college and novitiate in Dundalk, and the Vincentian 
recognition of her individuality in all relations of life. Fathers who were placed in charge of the ecclesiastical 
This has weakened the dependence of women upon seminary the same year. The primate was a stanch 
their husbands for support and has affected the con- ^d fearless defender of the rights of the Holy See and 
cept of the family relation. The theory of the at a public meeting in Drogheda denounced Napoleon 
Protestant leaders of the sixteenth century, that mar- m f or complicity Si the acts of the Italian revoiution- 
riage is but a civil contract, devoid of sacramental fets. His speech and subsequent letter to the "Free- 
character, has been strengthened by the vicissitudes of man ' 8 Journal" created a great sensation and the em- 
modern life, while the facility with which divorces can pe ror ma d e them a subject of complaint to Pius IX. 
be obtained has tended to a constant increase of their fog primate was the organizer of the Irish Brigade in 
number. Marriage, not being accounted a sacrament the papal service. 

by non-Catholic Christians, is entered into with greater Cuback, Life of Dr. Dixon; Stuart. History of Armagh, od. 

ease than a contract of far less moment affecting prop- Coleman (1900), 306 sqq. 

erty alone. The knowledge that in case of disagree- Ambrose Coleman. 
ment the parties may obtain a divorce no doubt has 

its effect. The second cause is the gradual increase Dlugoss (Lat. Longinus), Jan, an eminent medie- 

and development of irreligion and materialism among val Polish historian, b. at Brzeznica, 1415; d. 19 May, 

non-Catholic members of the community. Leaders of 1480, at Cracow. He was one of the twelve sons born 

the Protestant Churches in the United States have be- to John and Beata. He received his primary educa- 

come alarmed at the progress of divorce, and have tion in Nowy Korczyn, then entered the Academy of 

been endeavouring in their various denominations to Cracow, where he studied literature and philosophy, 

adopt such regulations as would restrict it to flagrant He was ordained priest in 1440, and appointed secre- 

cases or abolish it entirely . It is evident that the prev- tary of Cardinal Zbigniew Ole^nicki, Bishop of Cra- 

alence of divorce is an indication of an unsound con- cow. Later he became a prelate of the cathedral 

dition of society. Those who now endeavour to and preceptor for the children of the Polish King, 



\ 



DOBXNSOS 



70 



DOOKTJE 



Casimir IV, Jagielonczyk. He was employed as the 
ambassador of the Polish king to different foreign 
countries, and especially to Bohemia and Hungary, 
where he settled political disturbances. His ecclesi- 
astical superiors sent him as their representative to 
Pope Eugenius IV, and as delegate to the Council of 
Basle. He declined the Archbishopric of Prague, but 
shortly before his death was appointed Archbishop of 
Lemberg. Dlugosz expended his great income for 
religious and philanthropic purposes; he founded both 
churches and monasteries, also burses for the mainte- 
nance of poor scholars. 

The most beautiful church which he founded, and 
beneath which he was buried, is in Cracow, and is 
called Na Skalce (meaning, "Upon Rock", as the 
church was built on an enormous rock). As a Polish 
historian he outranks all who preceded him. He was 
not content to repeat the statements made by other 
chroniclers, but examined for himself the oldest Pol- 
ish, Bohemian, Hungarian, Ruthenian, and German 
documents, to understand which thoroughly he stud- 
ied, in his old age, several foreign languages. His 
works offer abundant and reliable material not only 
for Polish, but also for general, history. 

Dlugosz paid less attention to beauty of style than 

to veracity of statement, and wrote in a philosophic 

manner, as one who saw the action and purposes of 

Providence in all historical events. His great history 

of Poland (Historia Polonica in twelve volumes) was 

composed by order of his friend and master Cardinal 

01e£nicki. The works of Dlugosz were first published 

incompletely in 1614, and fully in 1711. The best 

edition is that in fourteen volumes by Carl Mecher- 

zynski: " Joannis Dlugosz Senioris Canonici Cracovi- 

ensis Opera Omnia" (Cracow, 1863-87). It includes 

his heraldic work "Banderia P^uteno^um ,, , also his 

"Life of St. Stanislaus", "Life of St. Kinga'', lives of 

many Polish bishops (Sees of Wroclaw. PoznaA, Plock, 

Cracow, etc.), "Liber beneficiorum aicecesis Cracov- 

iensis", " Lites ac res gestae inter Polonos ordinemque 

Crucif erorum ", "Annales seu cronic® incliti regni 

Polonise ". 

Caro, J. Longinua (Jena, 1863); Zeisbbero, Die polniache 
Oeachichtachreioung dea MiUeloUera (Leipzig, 1873); BrOcknbr, 
Dxieje Literotury Polakiej (Warsaw, 1908), 1. 

John Godrycz. 
Dobeneck. See Cochi^eus. 

Dobmayer, Marian, a distinguished Benedictine 
theologian, b. 24 Oct., 1763, at Schwandorf, Bavaria; 
d. 21 Dec., 1805, at Amberg, Bavaria. He first en- 
tered the Society of Jesus, and after its suppression in 
1773 joined the Benedictines in the monastery of 
Weissenohe, Diocese of Bamberg, where he was pro- 
fessed in 1775, and in 1778 ordained priest. He was 
successively professor of philosophy at Neuburg, Ba- 
varia (1781-&7), of dogmatic theology and ecclesias- 
tical history at Amberg (1787-94), and of dogmatic 
theology and patrology at the University of Ingolstadt 
(1794-99). On the reorganization of the latter school 
in 1799 he returned to his monastery of Weissenohe, 
where he remained until its secularization. He then 
retired to Amberg, where he taught theology until 
his death. In 1789 he published at Amberg a "Con- 
spectus Theologiae Dogmatics". His chief work is 
tne "Systema Theologize Catholic©", edited after his 
death by Th. P. Senestrey in eight volumes (Sulzbach. 
1807-19) . The work is very learned and devoid of all 
harshness in its controversial parts. 

Lindner, Die Schriftsteller . . . dea Benedictiner-Ordena im 
hetUigm Konigreich Bayern (Ratisbon, 1880), I; Hurter, 
Nomendator (Innsbruck, 1895), III; Fischer in KirchenUz., s.v. 

Francis J. Schaefer. 

Dobrizhoffer, Martin, missionary, b. in Graz, 
Styria, 7 Sept., 1717 ; d. in Vienna, 17 July, 1791. He 
became a Jesuit in 1736, and twelve years later set out 
for the missions of South America, where he laboured 
among the Guaranis and the Abipones for eighteen 



years. On the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Span- 
ish possessions in 1767, he returned to his native land. 
The Empress Maria Theresa frequently sent for Do- 
brizhoffer that she might hear his adventures from his 
own lips ; and she is said to have taken great pleasure 
in his cheerful and animated conversation. He is the 
author of a work in three volumes entitled " Historia 
de Abiponibus, equestri bellicosaque Paraguaina na- 
tione" etc. (Vienna, 1783-1784), a German transla- 
tion of which, by Professor Keil of the University of 
Pesth, was published in Vienna the same year. This 
work is of great ethnological value. In the preface he 
says, "A seven years residence in the four colonies of 
the Abipones has afforded me opportunities of closely 
observing the manners, customs, superstitions, mili- 
tary discipline, slaughters inflicted and received, polit- 
ical and economical regulations, together with the 
vicissitudes of the colonies". He further declares 
that what he learned amongst the Paraguayans in the 
course of eighteen years, what he himself beheld in the 
colonies of the Indians and the Spaniards, in frequent 
and long journeys, through woods, mountains, plains 
and vast rivers, he sets forth, if not in an eloquent and 
brilliant narrative, certainly in a candid and an accu- 
rate one, which is at least deserving of credit. In the 
course of the work, Dobrizhoffer frequently takes occa- 
sion to refute and expose the erroneous statements of 
other writers respecting the Jesuits in Paraguay, and 
the malicious calumnies by which the ruin of their 
institutions in that country was unhappily effected. 
The English translation (An Account of the Abipones, 
an Equestrian People of Paraguay, London, 1822), 
commonly ascribed to Southey, is the work of Sara 
Coleridge, daughter of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, who 

i'udged it a performance " unsurpassed for pure mother- 
Cnglish by anything I have read for a long time". 
Dobrizhoffer in 1773 was appointed preacher to the 
Court in Vienna', a post which he held till his death. 

BOsching, Wdchentliche Nachrichten (1775), 358; Biog. 
Univen. (Paris, 1852), XI; Diet., of Nat. Biog. (New York, 
1908), IV, 773; Memoirs and Letters of San Coleridge, edited by 
her daughter (London, 1873); Edinburgh Review, CXXXIX, 23; 
Sommkbvoqel, Bxbl. de la c. de J. (Brussels, 1892), III, 108; 
Azara, Voyage dans V Amerique MSrxdionale (Paris, 1809). 

Edward P. Spillane. 

Doceta (Gr. AomjraO, a heretical sect dating back 
to Apostolic times. Their name is derived: from 
$6*170-1 j, "appearance" or "semblance", because they 
taught that Christ only "appeared" or "seemed" to 
be a man, to have been born, to have lived and suf- 
fered. Some denied the reality of Christ's human 
nature altogether, some only the reality of His human 
body or of His birth or death. The word Docetce, 
which is best rendered by "Illusionists", first occurs 
in a letter of Serapion, Bishop of Antioch (190-203) to 
the Church at Rhossos, where troubles had arisen 
about the public reading of the apocryphal Gospel of 
Peter. Serapion at first unsuspectingly allowed, but 
soon after forbade, this, saying that he had borrowed a 
copy from the sect who used it, "whom we call 
Docette". He suspected a connexion with Marcion- 
ism and found in tnis Gospel "some additions to the 
right teaching of the Saviour". A fragment of this 
apocryphon was discovered in 1886 and contained 
three passages which savoured strongly of Illusionism. 
The name further occurs in Clement Alex. (d. 216), 
Strom., Ill, xiii,VII, xvii, where these sectaries are men- 
tioned together with the Haematites as instances of 
heretics being named after their own special error. 
The heresy itself, however, is much older, as it is com- 
bated in the New Testament. Clement mentions a 
certain Julius Cassianus as 6 rrji toicfaews i%&pxwr,\ 
"the founder of Illusionism". This name is known 
also to St. Jerome and Theodoret; and Cassianus is 
said to be a disciple of Valentinian, but nothing more 
is known of him. The idea of the unreality of Christ's 
human nature was held by the oldest Gnostic sects and 




DOOKTA 



71 



DOOKTA 



cannot therefore have originated with Cassianus. As 
Clement distinguished the Docetee from other Gnostic 
sects, he probably knew some sectaries the sum-total 
of whose errors consisted in this illusion theory; but 
Docetism, as far as at present known, was always an 
accompaniment of Gnosticism or later of Manichaeism. 
The Docetae described by Hippolytus (Philos., VIII, 
i-iv, X, xii) are likewise a Gnostic sect; these perhaps 
extended their illusion theory to all material sub- 
stances. 

Docetism is not properly a Christian heresy at all, 
as it did not arise m trie Church from the misunder- 
standing of a dogma by the faithful, but rather came 
from without. Gnostics starting from the prin- 
ciple of antagonism between matter and spirit,, and 
making all salvation consist in becoming free from the 
bondage of matter and returning as pure spirit to the 
Supreme Spirit, could not possibly accept the sen- 
tence, "the Word was made Flesh' , in a literal sense. 
In order to borrow from Christianity the doctrine of 
a Saviour who was Son of the Good God, they were 
forced to modify the doctrine of the Incarnation. 
Their embarrassment with this dogma caused many 
vacillations and inconsistencies ; some holding the in- 
dwelling of an Aeon in a body which was indeed real 
but was not his own; others denying the actual objec- 
tive existence of any body or humanity at all ; others 
allowing a "psychic", but not a " hylic* ' or really ma- 
terial body; others believing in a real, yet not human 
but "sidereal" body; others again accepting the 
reality of the body but not the reality of the birth 
from a woman, or the reality of the passion and death 
on ihe cross. Christ only seemed to suffer, either be- 
cause He ingeniously and miraculously substituted 
some one else to bear the pain, or because the whole 
occurrence on Calvary was a visual deception. Simon 
Magus first spoke of a "putative" passion of Christ 
and blasphemously asserted that it was really he, 
Simon himself, who underwent these apparent suffer- 
ings. "As the angels governed this world badly be- 
cause each angel coveted the principality for himself, 
he [Simon] came to improve matters, and was trans- 
figured and rendered like unto the Virtues and Powers 
and Angels, so that he appeared amongst men as man 
though ne was no man and was believed to have suf- 
fered in Judaea though he had not suffered" (possum 
in Judced putatum cum rum esset passu* — Irenaeus, Adv. 
Haer., I, xxiii sqcj.). The mention of the demiurgic 
angels stamps this passage as a piece of Gnosticism. 
Soon after a Syrian Gnostic of Antioch, Saturninus or 
Saturnilus (about 125) made Christ the chief of the 
Aeons, but tried to show that the Saviour was unborn 
(kyirvriTOp) and without body (do-ttytaTov) and with- 
out form (ArelSeov) and only apparently (Qarrafftg!) 
#«en as man (Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., XXI V, ii). 

Another Syrian Gnostic, Cerdo, who came to Rome 
under Pope Hyginus (137) and became the master of 
Marcion, taught that "Christ, the Son of the Highest 
God, appeared without birth from the Virgin, yea 
without any birth on earth as man". All this is nat- 
ural enough ; for matter not being the creation of the 
Highest God but of the Demiurge, Christ could have 
none of it. This is clearly brought out by Tertuliian 
in his polemic against Marcion. According to this 
heresiarch (140) Christ, without passing through the 
womb of Mary and endowed with only a putative 
body, suddenly came from heaven to Capharnaum in 
the fifteenth year of Tiberius ; and Tertuliian remarks: 
"All these tricks about a putative corporeality Mar- 
cion has adopted lest the truth of Christ's birth should 
be argued from the reality of his human nature, and 
thus Christ should be vindicated as the work of the 
Creator [Demiurge] and be shown to have human 
flesh even as he had human birth" (Adv. Marc., Ill, 
xi). Tertuliian further states that Marcion's chief 
disciple,, Apelles, slightly modified his master's sys- 
tem, accepting indeed the truth of Christ's flesh, but 



strenuously denying the truth of His birth. He con- 
tended that Christ had an astral body made of supe- 
rior substance, and he compared the Incarnation to the 
appearance of the angel to Abraham. This, Tertul- 
iian sarcastically remarks, is getting from the frying- 
pan into the fire, de calcarid in carbonariam. VbJ- 
entinus the Egyptian attempted to accommodate his 
system still more closely to Christian doctrine by ad- 
mitting not merely the reality of the Saviour's body 
but even a seeming birth, saying that the Saviours 
body passed through Mary as through a channel 
(<fa ftt& <Tto\fjv<ri) though he took nothing from her, but 
had a body from above. This approximation to or- 
thodoxy, however, was only apparent, for Valentinus 
distinguished between Christ and Jesus. Christ and 
the Holy Ghost were emanations from the Aeon Nous; 
and from all Aeons together proceeded Jesus the 
Saviour, who became united with the Messias of the 
Demiurge. 

In the East, Marinus and the school of Bardesanes, 
though not Bardesanes himself, held similar views 
with regard to Christ's astral body and seeming 
birth. In the West, Ptolemy reduced Docetism to 
a minimum by saying that Christ was indeed a real 
man, but His substance was a compound of the 
pneumatic and the psychic (spiritual and ethereal). 
The pneumatic He received from Achamoth or 
Wisdom, the psychic from the Demiurge; His psychic 
nature enabled him to suffer and feel pain, though He 
possessed nothing b\uc6v, i. e. nothing grossly material. 
(Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., I, xii, II, iv) . Ab the Docetae ob- 
jected to the reality of the birth, so from the first they 
particularly objected to the reality of the passion. 
Hence the clumsy attempts at substitution of another 
victim by Basilides and others. According to Basi- 
lides, Christ seemed to men to be a man and to have 
performed miracles. It was not, however, Christ who 
suffered but Simon of Cyrene, who was constrained to 
carry the cross and was mistakenly crucified in Christ's 
stead. Simon having received Jesus' form, Jesus as- 
sumed Simon's and thus stood by and laughed. Simon 
was crucified and Jesus returned to his father (Irenaeus, 
Adv. Haer., I, xxiv). According to some apocrypha 
it was Judas, not Simon the Cyrenean, who was thus 
substituted. Hippolytus describes a Gnostic sect who 
took the name of Docetae, though for what reason is not 
apparent, especially as their semblance theory was the 
least pronounced feature in their system. Their views 
were m close affinity to those of the Valentinians. The 
primal Being is, so to speak, the seed of a fig-tree, small 
in size but infinite in power j from it proceed three 
Aeons, tree, leaves, fruit, which, multiplied with the 
perfect number ten, become thirty. These thirty Aeons 
together fructify one of themselves, from whom pro- 
ceeds the Virgin-Saviour, a perfect representation of 
the Highest God. The Saviour's task is to hinder fur- 
ther transference of souls from body to body, which 
is the work of the Great Archon, the Creator of the 
world. The Saviour enters the world unnoticed, un- 
known, obscure. An angel announced the glad tid- 
ings to Mary. He was born and did all the things 
that are written of him in the Gospels. But in bap- 
tism he received the figure and seal of another boay 
besides that born of the Virgin. The object of this 
was that when the Archon condemned his own pecu- 
liar figment of flesh to the death of the cross, the soul of 
Jesus — that soul which had been nourished in the body 
born of the Virgin — might strip off that body and nail 
it to the accursed tree. In trie pneumatic body re- 
ceived at baptism Jesus could triumph over the 
Archon, whose evil intent he had eluded. 

This heresy, which destroyed the very meaning and 
purpose of the Incarnation, was combated even by 
the Apostles. Possibly St. Paul's statement that in 
Christ dwelt the fullness of the Godhead corporaliter 
(Col., i, 19, ii, 9) has some reference to Docetic errors. 
Beyond doubt St. John (I John, i, 1-3, iv, 1-3; II 



t 



DOOETZSM 



72 



DOCTOR 



John, 7) refers to this heresy; so at least it seemed to 
Dionysius of Alexandria (Eusebius, H. E., VII, xxv) 
and Tertullian (De came Christi, xxiv). In sub- 
Apostolic times this sect was vigorously combated by 
St. Ignatius and Polycarp. The former made a warn- 
ing against Docetists the burden of his letters; he 
speaks of them as " monsters in human shape " (Sripltow 
dvOfHOTopApftov) and bids the faithful not only not to 
receive them but even to avoid meeting them. 
Pathetically he exclaims: "If, as some godless men 
[A0eo<], I mean unbelievers, say. He has suffered only 
m outward appearance, they themselves are nought 
but outward show. Why am I in bonds? Why 
should I pray to fight with wild beasts? Then I die 
for nothing, then I would only be lying against 
the Lord" (Ad Trail., x; Eph., vii, xviii; Smvrn., 
i-vi). In St. Ignatius day Docetism seems to have 
been closely connected with Judaism (cf. Magn., viii, 
1, x, 3; Phil., vi, viii). Polycarp in his letter to 
the Phitippians re-echoes I John, iv, 2-4, to the same 
purpose. St. Justin nowhere expressly combats Do- 
cetic errors, but he mentions several Gnostics who 
were notorious for their Docetic aberrations, as Basi- 
lideans and Valentinians, and in his " Dialogue with 
Trypho the Jew" he strongly emphasizes the Dirth of 
Christ from the Virgin. Tertullian wrote a treatise 
"On the flesh of Christ" and attacked Docetic errors 
in his "Adversus Marcionem". Hippolvtus in his 
"Philosophoumena" refutes Docetism m the different 
Gnostic errors which he enumerates and twice gives 
the Docetic system as above referred to. 

The earlier Docetism seemed destined to die with 
the death of Gnosticism, when it received a long lease 
of life as parasitic error to another great heresy, that 
of Manicnseism. Manichaean Gnostics started with 
a twofold eternal principle, good (spirit) and evil 
(matter). In order to add Christian soteriology to 
Iranian dualism, they were forced, as the Gnostics 
were, to tamper with the truth of the Incarnation. 
Manichees distinguished between a Jesus patibilis and 
a Jesus impatitnlis or Christ. The latter was the 
light as dwelling in, or symbolized by, or personified 
under, the name of the Sun : the former was the light 
as imprisoned in matter ana darkness; of which light 
each human soul was a spark. Jesus patibilis was 
therefore but a figure of speech, an abstraction for the 
Good in the world; Jesus impatibilia, the unalloyed 
Good, the pure light above. In the reign of Tiberius 
Christ appears in Judea, Son of the Eternal Light and 
also Son of Man; but in the latter expression 'man" 
is a technical Manichaean term for the AAyos or World- 
Soul; both ArBponroi and xredfM* are emanations of the 
Deity. Though Christ is son of man He has only a 
seeming body, and only seemingly suffers, His passion 
being called the mystical fiction of the cross. It is 
obvious that this doctrine borrowed from that of the 
Incarnation nothing but a few names. Scattered in- 
stances of Manichaean Docetism are found as far West 
as Spain among the Priscillianists of the fourth and 
the nfth century. The Paulicians in Armenia and the 
Selicians in Constantinople fostered these errors. 
The Paulicians existed even in the tenth century, 
denying the reality of Christ's birth and appealing to 
Luke, vii, 20. God, according to them, sent an angel 
to undergo the passion. Hence they worshipped not 
the cross but the Gospel, Christ's word. Among the 
Slavs the Bogomilse renewed the ancient fancy that 
Jesus entered Mary's body by the right ear, and re- 
ceived from her but an apparent body. In the West a 
council of Orleans in 1022 condemned thirteen Cathar- 
ist heretics for denying the reality of Christ's life and 
death. In modern theosophio and spiritist circles this 
early heresy is being renewed by ideas scarcely less 
fantastic than the wildest vagaries of old. 

Tixeront. La ThSotogie antenicienne (Paris, 1905); Mead, 
Fragments of a Faith Forgotten (London, 1906); HjivGenfeld, 
KeUergeschichte des Urchrtstenthums (Leipaig, 1884); Salmon iu 
DicL Christ. Biog., s. vv. Docetos and Docetism; KOnstlk, Anti- 



prisciUiana (Freiburg im Br., 1905); Dippel, Der neuere Spit* 
ttismus (Munich, 1897). 

J. P. Arendzen. 
Docetism. See Docemj. 

Docimium, a titular see of Phrygia in Asia Minor. 
This city, as appears from its coins where the inhab- 
itants are called Macedonians, must have been 
founded by Antigonos Dokimos. Its name is written 
Dokimeion, Dokimia Kome, Dokimaion, later Doki- 
mion. It was famous for its marble-quarries, and is 
now identified with Istcha Kara Hissar, a village 
north-east of Anon Kara Hissar, in the vilayet of 
Brusa. On this site have been found many Christian 
inscriptions, later than Constantino. Docimium was 
a suffragan of Synnada in Phrygia Salutaris. Six or 
seven bishops are known, from 344 to 879 (Lequien, 
Or. Christ., 1, 853); another bishop is mentioned in an 
inscription. 

Texikr, Description de VAsie Mineure, I, 149; Leake, Asia 
Minor, 54; Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, passim 
and 742; Idem in Milanges d'ardUolagie et d'histotre (Kome, 
1882), II, 290; Pebdrxzbt in Bulletin de correspondance hcl- 
Unique (1900), XXIV, 291. S. PETRIDfcs, 

Doctor (Lat. docere, to teach), the title of an au- 
thorized teacher. In' this general sense the term oc- 
curs in the O. T.; the "doctors" are mentioned with 
the "princes and ancients" (Deut., xxix, 10; xxxi, 
28), and Azarias prophesies (II Paral., xv, 3) that 
" many days shall pass in Israel, without the true God, 
and without a priest a teacher, and without the law" 
(absque saceraote doctore, et absque lege). It was 
the duty of these doctors to expound the Jaw, and this 
they performed at the time of Christ, who was found in 
the Temple "in the midst of the doctors" (St. Luke, ii, 
46). Another meeting of Our Lord with the " doctors 
of the law" is recorded in St. Luke ; v, 17. The later 
Jewish teachers also received the title {doctor gemari- 
cus, doctor mischnicus — see Talmud) . Under the New 
Law the doctors are those who have received a special 
gift or charisma (see Charismata) such as the " proph- 
ets and doctors" of the Church at Antioch (Acts, xiii, 
1), and of whom St. Paul says that " God indeed hath 
set some in the church; first apostles, secondly proph- 
ets, thirdly doctors (I Cor., xii, 28; Eph., iv, 11). St. 
Paul speaks of himself as a doctor of the Gentiles in 
faith and truth (I Tim., ii, 7), and Doctor gentium is 
one of the titles given him in the Liturgy. In the 
early Church, teachers in the catechetical schools were 
known as doctores audientium (Cyprian, Ep. xxix, ed. 
Hartel) ; and finally, in the course of time, some of the 
most illustrious theologians were designated as " Doc- 
tors of the Church" (q. v.). 

The use of Doctor as an academic title dates from 
the founding of the medieval universities. Before 
these were regularly organized, any teacher who gath- 
ered about him a number of students was a doctor, 
dominus, or magister. During the first half of the 
twelfth century, the title Doctor acquired a more spe- 
cial significance, though it still implied personal excel- 
lence rather than official position. The "Four Doc- 
tors" who succeeded Irnerius at Bologna were the 
distinguished jurists, Martinus (d. before 1166), Bul- 
garia (d. 1166), Hugo (d. 1168), and Jacobus (d. 
1178). But when the doctors formed a collegium 
they prescribed conditions on which other persons 
might become members of the teaching body, and thus 
laid the foundation of the system of academic degrees. 
The doctorate was first granted in civil law {doctores 
legum), later in canon law (doctores decretorum) l and, 
during the thirteenth century, in medicine, grammar, 
logic, and philosophy. The doctorate in music was 
conferred at Oxford and Cambridge in the fifteenth 
century. For graduates in arts and theology, magis- 
ter was more generally employed than doctor, but for 
a long time these titles were synonymous. The 
English universities, adopting the usage of Paris, at 
first designated teachers of law as doctors, and pro- 



DOCTOR 



73 



DOCTOR 



feasors of theology as masters; but in the course of 
time the former title was given to all the superior fac- 
ulties, and the latter was reserved for grammar and 
arts. In Germany, doctor and magisier were inter- 
changeable (Kaufmann, "Geschichte" etc., II, 268 
sqq.)i and though the mastership is no longer con- 
ferred as a separate degree, a trace of the medieval 
practice is still found in the diploma which styles its 
recipient " Doctor of Philosophy and Master of Arts". 

Bologna at first conferred only the doctorate, but 
Paris and the English universities very soon intro- 
duced the preparatory degrees of baccalaureate and 
licentiate. Later, it is true, the licentiate was granted 
in the Italian university also at the first examination 
(privata); but this merely implied permission to pro- 
ceed to the second, more formal, examination (pub- 
lico) in which the licentia docendi was given. At 
Paris, the licentiate meant a real authorization to 
teach, besides being a pre-requisite for admission ta the 
final examination (inceptio) at which the doctorate 
was conferred. There was a corresponding difference 
in the length of the course for the degree. Bologna 
required six years of study for the doctorate in canon 
law, and seven or eight for the doctorate in civil law; 
the student might begin his course at the age of four- 
teen and become a doctor at twenty or twenty-one. 
At Paris the statutes drawn up in 1215 by the Cardinal 
Legate Robert de Courcon provided that no one 
should lecture in theology as a master unless he was 
thirty-five years of age, nad studied for eight years, 
and taken a five-years course in theology. According 
to Denifle (Universitaten, 100-102), the eight years 
meant three years in arts and five years in theology. 
(Cf. Rashdall, "Universities", I, 462 sqo.) At Ox- 
ford, candidates who had already taken the M.A. de- 
gree were required to study theology seven years more 
for the licentiate. In medicine, ALA. candidates had 
a six-years' course for the doctorate. For the sub- 
jects reauired in these courses see University. (Cf . 
Rashdall, op. cit., II, 452 sq.) 

In regard to examinations there seems to have been 
considerable* leniency: at times they were reduced to 
mere formalities, at other times they were dispensed 
with. The degree was awarded by the chancellor on 
the advice of the regent masters of the faculty as to 
the candidate's fitness. The ceremony of inception 
was conducted by a regent; it consisted in the tradi- 
tion of the book and ring, the imposition of the biretta, 
and the kiss of fellowship. At Paris, however, the de- 
gree in theology was conferred by the chancellor him- 
self, who placed the biretta upon the candidate's head 
with the words, " Incipiatis in nomine Patris et Filii et 
Spiritus Sancti. Amen." Then followed a disputa- 
tion (aulica) In which the chancellor, the masters, and 
one of the bachelors took part. It was customary also 
to hold, on the evening before inception, an elaborate 
disputation known as vesperim (see, for details, " Char- 
tularium", II, App.J p. 693). 

Among the various doctorates, that in theology 
ranked first. It was no uncommon thine for those 
who had received the degree in the other faculties to 
take additional courses for the S. T. D. In the Ger- 
man universities, for instance, licentiates in law or 
medicine might become bachelors in theology after 
five years of theological study; they would tnen be 
obliged to pursue the course prescribed for the other 
candidates. Conversely, theologians were sometimes 
permitted to follow courses in civil law and medicine. 
This privilege was granted to Bologna by Clement V 
(10 March, 1310) for a period of ten years but it ap- 
plied only to ecclesiastical persons other than priests, 
religious, and bishops elect. It was renewed twice by 
John XXII (1317 and 1330); but when the university 
(1343-44) petitioned for an indefinite extension of the 
privilege, Clement VI refused. Innocent VT, how- 
ever, renewed it (30 June, 1360) for ten years (Denifle, 
op. cit., 209) 



The chief significance of the doctorate lay in the fact 
that it authorised the recipient to teach everywhere 
without undergoing further examination — jus ubique 
docendi. This prerogative developed gradually out of 
the licentia docendi which the degree itself implied, i. e. 
the right to teach in the university which conferred 
the doctorate. But as the older universities, Bologna. 
Paris, and Oxford, grew in importance and attracted 
students from all parts, the idea naturally spread that 
their graduates had the right to teach everywhere. 
Subsequently, this authorization was expressly 
granted to newly founded universities: by Gregory 
IX to Toulouse (1233), and by Alexander IV to Sala- 
manca (1255). It was long, however, before the uni- 
versities came to a mutual recognition of their degrees. 
Paris held tenaciously to its rights; Oxford was more 
liberal, but would not permit a Parisian doctor to 
teach merely on the strength of his degree. The doc- 
tors themselves were not always anxious to exercise 
their prerogative; the teaching devolved in large 
measure upon the bachelors, and the masters were 
classified as regents (those who taught) and as non- 
regents, who were content with the prestige implied by 
their degree or were eager for other occupations^. 

The essential meaning of the doctorate as fixed by 
the medieval universities is preserved in modern aca- 
demic usage; the degree implies a qualification to 
teach. It nas, however, undergone various modifica- 
tions which are due partly to the development of the 
sciences and partly to chances in educational theory 
and practice. The degrjee, Doctor of Laws, is often 
conferred as an honorary title. The doctorate in the- 
ology, or divinity, has been retained by Catholic insti- 
tutions as a degree to be given either after a course of 
study and an examination or as a distinction (honoris 
causa) ; while the tendency among non-Catholic uni- 
versities is to confer it only as an honorary degree. Of 
late the doctorate in philosophy has attained great 
importance, and its value has been enhanced as the 
result of stricter requirements. For this and for the 
other doctorates, research is now generally considered 
the principal qualification, and m consequence the 
candidate's work is becoming more specialized. 

The influence of the Holy See, in regard to the doc- 
torate, especially in theology, has been exerted in 
various ways, e. g. by authorizing universities to con- 
fer the degree, by prescribing through papal legates 
the conditions for obtaining it, and by correcting 
abuses, notably laxity of reauirements, which crept in 
from time to time. The historical details will be 
found in the article University. Legislation con- 
cerning the ecclesiastical side of the subject may be 
summarized as follows:— 

1. The power of creating doctors belongs to the 
pope; but he may, and often does, delegate it to uni- 
versities, seminaries, and other institutions of learn- 
ing. Charters granted by civil authority are valid; 
but to obtain canonical recognition, doctorates in 
theology and canon law must be conferred in virtue of 
pontifical authorization. 

2. The candidate for the degree must be a baptized 
Christian and must subscribe to the profession of faith 
formulated by Pius IV. As a rule, only priests receive 
the doctorate in theology and canon law. It is not, 
however, necessary that the recipient should be in 
Sacred orders. Laymen as well as priests are allowed 
to appear as advocates before the Roman tribunals 
(Rota, Signature,) and they are required to have the 
aoctorate at least in canon law (Const. " Sapienti con- 
silio", 29 June, 1908). 

3. The doctoral biretta, or four-cornered cap. may 
be worn on academic occasions, but not in choir (Cong, 
of Rites, " In Venusina", 1844, and reply to the Arch- 
bishop of Santiago de Chile, 6 Sept., 1895); the ring 
may be worn at all times except at Mass and other ec- 
clesiastical functions (Cong, of Rites, 12 Feb., 1892). 

i. T^e Council of Trent (Sess. XXII, c. ii, "de 



DOCTOR 



74 



DOCTOR 



Ref .**) decreed that a bishop must be either doctor or 
licentiate in theology or in canon law; if a religious, he 
should have proper testimonials from his superiors. 
It enacted the same requirement for the archdeacon 
(Sess. XXIV. c. xii, " de Ref.") . Regarding the vicar 
capitular ana the pomitentiarius, it prescribed that 
they should either have the degree or be otherwise 
well qualified. The Congregation of Studies recently 
decided (7 March, 1908) that the penitentiary and 
theologian of the cathedral chapter, if not already 
doctors, must receive the degree within a year. The 
Const. "Sapienti consilio" (29 June, 1908) prescribes 
the doctorate in theology and canon law for the offi- 
cials of the Rota and Signatura. It has been a matter 
of controversy whether the vicar-jgeneral is obliged to 
be a doctor, and whether the Tndentine decree con- 
cerning the archdeacon is still in force. For the diver- 
gent opinions, see Card. Gennari, " Questioni Canon- 
lche" (Rome, 1908), pp. 372, 292. The whole tenor 
of ecclesiastical legislation has been in favour of re- 
auirements which secure scientific qualifications in 
those who are appointed to official positions in the 
Church. 

Ekman-Horn, Bibiiooraphie d. deuUchen Universitaten (Leip- 
sig, 1904), I, 252; Deniflb, Die Universitaten des Mittelalters 
(Berlin, 1886); Kaufmann, Die Oesch. d. deuUchen UniversitA- 
ten (Stuttgart, 1888); Rashdall, The Universities of Europe, 
etc. (Oxford, 1805); Laurie, The Rise and Early Constitution of 
Universities (New York, 1898); Battandier, Annuaire Ponti- 
fical (Paris, 1906). 

Doctors, Surnames of Famous. It was custom- 
ary in the Middle Ages to designate the more cele- 
brated among the doctors by certain epithets or sur- 
names which were supposed to express their charac- 
teristic excellence or dignity. This was especially the 
case with the doctors m law and theology. The fol- 
lowing list exhibits the principal surnames with the 
dates of death. 

Doctors in Theology: — 

Abstractionum — Francis Mayron, O.F.M., 1325 or 
1327. 

Acutissimus — Sixtus IV, 1484. 

Acutus — Gabriel Vasquea, S.J., 1604. 

Amamus — Robert Conton, O.F.M., 1340. 

Angdicus — St. Thomas Aquinas. O.P., 1274. 

Area testamenti — St. Anthony of Padua, 1231. 

Authenticus — Gregory of Rimini, O.S.A., 1358. 

Averroistaet philosophic parens — Urbanus, O.S.M., 
1403. 

Beatus et jundatissimus — JSgidius of Colonna, 
O.S.A., 1316. 

Bonus— Walter Brinkley, O.F.M., 1310. 

Chris tianus — Nicholas of Cusa, 1464. 

Clarus — Louis of Montesinos, 1621. 

Clarua oc subtilis — Denis of Clteaux, 15th cent. 

Collectivus — Landolfo Caracciolo, O.F.M., 1351. 

Columna doctorum — William of Champeaux, 
O.S.B., 1121. 

Contradictionum — Johann Wessel, 1489. 

Divinus t Ecstaticus — John Ruysbroeck, Can. Reg., 
1381. 

Doctor doctorum, Scholasticus — Anselm of Laon, 
1117. 

Dulcifluus — Antonius Andreas, O.F.M., 1320. 

Ecstaticus — Denys the Carthusian, 1471. 

Eminent— St. John of Matha, O. Trin., 1213. 

Emporium thsologice — Laurent Gervais, O.P., 1483. 

ExceUenti8simus — Antonio Corsetti, 1503. 

Eximius — Francisco Suarez, S.J., 1617. 

Facundus— Petrus Aureoli, O.F.M., 1322. 

Famosis8imus — Petrus Alberti, O.S.B., 1426. 

Famosus— Bertrand de la Tour, O.F.M., 1334. 

FertMs— Francis of Candia, O.F.M., 15th cent. 

Flos mundi— Maurice O'Fiehely, O.F.M., Abp. of 
Tuam, 1513. 

Fundamentalis — Joannes Faber of Bordeaux, 1350. 

Fundatissimus — see Beatus. 



Fundatu*— William Ware, O.F.M., 1270. 

lUibatus — Alexander Alamannicus, O.F.M., 15th 
cent. 

lUuminatus — Francis Mayron, O.F.M., 1325-27: 
Raymond Lully, O.F.M., 1315. 

lUuminatus et sublimis — Joannes Tauler, O.P.. 
1361. 

lUustratus — Franciscus Picenus <0.F.M., 14th cent. 

IUustris — Adam of Marisco, O.F.M., 1308. 

Inclytus— William Mackelfieid, O.P., 1300. 

lngeniosissimus — Andrew of Newcastle, O.F.M., 
1300. 

Inter Aristotelicos Aristotelicissimus — Haymo of 
Faversham, O.F.M., 1244. 

InvincibMs — Petrus Thomas, O.F.M., 14th cent. 

Irrefragibilis — Alexander of Hales, O.F.M., 1245. 

M agister Sententiarum — Peter Lombard, 1 164. 

Magnus — Albertus Magnus, O.P., 1280; Gilbert of 
Clteaux, O.Cist., 1280. 

Marianus — St. Anselm of Canterbury, O.S.B., 
1109. 

MeUiftuus— St. Bernard, O.Cist., 1153. 

Miraoilis — Antonio Perez, S.J., 1649; Roger 
Bacon, O.F.M., 1294. 

Moralis— Gerard Eudo, O.F.M., 1349. 

Notabilis— Pierre de Tile, O.F.M., 14th cent. 

OrdinaHssimus — Johannes de Bassolis, O.F.M., 
c. 1347. 

Ornatissimus et sufflciens — Petrus de Aquila, 
O.F.M., 1344. 

Parisiensis — Guy de Perpignan, O.Carm., 1342. 

Planus et utilis — Nicolas de Lyre, O.F.M., 1340. 

PrcBclarus — Peter of Kaiserslautern, O.Prwm., 
1330. 

Prwstantissimus — Thomas Netter (of Walden), 
O.Carm., 1431. 

Profundissimus — Paul of Venice, O.8.A., 1428; 
Gabriel Biel, Can. Reg., 1495; Juan Alfonso Curiel, 
O.S.B., 1609. 

Profundus — Thomas Bradwardine, 1349. 

Refulgidus — Alexander V, 1410. 

Resolutissimus — Durandus of Sain^Pourcain, 
O.P., 1334. 

Resolutus — John Bacon, O.Carm., 1346. 

Scholaslicus — Peter Abelard, 1142; Gilbert de la 
Porree, 1154; Peter Lombard, 1164; Peter of Poi- 
tiers, 1205; Hugh of Newcastle, O.F.M., 1322. 

Seraphicus— St. Bonaventure, O.F.M., 1274. 

Singularis et invincibilis — William of Occam, 
O.F.M., 1347 or 1359. 

Solemnis — Henry of Ghent, 1293. 

Solidus, Copiosus — Richard of Middleton, O.F.M., 
1300. 

Speculativus — James of Viterbo, O.S.A., 1307. 

Sublimis — Francis de Bachone, O.Carm., 1372; 
Jean Courte-Cuisse, 1425. 

Subtilis— Duns Scotus, O.F.M., 1308. 

Subtilissimus — Peter of Mantua, 14th cent. 

Succinctus — Francis of Ascoli, c. 1344. 

Universalis — Alanus of Lille, 1202; Gilbert, 
Bishop of London, 1134. 

Venerabilis et Christianissimus — Jean Gerson, 
1429. 

Venerandus — Geoffroy de Fontibus, O.F.M., 
1240. 

Vita Arbor— Johannes Wallensis, O.F.M., 1300. 
Doctors in Iaiw: — 

Aristotelis anima — Johannes Dondus ? 1380. 

Doctor a dodoribus — Antonius Franciscus, 1528. 

Fans canonum — Johannes Andrea, 1348. 

Fons juris utriusque — Henry of Susa (Ostia), 
1267-81. 

Lucerna juris — Baldus de Ubaldis, 1400. 

Lucerna juris pontificii — Nicholas Tedeschi, 
O.S.B., 1445. 

Lumen iuris — Clement IV, 1268. 

Lumen legum — Imerius, 13th cent. 



* 




THE MADONNA 


AND 


DOCTORS OF THE CHURCH 


— MORETTO 


ST. 
ST. 


AMBROSE 
GREGORY 




AtT INSTITUTE, FRAN 


ST. 
ST 


AUGUSTINE 
JEROME 



DOCTOR 



75 



DOOTROT 



Memoriosissimus — Ludovicus Pontanus, 1439. 

Monarcha juris — Bartholomew of Saliceto, 1412. 

Os aureum — Bulgarus, 1166. 

Pacificus (Profauus) — Nicolas Bonet, O.F.M., 
1360. 

Pater Decretalium — Gregory IX, 1241. 

Piter et organum veritatis — Innocent IV, 1254. 

Pater juris — Innocent III, 1216. 

Pater peritorum — Pierre de Belleperche, 1307. 

Planus ac perspicuus — Walter Burleigh, 1337. 

Prihceps subtUitatum — Francesco d'Accolti, 1486. 

Speculator — William Durandus, 1296. 

Speculum juris — Bartholus of Sassoferrato, 1359. 

SubtUis — Benedict Raymond, 1440; Filippo 
Corneo, 1462. 

Verus — Thomas Doctius, Siena, 1441. 

E. A. Pace. 

Doctor Angelicas* See Thomas Aquinas, Saint. 

Doctor of the Law. See Law; Scribe. 

Doctors of the Church (L&t. DoctoresEcdesice). — 
Certain ecclesiastical writers have received this title on 
account of the great advantage the whole Church has 
derived from their doctrine. In the Western Church 
four eminent Fathers of the Church attained this 
honour in the early Middle Ages: St., Gregory the 
Great. St. Ambrose. St. Augustine, and St. Jerome. 
The four Doctors became a commonplace among 
the Scholastics, and a decree of Boniface VIII (1298) 
ordering their feasts to be kept as doubles in the whole 
Church is contained in his sixth book of Decretals (cap. 
" Gloriosus", de reliqu. et vener. sanctorum, in Sexto, 
III, 22). In the Eastern Church three Doctors were 
pre-eminent: Chrysostom, Basil, and Gregory Nazian- 
zen. The feasts of these three saints were made obli- 
gatory throughout the Eastern Empire by Leo VI, the 
Wise, the deposer of Photius. A common feast was 
later instituted in their honour on 30 January, called 
" the feast of the three Hierarchs "• In the Mensea for 
that day it is related that the three Doctors appeared 
In a dream to John, Bishop of Euchaitae, ana com- 
manded him to institute a festival in their honour, in 
order to put a stop to the rivalries of their votaries and 
panegyrists. This was under Alexius Comnenus 
(1081-1118; see "ActaSS.", 14 June, under St. Basil. 
c. xxxviii). But sermons for the feast are attributed 
in MSS. to Cosmas Vestitor, who flourished in the 
tenth century. The three are as common in Eastern 
art as the four are in Western. Durandus (i, 3) re- 
marks that Doctors should be represented with books 
in their hands. In the West analogy led to the venera- 
tion of four Eastern Doctors, St. Athanasius being 
very properly added to the three hierarchs. 

To these great names others have subsequently 
been added. The requisite conditions are enumerated 
as three: eminens doctrina, insignis vita sanctitas, 
Ecclesiot dedaratio (i. e. eminent learning, a high de- 

S*ee of sanctity, and proclamation by the Church), 
enedict XIV explains the third as a declaration by 
the supreme pontiff or by a general council. But 
thougn general councils have acclaimed the writings 
of certain Doctors, no council has actually conferred the 
title of Doctor of the Church. In practice the pro- 
cedure consists in extending to the Universal Church 
the use of the Office and Mass of a saint in which the 
title of Doctor is applied to him. The decree is issued 
by the Congregation of Sacred Rites and approved by 
the pope, after & careful examination, if necessary, of 
the saint's writings. It is not in any way an ex cath- 
edra decision, nor does it even amount to a declaration 
that no error is to be found in the teaching of the 
Doctor. It is, indeed, well known that the very great- 
est of them are not wholly immune from error. No 
martyr has ever been included in the list, since the 
Office and the Mass are for Confessors. Hence, as 
Benedict XIV points out, St. Ignatius, St. Irenseus, 
and St. Cyprian are not called Doctors of the Church. 



The proper Mass of Doctors has the Introit "In 
medio , borrowed from that of the Theologus par excel- 
lence, St. John the Evangelist, together with special 
prayers and Gospel. The Creao is said. ^ The princi- 
pal peculiarity of the Office is the antiphon to the 
Magnificat at ooth Vespers. "O Doctor optime", and it 
is rather by this antiphon than by the special Mass that 
a saint is perceived to be a Doctor (S. R. C, 7 Sept., ' 
1754) . In fact, St. John Damascene has a Mass of his 
own, while Athanasius, Basil, Leo, and Cyril of Jeru- 
salem have not the Gospel of Doctors, and several have 
not the collect. The feasts of the four Latin Doctors 
were not added to until the sixteenth century, when 
St. Thomas Aquinas was declared a Doctor by the 
Dominican St. Pius V in his new edition of the Brev- 
iary (1568), in which the feasts of the four Greek Doc- 
tors were also raised to the rank of doubles. The 
Franciscan Sixtus V (1588) added St. Bonaventure. 
St. Anselm was added by Clement XI (1720), St. Isi- 
dore by Innocent XIII (1722), St. Peter Chrysologus 
by Benedict XIII (1729), St. Leo I (a well-deserved 
but belated honour) by Benedict XIV (1754), St. Peter 
Damian by Leo XII (1828), St. Bernard by Pius VIII 
(1830). Pius IX gave (1851) the honour to St. Hilarjr 
and to two more modern saints, Alphonsus Liguori 
(1871) and Francis de Sales (1877). Leo XIII pro- 
moted (1883) the Easterns, Cyril of Alexandria, Cyril 
of Jerusalem, and John Damascene, and last of all the 
Venerable Bede (1899). The same pope, when, in 
1882, he introduced the simplification of double feasts, 
made an exception for Doctors, whose feasts are al- 
ways to be transferred. 

There are therefore now twenty-three Doctors of the 
Church; of whom seven are Eastern, sixteen Western. 
Two are popes, two are cardinals, all but five are bish- 
ops. They include a Dominican, a Franciscan, a 
Redemptorist, and five Benedictines. For some of 
these the Office had previously been granted to certain 

{daces or orders— St. Peter Damian to the Camaldo- 
ese, St. Isidore to Spain, St. Bede to England and to 
all Benedictines. St. Leander of Seville and St. Ful- 
gentius are kept as Doctors in Spain 2 and the former 
dv Benedictines also, as he was m earlier times 
claimed as a monk. St. Ildephonsus has the Introit 
"In medio" in the same order (for the same reason) 
and in Spain, without the rank of Doctor. 

Pohle in Kirchliche* Handlcxikon (Munich. 1907). II, 384; 
Fekler-Jungm ann, Itutit. PatrolomcB (Innsbruck, 1800); Bar- 
denhbwer, PatnAogy, tr. Shah an (Freiburg im Br., St. Louis, 
1008), 2-3. On the early Latin Doctors see Weyman in J/tsf. 
Jahrimch (1804), XV. 06, and in Rev. d'hiat. et de liU. religieuKa 
(1898\ III, 562; for the Greek Doctors see Nillbs in Zetiachrxfi 
l kath. Theolome (1804), XVIII, 742. See also Botnrr, Le% 
Peres de VEgiiw in Rev. Auguttinienne (1004;, 461-86, and . 
Pesch. Protect. Dogmat. (Freiburg, 1003), 346 sqq. 

John Chapman. 
Doctrinarians* See Bus, Cesar de, Venerable. 

Doctrine, Christian. — Taken in the sense of "the 
act of teaching 1 ' and "the knowledge imparted by 
teaching", this term is synonymous with Catechesis 
and Catechism. Ai&avicaXla, 8t8ax4, in the Vulgate, 
doctrina. are often used in the N. T., especially in the 
Pastoral Epistles. As we might expect, the Apostle 
insists upon " doctrine " as one of the most important 
duties or a bishop (I Tim., iv, 13, 16; v, 17; II Tim., iv, 
2, etc.). 

The word Karllxv* 1 * means instruction by word of 
mouth, especially by questioning and answering. 
Thougn it may apply to any subject-matter, it is com- 
monly used for instruction in the elements of religion, 
especially preparation for initiation into Christianity. 
The word and others of the same origin occur in St. 
Luke's Gospel: "That thou mayest know the verily 
of those things in which thou hast been instructed " 
(Karrtxtyrit, in quibus eruditus es — i, 4). In the Acts, 
xviii, 25, Apollo is described as " instructed [k*tvxv- 
piros, edoctus] in the way of the Lord". St. Paul uses 
the word twice: "I had rather speak five words with 



<] 



D00TBIN1 



76 



DOCTRINE 



my understanding, that I may instruct [ic*Tnxh*<* in- 
struam] others also " (I Cor., xiv, 19); and "Let nim 
that is instructed [6 Kar^xotf/xem, is qui catechizatur] 
in the word, communicate to him that instructeth [rtfi 
KaTijxovm, eCqui catechizat] him, in all good things' 1 
(Gal., vi, 6). Hence the word, with its technical mean- 
• ing of oral religious instruction, passed into ecclesias- 
tical use, and is applied both to the act of instructing 
and the subject-matter of the instruction. The word 
catechism was also formerly used for the act of in- 
structing (" To say ay, and no, to these particulars, is 
more than to answer in a catechism" — As You Like 
It, act iii, sc. 2), as caUchisme is still used in French : 
but it is now more properly applied to the little printed 
book in which the questions and answers are contained. 
The subject will be treated in this article under the 
three heads: I. History op Catbchetics; II. Prac- 
tical Catechetics; III. Modern Catechisms. 

I. History of Catechetics. — (1) Oral instruction by 
means of questions and answers has occupied a promi- 
nent place in the scholastic methods of the moral and 
religious teachers of all countries and of all ages. The 
Socratic dialogues will occur to every one as brilliant 
examples. But many centuries before Socrates' day 
this method was practised among the Hebrews (Exod., 
xii, 26 j Deut., vi, 7, 20, etc.). They had three forms of 
catechizing: domestic, conducted by the head of the 
family for the benefit of his children and servants; 
scholastic, by teachers in schools; and ecclesiastical, 
by priests and Levites in the Temple and the syna- 
gogues* Proselytes were carefully instructed before 
being admitted to become members of the Jewish 
faith. The regular instruction of children began when 
they were twelve years old. Thus we read of Christ 
"in the temple, sitting in the midst of the doctors 
[Z&ogk&Xuiv], hearing them, and asking them questions. 
And all that heard nim "were astonished at his wisdom 
and his answers" (Luke, ii, 46, 47). During His public 
life He frequently made use of the catechetical method 
to impart instruction: "What think ye of Christ? 
Whose son is he?" "Whom do men say that the son 
of man is? • . . Whom do you say that I am?" etc. 
In His final charge to His Apostles He said: " Teach 
ye [/udhiTefaraT*, "make disciples, or scholars"] all 
nations; .... Teaching [StS&ffKorret, "instructing"] 
them to observe all things whatsoever I have com- 
manded you" (Matt., xxviii, 19). And after this 
instruction they were to initiate them into the Church, 
w baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the 
Son, and of the Holy Ghost" (ibid.). 

(2) In obedience to Christ's command, St. Peter, 
"standing up with the eleven", declared to the Jews 
on Pentecost day, and proved to them from the Scrip- 
tures that Jesus, whom they had crucified, was " Lord 
and Christ". When they had been convinced of this 
truth, and had compunction in their heart for their 
crime, they asked, "What shall we do?" And Peter 
answered, " Do penance, and be baptized .... in the 
name of Jesus Christ, for the remission of your sins." 
"And with very many other words did he testify and 
exhort them" (Acts, ii). We have here an abridgment 
of the first catechetical instruction given by the Apos- 
tles. It is both doctrinal and moral — the hearers are 
to believe and to repent. This twofold element is also 
contained in St. Peter's second discourse after healing 
the lame man in the Temple (Acts, iii). St. Stephen 
goes further, and brings out that belief in Jesus as the 
Christ (Messias) meant the ending of the Old Covenant 
and the coming in of a New (Acts, vi, vii). St. Philip 
the Deacon preached "of the kingdom of God, in the 
name of Jesus Christ": and the Samaritans "were 
baptized, both men and women" (Acts, viii). Fur- 
thermore, St. Peter and St. John came from Jerusalem 
and "prayed for them, that they might receive the 
Holy Ghost"; and doubtless declared to them the 
doctrine of that Holy Spirit (ibid.). The same deacon's 
discourse to the eunuch deals with the proof from Scrip- 



ture, and notablv Isaias (tin, 7) K that "Jesus Christ 
is the Son of God", and the necessity of baptism. No 
mention is made of penance or repentance, as the 
eunuch was a just man anxious to do God's will. So, 
too, Cornelius, " a religious man, and fearing God with 
all his house, giving much alms to the people, and 
always praying to God", did not need mucn moral 
instruction; accordingly St. Peter speaks to him of 
Jesus Christ who " is lorq of all . . . Jesus of Nazareth : 
how God anointed him with the Holy Ghost, and with 
power, who went about doing good, and healing all 
that were oppressed by the devil, for God was with 
him. And we are witnesses of all things that he did 
in the land of the Jews and in Jerusalem, whom they 
killed, hanging him upon a tree. Him God raised up 
the third day, and gave him to be made manifest . . . 
even to us who did eat and drink with him after he 
arose again from the dead ; and he commanded us to 
preach to the people, and to testify that it is he who 
was appointed by God, to be judge of the living and of 
the dead. To him all the prophets give testimony, that 
by his name all receive remission of sins, who believe 
in him " (Acts, x). In this discourse we have the chief 
articles of the Creed: the Trinity (God, Jesus Christ 
" Lord of all things", the Holy Ghost), the Crucifixion, 
Death, and Resurrection of Our Lord; His coming to 
judge the living and the dead, and the remission of sins. 
These are also the subjects of St. Paul's discourses, 
though, of course, in addressing the paeans, whether 
peasants at Lystra or philosophers at Athens, he deals 
with the fundamental truths of the existence and 
attributes of God (Acts, xiii, xiv, xvii). As he himself 
summed up the matter, he taught "publicly, and from 
house to house, testifying both to Jews and Gentiles 

Senance towards God, and faith in [els] our Lord 
esus Christ" (Acts, xxf). We find also that though 
Apollo was "instructed [icaTrjxvph**] in the way of 
the Lord". Priscilla and Aquila "expounded to nim 
the way of the Lord more diligently (d#c/u/9&repoi> — 
Acts, xviii. — See Apostles' Creed). 

(3) The materials for describing the catechetical 
teaching of the ages immediately succeeding the 
Apostles are scanty. The books of the New Testa- 
ment were available, and all that would be needed 
would be to supplement these. Thus, in the Didache 
we find little but moral instruction; but it is clear 
that those to whom it is addressed must have already 
received some knowledge of what they were to be- 
lieve. Later on we find more explicit dogmatic teach- 
ing, for instance, in St. Justin's Apologies and in the 
writings of Clement of Alexandria. Still, even this is 
not much more advanced than what we have seen 
above as taught by St. Peter, except that Justin 
dwells on the Creation and proves tne Divinity of 
Christ, the Logos and only-begotten Son of the 
Father. 

(4) In the ages of persecution it became necessary 
to exercise great caution in admitting persons to mem- 
bership in the Church. The danger of falling away, 
or even of betrayal, must be guarded against by a 
careful doctrinal and moral training. Hence the in- 
stitution of the catechumenate and the Discipline of 
the Secret. The work of the Apologists had been 
to remove prejudices against Christianity, and to 
set forth its doctrines and practices in such a way 
as to appeal to the fair-minded pagan. If anyone 
was moved to embrace the true religion, he was not at 
once admitted, as in the days of the Apostles. At 
first he was treated as an inquirer, and only the funda- 
mental doctrines were communicated to him. As 
soon as he had given proof of his knowledge and fitness 
he was admitted to the catechumenate proper, and 
was further instructed. After some years spent in 
this stage he was promoted to the ranks of the Com- 
petentes, i. e. those ready for baptism. As might be 
expected, he was now instructed more especially in 
the rites for this purpose. Even when he had been 



DOGTROTE 



77 



DOCTRINE 



initiated, his instruction was not vet at an end. Dur- 
ing the week after Easter, while the grace of first 
fervour was still upon him, the various rites and mys- 
teries in which he had just participated were more 
fully explained to him. 

In considering the catechetical writings of the 
Fathers we must bear in mind the distinction of these 
different grades. When addressing a mere inquirer 
they would naturally be more guarded and less ex- 
plicit than if they had to do with one who had passed 
through the catechumenate. Sometimes, indeed, the 
language was so chosen that it conveyed only half the 
truth to the catechumen, while the initiated could 
understand the whole. The distinction between the 
elementary and advanced instruction is noted by St. 
Paul : " As unto little ones in Christ. I gave you mdk to 
drink, not meat; for you were not able as yet" (I Cor., 
iii, 2). For our present purpose it will be best to take 
as typical examples of catecnesis in the patristic times 
the works of St. Cyril of Jerusalem (315-386) and St. 
Augustine (354-430), merely noting by the way the 
work done by St. Ambrose (the instructor of St. Au- 
gustine) and St. Gregory of Nyssa ("The Catechetical 
Oration", ed. J. H. Strawley, 1903). We have from 
St. Cyril twenty-four catechetical discourses, forming 
together a complete course of moral and doctrinal 
instruction. In the first of these, called the "Pro- 
catechesis", he sets forth the greatness and efficacy of 
the grace of initiation into the Church. The "Cate- 
cheses 1 ' proper (numbered i to xviii) are divided into 
two groups: i-v, repeating the leading ideas of the 
"Procatechesis", and treating of sin and repentance, 
baptism, the principal doctrines of the Christian 
religion, and the nature and origin of faith * vi- xviii, 
setting forth, article by article, the baptismal Creed of 
the Church of Jerusalem. The " Procatechesis' ' and 
the eighteen discourses were intended for the compe- 
ientes during Lent, in immediate preparation for re- 
ception into the Church. The remaining discourses 
(xix-xxiv), called the "Catecheses Mystagogicse". 
were delivered during Easter week to those who had 
been baptized at Easter; and these, though much 
shorter than the others, treat clearly and openly of 
baptism, confirmation, and the Holy Eucharist, the 
veil of secrecy being now removed. This is not the 

Slace to point out how completely in accord with 
atholic teaching are the doctrines of St. Cyril (see 
Cyril of Jerusalem; Transubstantiation), and 
what valuable information he gives of the details of 
the Liturgy in his day. In studying these "Cate- 
cheses" we should bear in mind that they were in- 
tended for erown-up persons; hence they are not 
couched in the simple language which we have to use 
in our instructions to children. They resemble, 
rather, the instruction given to converts, for which 
purpose they are still of great use. The same remark 
applies to all the catechetical writings of the Fathers. 
St. Augustine's treatise "De Catechizandis Rudi- 
bus" deals with both the theory and the practice of 
catechizing. It is divided into twenty-seven chap- 
ters: i-xiv theory, xv-xxvii practice. This short 
work, written about the year 400, shows that the 
great Doctor did not disdain to devote most careful 
attention to the work of instructing those who wished 
to learn the rudiments of the Faith. It could be 
written only by one who had much experience of the 
difficulties and tediousness of the task, and who had 
also pondered deeply on the best method of dealing 
with the different classes of converts. The deacon 
Deogratias, who had consulted Augustine on the sub- 
ject, complained (as so many of us still do) of the 
weariness of going over the same old ground, and of 
his inability to put any fresh life into his instructions. 
St. Augustine begins by words of encouragement, 
pointing out that we must judge of our discourses not 
By their effect upon ourselves, but by their effect upon 
our hearers. The story may be familiar enough to us, 



who go on repeating it over and over again, but it is 
not so to those who are listening to it for the first 
time. Bearing this in mind, the catechist should put 
himself in the position of the hearer, and speak as 
though he were telling something new. Hilaritas. 
a bright and cheerful manner, must be one of the chief 
qualifications of an instructor; "God loveth a cheer- 
ful giver" applies to the giving of the word as well as 
to the giving of wealth, 'lie should so speak that the 
hearer hearing should believe, believing should hope, 
and hoping should love (Quidquid narras ita narra, 
ut ille cui Toqueris audiendo credat, credendo speret, 
sperando amet — iv, 11). But the foundation oi all is 
tne fear of God, "for it seldom, or rather never, hap- 
pens that anyone wishes to become a Christian with- 
out being moved thereto by some fear of God". If 
he comes from some worldly motive he may be only 
pretending, though indeed a mere pretender may 
sometimes be turned into a genuine convert by our 
efforts. Hence, continues the holy Doctor, it is of 
great importance to ascertain the state of mind and 
the motives of those who come to us. If we are satis- 
fied that they have received a Divine call, we have a 
good opening for instruction on the care of God for us. 
We should go briefly through the story of God's deal- 
ings with men, from the time when He made all things 
even to our own days; showing especially that the 
Old Testament was a preparation for the New, and the 
New a fulfilment of the Old (in veteri testamento est 
occultatio novi, in novo testamento est manifestatio 
.veteris). This is a theme developed at greater length 
in the " De Civitate Dei". After we have finished our 
story we should go on to excite hope in the resurrection 
of the body— a doctrine as much ridiculed in St. Au- 
gustine's day as it was in St. Paul's day, and as it is in 
ours. Then should come the account to be rendered 
at the last judgment, and the reward of the just, and 
the punishment of the wicked. The convert should be 
put on his guard against the dangers and difficulties 
m trying to lead a good life, especially those arising 
from scandals within as well as without the Church. 
Finally, he should be reminded that the grace of his 
conversion is not due either to his merits or to ours, 
but to the goodness of God. So far the saint has been 
speaking of persons of little or no education. In 
chap, viii he goes on to deal with those who are well 
educated, and are already acquainted with the 
Scriptures and other Christian writings. Such per- 
sons require briefer instruction, and this should be 
imparted in such a way as to let them see that we are 
aware of their knowledge of the Faith. Doubtless St. 
Augustine had in mind his own case, when he pre- 
sented himself to be received into the Church by St. 
Ambrose. We note, too, the wisdom of this piece of 
advice, especially when we have to deal with Anglican 
converts. But though less instruction is needed in 
such cases, continues the holy Doctor, we may rightly 
inquire into the causes which have induced these per- 
sons to wish to become Christians; and in particular 
as to the books which have influenced them. If these 
are the Scriptures or other Catholic books we should 
praise and recommend them; but if these are heretical 
we should point out wherein they have distorted the 
true faith. Throughout our instruction we should 
speak with modesty, but also with authority, that he 
who hears us may have no scope for presumption but 
rather for humility. Humility is also the principal 
virtue to be urged upon that intermediate class of 
converts who have received some education but not of 
the higher sort. These are disposed to scoff at Chris* 
tian writings, and even at the Scriptures for their 
want of correctness of language. They should be 
made to see that it is the matter rather than the lan- 
guage which is of importance; it is more profitable to 
listen to a true discourse than to one which is eloquent. 
The whole of this chapter should be taken to heart by 
many who join the Cnurch nowadays. After dealing 



CI 



DOOTRINX 



78 



DOOTRINX 



with these different classes of inquirers, the saint de- 
votes no less than five lengthy chapters (x to xiv) to 
the causes of weariness (the opposite of hilaritaa) 
and the remedies for it. This portion is perhaps the 
most valuable of the whole treatise, at least from a 

g radical point of view. Only the merest outline of 
t. Augustine's advice as to the remedies can be given 
here. We must bring ourselves down to the level of 
the lowest of our hearers, even as Christ humbled 
Himself and took upon Himself "the form of a serv- 
ant". We must vary the subjects, and we must in- 
crease in earnestness of manner so as to move even the 
most sluggish. If it seems to us that the fault is ours, 
we should reflect, as already pointed out, that the in- 
struction, though not up to our ideal, may be exactly 
suited to our hearer and entirely fresh and new to 
him; in any case the experience may be useful as a 
trial to our humility. Other occupations may be 
pleasanter, but we cannot say that they are certainly 
more profitable; for duty should come first, and we 
should submit to God's will and not try to make Him 
submit to ours. After laying down these precepts, 
St. Augustine goes on to* give a short catechetical in- 
struction as an example of what he has been inculcat- 
ing. It is supposed to be addressed to an ordinary 
type of inquirer, neither grossly ignorant nor highly 
educated (xvi to xxv), and might well be used at the 
present day. What specially strikes one in reading it 
is the admirable way in which the saint brines out the 
prophetical and typical character of the Old-Testa- 
ment narrative, ana insinuates gradually all the arti- 
cles of the Creed without seeming to reveal them. 
The dketch of Christ's life and passion, and the doc- 
trine of the Church and the sacraments are also note- 
worthy. The discourse ends with an earnest exhorta- 
tion to perseverance. This short work has exercised 
the greatest influence on catechetics. In all ages of 
the Church it has been adopted as a textbook. 

(5) When all fear of persecution had passed away, 
and the empire had become almost entirely Christian, 
the necessity for a prolonged period of trial and in- 
struction no longer existed. About the same time the 
fuller teaching on the subject of original sin, occa- 
sioned by the Pelagian heresy, gradually led to the 
administration of baptism to infants. In such cases 
instruction was, of course, impossible, though traces 
of it are still to be seen in the rite of infant baptism, 
where the godparents are put through a sort of cate- 
chesis in the name of the child. As the child grew, it 
was taught its religion both at home and at the ser- 
vices in church. This instruction was necessarily more 
simple than that formerly given to grown-up catechu- 
mens, and gradually came to be what we now under- 
stand by catechetical instruction. Meantime, L. "'- 
ever, the barbarian invaders were being brought into 
the Church, and in their case the instruction had to be 
of an elementary character. The missionaries had to 
go back to the methods of the Apostles and content 
themselves with exacting a renunciation of idolatry 
and a profession of belief in the great truths of Chris- 
tianity. Such was the practice of St. Patrick in Ireland, 
St. Remigius among the Franks, St. Augustine in Eng- 
land. St. Boniface in Germany. We should bear in 
mind that in those ages religious instruction did not 
cease with baptism. Set sermons were rarer than in our 
time; the priest spoke rather as a catechist than as a 

Treacher. We may take the practice among the Anglo- 
axons as typical of what was done in other countries. 
" Among the duties incumbent on the parish priest 
the first was to instruct his flock in the doctrines and 
duties of Christianity, and to extirpate from among 
them the lurking remains of paganism. ... He was 
ordered to explain to his parishioners the ten com- 
mandments; to take care that all could repeat and 
understand the Lord's Prayer and the Creed; to ex- 
pound in English on Sundays the portion of Scripture 
proper to the Mass of the day, ana to preach, or, if he 



were unable to preach, to read at least from a book 
some lesson of instruction" (Lingard, "Anglo-Saxon 
Church ' ', c. iv). The laws enacting these duties will be 
found in Thorpe, "Ecclesiastical Institutes", i, 378; 
ii, 33, 34, 84. 191. 

(6) It is the custom with non-Catholic writers to 
assert that during the Middle Ages, "the Ages of 
Faith", religious instruction was entirely neglected, 
and that the Protestant Reformers were the first to 
restore the practice of the Early Church. In the "Diet, 
de theol. cath.", s. v. "Catechisme", and in Bareille, 
" Le Catechisme Romain", Introd., pp. 36 sqq., will be 
found long lists of authorities showing how false are 
these assertions. We must here content ourselves with 
stating what was done in England. Abbot Gasquet 
has thoroughly gone into the subject, and declares that 
"in pre-Reformation days the* people were well in- 
structed in their faith by priests who faithfully dis- 
charged their plain duty m their regard" (Old English 
Bible and other Essays, p. 186). In proof of this he 
quotes the constitutions of John Peckham, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury (1281), in which it is enjoined 
that every priest shall explain to his people in English,, 
and without any elaborate subtleties (yulgarUer absque 
cujuxlibet evbtuiiatis texturd fantasticd), four times a. 
year, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, the two pre- 
cepts of the Gospel (viz. love of God and man), the 
seven deadly sins, the seven chief virtues (theological 
and cardinal); and the seven sacraments. In these 
constitutions is contained a brief instruction on all 
these heads, "lest anyone should excuse himself on 
the ground of ignorance of these things which all the 
ministers of the Church are bound to know". This 
legislation, after all, was nothing but an insisting on a 
practice dating from Saxon days, as we have already 
seen. Moreover, it is constantly referred to in subse- 
quent synods and in countless catechetical writings. 
One of Peckham 's predecessors, St. Edmund Rich 
(1234-1240), was not only a man of great learning, but 
also a zealous teacher of Christian doctrine among the 
people. He wrote familiar instructions on prayer, the 
seven deadly sins, the Commandments, ana the sacra- 
ments. Cardinal Thoresby, Archbishop of York, pub- 
lished in 1357 a catechism in Latin and English, the 
"Lay Folks Catechism", for the purpose of carrying 
out Peckham 's Constitutions, and it is based on Peck- 
ham's instruction. The two, with the' English transla- 
tion in rude verse, have been reprinted by the Early 
English Text Society, No. 118. In the episcopal Regis- 
ters and Visitations we read how the people were asked 
whether their pastor fulfilled his duties, and they con- 
stantly answer that they are taught bene et optima.. 
Chaucer's Poor Parson may be taken as a type: — 
But riche he was of holy thought and work. 
He was also a lerned man, a clerk, 
That Christes Gospel trewly wolde preche, 
His parischens devoutly wolde he teche. 
His tale is practically a treatise on the Sacrament of 
Penance. As regards catechetical manuals we need 
only mention the "Pars Oculi Sacerdotis" (about the 
middle of the fourteenth century) which was very 
popular; "Pupilla Oculi", by John de Burgo (1385); 
"Speculum Christiani", by John Wotton, containing 
simple English rhymes as well as the Latin text. " One 
of tne earliest books ever issued from an English press 

by Caxton was a set of four lengthy discourses, 

published, as they expressly declare, to enable priests 
to fulfil the obligation imposed on them by the Consti- 
tutions of Peckham" (Gasquet, op. cit., p. 191). The 
part which pictures, statues, reliefs, pageants, and 
especially miracle plays took in the religious instruc- 
tion of the people must not be forgotten. All of these 
give proof of an extensive knowledge of sacred history 
and an astonishing skill in conveying doctrinal and 
moral lessons. It is enough to refer to Kuskin's " Bible 
of Amiens", and to the Townley, Chester, and Coven- 
try miracle plays. (Cf. Bareille, op. cit., pp. 42 sqq.) 




DOOTBINX 



79 



DOCTRINE 



(7) The invention of printing and the revival of 
(earning naturally had great influence on catechetical 
instruction. The first great name to be mentioned, 
though indeed it belongs to a slightly earlier period, 
is that of John Gerson (1363-1429). He realized that 
the much-needed reform of the Church should begin 
by the instruction of the young; and though he was 
chancellor of the University of Paris he devoted.him- 
self to this work. He composed a sort of little cate- 
chism entitled " The A B C of Simple Folk". To en- 
able the clergy to catechize he also composed the " Opus 
Tripartitum de Praeceptis Decalogi, de Confessione, et 
de Arte bene Moriendi", in which he briefly explained 
the Creed, the Commandments of God, the sins to be 
mentioned in confession, and the art of dying well. 
This was printed many times and was translated into 
French. It was the forerunner of the Catechism of the 
Council of Trent. In the year 1470, before Luther was. 
born, a German catechism, "Christenspiegel" (the 
Christian's Mirror), written by Dederich, was printed, 
and at once became very popular. Two other cate- 
chisms, "The Soul's Guide ' and "The Consolation of 
the Soul", were printed a little later and issued in 
many editions.' In Janssen's great "History of the 
German People at the Close of the Middle Ages" will 
be found a complete refutation of the popular notion 
that the Protestant Reformers, and especially Luther, 
were the first to revive catechetical instruction and to 
print catechisms. It is, however, proper to acknowlr 
edge their activity in this matter, and to note that this 
activity stirred up the zeal of the Catholics to counter- 
act their influence. Luther's famous "Enchiridion", 
which was really the third edition of his smaller cate- 
chism, was published in 1529, and speedily ran through 
a number of editions; it is still used in Germany and 
in other Protestant countries. In 1536 Calvin com- 
posed a catechism in French: "Le formulaire d'in- 
struire les enf ans en la chrestiente*, fait en manidre de 
dialogue ou le ministre interroge et I 'enfant repond". 
He candidly admits that it was always the custom in 
the Church to instruct children in this way. Of course 
he takes care to introduce the chief points of his 
heresy: the certainty of salvation, the impossibility 
of losing justice (righteousness), and the justification 
of children independently of baptism. It is note- 
worthy that as regards the Eucharist he teaches that 
we receive not merely a sign, but Jesus Christ Him- 
self, "really and effectually by a true and substantial 
union". In England the first Book of Common Prayer 
(1549) contained a catechism with a brief explanation 
of the Commandments and the Lord's Prayer. The 
explanation of the sacraments was not added until the 
year 1604. If this catechism be compared with that of 
Cardinal Thoresby, mentioned above, it will be seen 
that the instruction given to Protestant children in 
the middle of the sixteenth century was far inferior 
to that given in pre-Reformation ofays. In 1647 the 
Westminster Assembly of Divines drew up the Pres- 
byterian "Larger" and "Smaller" Catechisms. 

On the Catholic side Bl. Peter Canisius published 
three catechisms, or rather one catechism in three 
forms: major (1555), minor (1558), and minimus 
(1556). Taking as his foundation Ecclus., i, 33, he 
divides his treatment into two great parts: wisdom 
and justice. In the first he deals with Faith (the 
Creed), Hope (the Lord's Prayer and the Hail Mary), 
Charity (the Commandments). In the second he deals 
with avoiding evil (sin and the remission of sin) and 
doing good (prayer, fasting and almsdeeds, the cardinal 
virtues, the gifts and fruits of the Holy Ghost, the 
beatitudes, the evangelical counsels, and the Four 
Last Things). To obtain and to preserve both wisdom 
and justice the sacraments are necessary, and hence 
he places the treatment of the sacraments between the 
two parts. After the Council of Trent (1563) Canisius 
added a chapter on the Fall and Justification. The 
form of the three books is that of questions and an- 



swers, some of the latter being as long as four or five 

pages. In striking contrast to the Protestant cate- 
chisms, the tone throughout is calm, and there is an 
absence of controversial bitterness. The success of 
Canisius' catechisms was enormous. They were trans- 
lated into every language in Europe, and were re- 
printed in many hundreds of editions, so that the 
name Canisius came to be synonymous with Cate- 
chism (Bareille, op. cit., p. 61). 

The Catechism of the Council of Trent (Catechismus 
Romania) is not a catechism in the ordinary sense of 
the word. It is rather a manual of instruction for the 
clergy {Catechismus ad Parochos) to enable them to 
catechize those entrusted to their spiritual care. The 
fathers of the council " deemed it of the utmost impor- 
tance that a work should appear, sanctioned by the 
authority of the Holy Synod, from which parish 
priests and all others on whom the duty of imparting 
instruction devolves may be able to seek and derive 
certain precepts for the edification of the faithful; that 
as there is 'one Lord one Faith' so also there may be 
one common rule and prescribed form of delivering 
the faith, and instructing the Christian people unto 
all the duties of piety" (Praef., viii). The composition 
of the work was entrusted to four distinguished theo- 
logians (two of them archbishops and one a bishop), 
under the supervision of three cardinals. St. Charles 
Borromeo was the presiding spirit. The original draft 
was turned into elegant Latin by Pogianus and Manu- 
tius, and this version was translated by command of 
the pope (St. Pius V) into Italian, French, German, 
and Polish. Brought out under such conditions (1566), 
the authority of this catechism is higher than that of 
any other, but is, of course, not on a level with that of 
the canons and decrees of a council. As to its value 
Cardinal Newman's estimate may be gathered from 
these words: "I rarely preach a sermon, but I go to 
this beautiful and complete Catechism to get both my 
matter and my doctrine" (Apologia, p. 425} (See 
Roman Catechism.) 

Cardinal Bellarmine's Catechism was ordered by 
Clement VIII to be used in the Papal States, and 
was recommended for use throughout the world. 
It appeared in two forms : " Dottrina Cristiana Breve" 
(1597) and " Dichiarazione piu Copiosa della Dottrina 
Cristiana" (1598). The first is for scholars, the second 
for teachers; in the first the teacher asks the questions 
and the scholar replies, whereas in the second this pro- 
cess is reversed. The first, which is meant to be learnt 
by heart, contains eleven chapters and ninety-five 
questions, and is arranged in the following order: the 
Calling of the Christian and the Sign of the Cross* the 
Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Hail Mary ; the Com- 
mandments of God, the Commandments of the Church, 
and the Counsels; the Sacraments, the Theological and 
Cardinal Virtues, the Gifts of tne Holy Ghost, the 
Works of Mercy, Sins, the Last Things, and the Rosary. 
It is an improvement on Canisius' catechisms, and 
hence it was recommended at the Vatican Council to 
serve as a model for the projected universal catechism. 

The first catechism in English after the Reforma- 
tion was " A Catechisme or Christian Doctrine neces- 
sarie for Children and Ignorante People, briefly com- 
piled by Laurence Vaux, Bacheler of Divinitie"; 1st 
ed., 1567: reprinted 1574, 1583 (twice), 1599, 1605; 
18mo. This has been reprinted for the Chetham So- 
ciety, new series, vol. IV, Manchester, 1 883. Next came 
a small volume, "A Briefe Instruction by way of 
Dialogue concerning the principall poyntes of Christian 
religion gathered out of the Holy Scriptures, Fathers 
ancT Councels. By the Reverend M. George Doulye, 
Priest. Imprinted at Louvaine by Laurence Kellam, 
anno 1604''; " A Shorte Catechisme of Cardll. Bellar- 
mine illustrated with Images. In Augusta, 1614: A 
briefe Christian Doctrine to be lerned By heart"; "A 
Summe of Christian Doctrine composed in Latin by 
Father Petrus Canisius of the Society of Jesus with an 



1 



DOOTBINI 



80 



DOCTRINE 




Appendix of the Fall of Man and Justification. Trans- 
lated into English [by Fr. Garnet 7J at St. Omen for 
John Heigham. With permission of Superiors : 1 622 ' ' ; 
*A Catechisme of Christian Doctrine in fifteen Con- 
ferences. Paris: 1637", 2nd ed., 1659. The author 
was Thomas White, alias Blacklow, of Lisbon and 
Douai. The most important, however, was the book 
which came to be known as "The Doway Catechism", 
"An Abridgement of Christian Doctrine with proofs 
of Scripture for points controverted. Catechistically 
explained by way of question and answer", printed at 
Douai, 1st ed., 1649; again 1661, and so constantly. 
The last editions mentioned by Gillow are London, 
1793, and Dublin, 1828; the author was Henry Tur- 
berville, a Douai priest. There was also a smaller edi- 
tion, "An Abstract of the Douay Catechism. For the 
use of children and ignorant people. London, printed 
in the year 1688"; it was reprinted many times, and 
continued in use until the Douai students came to Eng- 
land. In 1625, the Franciscan Florence O'Conry pub- 
lished an Irish catechism at Lou vain, entitled "Mirror 
of a Christian Life". This, like the catechisms of 
CHussey (Louvain. 1608) and Stapleton (Brussels, 
1639), was written for the benefit of the Irish troops 
serving in the Netherlands. In the same century an- 
other member of the Franciscan order, Father Francis 
Molloy, a native of the County Meath, Ireland, and at 
the time professor of theology in St. Isidore's College, 
Rome, published a catechism in Irish under the title 
" Lucerna Fidelium ' ' (Rome, Propaganda Press, 1676). 
We should also mention Andrew Donlevy's "The 
Catechism or Christian Doctrine by way of question 
and answer. Paris, 1742". This was in English and 
Irish on opposite pages. "The Poor Man's Catechism 
or the Christian Doctrine explained with short ad- 
monitions", 1st ed., 1752; it was edited by the Rev. 
George Bishop. The author's name does not appear, 
but a later work tells who he was: "The Poor Man's 
Controversy, By J. Mannock, O. S. B., the author of 
the Poor Man's Catechism, 1769." Dr. James Butler 
Archbishop of Cashel, published his catechism in 1775, 
and it was soon adopted by many Irish bishops for 
their dioceses. An account of it was given by Arch- 
bishop Walsh in the " Irish Eccl. Record ", Jan., 1892. 
In 1737 Bishop Challoner published "The Catholic 
Christian instructed in the Sacraments, Sacrifice, Cere- 
monies, and Observances of the Church by way of 
question and answer. By R. C. London 1737." 
There is also "An Abridgement of Christian Doctrine 
with a short Daily Exercise", "corrected by the late 
Bp. Challoner", 1783. Bishop Hay's admirable works: 
"The Sincere Christian instructed in the Faith of 
Christ from the Written Word" (1781) ; "The Devout 
Christian instructed in the Faith of Christ" (1783); 
and "The Pious Christian" are catechisms on a large 
scale in the form of question and answer. 

During the eighteenth century catechetical instruc- 
tion received a fresh impulse from Pope Benedict XIII, 
who issued (1725) three ordinances prescribing in de- 
tail the methods: division into small classes and special 
preparation for confession and Communion. Against 
the rationalistic tendencies in the pedagogical move- 
ment of the century, Clement XIII uttered a protest 
in 1761. Pius VI wrote (1787) to the Orientals, pro- 
posing for their use a catechism in Arabic prepared by 
the Propaganda. In Germany the "Pastoral Instruc- 
tion" issued by Raymond Anton, Bishop of Eichst&dt 
(1768; new ed., Freiburg, 1902) emphasized the need 
and indicated the method of instruction (Tit. XIV, 
Cap. V). Prominent among the writers on the subject 
were Franz Neumayr, S. J., in his "Rhetorica cate- 
chetica" (1766); M. I. Schmidt, "Katechisten", and 
J. I. von Felbigpr, "Vorlesungen uber die Kunst zu 
katechisieren " (Vienna, 1774). In France, during the 
same century, great activity was shown, especially by 
the bishops, in publishing catechisms. Each diocese 
had its own textbook, but though occasional attempts 



were made at uniformity, they were not successful. 
Several catechisms composed by individual writers 
other than the bishops were put on the Index (see 
Migne. "Catechismes'\ Paris, 1842). The French orig- 
inal of "An Abridgment of the Quebec Catechism" 
(Quebec, 1817) appeared in Paris (1702) and Quebec 
(1782). 

The pedagogical activity of the nineteenth century 
naturally exerted an influence upon religious instruc- 
tion. German writers of the first rank were Overberg 
(d. 1826). Sailer (d. 1832), Gruber (d. 1835), and 
Hirscher (d. 1865), all of whom advocated the psycho- 
logical method and the careful preparation of teachers. 
Deharbe's "Catechism" (1847) was translated be- 
tween 1853 and 1860 into thirteen languages, and his 
"Erklarungen des Katechismus" (1857-61) has passed 
through numerous editions. In France, Napoleon 
(1806) imposed upon all the churches of the empire 
uniformity in the matter of catechisms and, in spite 
of the opposition of Pius VII, published the "Imperial 
Catechism ", containing a chapter on duties towards the 
emperor. This was replaced after the fall of the empire 
by a large number of diocesan catechisms which again 
led to various plans for securing uniformity. Dupan- 
loup. one of the foremost writers on education, published 
his "Catechisme chrgtien" in 1865. At the time of the 
Vatican Council (1869-1870) the question of having 
a single universal catechism was discussed. There was 
7 great diversity of opinion among the Fathers, and 
consequently the discussion led to no result (see 
Martin, "Lee travaux du concile du Vatican", pp. 
113-115). The arguments for and against the project 
will be examined when we come to speak of catechisms 
in the third part of this article. The most important 
event in the recent history of catechetics has been 
the publication of the Encyclical "Acerbo nimis" on 
the teaching of Christian doctrine (15 April, 1905). 
In this document Pius X attributes the present relig- 
ious crisis to the widespread ignorance of Divine truth, 
and lays down strict regulations concerning the duty 
of catechizing (see below). For the purpose of discuss- 
ing the best methods of carrying out these orders a 
number of catechetical congresses have been held: 
e. g., at Munich, 1905 and 1907; Vienna, 1905 and 
1908; Salzburg, 1906; Lucerne, 1907; Paris, 1908, etc. 
At these gatherings scientific, yet practical, lectures 
were delivered, demonstrations were given of actual 
catechizing in school, and an interesting feature was 
the exhibition of the best literature and appliances. 
Two periodicals have likewise appeared: "Kateche- 
tische Bl&tter" (Munich) and ''Christlich-padago- 
gische Blatter" (Vienna). 

In the United States, the few priests who in the early 
days toiled in this vast field were so overburdened 
with work that they could not produce original text- 
books for religious instruction; they caused to be re- 
printed, with slight alterations, books commonly used 
in Europe. Others were composed in the manner de- 
scribed W Dr. England, first Bishop of Charleston, 
who, in 1821, published a catechism which, he writes, 
"I had much labor in compiling from various others, 
and adding several parts which I considered necessary 
to be explicitly dwelt upon under the peculiar circum- 
stances of my diocese.'' The first to edit a catechism, 
so far as is known, was the Jesuit Father Robert 
Molyneux, an Englishman by birth and a man of ex- 
tensive learning, who, till 1809, laboured among the 
Catholics in Maryland and Pennsylvania. Copies of 
this work are not known to exist now, but, in letters 
to Bishop Carroll. Father Molyneux mentions two 
catechisms which ne issued — one in 1785, " a spelling 
primer for children with a Catholic catechism an- 
nexed". In 1788 a catechism was published in New 
York which in all likelihood was a reprint of " Butler's 
Catechism ' ' mentioned above. Bishop Hay's " Abridge- 
ment of Christian Doctrine" (152 pp.) appeared in 
Philadelphia in 1800; another edition (143 pp.) in 1803, 



DOCTRINE 



81 



DOGTROT* 



and one with some alterations in the language in Balti- 
more in 1809 (108 pp.). Many editions were published 
of the catechism entitled "A Short Abridgement of 
Christian Doctrine, Newly Revised for the Use of the 
Catholic Church in the United States of America 1 '. 
The size of these small catechisms is from 36 to 48 
pages. One edition, with title page torn, bears on the 
last page the record: "Bought September 14, 1794". 
The Philadelphia edition of 1796 is styled the thir- 
teenth edition ; that of Baltimore, 1798, the fourteenth. 
Whether all these editions were printed in America, or 
some of the earlier ones in Europe, cannot be ascer- 
tained. 

This "Short Abridgement of Christian Doctrine", 
approved by Archbishop Carroll, was generally used 
throughout the United States until about 1821. In 
that year Bishop England published his catechism for 
his own diocese, and m 1825 appeared the " Catechism 
of the Diocese of Bardstown ', recommended as a 
class-book by Bishop Flaget of Bardstown, Kentucky. 
The author of the latter catechism was Jean-Baptiste 
David, coadjutor of Bishop Flaget. It comprised the 
"First or Small Catechism for Little Children" (13 

gp.), and the "Second Catechism" (149 pp.). The 
nglish was criticized by Archbishop Marechal and 
others. Still more defective and inexact in language 
was the catechism of Bishop Conwell of Philadelphia, 
and, at the request of the archbishop, the author sup- 
pressed the book. An old English catechism, the 
"Abridgement of Christian Doctrine", by Henry Tur- 
berville, first published at Douai in 1649, was re- 
printed in New York in 1833. Whereas this edition 
preserved the quaint old language of the original, an- 
other edition of the same book appeared in Philadel- 
phia, as "revised by the Right Rev. James Doyle and 
prescribed by him for the united dioceses of Kildare 
and Leighlin" (Ireland). In the New England States 
the "Boston Catechism" was used for a long time, 
the "Short Abridgement of Christian Doctrine", 
newly revised and augmented and authorized by 
Bishop Fenwick of Boston. But the catechisms which 
were used most exclusively during several decades 
were Butler's "Larger Catechism" and "Abridged 
Catechism". In 1788 Samuel Campbell, New York, 
published "A Catechism for the Instruction of Chil- 
dren. The Seventh Edition with Additions, Revised 
and Corrected by the Author". This seems to be the 
first American edition of Butler's Catechism; for Dr. 
Troy, Bishop of Ossory, wrote, soon after Butler's 
Catechism had appeared: "It has been printed here 
under the title: 'A Catechism for the Instruction of 
Children', without any mention of Dr. Butler". But- 
ler's Catechism became very popular in the United 
States, and the First Provincial Council of Canada 
(1851) prescribed it for the English-speaking Catholics 
of the Dominion. Some other American catechisms 
may be briefly mentioned: the so-called "Dubuque 
Catechism" by Father Hattenberger; the Small and 
the Larger Catechism of the Jesuit missionary, Father 
Weninger (1865) ; and the three graded catechisms of 
the Redemptorist Father M tiller (1874). Far more ex- 
tensively used than these was the English translation 
of Deharbe. From 1869 numerous editions of the 
small, medium, and large catechisms, with various 
modifications, were published in the United States. 
An entirely new and much improved edition was 
issued in New York in 1901. 

Repeated efforts have been made in the United 
States towards an arrangement by which a uniform 
textbook of Christian Doctrine might be used by all 
Catholics. As early as 1829, the bishops assembled in 
the First Provincial Council of Baltimore decreed : " A 
catechism shall be written which is better adapted to 
the circumstances of this Province; it shall give the 
Christian Doctrine as explained in Cardinal Bellar- 
mine'8 Catechism, and when approved by the Holy 
See, it shall be published for the common use of 
V.- 



Catholics" (Deer, xxxiii). The clause recommending 
Bellarmine's Catechism as a model was added at the 
special request of the Congregation of Propaganda. It 
may be mentioned here that Bellarmines "Small 
Catechism", Italian text with English translation, was 
published at Boston, in 1853. The wish of the bishops 
was not carried out, and the First and Second Plenary 
Councils of Baltimore (1852 and 1866) repeated the 
decree of 1829. In the Third Plenary Council (1884) 
many bishops were in favour of a "revised" edition 
of Butler's Catechism, but finally the matter was given 
into the hands of a committee of six bishops. At last, 
in 1885, was issued "A Catechism of Christian Doc- 
trine, Prepared and Enjoined by Order of the Third 
Council of Baltimore". Although the council had 
desired a catechism "perfect in every respect" (Acta 
et Deer., p. 219), theologians and teachers criticized 
several points (Nilles, "Commentaria". II, 265, 188). 
Soon various editions came forth with additions of 
word-meanings, explanatory notes, some even with 
different arrangements, so that there is now a con- 
siderable diversity in the books that go by the name 
of Catechism of the Council of Baltimore. Besides, in 
recent years several new catechisms have been pub- 
lished, "one or two a decided improvement over the 
Council Catechism" (Messmer, "Spirago's Method", 
p. 558). Among the recent catechisms are the two of 
Father Faerber, the large and small catechisms of 
Father Greenings, S. J., and the " Holy Family Series 
of Catholic Catechisms", by Francis H. Butler, of the 
Diocese of Boston (1902). The three graded cate- 
chisms of this series give on the left page the questions 
and answers, on the right a "Reading Lesson", deal- 
ing in fuller, and connected, form with the matter con- 
tained in the auestions and answers. Some very prac- 
tical features (reading part, followed by questions and 
answers, appropriate hymns, and pictorial illustra- 
tions) mark the "Text-books of Religion for Parochial 
and Sunday Schools", edited since 1898 by Father 
Yorke. These last two series to some extent depart 
from the traditional method and indicate a new move- 
ment in catechetical teaching. A more radical change 
in the style of the catechism, namely the complete 
abandonment of the question-and-answer method, 
has recently been proposed (see below, under II ana 
III of this article, and "Am. Eccl. Rev.", 1907; Jan. 
and Feb., 1908). The First Plenary Council of Balti- 
more (1852) appointed Bishop Neumann to write, or 
revise, a German catechism the use of which, after its 
approbation by the archbishop and all the German- 
speaking bishops, should be obligatory. This decree 
snared the fate of the council's demand for a uniform 
English catechism. The Third Plenary Council (1884) 
decreed that the catechism to be issued by its order 
should be translated into the languages of those par- 
ishes in which religious instruction is given in any 
other than the English tongue. But the translation of 
the council catechism met with little favour. Another 
regulation, however, contained in the same decree of the 
council (ccxix), was gradually carried into effect. The 
bishops assembled expressed an earnest desire that in 
schools where English was not used the Christian Doc- 
trine should be taught not only in the foreign tongue 
there used, but also in English. Undoubtedly this was 
a wise provision. For the young people of the second 
or third generation find it difficult to understand the 
native language of their parents; hearing discussions 
or attacks on their religion, they are hardly able to 
answer if they have not learnt the catechism in Eng- 
lish. Moreover, after leaving school many young peo- 
ple have to live among English-speaking people, in 
places where there is no congregation of their own 
nationality ; if they have not been taught religion in 
English they are tempted not to attend sermons, they 
feel embarrassed in going to confession, and thus may 
gradually drift away from the Church. In order to 
obviate these dangers, various catechisms (Deharbe, 



CI 



DOGTROT 



82 



DOCTRINE 



Faerber, Groenings, etc.) have been published with 
German and English texts on opposite pages. Simi- 
larly, there are Polish-English, Bohemian-English, 
and other editions with double text. In most Italian 
schools catechism is taught chiefly in English, and 
only the prayers in Italian. Unwise as it would be to 
force a change of languages in catechetical teaching, 
it would be equally injudicious to artificially retard 
the natural development. The slow but steady ten- 
dency is towards the gradual adoption of the English 
language in preaching and teaching catechism, and it 
seems but reasonable to think that some day there 
will be among the Catholics in the United States not 
only unity in faith in the substance of the catechism, 
but also in its external form and language. 

A number of German immigrants entered Pennsyl- 
vania about 1700, a considerable portion of them being 
Catholics. In 1759 the German Catholics in Philadel- 
phia outnumbered those of the English tongue, and 
in 1789 they opened the church of the Holy Trinity, 
the first exclusively national church in the United 
States. Since 1741 German Jesuits have ministered to 
the spiritual needs of their countrymen, and Catholic 
schools have been established in the Pennsylvania 
settlements. It was natural that the German Jesuits 
should introduce the Catechism of Canisius, which for 
centuries had been universally used throughout Ger- 
many. The best known American edition of this fa- 
mous catechism is that printed in Philadelphia, in 1810 : 
"Catholischer Catechismus, worin die Catholische 
Lehre nach den f unf Hauptstucken V. P. Petri Canisii, 
aus der Gesellschaft Jesu, erkl&rt wird". The author 
or editor of this book was Adam Britt, pastor of the 
Holy Trinity Church, Philadelphia, who died at Cone- 
waga (1822) as a member of the Society of Jesus. Dur- 
ing several decades the Catechism of Canisius was 
generally used by the German Catholics in the United 
tates. The Redemptorists came to this country in 
1833 and soon had charge of flourishing German par- 
ishes in nearly all the more important cities. The 
Venerable John N. Neumann, afterwards Bishop of 
Philadelphia, wrote, while rector of the Redemptorist 
house at Pittsburg, about the year 1845, a small and a 
large catechism. These texts, also known as the " Re- 
demptorist Catechisms", had a wide circulation, 
whereas those written later by Father Weninger, S. J. f 
and Father Mailer, C. SS. R., never became popular. 
Ihe second half of the nineteenth century may be 
called the era of Deharbe's Catechism. In 1850 the 
" Katholischer Katechismus der Lehrbegriffe" was 
issued in Cincinnati, which by this time had become a 
centre of German Catholic population with flourishing 
parochial schools. Bishop Furcell declares in the ap- 
probation that the German catechisms previously 
published were not to be reprinted, but that this 
"Regensburg [Ratisbon] Catechism, long in use in 
Germany", was to be the only one in his diocese. Al- 
though the name of the author was not given, it was 
in reality Father Deharbe's " Large Catechism ' '. Since 
that time numerous editions of the different cate- 
chisms of Deharbe appeared with various adaptations 
and modifications, and for nearly fifty years Deharbe 
reigned supreme. This supremacy has been challenged 
within the last two decades. Father Muller, C. SS. R., 
in the preface to his catechism, severely criticized 
Deharbe's as a book " which it is difficult for children 
to learn and to understand". Father Faerber, who 
devoted forty years to catechetical instruction, pro- 
duced in 1895 a textbook which commends itself by 
its simplicity and clearness, although the critics, who 
charged it with incompleteness and a certain lack of 
accuracy, were not altogether wrong. Almost simul- 
taneously with Father Faerber's book appeared an 
excellent, thoroughly revised, edition of Deharbe's 
texts, from which many defects had been expunged. 
Finally, in 1900, Father Groenings, S. J., published 
two catechisms, a small and a large one. 



Development of Catechizing after (he Council of Trent. 
— Mindful that the work of catechizing was more im- 
portant than the issue of catechisms, the Council of 
Trent decreed that "the bishops shall take care that 
at least on the Lord's day and* other festivals the 
children in every parish be carefully taught the rudi- 
ments of the faitn and obedience to God and their 
parents" (Sess. IV, De Ref., c. iv). In 1560the Confra- 
ternity of Christian Doctrine was founded in Rome by 
a Milanese, and was approved by St. Pius V in 1571. 
St. Charles Borromeo in his provincial synods laid 
down excellent rules on catechizing; every Christian 
was to know the Lord's Prayer, the Hail Mary, the 
Creed, and the Ten Commandments; confessors were 
ordered to examine their penitents as to their knowl- 
edge of these formularies (V Prov. Concil., 1579). He 
also established schools in the villages, in addition to 
increasing the number in the towns. Besides the re- 
newed activity of the older orders, the Jesuits, the 
Barnabites, and the Clerks Regular of Pious Schools 
(Piarists), who devoted themselves to the education 
of the young, took special care of the religious instruc- 
tion of those entrusted to them. In this connexion 
three names are especially worthy of mention: St. 
Vincent de Paul, St. Francis de Sales, and M. Olier. 
One of St. Francis's first acts as a bishop was to organ- 
ize catechetical instruction throughout his diocese, 
and he himself took his turn with his canons in this 
holy work. St. Vincent founded his congregation of 
Priests of the Mission for the purpose of instructing 
the poor, especially in the villages. The missionaries 
were to teach the catechism twice a day during each 
mission. In his own parish of Chatillon he established 
the Confraternity for the Assistance of the Poor, and 
one of the duties of the members was to instruct as 
well as to give material aid. So, too, the Sisters of 
Charity not only took care of the sick and the poor 
but also taught the children. M. Olier, both in the 
seminary and in the parish of Saint-Sulpice, laid 
special stress on the work of catechizing. The method 
which he introduced will be described in the second 
part of this article. The Brothers of the Christian 
schools, founded by .St. Jean-Baptiste de la Salle, de- 
voted themselves especially to religious as well as 
secular instruction. Finding that the very poor were 
unable to attend school on weekdays, the saintly 
founder introduced secular lessons on Sundays. This 
was in 1699, nearly a century before such teaching was 
given in Protestant England. 

II. Practical Catechetics.— Catechizing (cate- 
chesis), as we have seen, is instruction which is at once 
religious, elementary, and oral. 

Catechizing is a religious work not simply because it 
treats of religious subjects, but because its end or 
object is religious. The teacher should endeavour to 
influence the child's heart and will, and not be content 
with putting a certain amount of religious knowledge 
into its head; for, as Aristotle would say, the end of 
catechizing is not knowledge, but practice. Knowl- 
edge, indeed, there must be, and tne more of it the 
better in this age of widespread secular education ; but 
the knowledge must lead to action. Both teacher and 
child must realize that they are engaged in a religious 
work, and not in one of the ordinary lessons of the day. 
It is the neglect to realize this that is responsible for 
the little effect produced by long and elaborate teach- 
ing. Religious knowledge comes to be looked upon by 
the child merely as a branch of other knowledge, and 
having as little to do with conduct as the study of 
vulgar fractions. "When the child is fighting its way 
through the temptations of the world, it will have to 
draw far more largely on its stock of piety than on its 
stock of knowledge'' (Furniss, "Sunday School or 
Catechism?"). "The work of a teacher in the 
Church will be directed chiefly to this, that the faith- 
ful earnestly desire ' to know Jesus Christ and Him 
crucified', and that they be firmly convinced and with 



# 



DOCTRINE 



83 



DOGTROT 



the innermost piety and devotion of heart believe, 
that 'there is no other name under heaven given to 
men whereby we must be saved ', for ' He is the propiti- 
ation for our sins'. But as in this we do know that we 
have known Him, if 'we keep His commandments', 
the next consideration and one intimately connected 
with the foregoing, is to show that life is not to be 
spent in ease and sloth, but that we 'ought to walk 
even as He walked 1 , and with all earnestness 'pursue 
justice, godliness, faith, charity, mildness'; for He 
'save Himself for us that He might redeem us from 
all iniquity, and purify unto Himself a people accept- 
able, pursuing good works': which things the Apostle 
commands pastors to 'speak and exhort'. But as our 
Lord and Saviour has not only declared, but has also 
shown by His own example, that the Law and the 
Prophets depend on love, and as also, according to the 
confirmation of the Apostle, ' the end of the command- 
ments and the fulfilment of the Law is charity, no one 
can doubt that this, as a paramount duty, should be 
attended to with the utmost assiduity, that the faith- 
ful oeople be excited to a love of the infinite goodness 
of God towards us ; that, inflamed with a sort of divine 
ardour, they may be powerfully attracted to the su- 
preme and all-perfect good, to adhere to which is solid 
nappiness" (Catech. of the Council of Trent, Pref., x). 

The persons concerned in catechizing (teachers and 
taught) and the times and places for catechizing can 
hardly be treated apart. But it will be best to begin 
with the persons. Tne duty of providing suitable relig- 
ious instruction for children is primarily incumbent on 
their parents. This they may fulfil either by teaching 
them themselves or by entrusting them to others. 
Next to the natural parents the godparents have this 
duty. The parish priest should remind both the par- 
ents and godparents of their obligation; and he, too, 
as the spiritual father of those entrusted to his care, 
is bound to instruct them. In Pius X's Encyclical 
Letter on the teaching of Christian doctrine it is 
enacted " (1) that all parish priests, and in general, all 
those entrusted with the care of souls, shall on every 
Sunday and feast day throughout the year, without 
exception, give boys and girls an hour's instruction 
from the catechism on those things which every one 
must believe and do in order to be saved ; (2) at stated 
times during the year they shall prepare boys and 
girls by continued instruction, lasting several clays, to 
receive the sacraments of penance and confirmation; 
(3) they shall likewise and with special care on all the 
weekdays in Lent, and if necessary on other days 
after the feast of Easter, prepare boys and girls by 
suitable instruction and exhortations to make their 
first Communion in a holy manner; (4) in each and 
every parish the society, commonly called the Con- 
fraternity of Christian Doctrine, shall be canonically 
erected; through this the parish priests, especially in 
the places where there is a scarcity of priests, will have 
lay nelpers for the catechetical instruction in pious 
lay persons who will devote themselves to the office of 
teaching. " In countries where there are Catholic 
schools religious instruction is given on weekdays 
either before or after the secular instruction. As is well 
known, for the sake of this privilege the faithful have 
contributed enormous sums of money to build and 
support schools. Where this is the case the difficulty 
is only a financial one. Nevertheless, the First Provin- 
cial Council of Westminster warns the pastor not to 
make over this duty of catechizing "so far to others, 
however good or religious they may be, as not to visit 
the schools frequently and instil into the tender minds 
of youth the principles of true faith and piety". We 
see, then, that the work of giving religious instruction 
belongs to the parents, to priests with the care of souls, 
to the teachers in Catholic schools, and to other lay 
helpers. 

Turning now to those who are to be taught, we may 
consider first the young and then those who are grown 



up. The young may be divided into those who are 
receiving elementary education (primary scholars) 
and those who are more advanced (secondary schol- 
ars). Although in many dioceses the scholars are ar- 
ranged in classes corresponding to the secular classes, 
we may consider them for our present purpose as divi- 
ded into three groups: those who have not been to con- 
fession; those who have been to confession but have 
not made their first Communion; and those who have 
made their first Communion. In the case of the first 
group the instruction must be of the most rudimentary 
kind ; but, as already pointed out, this does not mean 
that the little ones should be taught nothing except the 
first part of some catechism : they should have the Creed 
and the Commandments, tne Qur Father and the Hail 
Mary, explained to them, together with the forgive- 
ness of sin by the Sacraments of Baptism and Pen- 
ance. The principal events in the life of Christ will be 
found to be an ever-interesting subject for them. How 
far it is wise to talk to them about Creation and the 
Fall, the Deluge and the stories of the early patri- 
archs, may be a matter of discussion among teachers. 
In any case great care should be taken not to give 
them any notions which they may afterwards have to 
discard. It is of importance at this stage to tell the 
children in the simplest language something about the 
services of the Church, for they are now beginning to 
be present at these. Any one who has charge of them 
there, or, better still, who will recall his own early 
memories, will understand what a hardship it is to a 
child to have to sit through a high Mass with a sermon. 
The second group (those preparing for first Commun- 
ion) will of course be able to receive more advanced 
instruction in each of the four branches mentioned 
above, with special reference to the Holy Eucharist. 
In instructing both groups the subjects should be 
taught dogmatically, that is, authoritatively, appeal- 
ing rather to the children's faith than to their reason- 
ing powers. The after-Communion instruction of 
elementary scholars will be almost similar to the in- 
struction given to younger secondary scholars, and 
will consist in imparting wider and deeper knowledge 
and insisting more upon proofs. When they grow up 
their difficulty will be not only the observance of the 
law, but the reason of it. They will ask not only, 
What must I believe and do? but also, Why must I 
believe it or do it ? Hence the importance of thorough 
instruction in the authority of the Church, Scripture 
texts, and also appeals to right reason. This brings us 
to the subject of catechizing grown-up persons. Pius 
X goes on to speak of this matter, after laying down 
the regulations for the young: "In these days adults 
not less than the young stand in need of religious 
instruction. All parish priests, and others having the 
care of souls, in addition to the homily on the Gospel 
delivered at the parochial Mass on ail days of obliga- 
tion, shall explain the catechism for the faithful in an 
easy style, suited to the intelligence of their hearers, at 
such time of the day as they may deem most conven- 
ient for the people, but not during the hour in which 
the children are taught. In this instruction they shall 
make use of the Catechism of the Council of Trent; 
and they shall so order it that the whole matter of the 
Creed, the Sacraments, the Decalogue, the Lord's 
Prayer, and the Precepts of the Church shall be 
treated in the space of four or five years." 

The subjects to be treated of are laid down by 
Pius X: "As the things divinely revealed are so many 
and so various that it is no easy task either to acquire 
a knowledge of them, or, having acquired that knowl- 
edge, to retain them in the memory, . . . our prede- 
cessors have very wisely reduced this whole force and 
scheme of saving doctrine to these four distinct heads: 
the Apostles' Creed; the Sacraments; the Ten Com- 
mandments; and the Lord's Prayer. In the doctrine 
of the Creed are contained all things which are to be 
held according to the discipline of the Christian Faith, 



1 



DOCTRINE 



84 



DOGTROT 



whether they regard the knowledge of God, or the 
creation and government of the world, or the redemp- 
tion of the human race, or the rewards of the good and 
the punishments of the wicked. The doctrine of the 
Seven Sacraments comprehends the signs and as it 
were the instruments for obtaining divine grace. In 
the Decalogue is laid down whatever has reference 
to the Law, Uhe end' whereof 'is charity*. Finally, 
in the Lord's Prayer is contained whatever can be de- 
sired, hoped, or salutarily prayed for by men. It fol- 
lows that tnese four commonplaces, as it were, of 
Sacred Scripture being explained, there can scarcely 
be wanting anything to be learned by a Christian 
man" (ib., xii). It must be borne in mind that cate- 
chetical instruction should be elementary* but this 
of course is a relative term, according as the pupil is 
an adult or a child. This difference has been dealt with 
above in speaking of the persons concerned in cate- 
chizing. It may be pointed out here, however, that 
elementary knowledge is not the same as partial 
knowledge. Even young children should be taught 
something of each of the four divisions mentioned 
above, viz., that they have to believe in God and 
•to do God's will, and to obtain His grace by means 
of prayer and the sacraments. Further instruction 
will consist in developing each of these heads. Be- 
sides what is ordinarily understood by Christian 
doctrine, catechizing should treat of Christian his- 
tory and Christian worship. Christian history will 
include the story of the Old Testament, the New 
Testament, and the Church. Christian worship will 
include the Church's calendar (the feasts and fasts) 
and her services and devotions. These three — 
doctrine, history, and worship— are not altogether 
distinct, and may often be best taught together. For 
example, the second article of the Creed should be 
taught in such a way as to bring out the doctrine of 
the Incarnation, the beautiful story of Christ's birth 
and childhood, and the meaning and the services of 
Advent and Christmas. The Bible history and the 
history of the Church will afford countless instances 
bearing on the various doctrines and heresies of the 
doctrinal part of the catechism, and the virtues and 
contrary vices of the practical part. 

The question of catechetical methods is difficult and 
has given rise to much controversy. Father Furniss 
lone ago, in his ''Sunday School or Catechism?" and 
Bishop Bellord later on, in his "Religious Education 
and its Failures", passed a wholesale condemnation 
on our present method, and attributed to it the falling 
away of so many Catholics from the Faith. "The 
chief cause of the 'leakage' is the imperfection of our 
systems of religious instruction. Those methods seem 
to be antiquated, injudicious, wasteful, sometimes 
positively injurious to the cause" (Bp. Bellord, op. 
cit., p. 7). Part of the blame is laid upon catechizing, 
and part upon the catechisms. Of the latter we shall 
speak presently. Again, the blame is twofold and is not 
altogether consistent. The children are declared not 
to know their religion, or, knowing it quite well, 
not to put it into practice. In either case they are of 
course lost to the Church when they grow up. Both 
the bishop and the Redemptorist complain that relig- 
ious instruction is made a task, and so fails either to be 
learnt at all, or, if it is learnt, it is learnt in such a way 
as to become hateful to the child and to have no bear- 
ing on his conduct in after-life. Both are especially 
severe on the attempt to make the children learn by 
heart. The bishop quotes a number of experienced 
missionary priests who share his views. It seems to us 
that, in considering the methods of catechizing, we 
have to bear in mind two very different sets of condi- 
tions. In some countries religious instruction forms 
part of the daily curriculum, and is mainly given on 
weekdays by trained teachers. Where this is the case 
it is not difficult to secure that the children shall learn 
by heart some official textbook. With this as a foun- 



dation the priest (who will by no means restrict bis 
labours to Sunday work) will be able to explain and 
illustrate and enforce what they have learnt by heart. 
The teachers' business will be chiefly to put the cate- 
chism into the child's head; the priest must get it into 
his heart. Very different are the conditions which 
Father Furniss and Bishop Bellord are dealing with. 
Where the priest has to .get together on a Sunday, or 
one day in the week, a number of children of all ages, 
who are not obliged to be present; and when he has to 
depend upon the assistance of lay persons who have 
no training in teaching; it is obvious that he should do 
his best to make the instruction as simple, as interest- 
ing, and as devotional as possible. As in other branches 
of instruction we may follow either the analytical or 
the synthetical method. In the former we take a text- 
book, a catechism, and explain it word for word to the 
scholar and make him commit it to memory. The book 
is of prime importance; the teacher occupies quite a 
secondary place. Though it might convey a wrong 
impression to call this the Protestant method, yet it is 
exactly in accordance with the Protestant system of 
religious teaching generally. The written, printed 
word (Bible or Catechism) is to them all in all. The 
synthetical method, on the other hand, puts the 
teacher in the forefront. The scholars are bidden to 
look up to him and listen to his voice, and receive his 
words on his authority. " Faith cometh by hearing. " 
After they have thoroughly learnt their lesson in this 
way, a book may be then set before them, and be ex- 
plained to them and committed to memory, as con- 
taining in a fixed form the substance of what tney have 
received by word of mouth. Whatever may be said of 
the relative advantages of the two methods in the 
teaching of secular subjects, there can be no doubt 
that the synthetical method is the proper one for cate- 
chetical instruction. The office of catechizing belongs 
to the Church's magisterium (teaching authority), and 
so is best exercised by the living voice. "The lips of 
the priest 6hall keep knowledge, and they shall seek 
the law at his mouMi" (Mai., ii, 7); 

(a) The SxdpCcian Method of catechizing is cele- 
brated throughout the world, and has produced won- 
derful fruits wherever it has been employed. We can- 
not, therefore, do better than give a short account of 
it here. 

The whole catechism consists of three principal 
exercises and three secondary ones. The principal 
are: (1) the recitation of the letter of the catechism, 
with an easy explanation of it by way of question and 
answer; (2) the instruction; (3) the reading of the 
Gospel and the homily. The secondary exercises are: 
(1) the admonitions from the head catechist; (2) the 
hymns; (3) prayers. These should be interspersed with 
the former. The duration fixed by St. Francis de Sales 
for a complete catechism is two hours. The place 
should be the church, but in a separate chapel rather 
than in the body of the church. Great importance is 
attached to the "game of the good mark" (le jeu du 
bon point) and the analyses. The former consists in 
selecting the child who has answered best in the first 
part (the questioning on the catechism), and putting 
to him a series of short, clear, and definite questions 
upon the matter in hand, and doing this as a sort of 
challenge to the child. The other children are roused 
to interest at the notion of a contest between the cate- 
chist and one of themselves, and this gives occasion 
for a better understanding of the subject under treat- 
ment. If the child is considered to have won, he *e- 
ceives a small card of reward (le bon point). "For the 
success of the game of the bon point it is important to 
prepare beforehand and to write down the questions 
which are to be put to the children, even the common- 
est ones." The children should be made to write out 
a short account of the instruction given after the ques- 
tioning. These analyses should be corrected by the 
teacher, and a mark ("fair", "good", "very good") 



DOCTRINE 



85 



DOGTROT 



should be attached to each. In order to secure regular 
attendance, registers should be carefully kept, and 
rewards (pictures, medals, etc.) should be given to 
those who have not missed a catechism. Treats and 
feasts should also be given. The spirit of emulation 
should be encouraged both for attendance and good 
answering and analyses. Various minor ofhVes should 
be conferred upon the best children. Punishment 
should very seldom be resorted to. 

Though the Sulpician method insists upon a thor- 
ough knowledge of the letter of the catechism, it is 
clear that the teacher is of prime importance rather 
than the book. Indeed, the success or failure of the 
catechism may be said to depend entirely upon him. 
It is he who has to do the questioning and give the 
instruction and the homily on the Gospel. Unless he 
can keep the attention of the children fixed upon him, 
he is bound to fail. Hence, the greatest care should be 
taken in selecting and training the catechists. These 
are sometimes seminarists or nuns, but lay persons 
must often be taken. By far the larger portion of* 
"The Method of Saint Sulpice" is devoted to the in- 
struction of the catechists (cap. iv, " Of the instruction 
of the children"; cap. v, "Of the sanctification of the 
children"; cap. vi, "Of the necessity of making the 
catechism pleasant to the children, and some means 
fqr attaining this object"; cap. vii, "How to turn the 
catechism into exercises of emulation"; cap. viii, 
" How to maintain good order and ensure the success 
of the catechisms ") . , 

So far the "Method" has dealt with the catechisms 
generally. Next comes the division of the catechisms. 
These are four in number: the Little Catechism, the 
First-Communion Catechism, the Weekday Cate- 
chism, and the Catechism of Perseverance. The Week- 
day Catechism is the only one which requires any ex- 
planation here. A certain time before the period of 
first Communion a list is made out of such children as 
are to be admitted to the Holy Table, and these are 
prepared by more frequent exercises, held on week- 
days as well as on Sundays. As a rule, only children 
who have attended for twelve months are admitted to 
the weekday catechisms, and the usual age is twelve 
years. The weekday catechism is held on two days of 
the week and for about three months. The order is 
much the same as that of the Sunday catechism, ex- 
cept that the Gospel and the homily are omitted. The 
children are examined twice during the weekday cate- 
chisms: the first time about the middle of the course; 
the second, a week before the retreat. Those who have 
often been absent without cause or who have an- 
swered badly, or whose conduct has been unsatisfac- 
tory, are rejected. 

A complete account of the method will be found in 
"The Method of Saint Sulpice" (Tr.), and also in 
"The Ministry of Catechising" (Tr.) by Mgr. Dupan- 
loup. 

(b) The Munich Method.— In 1898 Dr. A. Weber, 
editor of the " Katechetische* Blatter" of Munich, 
urged the adaptation of the Herbart-Ziller system in 
teaching Christian doctrine. This system requires, 
" first, a division of the catechetical matter into strict 
methodical units, so that those questions are co-ordi- 
nated which are essentially one. Secondly, it insists 
on a methodical following of the three essential steps, 
viz., Presentation, Explanation, and Application — 
with a short Preparation before Presentation, then 
Combination after Explanation, as more or less non- 
essential points. It therefore never begins with the cate- 
chetical questions, but always with an objective Presenta- 
tion — in the form of a story from life or the Bible, a 
catechetical, Biblical or historical picture, a point of 
liturgy, church history, or the lives of the saints, or 
some such objective lesson. Out of this objective les- 
son only will the catechetical concepts be evolved and 
abstracted, then combined into the catechism answer 
and formally applied to life. These catechists aim at 



capturing the child's interest from the start and pre* 
serving nis good- will and' attention throughout" 
(Amer. Eccl. Rev., March, 1908, p. 342). "Prevara~ 
tion turns the attention of the pupil in a definite direc- 
tion. The pupil hears the lesson-aim in a few well- 
chosen worcls. At this stage of the process the pupil's 
ideas are also corrected and made clearer. Presentation 
gives an object-lesson. If at all possible, use one such 
object only. There are sound psychological reasons 
for this, although it becomes occasionally useful to 
employ several. Explanation might also be called con- 
cept-formation. Out of the objective lesson are here 
construed, or evolved, the catechetical concepts. 
From the concrete objective presentation we here pass 
to the general concept. Combination gathers all the 
ideas derived from the lesson into the text of the cate- 
chism. Application finally strengthens and deepens 
the truths we have gathered and variously widens 
them for purposes of life. We can here insert further 
examples, give additional motives, apply the lessons 
to the actual life of the child, train the child in judging 
his own moral conduct, and end with some particular 
resolution, or an appropriate prayer, song, hymn, or 
quotation" (Amer. Eccl. Rev., Apr., 1908, p. 465). In 
the same number of the Review (p. 460) will be found 
an excellent lesson on " Sin", drawn up on the lines of 
the Munich Method. Further information will be 
found in Weber's "Die Milnchener katechetische 
Methode", and Gottler's "Der Milnchener kateche- 
tische Kurs, 1905". 

Instruction of Converts. — The careful instruction of 
those who apply for admission into the Church, or who 
wish information about her doctrines and practices, is 
a sacred duty incumbent at times on almost every 
priest. No one may prudently embrace the Christian 
religion unless he sees clearly that it is credible. Hence 
the motives of credibility, the sure arguments that 
convince the understanding and move the will to com- 
mand the assent of faith, must be clearly set forth. 
The higher the social or intellectual position of in- 
quirers, the more thorough and diligent should be the 
instruction. Each one is to be guided not merely to 
understand the Church's dogmas, as far as he can, but 
to practise the exercises of Christian perfection. Be- 
fore the usual profession of faith, converts ought to be 
examined on tneir knowledge of all matters that must 
be known in order to be saved. This should be done 
with great care, for at this time they are docile. After 
their admission to the sacraments some may easily 
fancy themselves fully instructed, and for want of 
further study remain ignorant until death, unable to 
train properly their children or dependents. In the 
case of uneducated persons who are drawn to the 
Church, the prudent director will avoid such contro- 
versy as might lead his pupil to defend errors hitherto 
unknown. Better educated inquirers are to be fully 
satisfied on all points that they have held against 
Catholic doctrine and must be provided with the 
means of resisting both internal and external tempta- 
tions. The length of time and the character of the 
instruction will vary with each individual. 

It follows from what has been said that the times 
and places will vary according to the different sorts of 
persons to be instructed and the habits of the different 
countries. Speaking generally, however, at least some 
instruction should t>e given on Sundays and in the 
church, so as to bring out the religious character of 
catechizing. 

III. Modern Catechisms. — When speaking of the 
history of catechetics we saw that, though the method 
was originally and properly oral, the custom soon 
arose of composing catechisms — i. e. short manuals of 
elementary religious instruction, usually by means of 
questions and answers. 

A catechism is of the greatest use both to the teacher 
and the scholar. To the teacher it is a guide as to the 
subjects to be taught, the order of dealing with them, 



1 



BOOTBINI 



86 



DOOTRXHS 



and the choice of words in which the instruction should 
be conveyed ; above all, it is the best means of securing 
uniformity and correctness of doctrinal and moral 
teaching. The use which the teacher should make of 
it must be understood in connexion with what has 
been said above about the methods of catechizing. To 
the scholar a catechism gives in a brief form a sum- 
mary of what the teacher has been imparting to him; 
and by committing it to memory he can be sure that 
he has grasped the substance of his lesson. As already 
observed, this is not a difficult matter where there are 
Catholic schools under trained expert teachers accus- 
tomed to making the children learn by heart; but 
where the teaching has to be done in evening or Sun- 
day schools by inexperienced persons, and the scholars 
are not under the same control as in the day schools, 
the portions to be committed to memory must be 
reduced to a minimum. 

A good catechism should conform strictly to the 
definition given above. That is to say, it should be 
elementary, not a learned treatise of dogmatic, moral, 
and ascetical theology; And it should be simple in lan- 
guage, avoiding technical expressions as far as consist- 
ent with accuracy. Should the form of question and 
answer be maintained? No doubt it is not an interest- 
ing form for grown-up persons; but children prefer it 
because it lets them know exactly what they are likely 
to be asked. Moreover, this form keeps up the idea of 
a teacher and a disciple, and so is most in conformity 
with the fundamental notion of catechizing. What 
form the answers should take — Yes or No, or a cate- 
gorical statement — is a matter of disagreement among 
the best teachers. It would seem that the decision 
depends on the character of the different languages ■ 
and nations; some of them making extensive use of 
the affirmative and* negative particles, while others 
reply by making statements. Archbishop Walsh of 
Dublin, in his instructions for the revision of the cate- 
chism, recommended "the introduction of short read- 
ing lessons, one to be appended to each chapter of the 
catechism. These reading lessons should deal, in some- 
what fuller form, with the matter dealt with in the 
questions and answers of the catechism. The insertion 
of such lessons would make it possible to omit without 
loss many questions the answers to which now impose 
a heavy burden on the memory of the children. ... If 
these lessons are written with care and skill, and in a 
style attractive as well as simple, the children will soon 
have them learned by heart, from the mere fact of 
repeatedly reading them, and without any formal 
effort at committing them to memory" (Irish Eccl. 
Record, Jan., 1892). An excellent means of assisting 
the memory is the use of pictures. These should be 
selected with the greatest care; they should be accu- 
rate as well as artistic. The catechism used in Venice 
when Pius X was patriarch was illustrated. 

As there are three stages of catechetical instruction, 
so there should be three catechisms corresponding 
with these. The first should be very short and simple, 
but should give the little child some information about 
all four parts of religious knowledge. The second cate- 
chism, for those preparing for first Communion, should 
embody, word for word, without the slightest change, 
all the questions and answers of the first catechism. 
Further questions and answers, dealing with a more 
extensive knowledge, should be added in their proper 
places, after the earlier matter; and these will have 
special reference to the sacraments, more particularly 
the Holy Eucharist. The third catechism, for those 
who have made their first Communion, should in 
like manner embody the contents of the first and sec- 
ond catechisms, and add instruction belonging to the 
third stage mentioned above. For scholars beyond the 
elementary stages this third catechism may be used, 
with additions not in the form of question and answer 
and not necessarily to be learnt by heart. The great 
running through all the catechisms should be that 



the later ones should grow out of the earlier ones, and 
that the children should not be confused by differently 
worded answers to the same questions. Thus, the an- 
swer to the questions: What is charity? What is a 
sacrament? should be exactly the same m all the cate- 
chisms. Further information can be introduced by 
fresh questions. In some rare cases additions may be 
made at the end of the earlier answers, but never in 
the middle. 

It was mentioned in the historical portion of this 
article that at the time of the Vatican Council a pro- 
posal was made for the introduction of a uniform cate- 
chism for use throughout the Church. As the proposal 
was not carried out, we may here discuss the advan- 
tages and disadvantages of a universal catechism. 
There can be no doubt that the present system of 
Allowing each bishop to draw up a catechism for use 
in his diocese is open to strong objection. Happily, in 
these days there is no difficulty on the head of diver- 
sity of doctrine. The difficulty arises rather from the 
importance attached to learning the catechism by 
heart. People do not nowadays remain stationary in 
the neighbourhood in which they were born. Their 
children, in passing from one diocese to another, are 
obliged to unlearn the wording of one catechism (a 
most difficult process) and learn the different wording 
of another. Even where all the dioceses of a province 
or country have the same catechism the difficulty 
arises in passing into a new province or country. A 
single catechism for universal use would prevent all 
this waste of time and confusion, besides being a 
strong bond of union between the nations. ^ At the 
same time it must be recognized that the conditions of 
the Church vary considerably in the different countries. 
In a Catholic country, for instance, it is not necessary 
to touch upon controversial questions, whereas in non- 
Catholic countries these must be thoroughly gone into. 
This will notably be the case with regard to the intro- 
duction of texts in the actual words of the Holy Scrip- 
tures. Thus, in the Valladolid Catechism there is not 
a single quotation from the Old or New Testament 
except the Our Father and the first part of the Hail 
Mary — and even of these the source is not mentioned. 
The Commandments are not given in the words of 
Scripture. There is no attempt to prove any doctrine : 
everything is stated dogmatically on the authority of 
the Church. A catechism on these lines is clearly un- 
suited for children living among Protestants. As al- 
ready pointed out, the instruction of those who have 
made their first Communion should embrace proof as 
well as statement. The Fathers of the Vatican Council 
recognized the difficulty, and endeavoured to meet 
it by a compromise. A new catechism, based upon 
Bellarmine's Catechism and other catechisms of ap- 
proved value, was to be drawn up in Latin, and was 
to be translated into the different vernaculars with 
the authority of the bishops, who were empowered to 
make such additions as they might think fit ; but these 
additions were to be kept quite distinct from the text. 
The unhappy events of the latter part of the year 1870 
prevented this proposal from being carried out. 

(a) The present pontiff, Pius X, has prescribed a cate- 
chism for use in tne Diocese of Rome and in its eccle- 
siastical province, and has expressed a desire that it 
should be adopted throughout Italy. It has been 
translated into English, French, Spanish, and German, 
and a movement has begun with a view to extending 
its use to other countries besides Italy, especially to 
Spain, where the conditions are similar. (See "Irish Eccl. 
Record", March, 1906, p. 221; " Amer. Eccl. Rev.", 
Nov., 1906.) This catecnism consists of two parts, or 
rather two distinct books: one for " lower classes" and 
one for u higher classes ' \ The first, or " Shorter Cate- 
chism", is meant for those who have not made their 
first Communion; the second, or " Longer Catechism", 
for those who have already been through the other. 
Both are constructed on the same lines: an introduo- 




DOCTRINE 87 DOOTBIMI 

tory portion, and then five sections treating in turn rigid repetition of the words of the question. Various 

of the Creed, Prayer, the Commandments, the Sacra- important improvements have been suggested by 

ments, the Virtues, etc. The "Longer Catechism "con- Archbishop Walsh (see "Irish Eccl. Record", Jan., 

tains, in addition, in catechetical form, an instruction 1892, and following numbers). There is also a smaller 

on the feasts of Our Lord, the Blessed Virgin, and the edition of the Maynooth Catechism. The manuals used 

Saints, and a short "History of Religion" (the Old in the advanced classes are much the same as those 

Testament, the New Testament, and the Church) in used in Great Britain, together with the "Companion 

the form of a narrative. But though the two cate- to the Catechism" (Gill). Religious inspection is 

chisms are on the same main lines, they have very general. 

little connexion with each other. Hardly any of the (For the United States, see above under History 

questions and answers are the same; so that a knowl- of Catechetics.) 

edge of the wording of the first is of little use, but (d) The First Provincial Council of Quebec (1852) 

rather an obstacle, in learning the second. It is worthy ordered two catechisms for use in Canada: Butler's 

of note that, though texts of Scripture are not quoted, Catechism for those speaking English, and a new 

the second catechism contains a large number of ques- French catechism for those speaking French. The 

tions and answers relating to the Holy Scriptures, latter is called "The Quebec Catechism", and is also 

among others the following: "Is the reading of the issued in an abridged form. 

Bible necessary to all Christians? — The reading of the (e) In Australia the Maynooth Catechism is gener- 

Bible is not necessary to all Christians, because they ally used. But the bishops in the Plenary Council of 

are taught by the Church; still, the reading of, it is 1885 decreed that a new catechism should be drawn up 

very useful and recommended to all." Many of the for use throughout Australia. 

answers in the second catechism are much longer than From this enumeration it will be seen how far we are 
those in other catechisms. The catechism itself, with- from having any uniform catechism for the English- 
out counting the lengthy instruction on the feasts and speaking peoples. If we consider the Gontinent of 
the "History of Religion", fills more than 200 pages Europe, we find that in France, Germany, and Spain 
12mo in Bishop Byrne's translation. different catechisms are in use in the different dioceses. 

(b) Throughout Great Britain only one catechism is In the German-speaking provinces of Austria there is 
officially in use. It was drawn up by a committee one single catechism for all the dioceses, approved by 
appointed by the Second Provincial Council of West- the whole episcopate in 1894. It is issued in three 
minster (1855), and is based upon the Douai Catechism, forms: small, middle, and large. All of these are ar- 
It has undergone several revisions, the last of these ranged on exactly the same lines: a short introduction, 
being for the purpose of eliminating the particles Yes Faith and the Apostles' Creed, Hope and Prayer, 
and No, and making all the answers distinct categori- Charity and the Commandments, Grace and the Sac- 
cal statements. It is remarkable for its frequent ap- raments, Justification and the Last Things. The mid- 
peal to proofs from Holy Scripture. Though it has die catechism contains all the questions and answers 
been subject to many attacks, it is justly considered of the small, in exactly the same words, and adds a 
to be a clear and logical statement of Catholic belief considerable number of fresh ones. In like manner, 
and practice, fitted to the needs of both children and the large catechism makes further additions. The, 
grown-up persons seeking instruction. Perhaps it has small catechism has no texts from Scripture ; the other 
this latter class too much in view, and hence it is some- two contain many texts, usually placed in notes at the 
times wanting in simplicity. The omission of Yes and foot of the page. The chief difference between the 
No and the avoidance of pronouns in the answers have middle and large catechisms is that the latter deals 
been carried to a pedantic excess. Besides this ordi- more with reasons and proofs, and consequently gives 
nary catechism there is a smaller catechism, for a greater number of Scripture texts. Austria is, there- 
younger children, which goes over the whole ground fore, better off than most countries in the matter of 
in a more elementary form; it is to some extent free the catechism. She has none of the difficulties arising 
from the objection just mentioned; but this advan- from a multiplicity of manuals, and her single text- 
tage involves some verbal differences between the book is in the three forms described above as the ideal 
answers of the two catechisms. There is no official for all countries. Schuster's excellent Bible History 
advanced catechism. For the more advanced classes is also in universal use, and is arranged by means of 

accommodated to 

ious training 

iticized by Dr. 

rata 'a "The Catechism, Simply Explained"; Fander's Pichler, a high authority in that country. He con- 

(Deharbe's) "Catechism". Howe s "Catechist" and siders the catechism as cumbersome, the work of a 

Spirago's "Method of Christian Doctrine" (ed. Mess- good theologian but a poor catechist; he advocates the 

mer) are used by those who are being trained to be compilation of a new Bible History on the lines of 

teachers. Short Bible Histories, none of them official, Knecht's manual; and he advocates the adoption of 

are used in the more elementary classes, especially inductive methods. See "Unser Religionsunterricht, 

Formby's volumes; in the higher classes, Wenhanrs seine Mangel und deren Ursachen". 

"New Testament Narrative", Richards' "Scripture One of tne best of the German catechisms is that of 

History", and Knecht's "Practical Commentary", the Diocese of Augsburg, mainly the work of Kinsel 

There are also separate books of the New Testament, and Hauser, and published in 1904. It is on the lines 

edited by Mer. Ward and by Father Sydney Smith, of Deharbe, but much simplified, and copiously illus- 

etc. It should be added that the elementary schools trated. So, too, is the new Hungarian catechism 

and the training colleges, besides many of the sec- (1907), which is issued in three editions: one for the 

ondary schools and colleges, are examined in religious first and second grade of elementary schools, one for 

knowledge by inspectors appointed by the bishops. the remaining four grades, and one for the high 

(c) In Ireland tne catechism most commonly used at schools. Bishop Mailath of Transylvania has had the 
the present time is the " Catechism ordered by the Na- direction of the work. Poland has not been behindhand 
tional Synod of Maynooth .... for General Use through- in reforming her catechetical teaching. A catechism 
out the Irish Church". After a short Introduction on has iust been drawn up for the fourth, fifth, and sixth 
God and the creation of the world and on man and the grades by Bishop Likowski and Valentine Gadowski. 
end of his creation, it treats in turn of the Creed, the The answers to be learnt by heart are limited to forty 
Commandments, Prayer, and the Sacraments. The in each year, and are short and simple. Each is fol- 
answers are short and clear, and, though Yes and No lowed by a fairly long explanation. This catechism 
are excluded, the form of the answers is not always a contains 215 illustrations. 




DOOTBINI 88 DOOTRXNB 

ItshouldbenotedthatallContinentalreformershave k later than Eusebius, being founded on the story of 

dropped the idea of making the answers theologically St. Helena. Addai then preaches to the people, who 

complete. The subsequent explanations supply what are converted. The heathen altars are thrown down, 

may be wanting. The answers are complete sentences, and the people are baptized. King Abgar induces the 

Yea and No being seldom used by themselves, and the Emperor Tiberius to chastise the Jews for having 

order of the words in the answers follows that in the crucified the Saviour. Churches are built by Addai, 

questions. and he makes deacons and priests. On his death-bed 

On the History of CotccheHca: Bareille, Le CoUchisme Ro- he appoints Aggai his successor, ordains the deacon 

main. Introduction (Montrfjeau, 1906); Hezard, HUtoire du Palut priest, and gives his last admonitions. He was 

catechisme deputa la naissance de I Eglise jusgua noa jours; l.. -^ • ii,_ „^v„i«u«^ ^r av. 1 • t *. 

Thalhofeb, Entwicklung des kotholtschen Kotechismis in guned in the sepulchre of the king's ancestors. 

DeuUchland von Canisiu* bis Deharbe; Probst, Geachiehu der Many years after his death, Aggai, who ordained holy 

l^oliachenKatechese (Paderborn .1887); Spirago, .Method of priests for the country, was martyred as he taught in 

Christian Doctrine, tr. Messmer (New York, 1901), vi; Ba- fv- -v„^u u,, « ««u^if:i. ~~ c al tt- 

beille in Diet, de thiol. cath.,s. v. Catichese; ^angei^t, ibid., the church by a rebellious son of Abgar. His succes- 

8. v. Catechisme; Knecht in Kirchenlex., s. vv. Katechese, Kate- SOr, Palut, was obliged to CO to Antioch in order to get 

chete.Katechismus. episcopal consecration, which he received from Sera- 

On Catechizing, Methods, etc.: Dtjpanloup, Method of Cote- _J__ b;«k A .* ~t A«+:~iv ~.u~ «u- i* i • j 

chising (tr.); The Method of S. Stdnice (tr.); Spirago. ut supra; P"> n * Bishop of Antioch, who "himself also received 

Walsh, Irish Ecd. Record, Jan.. 1892; Lambing. The Sunday the hand from Zephyrinus, Bishop of the city of 

School Teactor's Manual {IS7Z); Furniss, How to Teach at Rome, from the succession of the hand of the priest- 

Catechism; Sunday School or Catechismt; Bellord. Religious t,~~i 1* a:.~ n-o. vuu ' a t r\ 

Education and its Failures (Notre Dame, 1901); bAREiLLE. J 00 *} of Simon Cephas, which he received from Our 

M angenot, and Knecht, ut supra: Glancy, Preface to Knecht, Lord, who was there Bishop of Rome twenty-five years, 

Bite Commentary for Schools (Freiburg 1894): Gibson The m the davs of the Caesar, who reigned there thirteen 

Catechism made Easy (London, 1882); Carr, A Lamp of the „>» /*. «j *i xt • a u • j t 

Word and Instructor's Guide (Liverpool, 1892): How*, The y eare L (evidently Nero is meant, who reigned from 

Catechist: or Headings and Suggestions for the Explanation of the October, 54, to June, 68). The anxiety of the* writer 

? a ^^ (^^^on-Tyne, 1895); Sloan, The Sunday to connect the Edessene succession with Rome is in- 

School Teacher 8 Guide to Success (New York, 1907); Amer. * *• : , % . . ,. t *l t> a • a t a *• 

Ecd. Rev., Jan.-May, 1908; Weber, Die Munchener kateche- teresting; its denvation from the Petrine See of Anti- 

tische Methods; Gottler, Der Munchener katechetische Kurs, Och does not suffice him. 

™S2£SL. Manuals, etc. -It would not be possible to give J^**^ ° f th . e ft " 1 ^ unorthodox, though 

anything like a complete lUt of thete. We shall content our- so™ 6 expressions might be understood m an Apolli- 

selves with mentioning a few of the best-known in use in Eng- narian sense. The mention of Holy Scripture must be 

ftriSrtftH "TnT'u • ~ m /™ a ™, • alr ^5j ^^ ment i° ne ^ noticed: "They read in the Old Testament and the 

in the- article. — A Catechism of Christian Doctrine, prepared and xt -. ~ j *l~ t5 i» * j x\. a j. t *v A xi 

enjoined by order of the Third Council of Baltimore (1885); The Wew » and tne Prophets, and the Acts of the Apostles, 

Catechism ordered by the National Synod of Maynooth and ap- every day they meditated on them"; "a large number 

&^e^ a ^tr^H^^t^'c^^^.i^. of P«0Ple ^sembled day by day and came to the 

A Short Catechism extracted from the Catechism ordered, etc. prayer of the service, and to [the reading} of the Old 

(Dublin, s. d.); A Catechism of Christian Doctrine approved by and New Testament, of the Diatessaron , "But the 

^^^Va&tfj^^^XS^k *** * nd the Prophete and the Gospel, which ye read 

notes); The Little Catechism; an Abridgement of the Catechism of every day before the people, and the Epistles of Paul. 

Christian Doctrine (London, s. d.); Butler, Catechism (Dublin, which Simon Peter sent US from the city of Rome, and 

151™ R^Fn^frZ^hZLttn^l v!Ti ti f^ d T on (a ^° the Acts of the twelve Apostles, which John, the son 
known as panders Catechism) (New York, 1887); Companion r n \^ j a r •£ u ai. ui j 

to The Catechism (Dublin); Spiraoo, The Catechism Explained, of Zebedee, sent us from Ephesus, these books read ye 

ed. Clarke; Gerard, Course of Religious Instruction for in the Churches of Christ, and with these read not any 

?^iiiZ^rl^^} W) Tl ; D £ Zuweta. I*tfer» on Chris- others, as there is not any other in which the truth 

turn Doctrine; Lafferata, The Catechism Simply Explained .-, . ' i u . ... J . .i • , , ,. , 

(London, 1897): A Manual of Instruction in Christian Doc- that ye hold IS written, except these books, which re- 

trine — approved by Card. Wiseman and Card. Manning, tain you in the faith to which ye have been called." 

B^tt&£±r&i^>;^,£^^ ]?«. ^fore exclude, the Apocalypse and all 

an Aid to the intelligent knowledge of the Catechism (London, the Catholic Epistles; in this it agrees With Aphraates, 

1881); Power, Catechism: Doctrinal, Moral, Historical, and Theodore of Mopsuestia, the Syriac stichometrical list 

^l^^M^^^r} 890 ^ v 4 ,* n . i.- m * of Cod. Sin. 10 (in Mrs. Lewis's Catalogue of Sinai 

Anglican: Maclear, A Class Book of the Catechism of the ^jroa \ j u ui -*u t? i V o • 

Church of England (London, 1886). MSS.), and probably with Ephrem. The Syriac 

There are many Bible Histories in use, but none of them Church, indeed, never accepted the Apocalypse and 

??™Hfi ^ ™ mm l nd £^ though ^P u yj s t l ? d ,™* h ePJ^P* 1 the four shorter Catholic Epistles; the three longer 
approval. The best-rknown are: The Children s Bible History , ... j . u . \ . A Anrk , ° 

for Home and School Use (a small elementary work of which were admitted at all events later than 400, at an un- 

nearly a million and a half have been printed; it is capable of certain date. The Diatessaron was employed by the 

improvement) (London. 1872); FoRmby Pictorial BMe and 3^0 Church from its composition by Tatian C 160 

Church History Stories, including Old Testament History, the ^ ..1 .. .1 1 • ^ .1 r r»* u t 

life of Christ, and Church History (London. 1871); Knecht, until it was proscribed by the famous Bishop of 

Bible Commentary for Schools, ed. Glancy (Freiburg im Edessa, Rabbula (d. 435). 

Breisgau, 1894); wenham Readings from the Old Testament We seem to find firm historical ground in the state- 

New Testament Narrative (Condon, 1907); Richards, Manual a xu a r» 1 * ~ 4. a t- u u o 

of. Scripture History (London, 1885); dosxELLo. The Gospel m ent that Palut was consecrated bishop by Serapion, 

Story (London, 1900); Scripture Manuals for Catholic Schools, who Was Bishop of Antioch C. 191-212 and really a 

ed. Smith (London. 1899): St Edmund s College Series of contemporary of Pope Zephyrinus. But this shows 

Scripture Manuals, Ward ed. (London, 1897). alxaJj-l S d f/ .. . - 

Vp g' Scannell. ^ na * Addai, who made Palut a priest, was not one of 

•* *_! Tk a t^ the seventy-two Disciples of Christ. The first Chris- 
Doctrine, Development of. See Revelation. tian King of ^^ wafl in realit y Ab IX (i 79 _2l4) 

Doctrine of Addai (Lat. Dodrina Addai), a Syriac who was converted soon after 201, and this date tallies 

document which relates the legend of the conversion of with that of Palut. It is possible that Palut was the 

Edessa. It begins with the story of the letter of King first Bishop of Edessa; but it is surely more likely that 

Abgar to Christ (see Abgar) and the reply of the lat- there was already a Church and a bishop under the 

ter, with some variations from the account drawn by pagan kings in so important a city. An early date for 

Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., I, xiii) from the Edessene ar- the Abgar legend is sometimes based upon the promise 

chives. The reply was not a letter, as Eusebius says, in the message of Christ: "Thy city shall be blessed, 

but a verbal message, together with a portrait of and no enemy shall again become master of it for 

Christ (not in Eusebius). After the Ascension Judas ever." It is argued that this could not have been in- 

Thomas sent Addai, one of the seven tv-two Disciples, vented after the sacking of the city under Trajan in 

to Abgar. Addai (Thaddeus in Eusebius) healea the 116; but the writer might havepassed over this event 

king of his sickness, and preached before him, relating after a century and a half. The confusion of dates 

the discovery of the True Cross by Protonice. wife of can hardly have arisen before the latter half of the 

the Emperor Claudius; this, with all that follows, third century, and the Edessene Acts used by Euse- 



DOOTRINB 



89 



DOGMA 



T>ius were probably not very old when he wrote. The 
" Doctrine of Addai " is yet later. The Finding of the 
Cross must be dated some time later than St. Helena; 
the miraculous picture of Christ was not seen by the 
Abbess Etheria when she visited Edessa c. 385. Hence 
the date of the work may be c. 400. 

The "Doctrine of Addai" was first published in 
Syriac in a fragmentary form by Cureton, " Ancient 
Syriac documents" (London, 1864, a posthumous 
work), with a translation; another translation in 
" Ante-Nicene Chr. Libr.", XX. The full Syriac text 
was published by Phillips, with a translation (London, 
1876). An Armenian version and (separately) a French 
translation, by the Mechitarist Father Leo Alishan, 
"Laboubnia, Lettre d'Abgar" (Venice, 1868). 

The literature of the subject (including the Abgar legend, the 
Finding of the Cross, the Greek legend in the Acta Thaddari, 
and the origins of the Church of Edessa) is very large. The 
following works may be specially mentioned: Lipsiub, Die 
edeaaeniache Abgaraage kritisch untersuchl (Brunswick, 1880); 
Tixeront, Lea originea de VEgliae d'Edeaae et la Ugende d'Abgar 
(Paris, 1888); Mabtin, Les originea de VEgliae d'Edeaae et dea 

giliaea ayriennea (extr. from Revue dea ac. eccl., Paris, 1889); 
urkitt. Early Eastern Christianity (London, 1004): Nestle, 
De aaneta cruet (Berlin, 1880); on the picture of Christ, Von 
Dobs ch On, Chriatuabilder (Leipzig, 1800). Further references 
will be found- in Bardenhewer, Geach. der oltkirchl. LiU., I, 
458; Chevalier, Repertoire, s. v. Abgar. 

John Chapman. 
Doctrine of the Twelve Apostles. See Didache. 
Dodd, Charles. See Tootell, Hugh. 
Dodone. See Bodone. 
Doering, Henry. See Poona. 

Dogma. — I. Definition. — The word dogma (Gr. 
067fux, from boicciv) signifies, in the writings of the 
ancient classical authors, sometimes, an opinion or 
that which seems true to a person; sometimes, the 
philosophical doctrines or tenets, and especially the 
distinctive philosophical doctrines, of a particular 
school of philosophers (cf. Cic. Ac, ii, 9) ; and some- 
times, a public decree or ordinance, as dtryfta roieTadai. 
In Sacred Scripture it is used, at one time, in the sense 
of a decree or edict of the civil authority, as in Luke, 
ii, 1: "And it came to pass, that in those days there 
went out a decree [edictum, 867/Aa] from Caesar Au- 
gustus" (cf. Acts, xvii, 7; Esther, iii, 3); at another 
time, in the sense of an ordinance of the Mosaic Law, 
as in Eph., ii, 15: "Making void the law of command- 
ments contained in decrees" (doyiuurLv); and again, it 
is applied to the ordinances or decrees of the first 
Apostolic Council in Jerusalem: "And as they passed 
through the cities, they delivered unto them tne de- 
crees [dogmata] for to keep, that were decreed by the 
apostles and ancients who were at Jerusalem" (Acts, 
xvi, 4). Among the early Fathers the usage was prev- 
alent of designating as dogmas the doctrines and 
moral precepts taugnt or promulgated by the Saviour 
or by the Apostles ; and a distinction was sometimes 
made between Divine, Apostolical, and ecclesiastical 
dogmas, according as a doctrine was conceived as hav- 
ing been taught by Christ, by the Apostles, or as hav- 
ing been delivered: to the faithful by the Church. But 
according to a long-standing usage a dogma is now 
understood to be a truth appertaining to faith or 
morals, revealed by God, transmitted from the Apos- 
tles in the Scriptures or by tradition, and proposed by 
the Church for the acceptance of the faithful. It 
might be described briefly as a revealed truth defined 
by the Church ; but private revelations do not consti- 
tute dogmas, and some theologians confine the word 
defined to doctrines solemnly defined by the pope or 
by a general council, while a revealed truth becomes 
a dogma even when proposed by the Church through 
her ordinary magisterium or teaching office. A dogma 
therefore implies a twofold relation: to Divine revela- 
tion and to the authoritative teaching of the Church. 

Theologians distinguish three classes of revealed 
truths: truths formally and explicitly revealed; truths 



revealed formally, but only implicitly; and truths only 
virtually revealed. A truth is said to be formally re- 
vealed, when the speaker or revealer really means to con- 
vey that truth by his language, to guarantee it by the 
authority of his word. The revelation is formal and 
explicit, when made in clear express terms. It is formal 
but only implicit, when the language is somewhat 
obscure, when the rules of interpretation must be 
carefully employed to determine the meaning of the 
revelation. And a truth is said to be revealed only vir- 
tually, when it is not formally guaranteed by the word of 
the speaker, but is inferred from something formally re- 
vealed. Now, truths formally and explicitly revealed 
by God are certainly dogmas in the strict sense when 
they are proposed or defined by the Church. Such 
are the articles of the Apostles' Creed. Similarly, 
truths revealed by God formally, but only implicitly, 
are dogmas in the strict sense when proposed or defined 
by the Church. Such, for example, are the doctrines 
of Transubstantiation (q. v.), papal infallibility 
(q. v.), the Immaculate Conception (q. v.), some of the 
Church's teaching about the Saviour, the sacraments, 
etc. All doctrjnes defined by the Church as being 
contained in revelation are understood to be formally 
revealed, explicitly or implicitly. It is a dogma of 
faith that the Church is infallible in defining these two 
classes of revealed truths; and the deliberate denial 
of one of these dogmas certainly involves the sin of 
heresy. There is a diversity of opinion about virtu- 
ally revealed truths, which has its roots in a diversity 
of opinion about the material object of faith (see 
Faith). It is enough to say here that, according to 
some theologians, virtually revealed truths belong to 
the material object of faith and become dogmas in the 
strict sense when defined or proposed by the Church; 
and according to others, they do not belong to the 
material object of faith prior to their definition, but 
become strict dogmas when defined; and, according 
to others, they do not belong to the material object of 
Divine faith at all, nor become dogmas in the strict sense 
when defined, but may be called mediately-Divine or 
ecclesiastical dogmas. In the hypothesis that virtu- 
ally revealed conclusions do not belong to the material 
object of faith, it has not been defined that the Church 
is infallible in defining these truths; the infallibility 
of the Church, however, in relation to these truths is a 
doctrine of the Church theologically certain, which 
cannot lawfully be denied; and though the denial of 
an ecclesiastical dogma would not be heresy in the 
strict sense, it could entail the sundering of the bond 
of faith and expulsion from the Church by the 
Church's anathema or excommunication. 

II. Divisions. — The divisions of dogma follow the 
lines of the divisions of faith. Dogmas can be (1) 
general or special; (2) material or formal; (3) pure or 
mixed ; (4) symbolic or non-symbolic ; (5) and tney can 
differ according to their various degrees of necessity. — 
(1) General dogmas are a part of the revelation meant 
for mankind and transmitted from the Apostles ; while 
special dogmas are the truths revealed in private 
revelations. Special dogmas, therefore, are not, 
strictly speaking, dogmas at all; they are not re- 
vealed, truths transmitted from the Apostles ; nor are 
they defined or proposed by the Church for the accept- 
ance of the faithful generally. — (2) Dogmas are called 
material (or Divine, or dogmas in themselves, in «c) 
when abstraction is made from their definition by the 
Church, when they are considered only as revealed; 
and they are called formal (or Catholic, or "in relation 
to us", quoad nos) when they are considered both as 
revealed and denned. Again, it is evident that mate- 
rial dogmas are not dogmas in the strict sense of the 
term. — (3) Pure dogmas are those which can be known 
only from revelation, as the Trinity (q. v.), Incarna- 
tion (q. v.), etc. : while mixed dogmas are truths which 
can be known from revelation or from philosophical 
reasoning, as the existence and attributes of God. 



1 



DOGMA 90 DOGMA 

Both classes are dogmas in the strict sense, when con- that Augustus was Emperor of the Romans, and that 

eidered as revealed and defined. — (4) Dogmas con- George Washington was first President of the United 

tained in the symbols or creeds of the Church are States. 

called symbolic; the remainder are non-symbolic. (2) Abstracting from the Church's definition, we are 

Hence all the articles of the Apostles' Creed are dog- bound to render to God the homage of our assent to 

mas; but not all dogmas are called technically articles revealed truth once we are satisfied that He has 

of faith, though an ordinary dogma is sometimes spoken. Even atheists admit, hypothetically, that if 

rken of as an article of faith. — (5) Finally, there are there be an infinite Being distinct from the world, we 

jmas belief in which is absolutely necessary as a should pay Him the homage of believing His Divine 

means to salvation, while faith in others is rendered word. 

necessary only by Divine precept; and some dogmas (3) Hence it is not permissible to distinguish re- 
must be explicitly known and believed, while with vealed truths as fundamental and non-fundamentai 
regard to others implicit belief is sufficient. in the sense that some truths, though known to have 

III. Objective Character of Dogmatic Truth; been revealed by God, may be lawfully denied. But 

Intellectual Belief in Dogma. — As a dogma is a while we should believe, at least implicitly, every 

revealed truth, the intellectual character and objective truth attested by the word of God, we are free to admit 

reality of dogma depend on the intellectual character that some are in themselves more important than 

and objective truth of Divine revelation. We will others, more necessary than others, ana that an ex- 

here apply to dogma the conclusions developed at plicit knowledge of some is necessary while an implicit 

greater length under the heading of revelation (q. v.). faith in others is sufficient. 

Are dogmas, considered merely as truths revealed by IV. Dogma and the Church. — Revealed truths be- 
God, real objective truths addressed to the human come formally dogmas when defined or proposed bv 
mind? Are we bound to believe them with the mind? the Church. There is considerable hostility, in mod- 
Should we admit the distinction between fundamental em times, to dogmatic religion when considered as a 
and non-fundamental dogmas? body of truths defined by the Church, and still more 

(1) Rationalists deny the existence of Divine super- when considered as defined by the pope. The theory 

natural revelation, and consequently of religious of dogma which is here expounded depends for its ac- 

dogmas. A certain school of mystics has taught that ceptance on the doctrine of the infallible teaching 

what Christ inaugurated in the world was "a new office of the Church and of the Roman pontiff. It 

life". The " Modernist " theory by reason of its re- will be sufficient to notice the following points; (1) 

cent condemnation calls for fuller treatment. There the reasonableness of the definition of dogmas; (2) the 

are different shades of opinion among Modernists, immutability of dogma; (3) the necessity for Church 

Some of them do not, apparently, deny all intellectual unity of belief in dogma ; (4) the inconveniences which 

value to dogma (cf. Le Roy, "Dogme et Critique"), are alleged to be associated with the definition of 

Dogma, like revelation, they say, is expressed in dogma. 

terms of action. Thus when the Son of God is said (1) Against the theory of interpretation of Scripture 
"to have come down from heaven", according to. all by private judgment, Catholics regard as absolutely 
theologian* He did not come down, as bodies descend unacceptable the view that God revealed a body of 
or as angels are conceived to pass from place to place, truths to the world and appointed no official teacher 
but the hypostatic union is described in terms of ac- of revealed truth, no authoritative judge of contro- 
tion. So when we profess our* faith in God the versy; this view is as unreasonable as would be the 
Father, we mean, according to M. Le Roy, that we notion that the civil legislature makes laws, and then 
have to act towards God as sons; but neither the commits to individual private judgment the right and 
fatherhood of God, nor the other dogmas of faith, the duty of interpreting the laws and deciding con- 
such as the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Resurrection troversies. The Church and the supreme pontiff are 
of Christ, etc. imply of necessity any objective intel- endowed by God with the privilege of infallibility in 
lectual conception of fatherhood, Trinity. Resurrec- discharge of the duty of universal teacher in the 
tion, etc.. or convey any idea to the mina. Accord- sphere of faith and morals; hence we have an infalli- 
ing to other writers, God has addressed no revelation ble testimony that the dogmas defined and delivered 
to the human mind. Revelation, they say, began as a to us by the Church are the truths contained in Divine 
consciousness of right and wrong; and the evolution revelation. 

or development of revelation was but the progressive (2) The dogmas of the Church are immutable, 

development of the religious sense until it reached its Modernists hold that religious dogmas, as such, have 

highest level, thus far, in the modern liberal and demo- no intellectual meaning, that we are not bound to be- 

cratic State. Then, according to these writers, the lieve them mentally, that they may be all false, that it 

dogmas of faith, considered as dogmas, have no mean- is sufficient if we use them as guides to action ; and 

ing for the mind ; we need not believe them mentally; accordingly they teach that dogmas are not immuta- 

we may reject them ; it is enough if we employ them ble, that they should be changed when the spirit of the 

as {guides for our actions. (See Modernism.) Over age is opposed to them, when they lose their value as 

against this doctrine the Church teaches that God has rules for a liberal religious life. But in the Catholic 

made a revelation to the human mind. There are, no doctrine that Divine revelation is addressed to the 

doubt, relative Divine attributes, and some of the human mind and expresses real objective truth, 

dogmas of faith may be expressed under the symbol- dogmas are immutable Divine truths. It is an im- 

ism of action, but they also convey to the human mind mutable truth for all time that Augustus was Emperor 

a meaning distinct from action. The fatherhood of of Rome and George Washington first President of the 

God may imply that we should act towards Him as United States. So according to Catholic belief, these 

children towards a father; but it also conveys to the are and will be for all time immutable truths: that 

mind definite analogical conceptions of our God and there are three Persons in God, that Christ died for us, 

Creator. And there are truths, such as the Trinity, that He arose from the dead, that He founded the 

the Resurrection of Christ, His Ascension, etc. which Church, that He instituted the sacraments. We may 

are absolute objective facts, and which could be be- distinguish between the truths themselves and the 

lieved even if their practical consequences were ig- language in which they are expressed. The full mean- 

nored or were deemed of little value. The dogmas of ing of certain revealed truths has been only gradually 

the Church, such as the existence of God, the Trinity, brought out; the truths will always remain. Lan- 

the Incarnation, the Resurrection of Christ, the sacra- guage may change or may receive a new meaning; but 

ments, a future judgment, etc. have an objective we can always learn what meaning was attached to 

reality and are facts as really and truly as it is a fact particular words in the past. 




DOGMA 91 DOGMA 

(3) We are bound to believe revealed truths irre- against the dogma of Creation, miracles, the human 
spective of their definition by the Church, if we are soul, and supernatural religion, have been dressed in a 
satisfied that God has revealed them. When they are new garb and urged by a modern school of scientists 
proposed or defined by the Church, and thus become principally from the discoveries in geology, palaeontol- 
dogmas, we are bound to believe them in order to ogy, bioldjgy, astronomy, comparative anatomy, and 
maintain the bond of faith (see Heresy). physiology. But Protestants, no less than Catholics, 

(4) Finally, Catholics do not admit that, as is some- profess to believe in God, in the Creation, in the soul, 
times alleged, dogmas are the arbitrary creations of m the Incarnation, in the possibility of miracles; they 
ecclesiastical authority, that they are multiplied at too, maintain that there can be no discord between 
will ; that they are devices for keeping the ignorant in the true conclusions of science and the dogmas of the 
subjection, that they are obstacles to conversions'. Christian religion rightly understood. Protestants, 
Some of these are points of controversy which cannot therefore, cannot consistently complain that Catholic 
be settled without reference to more fundamental ques- dogmas impede scientific investigation. But it is 
tions. Dogmatic definitions would be arbitrary if urged that in the Catholic system beliefs are not deter- 
there were no Divinely instituted infallible teaching mined by private judgment; behind the dogmas of 
office in the Church ; but if, as Catholics maintain, the Church there is the living bulwark of her episco- 
God has established in His Church an infallible office, pate. True, behind dogmatic beliefs Catholics recog- 
dogmatic definitions cannot be considered arbitrary, nize ecclesiastical authority; but this puts no further 
The same Divine Providence which preserves the restraint on intellectual freedom; it only raises the 
Church from error will preserve her from inordinate question as to the constitution of the Church. Catho- 
multiplication of dogmas. She cannot define arbi- lies do not believe that God revealed a body of truths 
trarily. We need only observe the life of the Church to mankind and appointed no living authority to 
or of the Roman pontiffs Ao see that dogmas are not unfold, to teach, to safeguard that body of Divine 
multiplied inordinately. And as dogmatic definitions truths, to decide controversies; but the authority of 
are but the authentic interpretation and declaration the episcopate under the supreme pontiff to control 
of the meaning of Divine revelation, they cannot be intellectual activity is correlative with, and arises 
considered devices for keeping the ignorant in subjec- from their authority to. teach supernatural truth. 
tiOn, or reasonable obstacles to conversions; on the The existence of judges and magistrates does not ex- 
contrary, the authoritative definition of truth and tend the range of our civil laws; they are rather a liv- 
condemnation of error, are powerful arguments lead- ing authority to interpret and apply the laws. Bind- 
ing to the Church those who seek the truth earnestly, larly, episcopal authority has for its range the truth of 

V. Dogma and Religion. — It is sometimes charged revelation, and it prohibits only what is inconsistent 
that in the Catholic Church, in consequence of its with the full scope of that truth. 

dogmas, religious life consists merely in speculative (2) In discussing the question with unbelievers we 
beliefs and external sacramental formalities. It is a note that science is "the observation and classifica- 
strange charge, arising from prejudice or from lack of tion, or co-ordination, of the individual facts or phe- 
acquaintance with Catholic life. Religious life in con- nomena of nature". Now a Catholic is absolutely 
ventual and monastic establishments is surely not a free in the prosecution of scientific research according 
merely external formality. The external religious to the terms of this definition. There is no prohibition 
exercises of the ordinary Catholic layman, sucn as or restriction on Catholics in regard to the observation 
public prayer, confession, 'Holy Communion, etc. and co-ordination of the phenomena of Nature. But 
suppose careful and serious internal self-examination some scientists do not confine themselves to science as 
and self-regulation, and various other acts of internal defined by themselves. They propound theories often 
religion. We need only to observe the public civic unwarranted by experimental observation. One will 
life of Catholics, their philanthropic works, their maintain as a ''scientific" truth that there is no God, 
schools, hospitals, orphanages, charitable organiza- or that His existence is unknowable; another that the 
tions, to be convinced that dogmatic religion does not world has not been created; another will deny in the 
degenerate into mere external formalities. On the name of "science" the existence of the soul; another, 
contrary, in non-Catholic Christian bodies a general the possibility of supernatural revelation. Surely 
decay of supernatural Christian life follows the disso- these denials are not warranted by scientific methods, 
lution of dogmatic religion. Were the dogmatic sys- Catholic dogma and ecclesiastical authority limit 
tem of the Catholic Church, with its authoritative intellectual activity only so far as may be necessary 
infallible head, done away with, the various systems of for safeguarding the truths of revelation. If non- 
private judgment would not save the world from re- believing scientists in their study of Catholicism would 
lapsing into and following pagan ideals. Dogmatic apply the scientific method, which consists in observ- 
belief is not the be-all and end-all of Catholic life ; but ing, comparing, making hypotheses, and perhaps f or- 
the Catholic serves God, honours the Trinity, loves mulating scientific conclusions, they woula readily see 
Christ, obeys the Church, frequents the sacraments, that dogmatic belief in no way interferes with the le- 
assists at Mass, observes the Commandments, be- gitimate freedom of the Catholic in scientific research, 
cause he believes mentally in God, in the Trinity, in the discharge of civic duty, or any other form of activ- 
the Divinity of Christ, in the Church, in the sacra- ity that makes for true enlightenment and progress, 
ments and the Sacrifice of the Mass, in the duty of The service rendered by Catholics in every depart- 
keeping the Commandments ; and he believes in them ment of learning and of social endeavour, is a fact 
as objective immutable truths. which no amount of theorizing against dogma can set 

VI. Dogma and Science. — But, it is objected, dogma aside. (See Faith, Infallibility, Revelation, Sci- 
checks investigation, antagonizes independence of ence, Truth.) 

thought, and makes scientific theology impossible. A ^ ^ „..„ . . „ „ „ ,„., 

TWs difnculty may be supposed to be put by &st- ^tSSFtilf^JtgZZZg b^J?5&& 

ants or by Unbelievers. We Will Consider it from De Luoo, Optra: De fide; Vacant, Etudes thioloaiques sur les 

both points of view. constitutions du concile du Vatican (Paris, 1805); Grandebath, 

(1) Beyond scientific investigation and freedom of Constitutions doamatica Sacrosancti (Ecumenici Concilii Vati- 

., v Vvv; .V °~* v "^ *«Yvovm«»vw * « \a *»v^**v,»** vi can% tx w M aclX8 explicate* atque xUustrala (Freiburg lm 

thought, Catholics recognize the guiding Ulfluence of Br.. 1892); Scheeben, Handbuch der katholiachen Dogmotik 

dogmatic beliefs. But Protestants also profess to (Freiburg im Br., 1873); Sen wane, Dogmenpeschichte (2nd ed., 

adTere to certain great dogmatic truths which are sup- ^^^^^^^^^^^T^^^i 

posed to impede scientific investigation and to conflict Virtutibus lnfusis (Rome, 1906); Newman, Idea of a University 

with the findings of modern science. Old difficulties (London, 1899). 
against the existence of God or its demonstrability, Daniel Coghlan* 



DOGMATIC 92 DOGMATIC 

Dogmatic Pacts.— (1) Definition. — By a dogmatic tion, but also in defining virtually revealed truths, or 
fact, in wider sense, is meant any fact connected with generally in all definitions and condemnations which 
a dogma and on which the application of the dogma to are necessary for safe-guarding the body of revealed 
a particular case depends. The following questions truth. Whether it is to be regarded as a defined doc- 
involve dogmatic facts in the wider sense: Is Pius X, trine, as a doctrine de fide, that the Church is infallible 
for instance, really and truly Roman pontiff, duly in definitions about dogmatic facts, is disputed among 
elected and recognized by the Universal Church? theologians. The reason of this difference of opinion ' 
This is connected with dogma, for it is a dogma of will appear below (3). The Church, in all ages, has 
faith that every pontiff duly elected and recognized by exercised the right of pronouncing with authority on 
the Universal Church is a successor of Peter. Again dogmatic facts ; and this right is essential to her teach- 
Was this or that council oecumenical? This, too, is ing office. She has always claimed the right of defin- 
connected with dogma, for every oecumenical council ing that the doctrine of heretics, in the sense in which 
is endowed with infallibility and jurisdiction over the it is contained in their books, or in their discourses, is 
Universal Church. The question also whether canon- heretical ; that the doctrine of an orthodox writer, in 
ized saints really died in the odour of sanctity is con- the sense in which it is contained in his writings, is 
nected with dogma, for every one who dies in the orthodox. We can scarcely imagine a theory like 
odour of sanctity is saved. In the stricter sense the that of the Jansenists advanced within the sphere of 
term dogmatic fact is confined to books and spoken the civil authority. We can scarcely conceive it to be 
discourses, and its meaning will be explained by a held that a judge and a jury may pronounce on an 
reference to the condemnation by Innocent X of five abstract proposition of libel, but cannot find that a 
propositions taken from the posthumous book of Jan- particular paragraph in a book or newspaper is libel- 
semus, entitled " Augustinus". It might be asked, lous in the sense in which it is written. If the Church 
for example, whether the pope could define that Jan- could not define the orthodox or unorthodox sense of 
senius was really the author of the book entitled" Au- books, sermons, conferences, and discourses generally, 
gustinus". It is conceded that he could not. He she might still be infallible in regard to abstract doc- 
may speak of it as the work of Jansenius, because, in trine, but she could not fulfil her task as practical 
Seneral repute, at least, it was regarded as the work of teacher of humanity, nor protect her children from 
ansenius. The precise authorship of a book is called actual concrete dangers to their faith and morals, 
a personal fact. The question turned on the doctrine (3) Faith and Dogmatic Facts. — The more extreme 
of the book. The Jansenists admitted that the doc- Jansenists, distinguishing between dogma and fact, 
trine enunciated in the condemned propositions was taught that the dogma is the proper object of faith but 
heretical; but they maintained that the condemned that to the definition of fact only respectful silence is 
doctrine was not taught in the "Augustinus". This due. They refused to subscribe the formula of the 
brings us to what are called " particular facts of doc- condemnation of Jansenism, or would subscribe only 
trine". Thus it is a fact that God exists, and that with a qualification, on the ground that subscription 
there are three Persons in God ; here the same thing is implied internal assent and acquiescence The less ex- 
fact and dogma. The Jansenists admitted that the treme party, though limiting the Church's infallibil- 
pope is competent to deal with particular facts of doc- ity to the question of dogma, thought that the formula 
trine, but not to determine the meaning of a book, might be signed absolutely and without qualifica- 
The controversy was then carried to the meaning of tion, on the ground that, by general usage, subscript 
the book. Now it is conceded that the pope cannot tion to such a formula implied assent to the dogma, 
define the purely internal, subjective, perhaps singu- but, in relation to the fact, only external reverence, 
lar meaning, which an author might attach to his But the definitions of dogmatic facts demand real in- 
words. But the pope, in certain cases, can determine ternal assent; though about the nature of the assent 
the meaning of a book judged by the general laws of and its relation to iaith theologians are not unanim- 
interpretation. And when a book or propositions ous. Some theologians hold that definitions of dog- 
from a book are condemned, " in the sense of the au- matic facts, and especially of dogmatic facts in the 
thor", they are condemned in the sense in which the wider acceptation of the term, are believed by Divine 
book or propositions would be understood when inter- faith. For instance, the proposition, "every pope 
preted according to the ordinary laws of language, duly elected is the successor of Peter", is formally 
The same formula may be condemned in one author revealed. Then, say these theologians, the proposi- 
and not in another, because, interpreted by the con- tion, "Pius X has been duly elected pope", only 
text and general argument of the author, it may be shows that Pius X is included in the general revealed 
unorthodox in one case and not in the other. In the proposition that "every pope duly elected is the suc- 
strict sense, therefore, a dogmatic fact may be defined cessor of Peter". And they conclude that the propo- 
as "the orthodox or heterodox meaning of a book or sition, "Pius X is successor to Peter", is a formally 

§roposition"; or as a "fact that is so connected with revealed proposition; that it is believed by Divine 
ogma that a knowledge of the fact is necessary for faith ; that it is a doctrine of faith, de fide; that the 
teaching and conserving sound doctrine". When we Church, or the pope, is infallible in defining such doc- 
say that a book contains unorthodox doctrine, we con- trines. Other theologians hold that the definitions of 
vey that a certain doctrine is contained in the book dogmatic facts, in the wider and stricter acceptation, 
and that the doctrine is unorthodox ; here we have are received, not by Divine faith, but by ecclesiastical 
close connexion between fact and dogma. faith, which some call mediate Divine faith. They 
(2) The Church and Dogmatic Facts. — Jansenists hold that in such syllogisms as this: "Every duly 
distinguished between "fact" and "dogma". They elected pontiff is Peter's successor; but Pius X, for 
held that the Church is infallible in defining revealed example, is a duly elected pontiff; therefore he is a 
truth and in condemning errors opposed to revealed successor of Peter", the conclusion is not formally 
truth ; but that the Church is not infallible in defining revealed by God, but is inferred from a revealed and 
facts which are not contained in Divine revelation, an unrevealed proposition, and that consequently it is 
and consequently that the Church was not infallible believed, not by Divine, but by ecclesiastical faith, 
in declaring that a particular doctrine, in a particular It would then also be held that it has not been for- 
sense, was found in the " Augustinus" of Jansenius. mally defined de fide that the Church is infallible in the 
This would confine the infallible teaching of the definition of dogmatic facts. It would be said tech- 
Church to mere abstract doctrines, a view that cannot nically to be theologically certain that the Church is 
be accepted. Theologians are unanimous in teaching infallible in these definitions; and this infallibility 
that the Church, or the pope, is infallible, not only in cannot lawfully be questioned. That all are bound to 
defining what is formally contained in Divine revela- give internal assent to Church definitions of dogmatic 



facta is evident from the correlative duties of teacher is recorded that ir 



inted a 



proposition, correlatively it is the duty of the subjects 
who are taught to accept this meaning. (See Dogma, 
Faith, Infallibility, Jansenism.) 

Hmmn, OtOlina of Dogmatic TM.. I: Bolqbni, Fattidom* 

wa/tW. r U: lUreflcia. 17KKi; Shiufb w i„ ifjrvJs.TuVj., u. v. FwXa 

Dt Ecetaia. Daniel CoghlaN. 

Dogmatic Theology. See Theology. 



Dolbeau, Jean, Recollect friar, b. in the Province 
of Anjou, France, 12 March, 1686; d. at Orleans, 9 
June, 1852. He entered the order at the age of nine- 
teen at Balmette,near Angers, and was one of the four 
Recollects who were the first missionaries of Canada. 



heads — usually of Christ and the Virgin — and seldom 
undertook a large-sized canvas. He is celebrated for 
the soft, gentle, and tender expression of his faces, the 
transparency of his colour, the excellent management 
of chiaroscuro, and the careful and ivory-like finish of 
his pictures. The simplicity and tranquillity on the 
faces of his paintings of Christ and the Virgin seem 
little short of inspired. Hinds calls him mawkish and 
affected; but Dolci was the last of the Florentine 
School, the last real "master of the Renaissance"; 
and tut decadent sweetness permeated all Italian art, 
his pictures hut reflected the dominant character of 
the close of the seventeenth century. Patient and 



slow, he painted pictures that are perfectly finished ir 

every detail. His masterpiece (1646) is "St. Andrew 
praying befere his Crucifixion" (Pitti Gallery, Flor- 
T ' of the few works where his figures. 




He landed at Quebec in May, 1615, and celebrated the always well drawn and standing out in beautiful relief, 

first Mass ever said there. He became commissionary .- .- . ... ., ..... 

provincial of V- -■■■■■■- ■- " :i " ---■• >- - j *■>-- 



first jubilee accorded to Canada. This zealous mis- lorosa" called "Madonna del Dito" (of the thumb) is 
sionary built the first monastery of the Recollects at known throughout the civilized world b 
Quebec in 1620. He returned to France in 1625, taking many reproductions. In 1662 Dolci si 



i because of its 
aw with chagrin 
with him a young Indian boy who was later baptiseS Giordano accomplish in a few hours what would have 
at Angers. Endowed with many striking qualities, taken him weeks, and it is said he was thereupon 
Father Dolbeau was remarkable for extraordinary seized with melancholy which ultimately led to his 
spiritual insight and profound humility. He was sue- death. Loma, Mancini, Mariani, and Agnese Dolci 
cessively master of novices, guardian, definitor, and (his daughter) were a few of his pupils and imitators. 
provincial delegate at the general chapter of the order Contemporary copyists have filled European collec- 
held in Spain in 1633. He died in the forty-seventh tiona with spurious Dolcis. Agnese Dolci, who died 
year of his religious life. 







Y MSS. (Public 






























la ffouttUt Franc 


< h.n 


[001] 


s 


Odoric 


M. 


rk. IWilj. 



h spurious Dolcis. Agnese Dolci, who died 
...le year as her father, not only made marvellous 

^s of the master's pictures, but was herself ai 

p "Cnmtf-^mt.inn t 



Dolci, Carlo, painter, b. in Florence, Italy, 25 
May, 1616; d. 17 January, 1686. The grandson of a 
painter, he seems to have inherited a talent for art. 
He studied under J. Vignali, and when only eleven 
years old he attracted attention by the excellence of 
his work, notably a figure of Saint John and a head of 
the Infant Jesus. The precocious youth made a care- 
fully-finished picture of his mother, and thereafter Euphrntesia). It 



ceftent painter. Her Consecration of the Bread and 
Wine" is in the Louvre. Other works by him are: 
" Virgin and Child", National Gallery, London; "The 
Saviour seated with Saints", Florence; "Madonna 
and Child", Borghese Gallery, Rome. 

Blanc, Ecole florenlint (Pans. 1877): Mohelu, Italian ■ 
Mailer, in German Oallrric* (London, 1883); Chowe and 
CatAlcasklI*, Hist, of Poiatfas in Holy (London. 1871). 
Lei mi Hunt. 

Doliche, a titular s 



was kept busy filling the numerous commissions he 
received in Florence, a city he seldom left during his 
long life, which he devoted to art. Dolci was one of 
the few masters whose pictures were eagerly sought 
for by his countrymen during his lifetime. " 



Zeugma (Ptolemy, V, 15, 10; Itiner. 



%' V -' 



at Tell Dultlk, three miles northwest of Atatab.in the, 



very pious and painted religious works exclusively. It .vilayet of Aleppo. Doliche was at an early date an 



D6LUN0EB 



94 



dOlxjnoeb 



episcopal see suffragan of Hierapolis (Mabboug, Mem- 
bidj). Lequien (Or. Christ., II, 937) mentions eight 
Greek bishops: Archelaus, present at Nicsea in 325, 
and at Antioch in 341; Olympius at Sardica in 344; 
Gyrion at Seleucia in 359; Maris at Constantinople 
in 381; Abibus, a Nestorian, in 431, deposed in 434; 
Athanasius, his successor; Timothy, a correspondent 
of Theodoret, present at Antioch in 444 and at Chalce- 
don in 451 ; Philoxenus, a nephew of the celebrated 
Philoxenus of Hierapolis, deposed as a Severian in 518, 
reinstated in 533 (Brooks* The Sixth Book of the 
Select Letters of Severus, London, 1904, II, 89, 90, 
345-350, 352). The see figures in the first "Notitia 
Episcopatuum" ed. Parthey, about 840. At a later 
time Doliche took the place of Hierapolis as metrop- 
olis (Vailhe\ in Echos d'Orient, X, 94 sqq. and 367 
sqa.). For a list of fourteen Jacobite Bishops of 
Doliche (eighth to ninth century), see •" Revue de 
TOrient chrttien", VI, 195. S. Petrides. 

D&llinger, Johann Joseph Iqnaz von, historian 
and theologian, b. at Bamberg, Bavaria, 28 February, 
1799; d. at Munich, 10 January, 1890. 

Family and Education. — DOllinger's father was a 
professor of medicine in the University of Bamberg, 
and his son was influenced, in an unusual degree, by 
the family traditions and his whole environment. 
The medical faculty of the University of Bamberg 
owed its foundation to his grandfather, whose son, the 
father of Ignaz (as Dollinger was usually called), be- 
came regular professor of medicine in the same uni- 
versity in 1794, but in 1803 was called to Wiirzburg. 
It was only natural that amid surroundings predom- 
inantly academic the youthful Ignaz should acquire a 
strong love of books, the best of which were then 
written in French, which language the future histo- 
rian of the Church learned from his father. In the 
gymnasium he acquired a knowledge of Italian. A 
Benedictine monk taught him English privately, 
and he learned Spanish at the university. An or- 
derly acquisition of learning and the full development 
of all his rich gifts would have led to extraordinary 
achievements. He had also sufficient means to satisfy 
any reasonable wishes for foreign travel and the pur- 
chase of books. All these circumstances, doubtless, 
combined to render his mind particularly receptive; 
at the same time the multitude of impressions daily 
made on the young student led him to outline a plan 
of studies by far too comprehensive. 

On entering the University of Wurzburg at the age 
of sixteen, he took up at once history, philosophy, 
philology, and the natural sciences. In this choice 
there is already evident a certain mental irregularity, 
the more remarkable if we recall what he said, two 
years Letter, apropos of his choice of a vocation, viz.. 
that, " no professor in the faculty of philosophy had 
been able to attract him to his particular science". 
The conversion of such men as Eckhart, Werner, 
Schlegel, Stolberg, and Winkelmann turned his 
thoughts to theology, which he took up in 1818, but 
without abandoning botany,^ mineralogy, and ento- 
mology, to which studies he continued for many years 
to devote considerable time. We quote from Fried- 
rich the following noteworthy utterance of Dollinger: 
" To most other students theology was only a means to 
the end. To me, on the contrary, theology, or science 
in general based on theology, was the end, the choice of 
a vocation only the means. " During his student days 
he seldom attended the regular lectures on theology, 
but he was assiduous at the lectures in the faculty of 
philosophy and law; privately, however, he read 
many works on theology. His studies were better 
regulated when in 1820 ne entered the ecclesiastical 
seminary at Bamberg and followed the theological 
courses given at the lyceum. The year and a half 
spent in this manner made up, but not sufficiently, for 
tne previous lack of a systematic training in theology. 



He was ordained priest 22 April, 1822, spent the 
summer at his home, and in November, was appointed 
chaplain at Marktscheinfeldt in x Middle Franconia. 
Despite the profound grasp of do§pna and moral theol- 
ogy that his works at times exhibit, his career gives 
evidence enough that he never took tne pains to round 
out satisfactorily the insufficiency of his early training 
in theology. The elder Dollinger had hoped to see his 
son follow an academic career and opposed his choice 
of the priesthood; among the reasons for his opposi- 
tion was the conviction, openly expressed (and then 
prevalent enough among the German clergy), that for 
physiological reasons a celibate life was impossible. 

Career. — Dollinger's father soon obtained (Novem- 
ber. 1823) for him a place as professor of canon law 
ana church history in the lyceum of Aschaffenburg. 
It was here that in 1826 he published his first work, 
"Die Eucharistie in den drei ersten Jahrhunderten", 
an eloquent and solid treatise, still much appreciated. 
It obtained for him from the theological faculty of the 
Bavarian University of Landshut the title of Doctor 
of Theology in absentid. In the same year he was 
called to Munich as professor extraordinary of canon 
law and church history, and in 1827 was made profes- 
sor in ordinary. In 1839 the king gave him a canonry 
in the royal chapel (Hofkottegiatstift) of St. Cajetan at 
Munich, and on 1 Jan., 1847, he was made mitred 
provost or head of that body of canons. In the same 
year he was dismissed from his chair, in punishment 
of his protest as representative of the university in the 
Bavarian Landtag, to which he had been appointed in 
1844, against the dismissal of several university pro- 
fessors. But in 1848 he was chosen representative to 
the Frankfort Parliament and remained in attendance 
until the middle of 1849. Then followed (24 Dec., 
1849; according to some authorities 1 Jan., 1850) his 
reappointment as professor, which office he held until 
18 April, 1871, when Archbishop von Scherr publicly 
excommunicated him. Thereupon he laid down his 
ecclesiastical charges, recognized the binding force of 
his excommunication and, though he held his profes- 
sorate another year, taught only a course of modern 
history. In 1868 King Louis II of Bavaria had ap- 
pointed him royal councillor, and maintained him m 
his office as provost of St. Cajetan, even after his ex- 
communication; practically, this meant only the 
continuance to him of the revenue of the position. 
Dollinger received in 1873 another evidence of the 
royal favour, when, on the death of the famous chemist 
Liebig, he was named by the king to the presi- 
dency of the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences and 
feneral conservator of the scientific collections of the 
tate. As early as 1837 he had been made member 
extraordinary of the Academy, in 1843 a regular mem- 
ber, and from 1860 was secretary of its historical 
section. 

Many attempts were made, by ecclesiastics and lay- 
men, to induce Dollinger to return to the Church. 
The personal conviction of the latter may be read in 
his correspondence (edited by Friedrich, Munich, 
1899-1901) with Archbishop Steichele and the nuncio. 
Monsignor Ruffo-Scilla. In 1886 and 1887 both of 
these prelates together with Bishop von Hefele of 
Rottenburg besought Dollinger to abandon his Old- 
Catholic attitude and be reconciled with the Church. 
His response to the archbishop contained these words: 
" Ought I (in obedience to your suggestion) to appear 
before the Eternal Judge, my conscience burdened 
with a double perjury? " At the end of his letter to 
the nuncio he said: " I think that what I have written 
so far will suffice to make clear to you that with such 
convictions one may stand even on the threshold of 
eternity in a condition of inner peace and spiritual 
calm". He died aged ninety-one, still outside the 
communion of the Church. 

Life and Writings. — It was at Munich that Dol- 
linger began his life-work. Formally, he was pro- 



DdLLIHOEB fi 

feasor of canon law sad ecclesiastical history, but was 
soon burdened with the teaching of dogma and New- 
Testament exegesis, a task to which a weaker or in- 
ferior mind would not have proved equal. He de- 
clined, in 1829, a call to Breslau, although King Louis I 
heartily wished him out of Bavaria; he also refused a 
later call to Freiburg in the Breiagau. He was offered, 
in 1839, a professorship at an English college, but pre- 
ferred to remain in Munich. To facilitate the coming 
of Johann Adam Mohler from Tubingen to Munich 
(1835), he gave over to him the courses of ecclesiastical 
history and New-Testament exegesis, and when 
Mohler died (12 April, 1838) he collected a number of 
essays of this great theologian which for the most part 
were already in print, but were widely scattered, and 
published them in two volumes (1839) under the title 
of "Gesaramelte Schriften und Aufsatze". While 
Mohler taught at Munich, Bollinger lectured on the 
history of dogma (Hiatoriiiche Dogmalik). At the 
request of Abel, Minister of the Interior, Dollinger 
began, in 1838, a course of lectures in the Vacuity of 
Philosophy on the philosophy of religion in opposition 
to the teaching of tne honorary professor Von Baader, 



tory. From November, 1846, to February, 1848. 
Bavarian public affairs were disturbed by the royal 
attachment to Lola Montez, a Spanish ballerina; the 
Abel ministry was dismissed, "and professors Lasaulx, 
Moy, Phillips, Holler, and Deutinger either dismissed 
or reprimanded; Dollinger, finally, as stated above, 
was removed from his office. After his restoration in 
1850 he continued to the end as professor of church 
history. In 1862 he was made Knight of the Order of 
Maximilian for science and art. 

Apart from his aforesaid offices of canon ana pro- 
vost, Dollinger held but one other ecclesiastical office 
in Munich. After the conflict concerning mixed mar- 
riages (1832), he was made defensor matrimonii in the 
matrimonial court of first instance, later in that of 
second instance, which office he held until 1862. His 
circle of friends was from the beginning quite exten- 
sive; the physicians and professors of the natural 
sciences who frequented his father's house were them- 
selves men of distinction. As a student he formed the 
acquaintance of the poet, Graf von Platen, and of 
Victor Aims' Huber. Later, Platen wished to study 
Sanskrit with Dollinger, and visited him twice at 
Marktscheinfeld. In the ecclesiastical seminary of 
Bamberg he met Prince Alexander von Hohenlohe 
(q. v.), of whose miraculous cures he said later: "Cures 
there were, but such as often happen in the history of 
the Church ; the deep stirring of the emotions suffices 
easily enough to explain them", a remark that fails to 
account for the presence of deep emotions in the absent 
sick. On a visit to Platen at Erlangen, in 1822, he met 
Pfaff, Schubert, and Schelling, the last a friend of his 
father. In his early days at Munich he was much in 
the company of the above-mentioned philosopher, 
Franz von Baader. When, in 1827, the famous Joseph 
GOrres came to Munich as professor of history, there 
formed about him at once a sympathetic circle of 
scholars, among them the youthful Dollinger. Bol- 
linger's relations with Lamennais, more particularly 
with Count Montalembert, gave occasion m 1832 to a 
violent attack in the Bavarian Parliament on GOrres 
and his friends. Lamennais at that time contem- 
plated the establishment at Munich of a house of 
studies for young Frenchmen (fEuvte den tlvdet alle- 
mantles), who might thus come under the influence of 
GOrres, Baader, and others, and on their return to 
France stand manfully for the defence of the Church. 
In the meantime Dollinger had met Andreas Raas, the 
founder (1821) of "Der Katholik" (still published at 
Mains), who in 1828 was rector of the ecclesiastical 
seminary at Strasburg as well aa professor of dogma 
and homiletics; with Dollinger he projected various 



S DOLLnrOXB 

literary enterprises which, through pressure of other 
work, were never realized. 

At this time Monsignor Wiseman, later Cardinal, 
and Archbishop of Westminster, then professor at the 
Roman University (Sapienza) and rector of the Eng- 
lish College, saw the necessity of strengthening Ca- 
tholicism in the development of its new opportunities 
in England, and for this reason was minded to effect 
closer relations with the learned clergy of Germany. 
Dollinger seemed to him the proper mediator; he 
therefore visited Munich in 1835, made the acquaint- 
ance of the distinguished professor, and spoke with him 
of his hopes and plans. Wiseman, already well known 
in Europe by his "Hone Syriacss", aroused in Dollin- 
ger so deep an interest, that the next year the latter 
visited England. His biographer, Friedrich, describes 
the result of this visit as follows: "Dollinger had a. 
life-long hatred of bureaucracy both in Church and 
State; the large independence, therefore, of English 
public life de- 
lighted him and 
filled him with an 
admiration that 
was often exces- 
sive. Thenceforth 
he remained al- 

touch with Eng- 
land, kept C( in- 
stall 1 1 y i n 1 i is home , 
and at consider- 
able sacrifice, a 
number of young 
English students, 
and directed the 
st i. dies of others 
whom he could not 
keep under h is own 
roof." In 1850 the 
youthful Sir John 
Emerich Edward 
Acton (q. v.) en- 
tered his house as 



formally severed 
nis connexion with the Church. We do not as yet 
possess accurate knowledge concerning Acton's share 
In the work known as " Letters from Rome" concern- 
ing the Vatican Council (ROmische Briefe vom Kon- 
zil), published by Dollinger in the Augsburg " Allge- 
meice Zeitung". 

As a rule Dollinger observed with his pupils a strict 
academic dignity and reserve; among the few whom 
he treated as intimate friends Acton was easily the 
foremost. Among those who in this early period 
exerted the greatest influence over Dollinger was Karl 
Ernest Jarcke, founder and editor (since 1832) of the 
Berlin "Politische Wochenblatter", confidant of Met- 
ternich, and a frequent visitor to the Bavarian capital. 
In 1838 came the foundation of the " Historisch -poli- 
tische Blatter" by Guido GOrres, Phillips, and Jarcke; 
the new organ soon greatly augmented the influence of 
GOrres and his circle of friends, the most loyal and 
earnest of whom at this time was Dollinger. 

The dispute over the question of mixed marriages in 
Prussia, known as the Afiiner Strcit (1831), followed 
close upon that in Bavaria (1831); both were fought 
out dramatically, and brought Dollinger and nis 
Munich friends to the front as vigorous defenders of 
Catholic rights. The first estrangement of Dollinger 
from GOrres and his friends came about through the 
publication of an important manual of canon law by 
Phillips (from 1834 to 1847 professor of canon law at 
Munich). To Dollinger it seemed that the latter 
emphasized excessively the extent of the papal pre- 




BOLLDTOEB 



96 



DOLLDTOEB 



rogative. Nevertheless, he continued for a decade to 
collaborate on the " Historisch-politische Blatter"; it 
was only slowly and almost imperceptibly that the 
change in his opinions came about. Gradually, owing 
to his opposition to the Jesuits and particularly to the 
Roman Curia, he sought and found new friends in Lib- 
eral circles. As member of the Frankfort Parliament 
(1848) he sat with the Right, among men like Rado- 
witz, Lichnowsky, Schwerin, Vincke, and others; he 
also belonged to the Club "Zum steinernen Haus". 

The change that had come about in Dollinger's 
views during the preceding years may best be meas- 
ured by the fact that his colleagues in Frankfort ob- 
tained his consent to the following plan. General 
von Radowitz, in the name of the Catholic deputies, 
was to make this declaration in Parliament: "The 
orders, including the Jesuit Order, are not a part of the 
living organism of the Catholic Church; the Jesuit 
Order is no wise necessary in Germany; the German 
episcopate and the German clergy do not need its help 
to fulfil their obligations; German learning [die 
deutsche Wissenschaft] needs no aid of this nature. 
The possible advantages for the Catholic Church accru- 
ing from the co-operation of the Jesuit Order would be 
greatly outweighed by the disturbances and perils that 
its presence would create. If it were proposed to in- 
troduce the Jesuits into any German State, moved by 
the higher interests of the Catholic Church, we would 
protest most decidedly against the execution of any 
such plan." 

The relations of Ddllinger with the German episco- 
pate were frequent, particularly after the meeting of 
the German and Austrian prelates at Wtlrzburg (22 
Oct. to 16 Nov., 1848). His ceport concerning the 
national Church and national synods, as submitted to 
this important assembly, aroused deep interest, was 
received with approval in many episcopal circles, and 
assured him the leadership in the acute ecclesiastico- 
political discussions then impending. Between 1852 
and 1854 he visited Northern and Central Italy, and in 
1857 Rome. Apart from his learned researches on 
these occasions, he profited by these journeys to 
strengthen his existing relations with numerous Ital- 
ians, ecclesiastics and laymen, also to make new ac- 
quaintances and friendships. While Ddllinger sought 
in every way to retain the favour of King Maximilian 
II, the cleft between him and his former friends as well 
as his own past continued to widen. For a while the 
famous professor seemed to stand almost alone, par- 
ticularly after the stormy scenes of the Munich Con- 
S«ss of Catholic savants (28 Sept. to 1 Oct., 1863). 
aniel Bonifatius von Haneberg, Abbot of St. Boni- 
face in Munich, opened this Congress of eighty-four 
members, mostly German theologians, on which occa- 
sion Ddllinger delivered his famous discourse, "Die 
Vergangenheit und Gegenwart der katholischen Theo- 
logie" (The Past and Present of Catholic Theology). 
Many of those present, among them Haneberg, saw 
with sorrow that they could not follow Ddllinger along 
the new path he was taking. He held no longer to the 
universal idea of Catholicism as a world-religion ; in its 
place, nourished by the court atmosphere he loved so 
well, arose a strictly nationalistic concept of the Cath- 
olic Church . All ecclesiastical measures he henceforth 
criticized from the narrow angle of Gallicanism, and 
ridiculed in anonymous articles and other writings. 
He was daily in closer communion with the principal 
Bavarian statesmen, and amid these relations con- 
ceived an idea of the Church's office which in the end 
could not be other than un-Catholic. It may be noted 
here, that his intimacy with the philosopher Johann 
H iiber, a disciple of Schelling, had attracted attention 
long before this. Nevertheless (and it was a sign of 
the strong tension of those days and the mental tem- 
per of many) a number of German bishops still held to 
Ddllinger, although they had long since parted com- 
pany with Joseph Hubert Reinkens, professor of 



cnurch history at Breslau and later first bishop of the 
Old Catholics. It was not until 18 July, 1870, When 
the dogma of Papal Infallibility was proclaimed at 
Rome, that there was a sharp division in the ranks of 
German Catholics. This compelled Ddllinger hence- 
forth to seek friends and allies exclusively among the 
leaders of the Kulturkampf and the Old Catholics, as 
also among anti-Catholic statesmen and princes. 

Ddllinger, as is well known, wrote much -and admira- 
bly, and his writings exhibit, with a rare fidelity, every 
phase of his mental conflict. He was still a young 
man when his profound learning and brilliant diction, 
coupled with an unusual ease and rapidity in the criti- 
cal treatment of whatever historical thesis lay before 
him, earned for him an international reputation. He 
lacked, however, the methodical training necessary for 
the scientific editing of original texts and documents, 
in which respect his deficiencies were occasionally only 
too evident. He was not content with bare investiga- 
tion of the facts and problems of Christian antiquity, 
or of medieval and modern history, but sought always 
a satisfactory solution for the difficulties that con- 
fronted the student. His diction was always charm- 
ing, whether the subject were one demanding a strictly 
scientific and well-ordered narrative or the light and 
rapid style called for by the pressing, but ephemeral, 
needs of the hour. He was likewise skilful as a public 
speaker, not only when delivering a carefully prepared 
discourse, but also when called on for an extemporane- 
ous address. A typical example of his ability in this re- 
spect was his extempore discourse in St. Paul's Church, 
Frankfort, on Church and State, apropos of Article 
III of the fundamental articles (Grundrechte) of the 
Constitution: several of the best speakers had pre- 
ceded him, and, in order to closely follow their line 
of thought, his whole address had to be extemporized ; 
nevertheless, it was admitted by all that, both in form 
and logic, his address was by far the best delivered on 
that occasion. The admiration of his students, no 
doubt, was due in great measure to the beautiful dic- 
tion in which he was wont to dress the facts of history. 

The writings of Ddllinger may be divided into purely 
scientific and political or ecclesiastico-political. They 
exhibit for the most part, however, a mutual interde- 
pendence and often complete one another. To avoid 
repetition, it seems better to follow the chronological 
order. It is worthy of note that when writing anony- 
mously his tone was frequently bitter, occasionally 
even violent; writing over his own name he usually 
avoided such extremes. His first work (1826), "Die 
Eucharistie in den drei ersten Jahrhunderten ", has 
already been mentioned. In 1828 he published the 
first volumes of Hortig's " Kirchengescnichte ", from 
the Reformation to the end of the eighteenth century. 
He also wrote frequently at this time for " Eos ", a new 
review founded by his friends, Baader and Gdrres; 
most of the articles dealt with contemporary subjects. 
According to Friedrich he also prepared " Umrisse zu 
Dante's Paradies von P. von Cornelius", i. e. an intro- 
duction to that writer's edition of Dante's " Paradiso ". 
His journalistic activity, however, was far from pleas- 
ing to the ministerial councillor, Joseph Freiherr von 
Hormayr, a somewhat erratic, but influential, person, 
who so influenced the king that he wished Ddllinger 
well out of Bavaria, as has been seen in the case of his 
call to Breslau. 

In these years, also, he defended with vigour the 
matrimonial legislation of the Church, in connexion 
with the "Mixed Marriages" conflict (1831) in the 
Upper House of the Bavarian Parliament, and he was 
autnor of an anonymous work " Ueber die gemischten 
Ehen"; at the same time he suggested as a means of 
avoiding all conflict, that the civil marriage be sep- 
arated from the religious ceremony. Meanwhile he 
continued to collect the material for his scientific 
works. In 1833 and 1835 respectively he published 
the first and second parts of his " H&ndbuch der Kirch- 



D6LLXNGER 97 dOlungeb 

engeschichte" (to the end of the seventh century), meeting of the German and Austrian bishops. Grad- 

The next year (1836) he brought out the first volume, ually he came to be looked upon as a Gallican, nor was 

and in 1838 the first half of the second volume of his this because of his frequently expressed and strong dis- 

"Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte" (to the end of the like of the Jesuits. Many persons, among them the 

fifteenth century). The essay "Muhammeds Relig- best and most loyal supporters of the Church, looked 

ion, eine histonsche Betrachtung" was read before henceforth with a certain anxiety on the course of 

the Munich Academy about the time he published the Dollinger. It could not be said that the nuncios at 

aforesaid work on mixed marriages; early in 1838 he Munich admired him unreservedly. On the other 

published his "Beurtheilung der Darlegung des gehei- hand, throughout the ranks of the German and Aus- 

men Rathes Bunsen: eine otimme zum Fneden . A trian clergy there was still only a mediocre theological 

long controversy with Professor Thiersch followed this knowledge, the legacy of an earlier period of infidelity 

entrance of Dollinger into the Prussian conflict over and rationalism, and the concept of Catholic doctrine 

mixed marriages \K6Lrier Streit) ; his articles were and discipline differed widely from the true ecclesias- 

printed in the Augsburg "Allgemeine Zeitung", and tical ideal of both. 

are apparently his earliest contributions to the journal To understand fully the profound changes working 

in which thirty-one years later he was to consummate in the mind of Dollinger during the criticaFyears from 

his apostasy. Karl von Abel, Minister of the Interior, 1847 to 1852, it is well to recall his discourses at the 

now asked him to publish a popular "Weltgpschichte", general meetings of the " Katholischer Verein" at 

or universal history, from the Catholic point of view, Ratisbon (1849) and Linz (1850), also those in the 

also a manual of religion (Religiondehrbttch) for the Upper House of the Bavarian Parliament, in St. Paul's 

gymnasia or high-schools; he began these works, but, at Frankfort, and at the meetings of the German hier- 

feeling himself unsuited to their composition, per- archy at Wurzburg (1849) and Freising (1850). To 

suaded the minister to relieve him from the undertak- some extent, also, disappointment was responsible for 

ing. Later on, he undertook to explain his failure in the his new mental attitude : his friends and admirers had 

Parliament; his explanation, however, seems quite tried in vain to obtain for him an important German 

improbable, and may be looked on as either a mean- see. It is worthy of note also that about 1855 the 

ingless piece of malice or a case of self-deception. author of the work on the Reformation began grad- 

A royal order (1838) that compelled all soldiers to ually to modify his views to such an extent that 

genuflect before the Blessed Sacrament was soon the eventually (in 1889) he wrote a panegyric on Prot- 

cause of much friction; in 1843 the matter came be- estantism. 

fore the Upper House, where representatives of the The Greek patristic text entitled " Philosophou- 
non-Cathohc soldiers protested against the measure as mena, or Refutation of all Heresies", discovered in 
contrary to liberty of conscience. Dollinger defended 1842 and edited by Miller (Oxford, 1851), at once fas- 
the king and the Government in an anonymous work cinated Dollinger, and he devoted to its study all the 
entitled: " Die Frage der Kniebeugung der Protest- rich powers of his erudition, critical skill, and insight, 
anten von der religiosen und staatsrecntlichen Seite In 1853 he published the result of his labours in " Hip- 
erwogen", wherein lie treated the question from both polytus una Kallistus, oder die rtimische Kirche in der 
the religious and political point of view; this was fol- ersten Halfte des dritten Jahrhunderts" etc. a study 
lowed by a long controversy with the Protestant dep- of the Roman Church from 200 to 250, in reply to the 
uty, Harless. In the meantime he was chosen by the interpretations of the " Philosophoumena" published 
University of Munich as its representative in the Bava- by Bunsen, Wordsworth, Baur, and Gieseler. Do- 
rian Parliament, where he protested against the ad- spite the contrary arguments of De Rossi, Zollinger's 
mission of the Jesuits and defended the emancipation opinion has prevailed, and it is now generally ac- 
of the Jews, both of which acts drew upon him the knowledged that Hippolytus is the author of the work 
enmity of many. in question. Dollinger s essay in the " Historisch- 

During this political agitation, and while Lola Politische Blatter" (1853) entitled u Betrachtungen 

Montez still held the king infatuated, appeared the ttber die Frage der Kaiserkronung", considerations on 

first volume of his great work " Die Reformation, ihre the imperial coronation, contributed not a little to 

innere Entwicklung und ihre Wirkungen im Umfange deter Pius IX from crowning Napoleon III. Con- 

des lutherischen Bekenntnisses", i. e. on the origin, cerning the definition of the dogma of the Immaculate 

development, and consequences of the Reformation in Conception Dollinger exhibited a prejudiced mind and 

Lutheran circles; the second volume appeared in a rather superficial historical grasp of the question; 

1847, the third in 1848. A second edition of the first the defects in his theological equipment were here 

volume was printed in 1851. This work Unfortunately most noticeable. Indeed, he was much less concerned 

remained incomplete; Friedrich says that Dollinger *s with the doctrine itself than with the person who 

friends prevented him from publishing the correspond- wished to proclaim it as a dogma of faith. It was also 

ing three volumes, i. e. an account of the conditions his first open protest against a pope who was soon to 

within the Catholic Church in the same period. This proclaim that Papal infallibility which seemed to 

work long exercised a powerful influence and still re- Dollinger an utterly intolerable doctrine, from his 

tains its value. Johannes Janssen (q. v.) was inspired view-point of exaggerated esteem for historical 

by it to undertake the exhaustive studies which nave theology. 

done so much to destroy the traditional legends that so The year 1857 was marked by the appearance of his 

long did duty as a history of the Reformation. " Heidenthum und Judenthum, Vorhaife des Chrfeten- 

The foolish attempt of some zealots to have the thums" (Heathenism and Judaism, the Vestibule of 
temporal power of the pope proclaimed a dogma Christianity), the first part of his long contemplated 
(Dogmatisierung des Kirchenstaates) excited DdLLinger history of the Church; the second part followed in 
to an extraordinary degree. He became firmly per- 1860 (2nd ed., 1868) as "Christenthum und Kirche in 
suaded that theological science could be saved only by der Zeit der GrancUegung", dealing with the Apoa- 
the German Catholic Church, not by the Catholic tolic period. The work, as he had planned, was never 
Church in Germany. By theological science he meant completed. Most of the abundant material he had 
chiefly historical theology. All other ecclesiastical collected for an exhaustive history of the papacy was 
interests seemed to this great scholar quite subordi- afterwards utilized in an ephemeral journalistic way. 
nate. His aversion to the education of the clergy in The work itself he never undertook, and had he done 
seminaries, later quite pronounced, was another result so, it is possible that he would have come into con- 
of this mental attitude, the trend of which he revealed flict with the Holy See much sooner than he did. 
on various occasions at the Frankfort Parliament, and In 1861 some of the principal ladies of Munich re- 
in the above-mentioned report (1848) of the Wurzburg quested him to deliver a series of public discourses op 



1 



D6LLDT0ER 



98 



dOllznoxb 



the Temporal Power; to this he acceded with pleas- 
ure, and the discourses given in the royal Odeum were 
followed with deep attention by crowded audiences. 
His utterances, however, were so imprudent and so 
clearly inspired by Liberalism that in the midst of one 
of them the papal nuncio, Monsignor Chigi, arose with 
indignation and left the hall. The impression made 
by these discourses on the Catholic world was painful 
in the extreme. Ddllinger was himself deeply troub- 
led by the agitation aroused; to justify himself 
' in some measure, also to strengthen his position, now 
seriously compromised, he composed in great haste 
and issued during the same year his "Kirche und 
Kirchen, Papstthum und Kirchenstaat". It seems 
incredible that the opinions and judgments one reads 
in this work are really Ddllinger's own; the reader is 
haunted by the suspicion that he has before him a 
remarkable mixture of Byzantinism and hypocrisy. 

The Catholic academic circles of Germany were in 
the meantime deeply agitated by the discussions in- 
cident to the renaissance of Scholasticism (see Neo- 
Scholasticibm) in theology and philosophy, and 
those over the merits of the episcopal seminaries as 
against the theological faculties of the universities for 
the education of candidates for the priesthood. There 
were excesses on both sides that intensified the situa- 
tion, whereupon it seemed to many that an academical 
congress would be a helpful measure. An assembly of 
Catholic scholars met in 1863 at Munich, before which, 
as already stated, Ddllinger delivered (28 September) 
the discourse " Die Vergangenheit und Gegenwart der 
katholischen Theologie" (The Past and Present of 
Catholic Theology). His views, as expressed on this 
occasion, were calculated to irritate and embitter his 
opponents, and a reconciliation seemed farther away 
than before. Shortly afterwards, in the thirteenth 
thesis of the papal Syllabus of 8 Pec., 1864 (see 
Quanta Cuba), certain opinions of Ddllinger were 
condemned. 

It was unfortunate, but not surprising, therefore, 
that the "Papstfabeln des Mittelalters , medieval 
fables about the popes (Munich, 1863; 2nd ed., 1890), 
received no impartial appreciation from his. oppo- 
nents; the pages (131-53) on th*» Monothelism of 
Pope Honorius were considered particularly offensive. 
From this period to the publication of the "Janus" 
letters, the pen of Ddllinger produced mostly anony- 
mous articles, in which his approaching apostasy was 
daily more clearly foreshadowed. He gave also much 
thought to the plan of a universal German biography, 
the present ''Allgemeine deutsche Biographie . 
Though it was finally von Ranke who induced the 
Munich Academy to undertake the now practically 
finished work which, unfortunately, still shows fre- 
quent traces of partisanship, it was Ddllinger's ardour 
and insistence that first moved the Academy to con- 
sider the proposition. There is even yet a very wide- 
spread conviction, and it was believed by the great 
Christian archaeologist De Rossi, who was quite accu- 
rately informed on all the details of the Vatican Coun- 
cil, that Ddllinger would scarcely have left the Church 
if he had been invited to take an honourable share in 
the preliminary work for the council. Nor does this 
seem at all improbable to those who understand his 
character. It is, in any case, very regrettable that on 
this point the influence of Cardinal Reisach should 
have outweighed that of Cardinal Schwarzenberg, and 
availed to exclude the Munich historian. 

Scarcely had the first detailed accounts of the 
council's proceedings appeared, when Ddllinger pub- 
lished in the Augsburg "Allgemeine Zeitung' his 
famous "March articles , reprinted anonymously in 
August of that year under the title: "Janus, der 
Papst, und das Konzil." The accurate knowledge 
of papal history here manifested easily convinced most 
readers that only Ddllinger could nave written the 
jyprk. At this time he provoked the "Hohenlofce 



theses" and followed them up with an anonymous 
work, " Erwagungen fur die Bischdf e des Konzils uber 
die Frage der unfehlbarkeit", considerations concern- 
ing papal infallibility for the bishops of the council. 
This work was translated into French, and a copy sent 
to every bishop. In the meantime Cardinal Schwarz- 
enberg, in unison with French sympathizers, -urged 
him to be present. at Rome in his private capacity 
during the council; he preferred, however, to remain at 
Munich, where he prepared for the aforesaid " Allge- 
meine Zeitung", with materials sent him regularly 
from Rome (even by bishops), the well-known Roman 
correspondence (Brief e vom Konzil), each letter of 
which fell in Rome like a bomb, but whose real author 
no one knew. When Ddllinger wrote for the same 
journal, over his own name, the articles " Einige Worte 
iiber die Unfehlbarkeitsaddresse der Konzusmajor- 
itat" (a few words on the address of the majority of 
the. bishops concerning papal infallibility) and "Die 
neue Qescnaftsordnung im Aonzil" (the council's new 
order of business), he was denounaed in Rome as a 
heretic. Bishop Ketteler addressed to him an open 
letter quite brusque in tone, while other bishops urged 
him to Keep silent. Ddllinger yielded, and on 18 July, 
1870, the personal infallibility of the pope and his 
universal pastoral office were declared articles of 
faith. The foregoing presentation of the actual situa- 
tion in that critical time is taken from the life of Ddl- 
linger by Johann Friedrich, the theologian of Cardinal 
Hohenlohe during the council, and to whom, despite 
his oath of silence concerning the affairs of the council, 
Ddllinger was indebted for the materials of the " Let- 
ters". The declaration of papal infallibility meant 
naturally for Ddllinger a severe internal conflict. The 
facts, however, do not justify the statement that he 
had long previously determined never to accept the 
dogma. The Archbishop of Munich; however, in- 
sisted on a public declaration of his attitude, and Ddl- 
linger weakly yielded to the pressure of those who 
were bent on apostasy, and wrote to the archbishop, 
20 March, 1871, declaring his refusal to accept the 
dogma and stating his reasons in his character as 
Christian, theologian, historian, and citizen. 

Leo XIII and Pius X have both declared, with all 
due formality and solemnity, that Church and State, 
each within its own limits, are mutually independent; 
the Ddllinger portrait of an infallible pope domineer- 
ing over the State is, therefore, a caricature. For the 
great scholar it was dies aier when he wrote these 
words, for the theologian a period of profound mental 
confusion, for the Christian a succumbing to spiritual 
arrogance, for the citizen a full confession of the 
bureaucratic omnipotence of the State, a kind of be- 
lated resurrection of the memories of his youth. 

Ddllinger had definitely severed connexion with the 
Church. Three weeks later (18 April, 1871) both 
Ddllinger and Friedrich were publicly declared ex- 
communicate. The action of the archbishop, under 
the circumstances unavoidable, aroused much feeling; 
on the one side it was hailed as a decisive step that 
ended a situation grown scandalous and intolerable, 
on the other many rejoiced that the world-renowned 
scholar had not bent his neck under the yoke of Rome. 
This marked the rise of the sect of the Old Catholics. 
At Pentecost of the same year (1871) a declaration 
was published, chiefly the work of Ddllinger, setting 
forth the need of an ecclesiastical organization. Ddl- 
linger also signed a petition to the Government asking 
for one of the churches of Munich. Hitherto the op- 
position of this party to the Church had been mostly 
of a philosophico-historical character, and the domi- 
nant statesmen of the time could turn it to little prac- 
tical account. It was now the hour for a number of 
inimical canonises whose opportunity lay in the anti- 
Catholic tendencies of the governments of the period. 
Prince Bismarck's plan of a National German Catholic 
Church, as independent of Rome as it was possible to . 



DOLMAN 



99 



DOLORES 



make it (foreshadowed by Dollinger in 1849), corre- 
sponded now with the wishes of the. apostate Catho- 
lics, henceforth governed absolutely by the canonist 
von Schulte (see Old Catholics). The first as- 
sembly of these opponents of the Vatican Council was 
held at Munich, 22-24 Sept., 1871. On the sugges- 
tion of von Schulte, and despite the opposition and 
warnings of Dollinger, it was decided to establish the 
11 Old Catholic Church M . Thenceforth Dollinger fol- 
lowed a policy of vacillation, avoiding on the one hand 
any formal relationship to the new Church, on the 
other helpful to it by counsel and deeds; at one time 
disapproving positively important decisions of the 
sect, and again Placing at its disposal all his influence 
and prestige. The new "Church" lacked distinction 
and was personally very distasteful to him; in public, 
however, though with measured reserve, he defended 
it. Henceforth formally excommunicated from the 
Catholic Church, he recognized the validity and legal- 
ity of that act; at the same time he held it beneath his 
dignity to submit to the jurisdiction of Bishop Rein- 
kens, for whom the Old Catholics had obtained conse- 
cration from the Jansenists in Holland. He stood, 
therefore, between the two camps, and looked on it as 
almost a calumny that the most insignificant members 
of the new sect considered him, more or less, an inti- 
mate adherent and a sharer of their trials. 

The next seven years he spent in pacifying his con- 
science, or, in his own words, in a process of internal 
criticism; until 1887 he did nothing of importance, 
apart from a few essays, his academic discourses, and 
the work " Ungedruckte Berichte und Tagebucher zur 
Geschichte des Konzils von Trient", unedited reports 
and diaries useful for a history of the Council of Trent 
(1876). In 1887 he edited, with Reusch, the auto- 
biography of Bellarmine up to 13 June, 1613, in Ger- 
man; with Reusch also he published (1889-90) in two 
volumes "Geschichte der Moralstreitigkeiten in der 
rdmisch-katholischen Kirche seit dem sechszehnten 
Jahrhundert, mit Beitragen zur Geschichte und Car- 
akteristik des Jesuitenordens", or a history of the 
moral-theological discussions in the Roman Catholic 
Church since the sixteenth century, including studies 
on the history and characteristics of the Jesuit Order. 
About the same time he published in two volumes his 
"Beitr&ge zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters": 
after his death appeared (1891) the third volume of 
his " Akademische Vortrage", or academic discourses. 

He retained to the end a remarkable physical and 
mental strength. Though his latest writings met with 
a kindly reception in scientific circles, they were not 
considered as superior in merit, either from the view- 
point of scientific criticism or as historical narrative. 
Seldom has it been so clearly proven that whenever a 
man turns completely from a glorious and honourable 
past, however stormy, his fate is irrevocably sealed. 

Von K ob ell, Ignaz von Ddllinger, Erinnerungen (Munich, 
1891); Friedrich, lgnaz von DMlinger. Scin Leben auf Grand 
kmm fchriftlichen Naehlaeeee (Munich, 1899-1901); of. AUge- 
mmne deuUehe Biographic (Leipsi*. 1904), LXVIII, whence the 
above-quoted excerpts from Dollinger: Michael, Ignaz von 
DfiUinger, eine CharoJUeristik (Innsbruck, 1894); ZeiUchrift far 
Kirchengeech. (GoCha, 1903). XXIV; Revue du Clergi francai* 
(1903), XXXVI; Kirchlichee Hanakex. (Munich, 1907), s. v.; 
Marshall, Ddllingtr and the Old Catholics in Am. Cath Quart. 
Review (Philadelphia, 1890), 267 sqq., also files of the London 
Tablet and Dublin Review (1870-1871). 

^ Paul Maria Baumgabten. 

Dolman, Charles, publisher and bookseller, b. at 
Monmouth, England, 20 Sept., 1807; d. in Paris, 31 
December, 1863. He was the only son of Charles Dol- 
man, a surgeon of Monmouth, and Mary Frances his 
wife, daughter of Thomas Booker, a Catholic publisher 
in London. Educated at St. Gregory's, the Benedic- 
tine college at Downside, near Bath, he later, while 
residing at Preston, Lancashire, studied architecture 
under Joseph A. Hansom, intending to follow that 
profession, but abandoned the idea on being invited 
by the Bookers, publishers and booksellers, into which 



family his father had married, to go to London. When 
Joseph Booker died in 1837, he was induced to cany 
on the business with his aunt, Mary Booker, and his 
cousin, Thomas Booker. In 1840 the name of the firm 
was changed to Booker & Dolman and finally the busi- 
ness was continued in his name only. His career as a 
publisher of periodical literature began when in 1838 
ne brought out a new series of "The Catholic Maga- 
zine", which up to that time had been known as 
"The Edmburgh Catholic Magazine' 1 , in contradis- 
tinction to "The Catholic Magazine ", a much older 
publication which had gone out of existence in 1835. 
Dolman's publication was discontinued in June. 1844, 
but his name had become so widely known that in 
March, 1845, he brought out a new periodical called 
" Dolman's Magazine and Monthly Miscellany of Criti- 
cism". This was at first under the sole management 
of its publisher, but later the Rev. Edward Price suc- 
ceeded him. Like the others it was short-lived and in 
1849 it was merged with " The Catholic Weekly and 
Monthly Orthodox" under the title of "The Weekly 
Register". It first appeared under the new name, 4 
August, 1849, published by Thomas Booker. From 
this time on Dolman abandoned the publication of 
periodicals and devoted himself solely to works that 
nad never before been brought out by the Catholic 

gross. His many efforts to raise the standard of the 
atholic press ended in failure. Disheartened by his 
ill-success and broken down in health, he retired to 
Paris, where he died. He was survived by his wife and 
an only son, the Very Rev. Charles Vincent Dolman, 
of Hereford, canon of Newport. 

Gillow, BtbL Diet. Eng. Calk., s. v.; Kent in Diet, of NaL 
Biog., a.v. 

Thomas Gaffnet Taaffe. 

Dolores Mission (or Mission San Francisco de 
Asia de los Dolores), in point of time the sixth in 
the chain of twenty-one California Indian Missions; 
formally opened 9 Oct., 1776. The date intended for 
the celebration was 4 Oct., the feast of St. Francis of 
Asissi, but owing to the absence of the military com- 
mander of the neighbouring presidio, which had been 
established on 17 Sept., the least of the Stigmata of St. 
Francis, the formal founding was delayed. The first 
Mass on or near the site was celebrated in a tent by 
Father Francisco Palou, on the feast of the Apostles 
Peter and Paul, 29 June, and on 28 July the first Mass 
was offered up in the temporary chapel. Father Pa- 
lou on the title pages of the mission records gives 1 
August as the day of foundation. The early mission- 
aries, however, always celebrated the 4th of October 
as the patronal feast of the mission. The appellation 
"Dolores" was added because the mission was estab- 
lished on a streamlet which Father Pedro Font, O.F.M., 
and Captain Juan Bautista de Anza had discovered 
on 28 March, 1776, and in honour of the Blessed Virgin 
had called Arroyo de Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores. 
In all official documents, reports, and in the records, 
the mission bears no other name than San Francisco 
de Asis; but after 1824, when the Mission San Fran- 
cisco Solano was established at Son6ma, to avoid con- 
fusion it was popularly called Dolores, that is to say, 
the mission on tne Dolores. The founders of the mis- 
sion were Father Francisco Palou, the historian, and' 
Father Pedro Benito Cambon. The other mission- 
aries stationed here in the course of time were the 
Franciscan Fathers Tomas de la Pefia, Miguel Giribet, 
Vincente de Santa Maria, Matfas Noriega, Norberto de 
Santiago, Diego Garcia, Faustino de SolA, Antonio 
Dantf, Martin de Landaeta, Diego de Noboa, Manuel 
Fernandez, Jose 1 de Espf, Ram6n Abella, Luis Gil, Juan 
Sainz, Vincente Oliva, Juan Cabot;, Bias Ordaz, Jose* 
Altimira, Tomas Estenega, Lorenzo Quijas, Jose" Gu- 
tierrez, Jose 1 Mercado, Jose" Real, Miguel Muro. The 
Rev. Prudencio Santillan, the first secular priest, took 
charge in 1846. 

The cornerstone of the present church, the oldest 



1 



Dolor is Missi 



DOLOURS 1 

building in San Francisco, and which survived the 
earthquake of 1906 practically without damage, was 
laid in 1782 and finished with a thatched roof. In 
1795 tiles replaced the thatch. The mission buildings 
as usual were erected in the form of a square. The 
church stood in the south-east corner fronting the 
east. The wings of the square contained the rooms 
of the missionaries, two of whom were always there 
until about June, 1828, the shops of the carpenters, 
smiths, saddlers, rooms for melting tallow and making 
soap, for agricultural implements, for spinning wool 
and weaving coarse fabrics. There were twenty 
looms in constant opera- 
tion, and two mills moved r 
by mule-power ground the 
grain. Most ot the neo- 
phytes were engaged in 
agriculture and stock-rais- 
ing. Owing to the barren 
nature of the soil and the 
high winds in the neigh- 
bourhood, sowing and 
planting was done ten or 
twelve miles down the 
peninsula. The stock also 
grazed far away from the 
mission. About one hun- 
d red yards from the church 
stood the neophyte vil- 
lage, composed of eight 
rows of one-story dwell- 
ings. The girls lived at the 
mission proper under the 
care of a matron (see California Missions). A school 
was in operation in 1818. -The highest number of In- 
dians living at the mission was reached in 1820, when 
- 1242 neophytes made their home with the missionaries 
and received food, clothing, and instruction. The first 
baptism of an Indian occurred on 24 June, 1777. From 
that date till October, 1845, when the last Francis- 
can departed, 7200 names entered into the baptismal 
record, about 500 of which represented white people. 
During the same period 5503 deaths occurred, and 
2156 marriages were blessed; about eighty of the lat- 
ter were those of white couples. From 1785 to the 
end of 1832, for which period we have tie reports, the 
mission raised 1 20,000 bushels of wheat, 70,226 bushels 
of barley, 18,260 bushels of com, 14,386 bushels of 
beans, 7296 bushels of peas, and 905 bushels of lentils 
and garvanzos or horse beans. The largest number of 
animals owned by the mission was as follows: cattle, 
11,340 head in 1809; sheep, 11,324 in 1814; goats, 65 in 
1786; horses, 



4. <S»n Frmndsco, lim\ II. IV; Paloc. Vida drl Fray 

Junlpero Serra (Mexico, 1787): BANcntorr, Hietory of California 
(Sao Fnnciaoo. 18S0). I, V: £noilh*rdt, The Frond-cam in 
California IHubor Sprinu, Mich., 1897). 

ZePhyrln Engelhard.'. 



Dolphin (Lat. ddphimt*}.- 'The use of the dolphin 
as a Christian symbol is connected with the general 
ideas underlying the more general use of the fish 
(q. v.). The particular idea is that of swiftness and 
celerity symbolizing the desire with which Christians, 
who are thus represented as being sharers in the na- 
ture of Christ the true Fish, should seek after the 
knowledge of Christ. Hence the representation is 
generally of two dolphins tending towards the sacred 
monogram or some other emblem of Christ. In other 




DOME 

cases the particular idea is that of love and tenderness. 
Aringhi (Roma Subterr., II, 327) gives an example of 
a dolphin with a heart, and other instances have some 
such motto as piqnus auoris haheh (i. e. thou hast a 
pledge of love). It is sometimes used as an emblem 
of merely conjugal love on funeral monuments. With 
an anchor the dolphin occurs frequently on early 
Christian rings, representing the attachment of the 
Christian to Christ crucified. Speaking generally, the 
dolphin is the symbol of the individual Christian, 
rather than of Christ Himself, though in some in- 
stances the dolphin with the anchor seems to be in- 
tended as a representation 
of Christ upon the Cross. 

Mamacui, Dr. Oria. rl Ant. 
Chr., iii; Mahtiont, Diet, da 
Ant. Chr., a. v.: Smith am> 
Cheethax, ed.. Did. of Chrit- 
tionAntia-,e. v.; HeeepeciaUy 
Wilpert, he Pittim drOr Cola- 
combe Romano (Freiburg. 
1003); and Dalton, Calolooae 
tf Early Chrietian AntiauUite 
etc in the British. Muteutn 
(London. 1901). 

Arthl'h S. Barnes. 

Dom. See Benedic- 
tine Order. 

Dome (Lat. domut, a 
house), an architectural 
term often used synony- 
mously with cupola. 
Strictly speaking it 
signifies the external 

J part of a spherical or 
dine, of which the cupola 
tq.'v.) is the inner structure, but in general usage 
dome means the entire covering. It is also loosely 
used, as in the German Dom and Italian Dvomo, to 
designate a cathedral, or, at times, to signify some 
other building of importance. A dome may be of any 
material, wood, stone, metal, earthenware, or it may 
be built of a single mass or of a double or even triple 
series of concentric coverings. The dome is a roof, 
the base of which is a circle, an ellipsis, or a polygon, 
and its vertical section a curved line, concave towards 
the interior. Hence domes are called circular, ellip- 
tical or polygonal, according to the figure of the base. 
The most usual form is the spherical, in which case its 
plan is a circle, the section a segment of a circle. Domes 
are sometimes semi-elliptical, pointed, often in curves 
of contrary flexure, bell-shaped, etc. Except in the 
earlier period of the development of the dome, the in- 
terior and exterior forms were not often alike, and, in 
___^^_^^^^_^^^^^^^__^_ the space be- 

ataircasn to 
the lantern 
was gener- 

imple and compound. In 
ind thependen" 



Ian Francisco 



■IA.LAT 



a To™ 



Domes are of two kinds, s 

the simple dome, the dome; , 

one, and the height is only a little greater than that of 
an intersecting vault formed by semicircular arches. 
The dome over the central part of the tomb of Galla 
Placidia, at Ravenna, and those over some of the 
aisles of Saint Sophia, Constantinople, are of this 
description. In the compound dome two methods 
were Followed. In both methods greater height is 
obtained, and the compound dome was consequently 
the one used on all important buildings of the later 
period. In one, the dome starts directly from the top 
of the circle formed by the pendentives; in the other, 
a cylindrical wall or drum" intervenes between the 
pendentives and the dome, thus raising the latter con- 
siderably. In churches with domes without drums, 
the windows are in the dome itself immediately above 
the springing; otherwise, they are in the drum, 
and the surface of the dome is generally unbroken. At 



the monastery of St. Luke, Phocis, Greece, are two 
churches of the eleventh century, side by aide, the 
■mailer of which has a drum with windows in it, 
whereas the larger church has no drum, and the win- 
dows are in the dome. The drum is universal in ail 
domed churches of the Renaissance, at which time it 
received special treatment and became a most im- 
portant feature. Many of these drums are not circu- 
lar in plan externally, but are many-sided, and the 
angles are often enriched by marble shafts, etc The 
eanying-up of the walls vertically is a good expedient 
constructional ly, as it provides weight above the 
haunches of the dome and helps to neutralise its 
thrusts. In the churches of the second period, at 
Constantinople, Salomon, Athens, and other parts of 
Greece, in which the true drum occurs, it is of consid- 
erable height and is generally eight-sided. Windows 
come at each aide, and over the windows are arches 
which cut into the dome itself. 

A primitive form of the dome and the barrel vault 
is of great antiquity. In some districts men were 
compelled to build in stone or brick or mud, because 
there was no wood, as in Assyria; in other districts 
because they had not the tools to work wood. In all 
such cases some form of dome or tunnel vault had to 
be devised for shelter. In tracing the growth of the 
dome in historical times, it has been regarded as an 
outcome of the architecture of the Eastern Empire, 
because it was at Constantinople and in the Byzan- 
tine provinces that it was first employed in ecclesias- 
tical structures. But it was the Romans who in real- 
ity developed the use of the dome, as of all other ap- 
plications of the semicircular arch. From Rome it 
was carried to Constantinople and from the same 
source to different parts of the Western Empire. In 
Eastern Christendom the dome became the dominant 
factor in church design; whether a single dome, as at 
Saint Sophia, Constantinople (built, 532-537), or a 
central dome encircled by other domes, as at St. 
Mark's, Venice, or a row of domes, as at Angouleme. 
The plan and domes of Angouleme are reproduced in 
the new Catholic cathedral at Westminster. The 
Roman dome was a hemisphere supported by a cir- 
cular wall. Its finest example was the Pantheon, 
Rome. Equally characteristic, though smaller, ex- 
amples abound, e. g. at Rome, the temple of Minerva 
Medico, the tomb of Constant ia, now the church of 
Santa Costansa, etc. Viollet-le-Duc in writing of the 
dome of the Pantheon says, "This majestic cupola is 
the widest, the most beautiful, the beet constructed, 
and most stable of all the great domes of the world". 
Theinridediameterofthedomeisl42}feet. Previous 
to the building of the Pantheon in its present domical 
form, during the reign of Hadrian about *. n. 123, the 
history of the dome is for the most part a blank. 

The primitive Eastern dome seems to have been on 
a very small scale, and to have been used for subor- 
dinate purposes only. It was a common architec- 
tural feature in ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. In 
later times the dome was largely employed in archi- 
tecture by the Persian Sassanids, Mohammedans, and 
the. Bysantines. From the first domed churches 
built for Christian worship sprang Byzantine archi- 
tecture and its offshoots. The builder of the earliest 
domed church of any magnitude was Constantine jits 
locality the famous city of Antioch in Syria. The 
problem of the Christian domed church, so far at least 
as its interior is concerned, received in Saint Sophia its 
full solution. The dome is the prevailing conception 
of Bysantine architecture, and M. Choiay, In his 1 ' Art 
de bltir ches les Bytantins" traces the influence of 
this domical construction on Greek architecture to 
■how how from their fusion the architecture of the 
Eastern Empire became possible. Domes were now, 
from the time of the construction of Saint Sophia, 

E laced over square apartments, their bases being 
rougkt to a circle by means of pendentives, whereas, 



in Roman architecture, domes as a rule were placed 
over a circular apartment. The grouping of small 
domes round a large central one was very effective, and 
one of the peculiarities of Byzantine churches was that 
the dome had no additional outer covering. The dome 
was rarely used by medieval builders except when 
under oriental influence, hence it was practically con- 
fined to Spain and Italy. The dome of the cathedral 
at Pisa, the first model of the Tuscan style of architec- 
ture, was begun in the eleventh century, and in the 
thirteenth was founded the cathedral at Florence. 
Its dome equals in sise that of St. Peter's at Rome, 
and whs its model. During the Italian Renaissance, 
domed construction became again of the first impor- 
tance, possibly on account of its classical precedent, 
and it is interesting to note that the Pantheon became 
once more the starting-point of a new development 
which culminated in the domes of St. Peter's, Rome, 
and St. Paul's, London. 

The substructure of the dome of St. Peter's is a 
round drum, which serves as a stylobate and lifts it 




Pantkzon, Rous 



above the surrounding roofs. On this stands the 
ringwall of the drum, decorated with a Corinthian 
order and carrying an attic ; on this sits the oval mass 
of the noblest dome in the world. The drum, fifty 
feet high, is pierced by sixteen square-headed win- 
dows. The enormous thickness of the stylobate 
allows an outside offset to receive the buttresses which 
are set between the windows, in the shape of spur- 
walls with engaged columns at the corners, over which 
the entablature is broken. The curve of the dome is 
of extraordinary beauty. Between its ribs, corres- 



with an Ionic order, repeats the arrangement of w 
down and buttresses in the drum below, and is sur- 
mounted by a Latin cross rising 448 feet above the 
pavement. The foremost Renaissance church in 
Florence is the church of the Annunziata, and is re- 
markable for a fine dome carried on a drum resting 
directly on the ground. To tile latest time of the 
Renaissance in Venice belongs the picturesque domed 
church of Santa Maria della Salute. The two finest 
domes in France are those of the Hotel dee Invalides 
and the Pantheon (formerly the church of Sainte- 



Zamora, Salamanca, Clermont, Le Puy, Cahors. 
They are also found in Poitou, Pengord, and Auvergne : 
at Aachen, Cologne, Antwerp, and along the banks of 
the Rhine: at Aosta, Pavia, Como, Parma, Piaeenza, 
Verona, Milan, etc. There are, besides, the bulbous 
domes of Russia and the flattened cupolas of the Sara- 
cens. The dome became the lantern in English 
Gothic, and the octagon of Ely cathedral is said to bo 



DommoH 



102 



DOMUIIOHXHO 



the only true Gothic dome in existence. The central Among his numerous works dealing with travel, 

octagon of the Houses of Parliament, London, is the history, and theology, may be noted:" Journal d'un 

best specimen of a modern Gothic dome. Arab domes tnissionnaire au Texas et au Mexique" (Paris, 1857); 

sire mostly of the pointed form such as are derived "Voyage dans lea solitudes americaines" (Paris, 

from the rotation of the Gothic arch or bulbous the 1858); "Histoire du jansenimne": "Histoire du Mex- 

section being a horse-shoe arch. Very beautiful ex- ique (Paris, lfl«n-«fl .. ._ . 



amples are seen in the buildings known 
as the tombs of the caliphs at Cairo. 
Among the finest examples of domed 
buildings in the East are the Tombs 
of Mohammedan sultans in the south 
of India and at Agra. The largest 
dome in America is that of the Cap- 
itol at Washington. It is built of 
iron, 

FleTCHM. A Mtleru of Archilscture (New 
York. 1905); Bond. Gothic ArchHteturt tn 
England (New York. 1908); Cuutuxos, A 
Hillary of ArrAitecfur* m Italy (Boston. 
1901): Bum, From Schcla to Cathedral 
'"' 18SS); Surra. Architecture, 



Souvenirs d'outre-mer" (Paris, 



Domonach, Eucantjxl- Henri - 
Dieudonnk, Abbe, missionaiy and 
author, b. at Lyons, France, 4 Novem- 
ber, 1826; d. in France, June, 1886. 




1884). His principal works have ap- 
peared also in English translation. In 
regard to his much-controverted 
"Manuscrit pictographique amG- 
ricain" (Paris, I860), an examination 
of the supposed Indian Dictographs 
leaves no doubt that in this case the 
unsuspecting missionaiy was grossly 
deceived. , 

Consult bta own world, with introduction!; 
bIbo Petzholdt, Le litre da oauoaan (Bi us- 
ed*. 1801). 

James MoONET. 

Domenichino, properly Douenico 
Zampieri, an Italian painter, b. in 
Bologna, 21 Oct., 1581 ;d. in Naples, 16 
April, 1641. He began his art studies 
in the school of Calvaert, but being ill- 
treated there, his father, a poor shoe- 
maker, placed him in the Carracci 
Academy, where Guido Reni and Al- 
bani were also students. Domenichino was a slow, 



, ..,_._.. . : ... In the spring __ _. 

Of 1846, before completing his seminary studies and thoughtful, plodding youth whom his companions 

when not yet twenty years of age, he left France called the "Ox'', a nickname also borne by his master 

in response to an urgent appeal for missionaries to Ludovico. He took the prise for drawing in the 

help develop the Church in the wilds of Texas, then Carracci Academy, gaining thereby both fame and 

rapidly filling up with American and European immi- hatred. Stimulated by success, he studied unremit- 



Bpent two years completing his theological course, BO tl 
studying English ana Ger- 
man, and gathering knowl- 
edge of missionary require- 
ments. In May, 1848, he 
was assigned to duty at the 
new German settlement of 
Castroville in Texas, from 
which he was transferred 
later to Brownsville. The 
war with Mexico was just 
concluded; raiding bands 
of Mexicans and rangers 
were ravaging on both sides 
of die Rio Grande, while 
outlaws from the border 
States and almost eoually 
lawless discharged soldiers 
filled the new towns, and 
hostile Indians hovered con- 
stantly in the background. 
A cholera epidemic added 
its horrors. Nevertheless, 
the young priest went brave- 
ly to work with such en- 
ergy that he soon became 
an efficient power for good 
throughout all Southern 
Texas. In 1860 he visited 
Europe and was received 
by the pope. Returning to 
Texas, he continued ' '' 




says "he could delineate the soul". 

His student days over, he 
first visited Parma and 
Modena to study Correggio, 
and then went to Rome, 
where his earliest friend ana 
patron. Cardinal Agucchi, 
commissioned him to decor- 
ate his palace. In Rome 
he assisted the Carracci with 
their frescoes in the palace 
of Cardinal Farnese, who be- 
came such an admirer of 
Domenichino that he had 
him execute many of the 

Sictures in the Basilian 
bbey of Grotta Ferrata. 
Domenichino 's best frescoes 
are in this church. With 
Guido he painted, for Car- 
dinal Borghese, in S. Gre- 
gorio: for Cardinal Aldo- 
branaini he executed ten 
frescoes at Villa Frascati; 
for Cardinal Montalto he 
decorated S. Andrea della 
Valle; and for Cardinal 



^."■aSd"^"^ *»-«»«<— .11— tojIiSKT&KirE 

nger, when he returned to France with health broken the altar of S. Girolamo della Carita, the Communion 
id was appointed titulary canon of Montpellier. of St. Jerome", a copy of which, in mosaics, is in St. 
'hen the French troops were dispatched to Mexico Peter's. This is one of the great pictures of the world 



When the French troops were dispatched 
in 1861 he was selected to accompany the expedition 
as almoner to the army and chaplain to the Emperor 
Maximilian. After the return to France he devoted 
his rem ainin g years to European travel, study, and 
writing, and the exercise of his ecclesiastical functions. 
In 1882-3 he again visited America. 



great pictures o! 
considered second only to Raphael's "Trans- 
figuration". He received about fifty dollars for it. 
Napoleon took it to Paris but the Allies returned it. 
Jealousy of Domenichino long accumulating now 
burst forth, and he was accused of copying his master- 
piece from Agostino Carracci. Weary of attacks, the 




THE COMMUNION OF ST. JEROME— DOMENICHINO 

THE VATICAN, ROME 



DOMESDAY 



103 



DOMICILE 



artist went to Bologna but later returned to Rome, where. It is probable, however, that this did not in> 
where Pope Gregory XV made him painter and archi- ply absolute ownership, but only superiority and a 
tect of the Apostolic Camera (pontifical treasury). In right to certain services (Maitland, " Domesday Book 



1690 he settled in Naples and there opened a school, 
but was harassed, as in Rome, by envious artists 
(cabal of Naples), who disfigured his paintings. Men- 
tal suffering, perhaps poison, hastened his death. 
DomenichinOj although not a master of great original- 
ity and inspiration, was a prominent figure in the 



and Bevond", pp. 236-42). This must be borne in 
mind when we see it stated, and so far correctly; on the 
authority of Domesday, that the possessions of the 
Church represented twenty-five per cent of the assess- 
ment of the country in 1066 ana twenty-six and one- 
half per cent of its cultivated area in 1086. These 



Bolognese School. Potent in fresco he also excelled lands were in any case very unequally distributed, the 
in decorative landscapes; his colour w,as warm and proportion of church land being much greater in the 
harmonious, his style simple, his chiaroscuro superbly South of England. The record does not enable us to 
managed, and his subordinate groups and accessaries tell clearly how far the parochial system had devel- 
well adjusted and of great interest. The most famous oped, and though in .Norfolk and Suffolk all the 
masters of the burin engraved his works, which are: churches seem to nave been entered, amounting to 243 
" Portrait of Cardinal Agucchi", Uffizi, Florence; "Life in the former, and 364 in the latter, county, the same 
of St. Nil us" (fresco) in Grotta Ferrata near Rome; care to note the churches was obviously not exercised 
u Condemnation of Adam and Eve", Louvre, Paris; in the West of England. Much church property 
*St. George and the . .. ... seems to have been of 

the nature of a tenancy 
held f ronrthe king upon 
condition of some ser- 
vice to be rendered, 
often of a spiritual kind. 
Thus we read; "Alwin 
the • priest holds the 
sixth part of a hide 9 ', 
at Turvey, Beds, " and 
held it tempore reds 
Edwardi, and could do 
what he liked with it; 
King William after- 
gave 









or. (fci. it. 6fti»-7 mAm ^to.frUT. ykiu J&£u 

7^.£mAfajJ>^ 
utt'&r* In bruo-B'unJL 7t it. uXiitm. cif. ax.u cttf 



iving 
wards 



Entries m Doiubbday Book 



it to him 
m alms, on condition 
that he should cele- 
brate two ferial masses 
[ferias missas] for the 
souls of the King and 
>ueen twice a week." 
aluable as is the in- 
formation which the 
Domesday Book sup* 
plies, many questions 
suggested by it remain 
obscure and are still 
keenly debated. A fac- 
simile of the whole 



Dragon", National Gal- 
lery, London; "St. 
John". Hermitage, St. 
Petersburg. 

Ri cuter. Catalogue of 
the Lhdwich Gallery (Lon- 
, don, 1880)! Dohmeb, Kunst 
and Kunttler desMittdaUen 
und der Neuzeit (Leipzig, 
1877); Brtan, Dictionary 
of Painters and Engraven, 

Leigh Hunt. 

Domesday Book is 

the name given to the 
record of the great sur- 
vey of England made 
• by order of William the 
Conqueror in 1085-86. 
The name first occurs 
in the famous " Dia- 
logus de Scaccario", a 
treatise compiled about 
1176 by Richard Fitz- 
nigel, which states that 
the English called the 
book of the survey 
"Domesdei". or "Day 
of Judgment , because 
the inquiry was one 

which none could escape, and because the verdict of ord was brought out some years ago by photozinco- 
this register as to the holding of the land was final graphy, and at the end of the eighteenth century an 
and without appeal. Certain it is that the native edition was printed in type specially cast to represent 
English resented William's inquisition. " It is shame the contractions of the original manuscript, 
to tell ". wrote the chronicler, what he thought it no Th° moat convenient introduction to the subject is Baixabd. 

jhamefWhimtodo. Or, nor corner .mine w* left *&2TS&£3S&tt££2k. &S» 1&F2& 

that was not Set down upon his Writ.' The returns Beyond (new ed., London, 1007)* to Round, Feudal England 
give full information about the land of England, its (London, 1895); and to Eyton, Domesday Studies. But there 

ownership both in 1085 and in the time of King Ed- "• man y ndnor •"•a* dealin * ^^K^rf^^ *?*? w,u 

ward, its extent, nature, value, cultivators, and vil- hebbebt ibukston. 

leins. The survey embraced all England except the Domestic Prelate. See Prelate. 
northernmost counties. >The results are set down in 

concise and orderly fashion in two books called the Domicile (Lat. jus domicilii, right of habitation. 
"Exchequer Domesday". Another volume, contain- residence). — The canon law has no independent and 
ing a more detailed account of Wilts, Dorset, Somer- original theory of domicile; both the canon law and 
set, Devon, and Cornwall, is called the " Exon Domes- all modern civil codes borrowed this theory from the 
day", as it is in the keeping of the cathedral chapter Roman law; the canon law. however, extended and 
of Exeter. ^ perfected the Roman theory by adding thereto that of 
m The chief interest of the Domesday Book for us here quasi-domicile. For centuries ecclesiastical legisla- 
tes in the light which it throws upon church matters, tion contained no special provision in regard to domi- 
As Professor Maitland has pointed out, a comparison cile. adapting itself quite unreservedly on this point 
of Domesday with our earliest charters shows not only botn to Roman and Barbarian law. It was only in 
that the Church held lands of considerable, sometimes the thirteenth century, after the revival at Bologna of 
of vast, extent, but that she had obtained these lands the study of Roman law, that legists and then the 
by free grant from kings or underkings during the canonists, returned to the Roman theory of domicile, 
Saxonperiod. We find, for example, that four mins- introducing it first into the schools and then into prac- 
ters, Worcester, Evesham, Pershore, and Westminster, tice. Not that the Church had "canonized", so to 
were lords of seven-twelfths of the soil of Worcester- speak, this particular point of Roman law more than 
shire, and that the Church of Worcester alone was lord others, but civil law. l>eing more ancient, formed a 
of one-quarter of that shire besides other holdings else- basis for canon law, which accepted it, at least in so far 



Tl 



Domicile 104 domicile 

as it was not at variance with later decrees of pontifi- sight of, and even the word itself disappeared from the 

cal law. So true is this that there exists no document juridical language of the time. However, this does 

in which the theory of domicile has been completely not mean that persons inhabiting certain limited dis- 

and officially expounded by an ecclesiastical legisla- tricts had wholly ceased to be connected with local 

tor. authority, whether civil or religious, nor that all acts 

I. Roman Law. — We must therefore revert to Ho- were regulated exclusively, after the barbarian con- 
man law, which established domicile as the extension cept, by a personal code. The material fact of habi- 
or communication of a pre-existent legal status of in- tation could not, it is true, be ignored, but it no longer 
dividuals — origin (origo, jus originis). In the theory served for a theory of domicile. The medieval eccle- 
of the Roman lawyers each man belongs to his mum- siastical canons say that each Catholic (fidelis) should 
cipality, to his city, where, as he contributes his share pay his tithes in the church where he Was baptized and 
to the expenses and taxes, so he has a right to the that his obsequies should be held wherever he pays his 
common advantages. Children naturally follow their tithes, etc., but there is no mention of domicile, 
father's condition and belong likewise to the city, even The Roman theory was again restored to honour by , 
though born at a distance. Such is the Roman origo, the glossarists of the Bolognese School, especially by 
quite akin to what we call nationality, except that the Accursius in the beginning of the thirteenth century. 
origo relates to the restricted locality of one's birth, Whether it was because they mistook the real mean- 
ana nationality to one's native land. Hence it is ing of origo or desired to explain it in a way that suited 
birth, the legal birthplace, that determines one's origo, the customs of their time, they interpreted it as a sort 
i. e. not the actual site of birth but the place where of domicile resulting from one's birthplace, and if one 
each one should have been born, the municipality to were born there per accident, from the place of one's 
which the father belonged (L. 1. ff. Ad municip.). father's birth. Except for this inaccuracy, the Ro- 
Let us now suppose a man settled for a long time in a man theory was well expounded. Moreover, accord- 
city of which he is not a native. Partly in return for ing to the favourite principles of their time, the glos- 
ihe taxes he pays, and partly to permit him to exercise sarists brought into prominence the double constitu- 
local civic duties,4ie is granted the status of a real citi- tive element of domicile (or, properly speaking, of ac- 
sen, without loss, however, of his own origo or munici- quired domicile): the material element (corpus), i. e. 
pal right. Such, then, is the primitive concept of domi- habitation, and the juridical or formal element (ani- 
cile in Roman law: the communication to a man, born mus). i. e. the intention to remain in this habitation 
in one municipality but residing permanently in an- indefinitely. Although they did "not contribute di- 
other, of the civil rights normally reserved to citizens rectly to tnis revival of domicile, canonists neverthe- 
who are natives of the locality. To become as one of less adopted it and it was definitively admitted in the 
the latter, the stranger must create for himself a domi- gloss of "Liber Sextus" (cc. 2 and 3, de sepult.). 
cile, and it was this that necessarily led jurists to define They applied these rules to the acts of Christian life : 
domicile and the conditions upon which it could be ac- baptism, paschal Communion and Viaticum,conf ession, • 
quired. ' Hence the celebrated definition of domicile extreme unction, funerals, interments, then also to or- 
given by the Emperors Diocletian and Maximianus dination and judicial competency. Tne actual canon- 
?L. 7, C. de incol.) : " It is certain that each one has his ical rules on domicile are about the same. 

domicile in the place where he has established his In the meantime almost the only development of 

home and business and has his possessions; a resi- canon law in this matter has been the creation of the 

dence which he does not intend to abandon, unless quasi-domicile theory, foreign alike to Roman and 

called elsewhere, from which he departs only as a modern civil law. As its name implies, quasi-domi- 

traveller and by returning to which he ceases to be a cile is closely patterned on domicile and consists in a 

traveller." The juridical element constitutive of sojourn in some one place during a sufficient length of 

domicile is the intention, the will definitively to settle time. Not only does it not call for abandonment of 

oneself in a place, this will being deduced from the the real domicile, but can co-exist with the latter and 

oircumstances ana especially the conditions of instal- even supposes the intention of returningthither. t It 

lation. It implies indefinite stability, not perpetuity was evident that the ordinary acts of the Christian life, 

in the restricted sense of the word, as though one re- the rights and obligations of a parishioner, could not 

nounced the right to change domicile. Another domi- be confined to permanent residents only; hence the 

cile may at any time be acquired on the same condi- necessity of assimilating to such residents those who 

tions as the first : it is lost when the intention of aban- sojourn m the place for a certain length of time. The 

doning it is coupled with the fact of desertion. Since, canonists soon concluded that whoever has a quasi- 

therefore, domicile conferred the same rights as origo, domicile in a place may receive there the sacraments 

its importance became gradually more and more and perform there legitimately all the acts of the Chris- 

xnarkea. tian life without forfeiting any of his rights in the place 

We can now better understand the words that so of his real domicile; he may even thus Decome subject 

often recur in Roman law and have been adopted by to the judicial authority of his place of quasi-domicile. 

canonists: those who belong to a municipality by The only restrictions are, as we shall see, for ordina- 

right of birth are citizens (cives); those who come tions and, to a certain extent, for funerals. For a long 

from elsewhere, but have become its members by time, however, the theory remained vague and unde- 

domicile are inhabitants (incolce), though these terms termined. Authors could scarcely agree as to pre- 

are used almost synonymously by legists and canon- cisely what was meant by the "sufficient length' ' of 

ists; those who have spent a sufficient time there time (non breve tempus) required for quasi-domicile, 

without, however, acquiring a domicile, are strangers and they hesitated to pronounce on the various pos- 

(advenct), though to them canonists concede a quasi- sible reasons for a sojourn and the degree in which 

domicile. Finally, those who make but a passing so- they could create presumption of an intention to ae- 

fourn there are transients (peregrini; cf . L. 239, de quire quasi-domicile. Strictly speaking, the question 

Verb. sign.). To these categories canonists have was really important only in regard to # those mar* 

added one which the Roman origo, being permanent, riages whose validity depended on the existence of a 

could not recognize, namely the wanderers (vagi), quasi-domicile in countries where the Tridentine de- 

who have no fixed residence or who, having definitely cree "Tametsi" had been published; in this way, as 

abandoned one domicile, have not as yet acquired we shall see below, new legislation became necessary, 

another. The quasi-domicile theory was not definitively settled 

II. Development of "Domicile" ln Canon Law. until the appearance of the Instruction of the Holy 
— In the troublous times that prevailed after the Bar- Office addressed to the Bishops of England and the 
barian invasions, the domicile of Roman law was lost United States, 7 June, 1867, in which quasi-domicile is 



DOMICILE 105 DOMICILE 

Citterned as closely as possible on domicile. Like the imate and the maternal domicile for illegitimate emi- 
tter, it is made up of the double element of fact and dren. Again, in reference to the spiritual life, domi* 
right, i. e. of residence and the intention of abiding in cile of nativity is the place where adults and aban- 
it for a sufficient length of time, this time being clearly doned children are Daptized. — The domicile of 
stated as a period covering more than six months — per residence or acquired domicile is that of one's own 
majorem anni partem. As soon as these two condi- choice, the place where one establishes a residence for 
tions coexist, quasi-domicile is acquired and imme- an indefinite period. It is acquired by the fact of 
diately involves the legal use of rights and compe- material residence joined to the intention of there re- 
tencies resulting therefrom. (See below for a recent maining as long as one has no reason for settling else- 
restriction in regard to marriage.) Finally, quasi- where; this intention being manifested either by an 
domicile is lost by the simultaneous cessation of both express declaration or by circumstances. Once ac- 
its constitutive elements, i. e. by the abandonment of quired, domicile subsists, despite more or less pro- 
residence without any intention of returning to it. longed absences, until one leaves it with the inten- 
Suffice it to add that in this matter the canon law, tion of not returning. — Finally, necessary or legal 
yielding to custom, tends easily to adapt itself to the domicile is that imposed by law; for prisoners or ex- 
provisions of civil law, e. g. as regards the legal domi- iles it is their prison or place of banishment ; for a wife 
cile of minors, "wards, and other analogous provisions, it is the domicile of the husband which she retains even 
III. Present Law. — From the preceding explana- after becoming a widow : for children under age it is . 
tion there results a very important conclusion which that of the parents who have authority over them; for 
throws a strong light on canonical legislation concern- ward* it is that of their guardians ; lastly, for whoever 
ing domicile and which we must now set forth. It is exercises a perpetual charge, e. g. a bishop, canon, or 
this: the law does not deal with domicile for its own parish priest, etc., it is the place where he discharges 
sake, but rather on account of its consequences; in nis functions. 

other words, on account of thepersonal rights and ob- Quasi-domicile is of one kind only, namely of resi- 
ligations attached thereto. This explains why domi- dence and choice and cannot be acquired in any other 
cue must meet divers requirements more or less severe way. It is acquired and lost on the same conditions 
according to the case in point, e. g. marriage, ordina- as domicile itself and is deduced mainly from such 
tion, judicial competency. Keeping therefore in reasons as justify a sojourn of at least six months, e.g. 
view the legal consequences of domicile and its vari- the pursuit of studies, or even for an indefinite perioa, 
ous forms it may be defined as a stable residence which as in the case of domestics. Quasi-domicile is pre- 
en tails submission to local authority and permits the sumed, especially for marriage, after a month's so- 
exercise of acts for which this authority is competent, journ according to the Constitution " Paucis abhinc" 
To this definition the laws and their commentators of Benedict XIV, 19 March, 1758; but this presump- 
confine themselves, without touching on the legal ef- tion yields to contrary proof, except however when it 
fects of domicile. As we have already seen, domicile, is transformed into a presumption juris et de jure, 
properly so called, is the place one inhabits indefi- which admits of no contrary proof; such is the case for 
nitely (locus perpetuce habitationw), such perpetuity the United States in virtue of the indult of 6 May, 
being quite compatible with more or less transitory 1886, granted at the request of the Council of Balti- 
residence elsewhere. It matters not whether one be more in 1884 (Acta et Decreta, p. cix) and extended to 
the owner or simply the occupant of the house in which the Diocese of Paris, 20 May, 1905. This being so, 
one dwells or whether one owns more or less property quasi-residents are regarded as subjects of the local 
in the locality. The place of one's domicile is not authority just as are permanent residents, being there- 
the house wherein one resides but the territorial fore parishioners bound by local laws and possessing 
district in which the house or home stands. This the same rights as residents, with this difference, that, 
district is usually the smallest territory possessing if they so choose, they may go and use their rights in 
a distinct, self-governing organization. Ail authors their own domicile. They can, therefore, apply to the 
agree that, from a civil viewpoint, the municipality local parish priest, as to their own parish priest, not 
is the place of domicile and, canonically considered, only for those sacraments administered to every one 
the parish or territorial division replacing it, e. g. who presents himself, e. g. Holy Eucharist and pen- 
mission or station. It is in the municipality that ance, but also for the baptism of their children, for 
the acts and rights of civil life are exercised, and. in the first Communion, paschal Communion, Viaticum, and 
parish those of the Christian life. Strictly speaking, extreme unction. Their nuptials may also be solem- 
one cannot acquire domicile in a ward or hamlet or m nized in his presence and, except when they have Chosen 
any territorial division which does not form a self-gov- to be buried elsewhere, their funerals should take 
erning group. Of course there are certain acts that do place from the parish church of their auasi-domicile.- 
not depend, or that no longer depend, on local author- Finally, the quasi-domicile permits of their legitimate 
ity ; in this sense, it is possible to speak of domicile in citation before a judge competent for the locality. As 
a diocese when it is question e. g. of ordination, or of regards marriage, the quasi-domicile affected its valid- 
domicile in a province apropos of the competency of a ity in parishes subject to the decree "Tametsi" until 
tribunal. But these exceptions are merely apparent; the decree "Ne temere" of 2 August, 1907, rendered 
they imply that one has a domicile in some parish the competency of the parish priest exclusively terri- 
within a given diocese. The canon law has never rec- torial, so that all marriages contracted in his presence, 
ognized as domicile an unstable residence in different within his parochial territory, are valid ; for a licit 
parts of a diocese, without intent to establish oneself marriage, however, one of the two betrothed must have 
m some particular parish. Canon law (c. 2, de sepult. dwelt within the parish for at least a month, 
in VI), like Roman law (L. 5. 7. 27, Admunicip.), allows On the other hand thoro who have neither a domi- 
a double domicile, provided there be in both places a cile nor a quasi-domicile in a parish, who are only 
morally equal installation; the most ordinary exam- there as transients (jyeregmni), are not counted as par- 
pie of this being a winter domicile in the city and a ishioners; the parish priest is not their pastor and they 
summer domicile in the country. — There are three should respect the pastoral rights of their own parish 
kinds of domicile: domicile of origin, domicile of resi- priest at least in so far as possible. The restrictions 
dence or acquired domicile, and necessary or legal of former times, it is true, have been greatly lessened 
domicile. The domicile of origin, a somewhat inexact and at present no one would dream of claiming pa- 
imitation of the Roman origo t is that assigned to rochial rights for annual confession, paschal Commu- 
each individual by his place of nativity unless he be nion or the Viaticum. Something, however, still re- 
acciden tally born outside of the place where his father mains: for marriage transients must ask the delega- 
tiwells; practically it is the paternal domicile for legit- tion or authorization of the parish priest of their dom> 



^ 



DOMINIO 



106 



DOMINIO 



efle (regularly of the bride) if the contracting parties 
have not already sojourned for a month within the 
parish where they seek to contract marriage; funerals 
also belong to the parish priest of the domicile, i. e. if 
the interested parties desire to, and can transport to 
his parish church the body of the deceased; in any 
event the parish priest may demand the parochial 
dues known as quarto funeralis. Generally speaking, 
transients (peregrini) are not subjects of the local ec- 
clesiastical authority; they are not held to the ob- 
servance of local laws except inasmuch as these affect 
public order, nor do they become subjects of the local 
judicial authority. 

As to the domicile requisite for ordination there are 
special rules formulated by Innocent XII, in his Con- 
stitution " Speculatores ' ', 4 November, 1694 . The can- 
didate tororders depends upon a bishop, first by reason 
of his origin, that is to say, of the place where his father 
had a domicile at the time of his son's birth ; second by 
reason of his own acquired domicile. But the condi- 
tions which this domicile must satisfy are rather 
severe: the candidate must have already resided in 
the diocese for ten years or else have transported most 
of his movable goods to a house in which he has resided 
for three years; moreover, in both cases, he must af- 
firm under oath his intention of definitively establish- 
ing himself in the diocese. This is a qualified dom- 
icile, the conditions of which must not be extended to 
other cases. 

Benedict XIV, Ep. Paucis abhinc; Id., Instil. Can. 33, 88; 
Sanchez, De matrim.. Ill; Fagnantjb, Comment, in Decretal, in 
cap. Significant, III, tit. xxhc; Bassibet, La dandestiniti 
dans le mariage (Bordeaux, 1904); Fourneret, Le domicile 
matrimonial (Paris, 1006); D'Annibale, Summula Theologies 
moralis (Rome, 1908), I, n. 82-86; ONeill in Am. Ecclet. Rev. 
(Philadelphia, April, 1908). 

A. BOUDINHON. 

Dominic, Saint, founder of the Order of Preachers, 
commonly known as the Dominican Order; b. at 
Oalaroga, in Old Castile, c. 1170; d. 6 August, 1221. 
His parents, Felix Guzman and Joanna of Aza, un- 
doubtedly belonged to the nobility of Spain, though 
probably neither was connected with -the reigning 
house of Castile, as some of the saint's biographers 
assert. Of Felix Guzman, personally, little is known, 
except that he was in every sense the worthy head of a 
family of saints. To nobility of blood Joanna of Aza 
added a nobility of soul which so enshrined her in the 
popular veneration that in 1828 she was solemnly be- 
atified by Leo XII. The example of such parents was 
not without its effect upon their children. Not only 
Saint Dominic but also his brothers, Antonio and 
Manes, were distinguished for their extraordinary 
sanctity. Antonio, the eldest, became a secular 
priest and, having distributed his patrimony to the 
poor, entered a hospital where he spent his life minis- 
tering to the sick. Manes, following in the footsteps 
of Dominic, became a Friar Preacher, and was beati- 
fied by Gregory XVI. 

The birth and infancy of the saint were attended 
by many marvels forecasting his heroic sanctity 
and great achievements in the cause of religion. 
From liis seventh to his fourteenth year he pursued 
his elementary studies under the tutelage of his 
maternal uncle, the archpriest of Gumiel d Izan, not 
far distant from Oalaroga. In 1184 Saint Dominic 
entered the University of Palencia. Here he re- 
mained for ten years prosecuting his studies with such 
ardour and success that throughout the ephemeral 
existence of that institution he was held up to the ad- 
miration of its scholars as all that a student should be. 
Amid the frivolities and dissipations of a university 
city, the life of the future saint was characterized by a 
seriousness of purpose and an austerity of manner 
which singled him out as one from whom great things 
might be expected in the future. But more than once 
he proved that under this austere exterior he carried 
ft heart as tender as a woman's. On one occasion he 



sold his books, annotated with his own hand, to re* 
lieve the starving poor of Palencia. His biographer 
and contemporary, Bartholomew of Trent, states that 
twice he tried to sell himself into slavery to obtain 
money for the liberation of those who were held in 
captivity by the Moors. These facts are worthy of 
mention in view of the cruel and saturnine character 
which some non-Catholic writers have endeavoured to 
foist upon one of the most charitable of men. Con- 
cerning the date of his ordination his biographers are 
silent; nor is there anything from which that date can 
be inferred with any degree of certainty. According 
to the deposition of Brother Stephen, Prior Provincial 
of Lombardy, given in the process of canonization, 
Dominic was still a student at Palencia when Don 
Martin de Bazan, the Bishop of Osma, called him to 
membership in the cathedral chapter for the purpose 
of assisting in its reform. The bishop realized the im- 
portance to~ his plan of reform of having constantly 
before his canons the example of one of Dominic's 
eminent holiness. Nor was he disappointed in the 
result. In recognition of the part he had taken in 
converting its members into canons regular, Dominic 
was appointed sub-prior of the reformed chapter. On 
the accession of Don Diego d'Azevedo to the Bishopric 
of Osma in 1201, Dominic became superior of the chap- 
ter with the title of prior. As a canon of Osma, he 
spent nine years of his life hidden in God and rapt in 
contemplation, scarcely passing beyond the confines 
of the chapter house. 

In 1203 Alfonso IX, King of Castile, deputed the 
Bishop of Osma to demand from the Lord of the 
Marches, presumably a Danish prince, the hand of his 
daughter on behalf of the king's son, Prince Ferdi- 
nand. For his companion on this embassy Don Diego 
chose Saint Dominic. Passing through Toulouse in 
the pursuit of their mission, they beheld with amaze- 
ment and sorrow the work of spiritual ruin wrought by 
the Albigensian heresy. It was in the contemplation 
of this scene that Dominic first conceived the idea of 
founding an order for the purpose of combating heresy 
and spreading the light of the Gospel by preaching to 
the ends of the then known world. Their mission hav- 
ing ended successfully, Diego and Dominic were dis- 
patched on a second embassy, accompanied by a 
splendid retinue, to escort the betrothed princess to 
Castile. This mission, however, was brought to a 
sudden close by the death of the young woman in 
question. The two ecclesiastics were now free to go 
where they would, and they set out for Rome, arriving 
there towards the end of 1204. The purpose of this 
journey was to enable Diego to resign his bishopric 
that he might devote himself to the conversion of un- 
believers in distant lands. Innocent III, however, 
refused to approve this project, and instead sent the 
bishop and his companion to Languedoc to join forces 
with the Cistercians, to whom he had entrusted the 
crusade against the Albigenses. The scene that con- 
fronted them on their arrival in Languedoc was by no 
means an encouraging one. The Cistercians, on ac- 
count of their worldly manner of living, had made 
little or no headway against the Albigenses. They 
had entered upon their work with considerable pomp, 
attended by a Diilliant retinue, and well provided with 
the comforts of life. To this display of worldliness 
the leaders of the heretics opposed a rigid asceticism 
which commanded the respect and admiration of their 
followers. Diego and Dominic quickly saw that the 
failure of the Cistercian apostolate was due to the 
monks' indulgent habits, and finally prevailed upon 
them to adopt a more austere manner of life. The 
result was at once apparent in a greatly increased 
number of converts. Theological disputations 
played a prominent part in the propaganda of the 
heretics. Dominic and his companion, therefore, lost 
no time in engaging their opponents in this kind of 
theological exposition. Whenever the opportunity 



f% 



DOMINIO 



107 



DOMINIO 



offered, they accepted the gage of battle. The thor- 
ough training that the saint had received at Palencia 
now proved of inestimable value to him in his en- 
counters with the heretics. Unable to refute his ar- 
guments or counteract the influence of his preaching, 
tney visited their hatred upon him by means of re- 
peated insults and threats of physical violence. With 
Prouille for his head-quarters, he laboured by turns in 
Fanjeaux, Montpellier, Servian, Beziers, and Carcas- 
sonne. Early in his apostolate around Prouille the 
saint realized the necessity of an institution that 
would protect the women of that country from the 
influence of the heretics. Many of them had already 
embraced Albigensianism and were its most active 
propagandists. These women erected convents, to 
which the children of the Catholic nobility were often 
sent — for want of something better 1 — to receive an 
education, and, in effect, if not on purpose, to be 
tainted with the spirit of heresy. It was needful, too, 
that women converted from heresy should be safe- 
guarded against the evil influence of their own homes. 
To supply these deficiencies, Saint Dominic, with the 
permission of Foulques, Bishop of Toulouse, estab- 
lished a convent at Prouille in 1206. To this commu- 
nity, and afterwards to that of Saint Sixtus, at Rome, 
he gave the rule and constitutions which have ever 
since guided the nuns of the Second Order of Saint 
Dominic. 

The year 1208 opens a new epoch in the eventful 
life of the founder. On 15 January of that year Pierre 
de Castelnau, one of the Cistercian legates, was assas- 
sinated. This abominable crime precipitated the 
crusade under Simon de Montfort, which led to the 
temporary subjugation of the heretics. Saint Dom- 
inic participated in the stirring"' scenes that fol- 
lowed, but always on the side of mercy, wielding the 
arms of the spirit while others wrought death and 
desolation with the sword. Some historians assert 
that during the sack of Beziers, Dominic appeared in 
the streets of that city, cross in hand, interceding for 
the lives of the women and children, the aged and the 
infirm. This testimony, however, is based upon docu- 
ments which Touron regards as certainly apocryphal. 
The testimony of the most reliable historians tends to 
prove that the saint was neither in the city nor in its 
vicinity when Beziers was sacked by the crusaders. 
We find him generally during this period following the 
Catholic army, reviving religion and reconciling here- 
tics in the cities that had capitulated to, or had been 
taken by, the victorious de Montfort. It was proba- 
bly 1 September, 1209, that Saint Dominic first came 
in contact with Simon de Montfort and formed with 
him that intimate friendship which was to last till the 
death of the brave crusader under the walls of Tou- 
louse (25 June, 1218). We find him by the side of de 
Montfort at the siege of Lavaur in 1211, and again in 
1212, at the capture of La Penne d'Ajen. In the lat- 
ter part of 1212 he was at Pamiers labouring, at the 
invitation of de Montfort, for the restoration of reli- 

§'on and morality. Lastly, just before the battle of 
uret, 12 September, 1213, the saint is again found in 
the council that preceded the battle. During the 
progress of the conflict, he knelt before the altar m the 
church of Saint-Jacques, praying for the triumph of 
the Catholic arms. So remarkable was the victory of 
the crusaders at Muret that Simon de Montfort re- 
garded it as altogether miraculous, and piously attrib- 
uted ft to the^prayers of Saint Dominic. In grati- 
tude to God for this decisive victory, the crusader 
erected a chapel in the church of Saint-Jacoues, which 
he dedicated, it is said, to Our Lady of tne Rosary. 
It would appear, therefore, that the devotion of the 
Rosary (q. v.), which tradition says was revealed to 
Saint Dominic, had come into general use about this 
time. To this period, too, has been ascribed the 
foundation of the Inquisition by Saint Dominic, and 
bis appointment as the first Inquisitor. As both these 



much Controverted questions will receive special treat- 
ment elsewhere in this work, it will suffice for our 
present purpose to note that the Inquisition, was in 
lull operation in 1198, or seven years before the saint 
took part in the apostolate in Languedoc, and while 
he was still an obscure canon' regular at Osma. If 
he was for a certain time identified with the operations 
of the Inquisition, it was only in the capacity of a 
theologian passing upon the orthodoxy of the accused 
(see Inquisition, Spanish). Whatever influence he 
may have had with the judges of that much maligned 
institution was always employed on the side of mercy 
and forbearance, as witness the classic case of Ponce 
Roger. 

In the meantime, the saint's increasing reputation 
for heroic sanctity, apostolic zeal, and profound learn- 
ing caused him to be much sought after as a candidate 
for various bishoprics. Three distinct efforts were 
made to raise him to the episcopate. In July, 1212, 
the chapter of Beziers chose mm for their bishop. 
Again, tne canons of Saint-Lizier wished him to sue- ' 
ceed Garcias de FOrte as Bishop of Comminges. 
Lastly, in 1215 an effort was made by Garcias de 
POrte himself, who had been transferred from Com- 
minges to Auch, to make him Bishop of Navarre. 
But Saint Dominic absolutely refusea all episcopal 
honours, saying that he would rather take flight in the 
night, with nothing but his staff, than accept the epis- 
copate. From Muret Dominic returned to Carcas- 
sonne, where he resumed his preaching with unquali- 
fied success. It was not till 1214 that he returned to 
Toulouse. In the meantime the influence of his 

§ reaching and the eminent holiness of his life had 
rawn around him a little band of devoted disciples 
eager to follow wherever he might lead. Saint Dom- 
inic had never for a moment forgotten his purpose, 
formed eleven years before, of founding a religious 
order to combat heresy and propagate religious truth. 
The time now seemed opportune for the realization of . 
his plan. With the approval of Bishop Foulques of 
Toulouse, he began the organization of nis little band 
of followers. That Dominic and his companions 
might possess a fixed source of revenue Foulques made 
him chaplain of Fanjeaux and in July, 1215, canon- 
ically established the community as a religious congre- 
gation of his diocese, whose mission was the propagation 
of true doctrine and good morals, and the extirpa- 
tion of heresy. During this same year Pierre Seila, a 
wealthy citizen of Toulouse, who had placed himself 
under the direction of Saint Dominic, put at their dis- 
posal his own commodious dwelling. In this way the 
first convent of the Order of Preachers was founded on 
25 April, 1215. But they dwelt here only a year when 
Foulques established them in the church of Saint 
Romanus. Though the little community had proved 
amply the need of its mission and the efficiency of its 
service to the Church, it was far from satisfying the 
full purpose of its founder. It was at best but a dio- 
cesan congregation, and Saint Dominic had dreamed 
of a world-order tnat would carry its apostolate to 
the ends of the earth. But, unknown to the saint, 
events were shaping themselves for the realization of 
his hopes. In November, 1215, an oecumenical coun- 
cil was to meet at Rome " to deliberate on the improve- 
ment of morals, the extinction of heresy, and the 
strengthening of the faith ' \ This was identically the 
mission Saint Dominic had determined on for his 
order. With the Bishop of Toulouse, he was present 
at the deliberations of this council. From tne very 
first session it seemed that events conspired to bring 
his, plans to a successful issue. The council bitterly 
arraigned the bishops for their neglect of preaching. 
In canon x they were directed to delegate capable men 
to preach the word of God to the people. Under these 
circumstances it would reasonably appear that Dom- 
inic's request for the confirmation of an order designed 
to carry out the mandates of the council would be joy- 



q 



DOMIRIO 



108 



DOMDflO 



fully granted. But while the council was anxious that 
these reforms should be put into effect as speedily as 
possible, it was at the same time opposed to the insti- 
tution of any new religious orders, and had legislated 
to that effect in no uncertain terms. Moreover, 
preaching had always been looked upon as primarily a 
function of the episcopate. To bestow this office on 
an unknown and untried body of simple priests seemed 
too original and too bold in its conception to appeal to 
the conservative prelates who influenced the delibera- 
tions of the council. When, therefore, his petition for 
the approbation, of his infant institute-was refused, it 
could not have been wholly unexpected by Saint 
Dominic. 

Returning to Languedoc at the close of the council 
in December, 1215, the founder gathered about him 
his little band of followers and informed them of the 
wish of the council that there should be no new rules 
for religious orders. Thereupon they adopted the 
ancient rule of Saint Augustine, which, on account of 
its generality, would easily lend itself to any form they 
might wish to give it. This done, Saint Dominic again 
appeared before the pope in the month of August, 
1216, and again solicited the confirmation of his order. 
This time he was received more favourably, and on 22 
December, 1216, the Bull of confirmation was issued. 

Saint Dominic spent the following Lent preaching 
in various churches in Rome, and before the pope and 
the papal court. It was at this time that he received 
the office and title of Master of the Sacred Palace, or 
Pope's Theologian, as it is more commonly called. 
This office has been held uninterruptedly by members 
of the order from the founder's time to the present 
day. On 15 August, 1217, he gathered the brethren 
about him at Prouille to deliberate on the affairs of the 
order. He had determined upon the heroic plan of 
dispersing his little band of seventeen unformed fol- 
lowers over ail Europe. The result proved the wisdom 
of an act which, to tne eye of human prudence at least, 
seemed little short of suicidal. To facilitate the spread 
of the order, Honorius III, on 11 Feb., 1218, addressed 
a Bull to all archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, 
requesting their favour on benalf of the Order of 
Preachers. By another Bull, dated 3 Dec., 1218, 
Honorius III bestowed upon the order the church of 
Saint Sixtus in Rome. Here, amid the tombs of the 
Appian Way, was founded the first monastery of the 
order in Rome. Shortly after taking possession of 
Saint Sixtus, at the invitation of Honorius, Saint 
Dominic began the somewhat difficult task of restor- 
ing the pristine observance of religious discipline 
among the various Roman communities of women. 
In a comparatively short time the work was accom- 
plished, to the great satisfaction of the pope. His 
own career at the University of Palencia, and the 
practical use to which he had put it in his encounters 
with the Albigenses, as well as his keen appreciation of 
the needs of tne time, convinced the saint that to en- 
sure the highest efficiency in the work of the aposto- 
late, his followers should be afforded the best educa- 
tional advantages obtainable. It was for this reason 
that on the occasion of the dispersion of the brethren 
at Prouille he dispatched Matthew of France and two 
companions to Paris. A foundation was made in the 
vicinity of the university, and the friars took posses- 
sion in October, 1217. Matthew of France was ap- 
pointed superior and Michael de Fabra was placed m 
charge of the studies with the title of Lecturer. On 
6 August of the following year, Jean de Barastre, dean 
of Saint-Quentin and professor of theology, bestowed 
on the community the hospice of Saint-Jacques, which 
he had built for his own use. Having effected a 
foundation at the University of Paris, Saint Dominic 
next determined upon a settlement at the University 
of Bologna. Bertrand of Garrigua, who had been 
summoned from Paris, and John of Navarre, set out 
from Rome, with letters from Pope Honorius, to make 



the desired foundation. On their arrival at Bologna, 
the church of Santa Maria della MascareUa was placed 
at their disposal. So rapidly did the Roman commu- 
nity of Saint Sixtus grow that the need of more com- 
modious quarters soon became urgent. Honorius, 
who seemed to delight in supplying every need of the 
order and furthering its interests to the utmost of his 

S>wer, met the emergency by bestowing on Saint 
ominic the basilica of Santa Sabina. 
Towards the end of 1218, having appointed Regi- 
nald of Orleans his vicar in Italy, the saint, accom- 
panied by several of his brethren, set out for Spain 
Bologna, Prouille, Toulouse, and Fanjeaux were vis- 
ited on the way. From Prouille two of the brethren 
were sent to establish a convent at Lyons. Segovia 
was reached j ust before Christmas. In February of the 
following year he founded the first monastery of the 
order in Spain. Turning southward, he established a 
convent for women at Madrid, similar to the one at 
Prouille. It is quite probable that on this journey he 
personally presided over the erection, of a convent in 
connexion with his alma mater, the University of 
Palencia. At the invitation of the Bishop of Barce- 
lona, a house of the order was established in that city. 
Again bending his steps towards Rome he recrossed 
the Pyrenees and visited the foundations at Toulouse 
and Paris. During his stay in the latter place he 
caused houses to be erected at Limoges, Metz, Reims, 
Poitiers, and Orleans-, which in a short time became 
centres of Dominican activity. From Paris he di- 
rected his course towards Italy, arriving in Bologna in 
July, 1219. Here he devoted several months to the 
religious formation of the brethren he found awaiting 
him, and then, as at Prouille, dispersed them over 
Italy. Among the foundations made at this time 
were those at Bergamo, Asti, Verona, Florence, Bres- 
cia, and Faenza. From Bologna he went to Viterbo. 
His arrival at the papal court was the signal for the 
showering of new favours on the order. Notable 
among these marks of esteem were many compliment- 
ary letters addressed by Honorius to all those who had 
assisted the Fathers in their various foundations. In 
March of this same year Honorius, through his repre- 
sentatives, bestowed upon the order the church of San 
Eustorgio in Milan. At the same time a foundation at 
Viterbo was authorized. On his return to Rome, 
towards the end of 1219, Dominic sent out letters to 
all the convents announcing the first general chapter 
of the order, to be held at Bologna on the feast of the' 
following Pentecost. Shortly before, Honorius III, 
by a special Brief, had conferred upon the founder the 
title of Master General, which till then he had held 
only by tacit consent. At the very first session of the 
chapter in the following spring the saint startled his 
brethren by offering his resignation as master general. 
It is needless to say the resignation was not accepted 
and the founder remained at the head of the institute 
till the end of his life. 

Soon after the close of the chapter of Bologna, Hon- 
orius III addressed letters to the abbeys and priories 
of San Vittorio, Sillia, Mansu, Floria, Vallombrosa, and 
Aquila, ordering that several of their religious be de- 
puted to begin, under the leadership of Saint Dominic, 
a preaching crusade in Lombardy, where heresy had 
developed alarming proportions. For some reason or 
other the plans of the pope were never realized. The 
promised support failing, Dominic, with a little band 
of his own brethren, threw himself into the field, 
and, as the event proved, spent himself in an effort to 
bring back the heretics to their allegiance to the 
Church. It is said that 100,000 unbelievers were con- 
verted by the preaching and the miracles of the saint. 
According to Lacordaire and others, it was during his 

£ reaching in Lombardy that the saint instituted the 
Eilitia of Jesus Christ, or the third order, as it is com- 
monly called, consisting of men and women living in 
the world, to protect the rights and property of the 



DOMINIO 109 DOMINIOAI, 

Church. Towards the end of 1221 Saint Dominic re- tic age, to supply a computus, or system of reckoning,' 

turned to Rome for the sixth and last time. Here he by which the relation of the solar and lunar years 

received many new and valuable concessions for the might be accommodated and the celebration of I&ster 

order. In January, February, and March of 1221 determined. Naturally she adoptecKthe astronomical 

three consecutive Bulls were issued commending the methods then available, and these methods and the 

order to all the prelates of the Church. The thirtieth terminology belonging to them, having become'tradi- 

of Mav, 1221, found hinx again at Bologna presiding tional, are perpetuated in a measure to this day, even 

over tne second general chapter of the order. At the after the reform of the calendar, in the prolegomena to 

close of the chapter he set out for Venice to visit Car- the Breviary and Missal. 

dinal Ugolino, to whom he was especially indebted for The Romans were accustomed to divide the year 

many substantial acts of kindness. He had scarcely into nundina, periods of eight days; and in their 

returned to Bologna when a fatal illness attacked him. marble fasti, or calendars, of which numerous speci- 

He died after three weeks of sickness, the many trials mens remain, they used the first eight letters of the 

of which he bore with heroic patience. In a Bull alphabet to mark the days of which each period was 

dated at Spoleto, 13 July, 1234, Gregory IX made his composed. When the Oriental seven-day period, or 

cult obligatory throughout the Church. week, was introduced, in the time of Augustus, the 

The life of St. Dominic was one of tireless effort in the first seven letters of the alphabet were employed in 

service of Qod. While he journeyed from place to place the same way to indicate the days of this new division 

he prayed and preached almost uninterruptedly. His of time. In fact, fragmentary calendars on marble 

penances were of such a nature as to cause the still survive in which both a cycle of eight letters — A 

brethren, who accidentally discovered them, to fear to H — indicating nundince, and a cycle of seven letters 

the effect upon his life. While his charity was bound- — A to G — indicating weeks, are used side by side (see 

less. he never permitted it to interfere with the stern "Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum", 2nd ed., I, 220. 

sense of duty that guided every action of his life. If — The same peculiarity occurs in the Philocalian Cal- 

he abominated heresy and laboured untiringly for its endar of a.d. 356, ibid., p. 256). This device was imi- 

extirpation it was because he loved truth and loved tated by the Christians, and in their calendars the days 

the souls of those among whom he laboured. He of the year from 1 January to 31 December were 

never failed to distinguish between sin and the sinner, marked with a continuous recurring cycle of seven 

It is not to be wondered at, therefore, if this athlete letters: A, B, C, D, E, F, G. A was always set against 

of Christ, who had conquered himself before attempt- 1 January, B against 2 January, C against 3 January, 

ing the reformation of others, was more than once and so on. Thus F fell to 6 January, G to 7 January* 

chosen to show forth the power of God. The failure A again recurred on 8 January, and also, conse- 

of the fire at Fanjeaux to consume the dissertation he quently, on 15 January, 22 January, and 29 January, 

had employed against the heretics, and which was Continuing in this way, 30 January was marked with 

thrice thrown into the flames; the raising to life of a B, 31 January with a C, and 1 February with a D. 

Napoleone Orsini ; the appearance of the angels in the Supposing this to be carried on through all the days of 

refectory of Saint Sixtus in response to his prayers, are an ordinary year (i. e. not a leap year), it will be found 

but a few of the supernatural happenings by which that a D corresponds to 1 March, G to 1 April, B to 

God was pleased to attest the eminent holiness of His 1 May, E to 1 June, G to 1 July, C to 1 August, E to 

servant. We are not surprised, therefore, that, after 1 September, A to 1 October, D to 1 November, and 

signing the Bull of canonization on 13 July, 1234, F to 1 December — a result which Durandus recalled 

Gregory IX declared that he no more doubted the by the following distich: — 

saintliness of Saint Dominic than he did that of Saint ' Alta Domat Dominus, Gratis Beat Equa Gerentes 



Peter and Saint Paul. Contemnit Fictos, Augebit Dona Fideli. 




168: Mamachi, Anrudes .Ordinis PrcBdvoaiorum (Rome, days marked by a G will be Sundays. This being ex- 



368-068: 
1766); Li 

inSZufyd* F(>r3n%8 X Frtoe8 PriSum (PohieVls??); bS£ be that'letter of the cycle, A, B, C,"l5, E, F, G, which 
nard. LetDominicairu dans vUnivenMde Paris (Pans, 1883); -corresponds to the day upon which the first Sunday 




It is plain, however, that when leap year occurs, a 

Prwdicatorum (Louvain. 1896); Bau» and Lelaidier, Car- complication is introduced. February has then 

ft£S! ^^ At^clt^i^^^i twenty-nine days. According, to the Anglican and 

Ordinia Pradieaiarum (Rome, 1900). 1-9; Guibaud, Saint Civil calendars this extra day IS added to the end of 

Dominique (Puis, 1001): tr. Db Mattob (London, 1901); the month; according to the Catholic ecclesiastical 

<pB?"&W^ calendar 24 February w counted twice. But in either 

' ' ' ' John B. O'Connor. case * March is then one day later in the week than 

_ . . _ _ « « ' ^1 February, or, in other words, for the rest of the year 

Dominic, Rule of Saint. See Preachers, Order the Sundays come a day earlier than they would in a 

OF - # common year. This is expressed by saying that a 

Dominical Letter, a device adopted from the leap year has two Dominical Letters, the second being 

Romans by the old chronologers to aid them in finding the letter which precedes that with which the year 

the day of the week corresponding to any given date, started. For example, 1 January, 1907, was a liies- 

and indirectly to facilitate the adjustment of the day; the first Sunday fell on 6 January, or an F. F 

"Proprium de Tempore" to the "Proprium Sane- was, therefore, the Dominical Letter for 1907. The 

torum " when constructing the ecclesiastical calendar first of January, 1908, was a Wednesday, the first Sun- 

for any year. The Church, on account of her compli- day fell on 5 January, and E was the Dominical Let- 

cated system of movable and immovable feasts (see ter, but as 1908 was leap year, its Sundays after Feb- 

Calendar, Christian}, has from an early period taken ruary came a day sooner than in the normal year and 

upon herself as a special charge to regulate the meas- were D's. • The year 1908, therefore, had a double 

urement of time. To secure uniformity in the observ- Dominical Letter, E-D. In 1909, 1 January is a Fri- 

Ance of feasts and fasts, she began, even in the patris- day and the Dominical Letter is C. In 1910 and 191 1, 



DOMINICAN 



110 



DOMDHOAN 



(i, n, i 
(in 




1 January falls respectively on Saturday and Sunday 
and the Dominical Letters are B and A. 

This, of course, is all very simple, but the advantage 
of the device lies, like that of an algebraical expression, 
in its being a mere symbol adaptable to any year. 
By constructing a table of letters and days of the 
year, A always being set against 1 January, we can at 
once see the relation oetween the days of the week and 
the day of any month, if only we know the Dominical 
Letter. This may always be found by the following 
rule of De Morgan's, which gives the Dominical Letter 
for any year, or the second Dominical Letter if it be 
leap year: — 

I. Add 1 to the given year. 
II. Take the quotient found by dividing the given 
year by 4 (neglecting the remainder). 

III. Take 16 from the centurial figures of the given 

year if that can be done. 

IV. Take the quotient of HI divided by 4 (neg- 

lecting the remainder). 
V. From the sum of I, II, and IV. subtract III. 
VI. Find the remainder of V divided by 7: this is 
the number of the Dominical Letter, sup- 
posing A, B, C, D, E, F, G to be equivalent 
respectively to 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1, 0. 
For example, to find the Dominical Letter of the year 
1913:— 

1914+ 478+ 0=2392. 

19-16=3. 

2392-3=2389. 

2389-#-7=341, remainder 2. 
Therefore the Dominical Letter is E. 

But the Dominical Letter had another very practi- 
cal use in the days before the " Ordo divini omen reci- 
tandi " was printed annually and when, consequently, 
a priest had often to determine the " Ordo" tor him- 
self (see Directories, Catholic). As will be shown 
in the articles Epact and Easter Controversy, 
Easter Sunday may be as early as 22 March or as late 
as 25 April, and there are consequently thirty-five 
possible days on which it may fall. It is also evident 
that each Dominical Letter allows five possible dates 
for Easter Sunday. Thus, in a year whose Dominical 
Letter is A ( i. e. when 1 January is a Sunday), Easter 
must be either on 26 March, 2 April, 9 April, 16 April, 
or 23 April; for these are all the Sundays within the 
defined limits. But according as Easter falls on one 
or another of these Sundays we shall get a different 
calendar, and hence there are five, and only five, pos- 
sible calendars for years whose Dominical Letter is A. 
Similarly, there are five possible calendars for years 
whose Dominical Letter is B, five for C, and so on, 
thirty-five possible combinations in all. Now, ad- 
vantage was taken of this principle in the arrangement • 
of the old Pve or directorium which preceded our pres- 
ent " Ordo . The thirty-five possible calendars were 
all included therein and numbered, respectively, 
primum A .secundum A, tertium A, etc.; primum B t 
secundum B. etc. Hence for anyone wishing to use 
the Pye the first thing to determine was the Dominical 
Letter of the year, and then by means of the Golden 
Number or the Epact, and by the aid of a simple table, 
to find which of tne five possible calendars assigned to 
that Dominical Letter belonged to the year in ques- 
tion. Such a table as that just referred to, but 
adapted to the reformed calendar and in more con- 
venient shape, will be found at the beginning of every 
Breviary and Missal under the heading, ''Tabula 
Paschahs nova reformata". 

The Dominical Letter does not seem to have been 
familiar to Bede in his " De Temporum Ratione", but 
in its place he adopts a similar device of seven num- 
bers which he calls concurrentes (De Temp. Rat., cap. 
liii). This was of Greek origin. The Concurrents are 
numbers denoting the day of the week on which 24 
March falls in the successive years of the solar cycle, 
I standing for Sunday, 2 (Jena secunda) for Monday, 



3 for Tuesday, and so on. It is sufficient here to state 
that the relation between the Concurrents and the 
Dominical Letter is the following: — 

Concurrents 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 

Dominical Letter F E D C B A G 

Butchbb, The Ecclesiastical Calendar: He Theory and Con- 
struction (Dublin, 1846); Dk Morgan, Companion to the British 
Almanac for 18h6\ Idem, The Book of Almanac* (3d od., Lon- 
don, 1907); Lunn m the appendixes to Maydeston's Directorium 
Sacerdotum (Henry Bradahaw Soc., London, 1902). vol. II, 
pp. 673-702: Gbotefend in Orunariss der Oeschichtswissen- 
schaft (Leipzig, 1906), vol. I, pp. 267-319; Sicksx in Stieunos- 
berichte of the Vienna Academy, vol. XXXVIII, pp. 200 eqq.; 
and especially the great work of Clavius, Romanx Calenaarii a 
Orepor. XIIIrestituH explicatio (Rome, 1603); and the Art de 
verifier lee dates by the Benedictines of St-Maur, vol. I. 

Herbert Thubston. 



Dominican Republic, The (San Domingo, Santo 
Domingo), is the eastern, and much the larger, politi- 
cal division of the island now comprehensively known 
as Haiti, which is the second in sise of the Greater 
Antilles. The territory of this republic, estimated at 
18,045 square miles, is divided from that of the Re- 
public of Haiti, on the west, by a serpentine line run- 
ning from the mouth of the V aqui River, on the north 
coast, to a point not far from Cape tteata, on the 
south; its northern shores are washed by the Atlantic 
Ocean, its southern by the Caribbean Sea, while on 
the east, the Mona Passage separates it from the island 
of Porto Rico. In proportion to its size San Domingo 
is much less densely settled than Haiti. Ethnologi- 
cally, the Dominicans contrast with the Haitians in 
being a Spanish-speaking people, mostly of mixed 
negro and European descent, the Haitians being pure 
negro and speaking French. The climate of San 
Domingo is in some parts bad, in others remarkably 
good, notably in and around the city of San Domingo 
where, in spite of poor sanitation, it is said that " no- 
body need die of anything but old age". During the 
dry season (November to March) the mean diurnal 
variation of temperature on the south coast is from 70 
to 80 degrees Fahr. ; during the rainy seasons (summer 
and autumn) it is from 80 to 92. These figures, like 
most statistics of contemporary San Domingo, are 
necessarily conjectural. 

General History. — From the date of its discovery 
until the era of the French Revolution the civil and 
the ecclesiastical history of the territory now occupied 
by the Dominican Republic are inseparably conjoined. 
In December, 1492, Christopher Columbus, having 
failed in his expectation of identifying the island of 
Cuba with Japan (Cipango), had shaped his course 
homeward, when the accident of the prevailing wind 
brought him in sight of the island which he named His- 
paniola (Little Spain). On 6 December, 1492, he 
landed at Mdle St. Nicholas (now Haitian territory), 
then, passing along the north coast of the island to the 
Gulf of Samana, landed again and penetrated inland 
as far as the summit of Santo Cerro (Holy Hill), where, 
looking down upon the magnificent upland plain 
which he named La Vega Real, he planted a wooden 
cross to commemorate his discovery. His first land- 
ing had been unopposed, but at the eastern end of 
Hispaniola the Ciguayen tribe received the Spaniards 
with a volley of arrows, from which adventure the gulf 
now called Samana was named by Columbus Golfo 
de las Flechas (Gulf of Arrows). The island had been 
known to ita aboriginal inhabitants as Haiti; they were 
of the Arawak stock and accustomed to fight against 
the piratical Caribs, though themselves of a rather 
pacific character. That they worshipped idols ap- 
pears from the fact that the first Bishop of San Do- 
mingo sent an idol of aboriginal workmanship as a 
present to Leo X (Moroni, Dixionario, XX, s. v. Do- 
mingo). 

Tne first Spanish settlement, Isabella, was on the 
north coast. But in 1496, when Miguel Diaa re- 
ported to the admiral the existence of much gold in 



DOMINICAN 11 

and about the Hayna River, as well as the remarkable 
salubrity of the country of the Ozamas, on the south 
coast, Isabella, which Had been found unhealthy, was 
abandoned. At the mouth of the Osama River and 
on its left bank, Bartolome Col6n began the settle- 
ment of Nueva Isabella, which waa not long after- 
wards replaced bySan Domingo, on the opposite bank. 
Thus, the present capital of the Dominican Republic, 












■I'Mt 






"% 


\ ■ 












mi 


m-i 



Facsdb or ti 






■ San DotnNoo 



the oldest Christian city in the New World, was al- 
ready established as the capital of the "NewSpains" 
in the last year of the fifteenth century. Leo X 
erected the See of San Domingo-^-the mother church 
of all Spanish America, and the oldest bishopric in the 
New World— in 1513. In 1514, under Alessandro 
Giraldini, its first bishop,the present cathedral church 
of San Domingo was begun; it was completed in 1540. 
In this cathedral, about 200 feet in length by 90 in 
width, the remains of several members of the Colum- 
bus family — possibly even of the great admiral him- 
self — still repoee: here, too, is still reverently preserved 
a fragment of the cross which Columbus set up on 
Santo Cerro, and about which miraculous legends 
' ' have grown up in the course of four centuries. The 
catalogue of adelanlados of the island includes the 
names of DiegoCol6n (immediate successor to his uncle 
Bartolom£). of Bobadilla, and van do. There Colum- 
bus himself lived for many years, there he was impris- 
oned by his enemies, and thence he set out upon his 
last voyage to Spain. To San Domingo Ojeda re turned 
from his last expedition of discovery and conquest in 
1509. His grave is still shown in the main doorway of 
the ruined Franciscan church. In 1547 Paul III 
made San Domingo the metropolitan see of the New 
World. Meanwhile houses of the Friars Preachers, 
the Franciscans, and the Mercedarians sprang up rap- 
idly, and in this West Indian port, the population of 
which could never have exceeded 20,000, the ruins of 
not fewer than half a dozen ancient convents are still 
to be seen. The Jesuit college, now used as a theatre, 
was not founded until a later period. 

While all this activity lasted, the seeds of social and 
political decay were being sown in Hispaniola. The 
aborigines were either killed or driven into hiding 
among the Cibao mountains; the importation of negro 
slaves became a regular institution. The Spanish set- 
tlers were men of the losing, not the conquering, type; 
their blood mingled with that of the negro and, in some 
degree, the aboriginal, to produce the San Domingan 
of modern times. In 15B6 Francis Drake drove the 
Spanish garrison out of San Domingo and burned sec- 
tion after section of the city until a ransom of 30,000 
crowns was paid to him . In the next century French 
adventurers — the original boucanisrs — began to use 
the little island of Tortuga, near the north-west coast of 
Hispaniola, as a piratical rendezvous; from Tortuga 



DOMtHIOAlt 



they gradually spread over the eastern end of B 
ola, creating a claim of occupation which Spain recog- 
nised in the Treaty of Ryswick (1091). It was in 
April, 1655, that an English force, conveyed thither on 
the fleet commanded by Admiral Perm, was driven 
away, after effecting a landing about thirty miles west 
of the capital. The natural resources of Hispaniola 
still enriched Spain, and the mint at Concepcion de la 
Vega continued to coin sold from the Hayna. After 
the Peace of Ryswick, Hispaniola might almost have 
been forgotten if an English cabinet-maker had not 
(about the year 1766) discovered the value of mahog- 
any. The demand, at first created by a shipment from 
Jamaica, was largely supplied by the Spanish island. 

The French Revolution reacted upon Hispaniola. 
The whites and mulattos of San Domingo, under Span- 
ish leaders, attempted to restore the old regime in the 
French colony, but in 1795 all Hispaniola was ceded to 
France. The Spanish authorities transferred San 
Domingo to the representative of the French Republic, 
who was the mulatto General Toussaiot L'Ouverture. 
Until the Treaty of Paris (1814) the French whites, 
the white and coloured partisans of Spain, the blacks 
of Haiti, and, now and then, a British expeditionary 
force fought for supremacy in San Domingo. The 
treacherous capture of L'Ouverture and his mysterious 
death in prison at Besancon, in 1803, were followed by 
a general massacre of the whites in Haiti in March, 1304. 
The Haitian blacks now compelled the submission of 
San Domingo to the authority of their first president, 
Dessalines. At last, in 1814, the Treaty of Paris re- 
Stored to Spain her oldest possession in the New World. 

Actual Conditio ns. — Out of the political chaos, 
which had lasted for more than half a century, arose 
the present Dominican Republic. Its constitution 
was proclaimed 18 November, 1844, and its first presi- 
dent was Pedro 
San tana; it was 
recognised by 
France in 1848, 
and by Great Brit- 
ain in 1850. An 
attempt to restore 
Spanish rule, in 
1881, in defiance 
of the Monroe 
Doctrine, ended 
with a final Span- 
ish evacuation in 
1865. In 1897 the 
foreign debt of 
the republic had 
reached the 
amount of more 
than $21,000,000, 
the interest on 
which was sup- 
posed to be se- 
cured by customs 
receipts; follow- 
ing a default of 
interest (1 ApriL 
1899), the Gov- 
ernment of the 
United States in- 
tervened to ob- 
tain an equitable settlement, and its efforts led 
to the convention of 1905 (ratified 1907), by which 
an agent, always a citizen of the United States, is 
to be permanently empowered to act as general re- 
ceiver of the Dominican customs in the interest of the 
foreign bondholders. Since 9 June. 1905, all lands 
owned by the Dominican Government have been open 
for settlement, free for ten vears, and after that at a 
rent of 5 cents per acre. Although there can be little 
doubt that the national resources of the republic still 
include large quantities of gold, silver, and copper ore, 




<n 



had even iron, the actual products are only vegetable: 
sugar (183,764 acres under cultivation in 1906); tobacco 
(nearly 15,000,000 lbs. of leaf exported annually) ; co- 
coa; coffee. The actual timber output is insignificant. 
In 1907 the total length of railroad was 112 miles. 

The Constitution of the Dominican Republic is 
said to be modelled on that of Venezuela; the presi- 
dent, elected for four years, is assisted by a council of 
ministers; the legislature is a single chamber elected 
. by popular vote in twenty-four departments. The su- 
preme court of the republic (a president and four judges) 
's appointed by the national congress, its "minister 

local" hnnrabiir Kpiticf nnrviiritftl by the Chief CXeCU- 

tive; for courts of 
first instance, the 
republic is divided 
into eleven judi- 
cial districts, each 
presided over by 
an alcalde. By 
the terms of the 
Constitution edu- 
cation is gratui- 
' tous and compul- 
sory. 

The ancient city 
of San Domingo 
(population, 16,- 



studies, he laboured -as professor and preacher fot 
twelve years at Venice. With the sanction of the 
master general. Blessed Raymond of Capua, he estab- 
lished convents of strict observance of bis order at 




000) 



still 1 
t of the civil 



Tbe Hour^Aji Towm. S»» Doiimcm who, however, no 
in whioh Di<«o Coiumbm m longer has any suf- 

imp ™™ d fragans. The re- 

lations between Church and State are (1908) very 
cordial. The Constitution of the Republic, in which 
religious liberty is an article, guarantees to the 
Church freedom of action, which, nevertheless, is 
curtailed by the law providing that the civil solem- 
nization of marriages must precede the canonical. 
The municipal cemeteries are consecrated in accord- 
ance with the Church's requirements, though in 
some important centres of population there are non- 
Catholic cemeteries besides. In the Dominican Re- 
public (with which the Archdiocese of San Domingo is 
coextensive) there are 600,000 Catholics, upwards of 
1000 Protestants, and very few Jews, while the Ma- 
sonic lodges number about thirteen. The total num- 
ber of parishes is 56, each with its own church, in addi- 
tion to which there are 13 chapels and 82 mission sta- 
tions. The (ecclesiastical) Conciliar seminary, at the 
capital, is under the care of the Eudist Fathers (Con- 
gregation of Jesus and Mary), who also administer the 
cathedral parish. Another college under ecclesiastical 
control is that of San Sebastian in La Vega. A dio- 
cesan congregation of religious women numbers 30 
members, distributed among four houses; these sisters, 
who have charge of a hospital, care for orphan children 
and the infirm aged. 

Kim, Son Domtngo (Philadelphia, 1870)1 Ha* ami, Santo 
Domingo, Ptut and Pretrnl (New York. 1873); Dm. Mourn t 
Tejada, Miliaria de S. Domingo (Madrid. 1860); Moroni, Ditio- 
nono. I. V. Domingo; ScHOUBURan. Sola on St Domingo la 
Proceeding! of Britith Allocation, 1BS1; Slalaman't Ytar-Book, 

1908. E. Macfheason. 



Dominions. See Preachers, Order of. 

Dominicl, Giovanni, Blesseo (Banchini or Bac- 
chini was his family name), Cardinal, statesman, 
and writer, b. at Florence, 1356;d. at Buda, 10 July, 
1420. He entered the Dominican Order at Santa 
Maria Novella in 1372 after having been cured, 
through the intercession of St . Catherine of Siena, of an 
impediment of speech for which he had been refused 
admission to the order two years before. On his re- 
turn from Paris, where he completed his theologies' 



Venice (1381) and Fiesole (1406), and founded the 
convent of Corpus Christ i at Venice for the Dominican 
Nuns of the Strict Observance. He was sent as envoy 
of Venice to the conclave of 1406 in which Gregory 
XII was elected; the following year the pope, whose 
confessor and counsellor he was, appointed him Arch- 
bishop of Ragusa, created him cardinal in 1408 and 
sent him as ambassador to Hungary, to secure the ad- 
hesion of SLrismund to the pope. At the Council of 
Constance Dominici read the voluntary resignation 
which Gregory XII had adopted, on his advice, as the 
surest means of ending the schism. Martin V ap- 

Einted him legate to Bohemia on 19 July, 1418, but 
accomplished little with the followers of Hub, ow- 
ing to the supineness of King Wenceslaus. He was 
declared blessed by Gregory XVI in 1832 and his feast 
is observed 10 June. Dominici was not only a prolific 
writer on spiritual subjects but alsoa graceful poet, as 
his many vernacular hymns, or Laudi, show. His 
"Regola del governo di cura familiare , written be- 
tween 1400 and 1405, is a valuable pedagogical work 
(edited by Salvi, Florence, 1860) which treats, in four 
books, of thg faculties of the soul, the powers and 



lated into German by Rosier (Herder's Bibliothek der 
katholischen Padagogik, VII, Freiburg, 1894). His 
"Lucula Noctis" (R. Coukm, O. P., Latin text of the 
fifteenth century with an introduction, Paris, 1008) in 
reply to a letter of Nicola di Piero Salutati, is the most 
important treatise of that day on the study of the 
pagan authors. Dominici does not flatly condemn 
classical studies, but strenuously opposes the pagan- 
izing humanism of the day. 

RiJBi.au, Cardinal Johanna Dominici, O. Pr. (Frdburf, 
1893); Qofcnr and Echakd, SS. O. P., I, 7B7. 70S. II. 825; 
Sauebund. Cardinal Johanna Dominici tmd tin VerhaUen 
ru den kirchlichen Uniowoettrtbvngen iDahrend der Jahrt IU&- 
UU in Brieoertehe ZciltchriH, IX; Mandonnct in Hiitoriidit* 
Jahrbueh, V; Pastor. Getchichle der Papile, III. 22 ■□.; Mo» 
TIiB. Hiitoire da MaUra GtnenJux do I'ordre da Frira JVI- 
cheun, 111, £51 aq.; Bucioni, Letter* di Santi e Beali Fionntini 
(1736), III; Couura, Beati Raamu-ndi Litter* el Opiueula. > 

Thob. M. Schwertner. 

Dominic Loricatus, Saint. See Fontb Avellana. 

Dominic of Joous-Mwy, Venerable. See 
Thomas or Jehus. 



tn,. Ai ban near Trier. 1461. According to the account 
he wrote of himself his first teacher was the parish 
priest, a pious Dominican; later he was a student at 
the University of Cracow where he was noted for his 
intelligence. Falling into bad habits he led a vaga- 
bond life until twenty-five years of age, when he re- 
formed through the influence of Adolf of Essen, prior 
of the Carthusian monastery of St. Alban, near Trier. 
Dominic now became a Carthusian, entering the order 
in 1409. His monastic life was one of severe penance 
and religious fervour. The spiritual favours he re- 
ceived were numerous, and many visions are ascribed 
to him. Among the positions he filled were those of 
master of novices at Mains and vicar of the monastery 
of St. Alban, where be died. As an author Dominic 
composed seventeen treatises, which have been pre- 



DOBONIO 113 DOMINIS 




Mary" he had the thought of adding meditations on Dominic by leather Pius t)evine. 

the life of Christ and of His Holy Mother. As in T Livw of Father Dominic: Italian by P^bbFeuppo (i860); 

1.;. *i*~~ 4i, A a,«, **„_;» 4 AMm ; mA 4<Jl «{+u fk A WAW i a . Lucca di San Giuseppe (Genoa. 1877); English, by Pius De- 

hw time the Aye Mana terminated With the words. ^^ (London. 1898): Caiiii. Father Dominic and the Convenion 

"FructllS ventris tui, Jesus , he jomed to each a sen- at England in Catholic Truth Society publications (1000); Fa- 

tence to recall to mind the mystery, such as "quem ther Dominic's letters and correspondence concerning: his mis- 

A i .. . j a . a * •* . .• i.:>> rt~,.~ anon to England are published as a supplement to the 3d vol. of 

Angplo nuntiante de Sancto Spintu concepisti", "quo ^ OmUmaolife of St. Paul of the Cross (London. 1863). 

concepto, in montana ad Elizabeth lvisti , etc. Both Aaraim De vine. 
Dominic and his friend Adolf sought to spread the use 

of this form of prayer in the Carthusian Order and Dominis, Marco Antonio De, a Dalmatian ee- 

among the laity. For these reasons it is held by some clesiastic, apostate, and man of science, b. on the 

authors that the "Psalter' 1 of Dominic was the form, island of Arbe, off the coast of Dalmatia, in 1566; d. 

or one of the original forms, from which the present in the Castle of Sant' Angeio, Rome, September, 

Rosary developed. 1624. Educated at the Ulyrian College at Loreto and 

, l£ 9 "5" u ». An ^ a t sa °^4 c g & (Montreuil, l^ss^ac!. an. at tne University of Padua, he entered the Society of 

1428; Lb Vasseur, Ephemend. Ord. Cart., under 21 December t „.«■ ~~A +«,.«K+ *»«+!*<*««»+;*», 1«™« ~ n A -l^^i^ «* 

(Montreuil. 1890); TWrt, Der heilige Bruno (Luxemburg, Jesus and taught mathematics, logic, and rhetoric at 

1872). 74-65; U\Kx,Gesehichie de* Erzstifte* Trier (Trier, 1862), Padua and Brescia. On leaving the Jesuits (1596), 

y • !?}*&! **• WFW" <^ i ^?^ Menkran %? & Der he was, through imperial influence, appointed Bishop 

Kathdxk (Mains. Oct., Nov., Dec., 1897): TnvBVtOK t The Roaary - n'^ /al^„ L nrt \ ow% j \mJaJ*Z :« rk A i mA *u 

in The Month (November, i900). « Zenffi (Segna, Seng) and Mddrus in Dalmatia 

Ambrose Mougel. (Aug., 1600), and . transferred (Nov., 1602) to the 

archiepiscopal See of Spalato. He sided with Venice, 

Dominic of the Mother of God (called in secular in whose territory his see was situated, during the • 
life Domenico Barberi), a member of the Passionist quarrel between Paul V and the Republic (1606-7)* 
Congregation and theologian, b. near Viterbo, Italy, That fact, combined with a correspondence with Fra 
22 June, 1792; d. near Reading, England, 27 August, Paolo Sarpi and conflicts with his clergy and fellow- 
1849. His parents were peasants and died while bishops which culminated in the loss otan important 
Dominic was still a small boy. There were six chil- financial case in the Roman Curia, led to the resigna- 
dren, and Dominic, the youngest child, was adopted tion of his office in favour of a relative and his retire- 
by his maternal uncle, Bartolomeo Pacelli. As a boy ment to Venice. Threatened by the Inquisition, he pre- 
he was employed to take care of sheep, and when he pared to apostatize, entered into communication with 
grew older he did farm work. He was taught his let- the English ambassador to Venice, Sir Henry Wotton, 
ters by a kind Capuchin priest, and learned to read and having been assured of a welcome, left for Eng- 
from a country lad of his own age; although he read land in 1616. On his way there, he published at 
all the books he could obtain, he had no regular educa- Heidelberg a violent attack on Rome: " Scogli del 
tion until he entered the Congregation of the Passion. Cristiano naufragio", afterwards reprinted in Eng- 
He was deeply religious from childhood, felt himself land. He was received with open arms by James I, 
distinctly called to join the institute he "entered, and who quartered him upon Archbishop Abbot of Can- 
believed that God, by a special manifestation, had terbury, called on the other bishops to pay him a pen- 
told him that he was destined to announce the Gospel sion, and granted him precedence alter the Arch- 
truth and to bring back stray sheep to the way of bishops of Canterbury and York. De Dominis wrote 
salvation. a number of anti-Roman sermons, published his often 

He was received into the Congregation of the Pas- reprinted chief work, "De Repuolica Ecclesiastica 

don in 1814, and ordained priest, 1 March, 1818. contra PrinmtumPap» ,> (Vol. I, 1617: vol. II, 1620, 

After completing the regular course of studies, he London; Vol. Ill, 1622, Hanover), and took part, as 

taught philosophy and theology to the students of the assistant, in the consecration of George Montaigne as 

congregation as lector for a period of ten years. He Bishop of Lincoln, 14 Dec., 1617. In that same year, 

then held in Italy the offices of rector, provincial con- James I made him Dean of Windsor and granted him 

suitor, and provincial, and fulfilled the duties of these the Mastership of the Savoy. 

positions with ability. At the same time he con- In 1619 De Dominis published in London the first 

stantlv gave missions and retreats. He founded the edition of Fra Paolo Sarpi's " History of the Council 

first Passionist Retreat in Belgium at Ere near Tour- of Trent"; the work appeared in Italian, with an anti- 

nai in 1840; in 1842, after twenty-eight years of Roman title page and letter dedicatory to James I. 

effort, he established the Passionists in England, at His vanity ? avarice, and irascibility, however, soon 

Aston Hall, Staffordshire. During the seven years of lost him his English friends; the projected Spanish 

his missionary life in England he established three marriage of Prince Charles made him anxious about 

houses of the congregation. He died at a small rail- the security of his position in England, and the elec- 

way station near Reading and was buried under the tion of Gregory XV (9 Feb., 1621) furnished him with 

hign altar of St. Anne's Retreat, Sutton, St. Helen's, an occasion of intimating, through Catholic diploma- 

Among the remarkable converts whom he received tists in England, his wish to return to Rome. The 

into the Church may be mentioned John Dobree Dal- king's anger was aroused when De Dominis announced 

gairns, John Henry Newman, and Newman's two com- his intention (16 Jan., 1622), and Star-Chamber pro- 

panions, E. S. Bowles and Richard Stanton, all of ceedings for illegal correspondence with Rome were 

whom were afterwards distinguished Oratorians. threatened. Eventually he was allowed to depart, but 

The reception in 1845 of Newman and his friends his chests of hoarded money were seized by the king's 

must have been the greatest happiness of his life. In men, and only restored in response to a piteous per- 

1846 Father Dominic received the Hon. George Spen- sonal appeal to the king. Once out of England his 

cer, in religion Father Ignatius of St. Paul, into the attacks upon the English Church were as violent as 

Congregation of the Passion. had been those on the See of Rome, and in "Sui 

Among Father Dominic's works are: courses of Reditus ex Anglia Consilium" (Paris, 1623) he re- 
philosophy and moral theology; a volume on the canted all he had written in his "Consilium Profec- 
rassion of Our Lord; a work for nuns on the Sorrows tionis" (London, 1616), declaring that he had delib- 
of the Blessed Virgin, "Divina Paraninfa"; arefuta- erately lied in all that he had said against Rome, 
tion of de Lamennais: three series of sermons; vari- After a stay of six months in Brussels, he proceeded to 
oua controversial and ascetical works. In 1841 he Rome, where he lived on a pension assigned him by the 
V- 



<i 



DOMUfTJB l: 

pope. On the death of Gregory XV (8 July, 1623) 

the pension ceased, and irritation loosened his tongue. 
Coming into conflict with the Inquisition he was de- 
clared a relapsed heretic, whs confined to the Castle of 
Sant' Angela, and there died a natural death. His 
case was continued after his death, his heresy de- 
clared manifest, and hia body burned together with 
his works on 21 Dec., 1624. 

In 1611 he published, at Venice, a scientific work en- 
titled: " Tracts t us lie radiis viaua et luois in vitris, 
perspectivis et hide", in which, according to Newton, 
he was the first to develop the theory of the rainbow, 
by drawing attention to the fact that in each raindrop 
the light undergoes two refractions and an interme- 
diate reflection. His claim to that 

distinction is, however, disputed 
in favour of Descartes. 

Much information may be obtained 
from hia own works; Goodman, The 
Court of King Jamee the Fint, *d. 
Buwu (London, 1S3B). I. 83fl-3o4; 
Fuller, Church Melon/ at Brdam, 
ed. Nichols (London. 1808). Ill, 332- 
**■*■ Wamu, Hutorv of f>e Inductive 
e (London, 1837). II, 347 »<]□.; 



onvneu iixmaon, laat}, 
Pebst in Diet. Nat. Biog.. ... 
Redhont, Beitriae nr Hal. OeechidtU 
(18fi7), VI. 316-328; Reuhcb, Index d. 
wrfwl. BUcher, II 402. BO*. 

Edward Myers. 

Dominns ac Redernp tor. See 
Society of Jesus. 

Dominus Voblicnm, an an- 
cient form of devout salutation, 
incorporated in the liturgy of the 
Church, where it is employed as a 

Srelude to certain formal prayers. 
;$ origin is evidently Scriptural, 
being clearly borrowed from Ruth, 
ii, 4, and II Par., xv, 2. The same 
idea is also suggested in the New 
Testament, e. g. in Matt., xxviii, 
20: "Ecce ego vobiscum sum , 
etc. The ecclesiastical usage dates 

Crobably from Apostolic times, 
[ention of it is made (ch. iii) by 
the Council of Braga (563). It 
also appears in the sixth or sev- 
enth-century " Sacramentarium 
Gelasianum . The phrase is preg- 
nant with a deep religious signifi- 
cance, and therefore intensely ex- 
pressive of the highest and holiest 
wishes. For is not the presence 
of the Lord — the Source of every 
good and the Author of every 
best gift — a certain pledge of Di- 
vine protection and a sure earnest ElIPFROR lJOli 

of the possession of all spiritual peace and conso- 
lation? In the mouth, therefore, of the priest, 
who acts as the representative and delegate of the 
Church, in whose name and with whose authority 
he prays, this deprecatory formula is pre-eminently 
appropriate. Hence its frequent use m the public 
prayers of the Church's liturgy. During the Mass it 
occurs eight times, namely, before the priest ascends 
the altar, before the two Gospels, the collects, the 
Offertory, the Preface, the PostrCommunion oraiw, 
and the blessing. On four of these occasions the cele- 
brant, whilst saying it, turns to the people, extending 
and joining his hands; on the other four he remains 
facing the altar. In the Divine Office this formula 
is said before the principal oratio of each Hour by 
priests, even in private recitation, because they are 
supposed to pray in union with, and in behalf of, the 
Church. Deacons aay it only in the absence of a 
priest or with his permission if present (Van der S tap- 
pen, De officio divino, 43), but subdeacons use in- 
stead the "Domine exaudi orationem meam". Con- 




4 . DOMITIAK 

trary to general usage, the "Dominus Vobiscum" 
does not precede the prayer of the Blessed Sacrament 
before Benediction is given. Gardellini (Comment, in 
Inst. Clem., §31, n. 6) explains this anomaly on the 
ground that the blessing with the Sacred Host in the 
monstrance effectively contains all that is implied in 
the formula. Bishops use the '' Pas Vobis" (q. v.) be- 
fore the collects in Masses where the Gloria is said. 
The response to the "Dominus Vobiscum "ia"Et cum 
apiritutuo"{cf.IITim.,iv,22; Gal.,vi,18; Phil.,iv, 
'23). Formerly this answer was rendered back with 
one voice by the entire congregation. Among the 
Greeks there is a corresponding form "Pax omni- 
*' (Liturgy of St. Basil). The Council of Braga. 
____^^_ already mentioned, ordained 
1 (MansL IX, 777) that priests, as 
well as bishops, to whom alone the 
Prise ill ianista sought to restrict 
it, should adopt this formula. 

Saint Petes ll.i hi an, treatise on the 
"Dominui VobUcujn" in P. L„ CXLV, 
231 aaq.; Anqelus Rocca., De Saluta- 
Hone Sacerdotie in Mieed et in divinie 

avilatum (2nd ed., Rome, 1745); Bona, 
Rernm uraiturum L&ri duo (Turin. 
1747), II, v; Gum in KirtJtrnleT., ». 
V»n deb Staple*. De officio &' 
(Mechlin, 1904); Bibnaxd, Ctm 
tituraie Romainr.: he Breniain {tarn 
1887), II, 168-73; KsOll in Ebaub 
Real-Bncyk.,a. v. 

Patrick; Mobribbob. 



officio Divino 



(Trrna Flayhtb 
Domitianub), Roman emperor 
and persecutor of the Church, son 
of Vespasian and younger brother 
and successor of the Emperor 
Titus; b. 24 Oct., a.d. SI, and 
reigned from 81 to 96. In spite 
of his private vices he set himself 
up as a reformer of morals and 
religion. He was the first of the 
emperors to deify himself during 
hia lifetime by assuming the title 
of "Lord and God". After the 
revolt of Satuminus (93) he orga- 
nized a series of bloodthirsty pro- 
scriptions against all the wealthy 
ana noble families. A conspir- 
acy, in which his wife joined, 
was formed against him, and he 
was murdered, 18 Sept., 96. 

When the Acts of Nero's reign 
were reversed after his death, an 
exception was made as to the per- 
secution of the Christians (Tertul- 
lian, Ad Nat., i, 7). The Jewish 
revolt brought upon them fresh unpopularity, and 
the subsequent destruction of the Hob/ City deprived 
them of the last shreds of protection afforded them by 
being confounded with the Jews. Hence Domitian in 
his attack upon the aristocratic party found little dif- 
ficulty in condemning such as were Christians. To 
observe Jewish practices was no longer lawful; to re- 
ject the national leiigion, without being able to plead 
the excuse of being a Jew, was atheism. On one count 
or the other, as Jews or as atheists, the Christians 
were liable to punishment. Among the more famous 
martyrs in this Second Persecution were Domitian 'a 
cousin, Flavins Clemens, the consul, and M ' Acilius 
Glabrio who had also been consul. Flavin Domitiila, 
the wife of Flavius, was banished to Pandataria. But 
the persecution was not confined to such noble vic- 
tims. We read of many others who suffered death or 
the loss of their goods (Dio Cassius, LXVLI, iv). The 
book of the Apocalypse was written in the midst of 
this storm, when many of the Christians had already 
perished and more were to follow them (St. Ireweut. 



f* 



DOMXTXLLA 



115 



DOKATBLLO 



Adv. Hares., V, xxx). Rome, "the great Babylon" 
" was drunk with the blood of the saints and with the 
blood of the martyrs of Jesus" (Apoc., xvii, 5, 6; ii, 
10, 13; vi ; 11; xiii, 15; xx, 4). It would seem that 
participation in the feasts held in honour of the divin- 
ity of the tyrant was made the test for the Christians 
of the East. Those who did not adore the " image of 
the beast" were slain. The writer joins to his sharp 
denunciation of the persecutors' words of encourage- 
ment for the faithful by foretelling the downfall of the 
great harlot "who made drunk the earth with the 
wine of her whoredom 1 ', and steeped her robe in their 
blood. St. Clement's Epistle to the Corinthians was 
also written about this time; here, while the terrible 
trials of the Christians are spoken of, we do not find 
the same denunciations of the persecutors. The Ro- 
man Church continued loyal to the empire, and sent 
up its prayers to God that He would direct the rulers 
and magistrates in the exercise of the power committed 
to their hands (Clem., Ep. ad Cor., c. lxi; cf. St. Paul, 
Rom., xiii, 1 ; I Pet., ii, 13). Before the end of his 
reign Domitian ceased to persecute. (See Persecu- 
tions.) 

Ecbebiub, i7. E., Ill, xvii sqq. in P. G., XX; Irenjeub, Adv. 
H aretes, V in P. <?., VII; Axlabd, Hist, des Persecutions pendant 
lee data premiers sitcles (Paris, 1802); Ten Lectures on the Mar- 
tyrs (tr. London, 1007); he Christianisme et I' Empire Romain 
(Pans, 1808). 

T. B. SCANNELL. 

DomitUla, Catacombs of Saint. See Cemetery. 

Domitiopolis, a titular see of Isauria in Asia Minor. 
The former name of this city is unknown: it was 
called Domitiopolis or Dometioupolis after L. Domi- 
tius Ahenobarbus (Ramsay, in Revue numismatique, 
1894, 168 sqq.). Ptolemy (V, vii, 5) places it in 
Cilicia; according to Constantino Porphyrogenitus 
(De themat., I, 15) it was one of the ten cities of the 
Saurian Decapoiis (cf . Georgius Cyprius, ed. Gelzer, 
852) . It figures in Parthey *s "Notiti» episcopatuum ' ', 
I and III, and in Gelzer's "Nova Tactica", 1618, as a 
suffragan of Seleucia. Lequien (Oriens christ., II, 
1023) mentions five bishops, from 451 to 879. Dom- 
itiopolis is to-day Dindebol, a village on the Ermenek 
Su, in the vilayet of Adana (cf . Sterrett, in Papers of 
the American School, Athens, III, 80). 

S. PETRIDE8. . 

Domnus, Pope. See Dontjs. 

Domnus Apostolicus (Dominus Apostolicus), a 
title applied to the pope, which was in most frequent 
use between the sixtn and the eleventh centuries. The 
pope is styled Apostolic because he occupies an Apos- 
tolic see, that is, one founded by an Apostle, as were 
those of Ephesus, Philippi, Corinth, etc. (cf . Tertullian, 
De pnescnpt. , xxxvi) . Rome being the only Apostolic 
Church of the West, Sedes apostolica meant simply the 
Roman' See, and Domnus Apostolicus the Bishop of 
Rome. In Gaul K however, as early as the fifth century 
the expression sedes apostolica was applied to any epis- 
copal see, bishops being successors of the Apostles (cf . 
Sidonius Apollinaris, Epp., lib. VI, i, etc.). By the 
sixth century the term was in general use, and many 
letters from the Merovingian kings are addressed Dom- 
nis Sanctis et apostolicd sede dignissimis. Thus the 
bishops of Gaul were given the title of Domnus Apos- 
tolicus (cf. Venantius Fortunatua, "Vita S. Mart.", 
IV; " Formula Marculfi", II, xxxix. xiii!, xlix). Many 
examples are also found in wills ana deeds (e. g. P. L., 
LXXX, 1281, 1314, etc.), and one occurs in a Tetter of 
introduction given by Charlemagne to St. Boniface 
(Epp. Bonifac., xi). However, in the Acts of Charle- 
magne and of the councils held during his time, even 
outside the Frankish Empire, as in England, the term 
Domnus Apostolicus, in its exact usage, meant simply 
the pope. Perhaps the only example of it found in 
Greek authors is in the second letter of Theodore 
the Studite to Leo III, m/pty droo-roXt^. Long be- 



fore this, however, the word Apostolicus alone had 
been employed to designate the pope. Probably the 
earliest example is in the list of popes compiled at the 
time of Pope Vigilius (d. 555), which begins " Incipiunt- 
nommaApostoucorum ,, (P.L.,LXXVIII,1405). The 
expression recurs frequently in documents of the Car- 
lovingian kings, as well as in Anglo-Saxon writings. 
Claude of Turin gives a curious explanation — Apostoli 
custos. At the Council of Reims held in 1049 the 
Bishop of Compostela was excommunicated "quia 
contra fas sibi vencUcaret culmen apostolici nominis" 
(because he wrongly claimed for himself the prestige of 
an Apostolic name), thinking himself the successor of 
St. James the Greater, and it was thereupon laid dowm 
"quod solus Romanus Pontifex universalis Ecclesiae 
Primas esset et Apostolicus" (that only the pontiff of 
the Roman See was primate of the universal Church 
and Apostolicus). To-day the title is found only in 
the Litany of the Saints. There are also the expres- 
sions apostolicaius (pontificate) and the ablative abso- 
lute apostolicante (during the pontificate of). -It is to 
be noted that, in ecclesiastical usage the abbreviated 
form domnus signifies a human ruler as against Domi- 
nus, the Divine Lord. Thus at meals monastic grace 
was asked from the superior in the phrase Jube 
Domne benedicere, i.e.: Be pleased sir to give the 

blessing." 

Du Canoe. Gloss, tned. et infim. Lot., ed. Favrb (Paria- 
Niort, 1833-88), 8. v. U. BENIGN!. 

Don&hoe, Patrick, publisher, b. at Munnery, 
County Cavan, Ireland, 17 March, 1811; d. at Boston, 
U. S. A., 18 March, 1901. He emigrated to Boston 
when ten years of age with his parents, and at four- 
teen was apprenticed to a printer. He worked on 
"The Jesuit' when that paper was started by Bishop 
Fenwick in 1832, and after the bishop relinquished its 
ownership, he carried it on for some time with H. L. 
Devereaux under the new title of " The Literary and 
Catholic Sentinel ' '. In 1836 he began the publication 
of " The Pilot ' ', a weekly paper devoted to Irish Amer- 
ican and Catholic interests, which in succeeding years 
became the organ of Catholic opinion in New England, 
and had a wide circulation all over the United States. 
He established in connexion with it a publishing and 
book-selling house from which were issued a large 
number of Catholic books. Later he organized a 
bank. All his ventures proved successful and the 
wealth he acquired was generously given to advance 
Catholic interests. The great Boston fire of 1872 des- 
troyed his publishing plant. Another fire in the fol- 
lowing year and injudicious loans to friends made him 
lose so much more that -his bank failed in 1876. Arch- 
bishop Williams purchased "The Pilot" to help to pay 
the depositors of the bank, and Mr. Donahoe then 
started a monthly " Donahoe 's Magazine" and an ex- 
change and passenger agency. In 1881 he was able to 
buy back The Pilot and devoted his remaining 
years to its management. During the Civil War he 
actively interested himself in the organization of the 
Irish regiments that volunteered from New England. 
In 1893 the University of Notre Dame gave him the 
Lsetare Medal for signal services to American Catholic 
progress. 

Pilot (Boston), 23 March, 1901 and files; Leahy, Hist. Cath. 
Ch. in New England States (Boston, 1899), I. 

Thomas F. Meehan. 

Donahue, Patrick James. See Wheeling. 

Donatello (Donato pi Nicolo di Betto Bardi), 
one of the great Tuscan sculptors of the Renaissance, 
b. at Florence, c. 1386; d. there, 13 Dec., 1466. He 
was the son of Nicold di Betto Bardi, and was early, 
apprenticed to a goldsmith to learn design. At the 
age of seventeen ne accompanied his friend Brunei- 
lesco to Rome, and the two youths devoted themselves 
to drawing and to making excavations in their pursuit 
of the antique. Half the week they spent chiselling 



ri 



DONATIO* 



116 



DONATIO* 



for a livelihood. Brunellesco's occupation was archi- 
tecture; Donatello, though understanding the inter- 
relation of the two arts, always, whether in conjunc- 
tion with Brunellesco or, as later, with Michelozzo, 
made sculpture paramount. It is hard to place his 
work chronologically. While still a mere boy,, he 
carved the wooden crucifix in Santa Croce, Florence. 
On his return from Rome to Florence he was engaged 
for years on the statues for Giotto's belfry and the 
buildings then in progress. For the Campanile he did 
"The Baptist", ''Jeremias", " Habakkuk ", a group 
representing Abraham and Isaac, and the famous 
" David " called the « Zuccone ' ' (Bald-head), so lif elike 
that Donatello is said to have himself cried to it, 
"Why don't you speak?"; for the Duomo, "St. John 
the Evangelist" and " The Singing-gallery " ; forOr San 
Michele, "St. Peter" and "St. Mark", and the "St. 
George", which he executed at the order of the Guild 
of Armourers — DonateHo's most ideal and perfect 
work. The socle-relief of "St. George and the Dra- 
gon and the King of Cappadocia's Daughter" is 
absolutely Greek m simplicity and plastic beauty. 
Other fine reliefs are the bronze doors for the sacristy 
of San Lorenzo; the medallions for the ceiling; and the 
"Annunciation" in the same church, with ita noble 
figures of the Blessed Virgin and the archangel. In 
the Loggia de' Lanzi is the somewhat ill-proportioned 
group of "Judith and Holofernes". The marble 
"David" in the Bargello, uniting the delicacy of the 
adolescent "Baptist" of Casa Martelli with a classic 
fashion of wreath-bound hair, seems a link between 
two of the phases in DonateHo's development. Purely 
Renaissance and yet conceived in the antique spirit 
are the "Amorino" (Cupid) and the bronze "David" 
of the National Museum, Florence. Both are in- 
stinct with life and the potent vitality of youth, jubi- 
lant or contained. Pope. John XXIII, a personal 
friend of the sculptor, died in Florence, 1419. Dona- 
tello made his tomb, a recumbent portrait-statue in 
the baptistery. In tne Duomo of Siena he performed 
the same office for Bishop Pecci. In Siena also he 
made several rare statuettes and reliefs for the chris- 
tening-font of San Giovanni. At Prato, for the open- 
air pulpit of the Duomo, he carved the casement with 
groups of playing children (putti). He is believed to 
have been in Rome again in 1433. A tabernacle of 
the Blessed Virgin in St. Peter's is said to be by Dona- 
tello, and also the tombstone of Giovanni Crivelli in 
Santa Maria in Ara Coeli. In 1443 he went to Padua 
to build the choir-gallery, and remained there some 
ten years. First he carved his " Christ on the Cross", 
the head a marvel of workmanship and expression : 
then statuettes of the Blessed Virgin, St. Francis of 
Assisi, St. Anthony, and other saints* also a long 
series of reliefs for the high altar. While in Padua 
Donatello was commissioned to make a monument to 
the Venetian Condottiere (General) Gattamelata 
(Erasmo de' Narni), and he blocked out the first great 
equestrian statue since classic times. The last known 
statue of Donatello is "St. Louis of Toulouse" in the 
interior of Santa Croce. 

Donatello became bedridden in his latter years, and 
some of his works were completed by his pupils. 
Piero de' Medici provided for him. Donatello nad 
always been lavish with his fellow-workers and assis- 
tants, and took no forethought for himself. His char- 
acter was one of great openness and simplicity, and he 
had an ingenuous appreciation of his own value as an 
artist. Unassuming as he was, his pride of craft and 
independence of spirit would lead nim to destroy a 
masterpiece at one blow if his modest price were hag- 
gled over. He was buried beside his patron Cosimo de' 
Medici in the church of San Lorenzo in Florence. 
Donatello was a thorough realist and one of the first 
modellers with whom character and personality in the 
subject meant more than loveliness. His Apostles 
and saints were generally close likenesses of living 



persons. He had a vivid faculty for individual traits 
and expression and a method of powerful handling 
that makes it impossible to forget his creations. In 
such figures as the "Baptist" and the "Magdalen" of 
the baptistery of Florence he apparently studied 
emaciation for its anatomic value. His busts of con- 
temporaries (such as that of Nicold da Uzzano, 
" Youth with Breastplate", etc.) look like casts from 
life. One of the most graceful pieces is the " San Gio- 
vannino", a relief of a child, in sandstone, in the Bar- 
gello, Florence. Minor works are the >"Marzocco" 
(original in the National Museum, Florence)— the lion, 
the emblem of Florence, with the fleur-de-lys forencie 
shield — and the Martelli escutcheon on the staircase of 
their house. 

LCbke, History of Sculpture (tr. London, 1872): Pbbxxns, 
Handbook of Italian Sculpture (New York, 1883); Rea, Dona- 
tello (London, 1900); Balcarrss, Donatello (London, 1903); 
MOnti. LeMPriatneuredelaRenaieeance (Paris, 1900); Vasam, 
Live* of the Painters (tr. London, 1881 ). 

M. L. Handley. 

Donation (in Canon Law), the gratuitous trans- 
fer to another of some right or thing. When it consists 
in placing in the hands of the donee some movable 
object it is known as a gift of hand (donum manuals, 
an offering or oblalio, an alms). Properly speak- 
ing, however, it is a voluntary contract, verbal or 
written, by which the donor expressly agrees to give, 
without consideration, something to the donee, and 
the latter in an equally express manner accepts the 
gift. In Roman law and in some modern codes this 
contract carries with it only the obligation of trans-* 
ferring the ownership of the thing in question; actual 
ownership is obtained only by the real traditio or 
handing over of the thing itself, or by the observation 
of certain juridically prescribed formalities (L. 20, C. 
De pactis, II, 3). Such codes distinguish between 
conventional (or imperfect) and perfect donation', 
i. e. the actual transfer of the thing or right. In 
some countries the contract itself transfers ownership. 
A donation is called remunerative when inspired by a 
sentiment of gratitude for services rendered by the 
donee. Donations are also described as inter vivos if 
made while the donor yet lives, and causA mortis, 
when made in view or contemplation of death; the 
latter are valid only after the death of the donor and 
until then are at all times revocable. They much re- 
semble testaments and codicils. They are, however, 
on the same footing as donations inter vivos once the 
donor has renounced his right to revoke. In the pur- 
suit of its end the Church needs material aid ; it has 
the right therefore to acquire such aid by donation 
no less than by other means. In its quality of a 
perfect and independent society the Church may also 
decide under what forms and on what conditions it 
will accept donations made to works of religion {dona- 
Hones ad mas causes) ; it pertains to the State to legist 
late for all other donations. 

History of Ecclesiastical Donations. — Even 
before the Edict of Milan (313) the Church was free to 
acquire property by donation either as a juridically 
recognised association (collegium) or as a society de 
facto tolerated (note that the right to acquire property 
by last will and testament dates only from 321 in the 
reign of Constant ine). Nevertheless, the Church was 
held to observe the pertinent civil legislation, though 
on this head it enjoyed certain privileges; thus, even 
before the traditio, or handing over, of the donation to 
a church or a religious institution, the latter acquired 
real rights to the same (L. 23, C. De sacrosanctis eccle- 
siis, I, 2), Moreover, the insinuatio or declaration of 
the gift before the public authority was required only 
for donations equivalent in value to 500 solidi (nearly 
twenty-six hundred dollars) or more, a privilege later 
on extended to all donations (L. 34, 36, C. De dona- 
tionibus, VIII, 53). Finally, bishops, priests, and 
deacons yet under parental power were allowed to dis- 



DONATION 117 * DONATION 

pose freely, even in favour of the Church, of property inalienability of tenure on 'the part of religious cor- 
acquired by them after ordination [L. 33 (34) C. De porations) have so far remained only a threat, though 
episoopis et clericis, I, 3]. The Franks, lone quite the Government reserves the right to establish such 
unaccustomed to dispose of their property by will, legislation. Religious communities, however^ are 
were on the other hand generous in donations, espec- required to make known to the civil authorities all 
ially cessiones post obitum, similar to the Roman law their acquisitions of property. In Germany, even 
donations in view of death but carrying with them since the promulgation of the Civil Code of the Empire 
the renunciation on the donor's part of his right of (1896), the legislation varies from State to State. In 
revocation: other Frankish donations to the Church all, however, property rights are recognized by the 
reserved the usufruct. The institution known as law in only those ecclesiastical institutions that are 
prtcaria ecdesiastica was quite favourable to the recognized by" the State. As a rule, donations must 
growth of donations. At tne request of the donor be authorized by the civil power if they exceed the 
the Church granted him the use of the donated ob- value of five thousand marks (1250 dollars, or 250 
ject for five years, for his life, or even a use transfer- pounds sterling) though in some states this figure is 
able to the heirs of the first occupant. Synods of doubled. In Prussia civil authorization is requisite for 
this epoch assert to some extent the validity of all acquisition of real property by a diocese, a chapter, 
pious donations even when the legal requisites had not or any ecclesiastical institution. In Italy every do- 
been observed, though as a rule they were not omitted, nation must be approved by the civil authority, and 
Generally speaking, the consent of the civil authority only the institutions recognized by the State are al- 
(princeps) was not indispensable for the acquisition of lowed to acquire property; note, however, that sim- 
property by religious corporations. The restrictions pie benefices (see Benefice) and religious orders can- 
known as tne "right of amortization " (see Mortmain) not acquire this latter privilege. With few exceptions, 
are of later date, and are the outcome of theories elab- ecclesiastical institutions in Italy are not allowed to 
orated in the Middle Ages but carried to their logical invest in any other form of property than Govern- 
issue in the modern civil legislation (of Continental ment bonds. In France the associations cultueUes, 
countries) concerning biens de mainmorts, or property or worship-associations, are recognized by the State 
/ held by inalienable tenure, i. e. the property of reh- as civil entities for the conduct of public worship; it is 
gious corporations, they being perpetual. The well known, however, that Pius X forbade the Cath- 
Church does not accept such legislation ; nevertheless olics of France to form such associations. That coun- 
the faithful may act accordingly in order to secure to try, it is true, recognizes the civil personality of licit 
their donations the protection of the law. associations organized for a non-lucrative purpose, 
Canonical Legislation. — Donations are valid and but declares illicit every religious congregation not 
obligatory when made by persons capable of disposing approved by a special law. At the same time, it ro- 
of their property and accepted by the administrators of fuses to approve the religious congregations which 
ecclesiastical institutions. No other formality is have sought this approval, and is gradually suppress- 
required, neither notarial act nor authorization of the ing all those which were formerly approved. (See 
civil power. The declaration before the public au- Property, Ecclesiastical.) 

thority, required by Roman law, is not obligatory in FiiNELON, Leejondationa et lea Uablieeemcrde eccUaiaatiquee 

canon law. Nor are the faithful obliged to heed the re- (Paris, 1902); Fournerm^ Resources dorU VBglise dispose 

sections which are pjaced I by some modern civil cod* ^'^^Zr^^Z^^^'^^, l&g 

in the way Of a tree disposition Of their property. Un Bondroit, De capacitate poaaidendi ecdeain oUote merovinpied 

the Other hand the donation must be accepted by the (Louvain, 1900); Loeninq, GeachichU dea deutachen Kitchen- 

donee; it ia not true, as eome have maintained, that £&282%SJl&<^iS%. !fiffi38HSF&£l 

every donation for works of religion (ad puis causos) PratlecHones juris canonxci (Rome, 1898), III, 206; Wernz, Jus 

implies a VOW, i. e. an act in itself obligatory inde- Dccretalium (Rome, 1901),III.2708q.; i^otneb, Compendium 

pendently of Ae acceptance of the donee. If the ad- %% SKEJ&S&E^^ 

mmistrators of an ecclesiastical institution refuse to Geigeb, Der kirchenrtchtliche Inhalt der bundeaetaatlichen Aus- 

accept a donation, that institution can always Obtain fjftrwysoeaetze turn bfirgerlichen GeaeUbuch fur doe detUache 

in /»on ftn law a mL ***** ,4*'* •*•• «•»#«/•«»•*«»• w 1i A mK« t+ la Raich in Archtv fUr kotholtachea Kirchenrecht (Mains, 1901), 

in canon law a restitutio %n integrum, whereby it is lxxxj 660.— For the juridical condition of the Church in the 

again put in a condition to accept the refused dona- different nations of the world in respect of property see the ar- 

tion. The canonical motives for the revocation or tlcles on various countries in The Catholic Encyclopedia; 

dtainution of a donation are the birth of children to ^^S^^^S^S^lS&S^ tt A 

the donor and the donatio tnofficiosa, or excessive gen- in Bulletin de la aociiU de Uqxslotion compare* (Paris, 1905-1907), 

erosity on the latter's part, whereby he diminishes the XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI. 

share of inheritance tnat legitimately belongs to his A* Van Hovb - 
children. In both cases, however, the donation is 

valid in canon law to the degree in which it respects Donation (in Civil Jurisprudence), the gratuitous 
the legitimate share of the donor's children. It is transfer, or gift (Lat. donatio), of ownership of prop- 
worthy of note that while ecclesiastical and religious erty. The Latin word munus also signified a gift, but 
establishments may give alms, they are bound in the "a gift on some special occasion such as births or mar- 
matter of genuine donations by the provisions of the riages" (Roby, Roman Private Law, Cambridge, 
canon law concerning the alienation of ecclesiastical 1902, I, 86). The person transferring ownership by 
property. donation is termed the donor, the person to whom the 
Civil Legislation. — In most European countries transfer is made, the donee. In contemplation of law 
the civil authority restricts in three ways the right of donation is "based upon the fundamental right every- 
the Church to accept donations: (1) by imposing the one has of disposing of his property as he wills" (125 
forms and conditions that the civil codes prescribe for New York Court of Appeals Reports, p. 579), a right, 
donations; (2) by reserving to itself the right of say- however, deemed from ancient times an appropriate 
ing what institutions shall nave civil personality and subject for legal regulation and restraint (see Johns, 
be thereby authorized to acquire property; (3) by Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, etc., New York, 1904, 
exacting tne approval of the civil authority, at least XXI). Donation requires the consent not only of the 
for important donations. Austria recognizes a juri- donor to transfer the ownership, but also that of the 
dical personality not only in those religious institu- donee to accept and assume it, "as I cannot", remarks 
tions which are charged with the maintenance of Pothier (Treatise on Obligations, 4), " by the mere act 
public worship, but also, through easily granted ap- of my own mind transfer to another a right in my 
proval, in religious associations of any Kind. Tne goods, without a concurrent intention on his part to 
so-called amortization laws (against the traditional accept them". Donations are usually classified as (1) 



DONATION « 118 DONATION 

inter vivos (among the living) and (2) mortis causa (in ingly from donation inter vivos in not being absolute, 

view of death). * but conditional on the donor failing to recover from 

(1) Inter Vivos. — Sir William Blackstone explains the sickness or to escape the peril; also in being de- 
(in his Commentaries, II, 441) that in English law pendent on his not having exercised the right which 
mutual consent to give and to accept is not a gift, but remains to him, of revoking the donation. The 
is an imperfect contract void for want of consideration, transfer is thus perfected by death only. Roman law 
Yet delivery and acceptance being added to the inef- permitted such donations between husband and wife 
fectual consent, the transaction becomes an irrevoca- because these were donations qum conferuntur in fern* 
ble transfer by donation inter vivos, regarded in law as pus soluti matrimonii (Pothier, Pandect® Justinianeae, 
an executed contract, just as if the preliminary con- XXIV, t. i, xix). Nor were donations of this kind from 
sents had constituted an effectual ''act in the law" husband to wife forbidden by the English common law 
(see Pollock, Principles of Contract, New York. 1906, (24 Vermont Reports, 596). As the danger in view of 
2). "Every gift", remarks Chancellor Kent, * which which the donation is made must be actually present, 
is made perfect by delivery, and every grant, are exe- therefore a transfer from an owner "not terrified by 
cuted contracts, for they are founded on the mutual fear of any present peril, but moved by the general con- 
consent of the parties in reference to a right or interest sideration of man's mortality ", cannot be sustained as 
passing between them" (Commentaries on American a donation mortis causa. A transfer of ownership of 
Law, II, 437) ; and Milton (Paradise Lost, XII, 67) real estate cannot be effected by this form of donation. 
sayB: — And any donation mortis causa expressly embracing 

He gave us only over beast, fish, fowl. the whole of the donor's property has been said to be 
Dominion absolute; that right we hold illegal, being deemed to be an attempt to escape dis- 
By his donation. position by last will (American Law Register, I, 25). 
According to English law, writing under seal, known The grounds already referred to on which a donation 
as a deed, so far transfers personal property without inter vivos may be avoided seem also grounds for avoid- 
actual delivery that ownership vests upon execution ing a donation mortis causa. In every instance the evi- 
of the deed, and the donation is irrevocable until dis- dence establishing such a donation as against a donor's 
claimed by the donee (J. W. Smith, The Law of Con- representatives must " be clear and convincing, strong 
tracts, 36, Philadelphia, 1885). Not only movable andsatisfactoiy"(125New York Court of Appeals Re- 
things, defined in English law as personal property, but ports, 757). Tor this "death-bed disposition of 
land (real estate) may be the subject of this donation property", as it is termed by Blackstone (op. cit.), is 
(24 Vermont Reports, 591; 115 New York Court of not a favourite of the law. Many years ago a lord 
Appeals Reports, 295). The legislation of the Emperor chancellor of England, profoundly learned in the law 
Justinian abolished requirements which by Roman law and noted for his conservatism suggested that if " this 
had previously been necessary to perfect a donation, donatio mortis causa was struck out of our law alto- 
and thenceforth, by force of this legislation, the donor's gether it would be quite as well" (American Law Reg- 
informal agreement to give, bound him to make de- ister, I, II). And by the Code Civil it has been 
livery. Donations, were, however, rendered revoca- "struck out" of the law of France, 
ble by the same legislation for a failure to comply with m J!™**> Commentaries™ Equity Jurisprudence (Boaton.1886). 

their conditions, and also for gross ingratitude (Leage, gjl^ 81 , &S°j& The Law ~ of CorU ^ a (BofUm, jmh). t. 
Roman Private Law, London, 1906, 145). The Eng- Report»\ SupTCL u'. 
Hsh law u controls", to quote Chancellor Kent, u gifts 
when made to the prejudice of existing creditors" 
(Commentaries, II, 440); and a donation may be 
avoided if the donor "were under any legal incapacity Donation of Oonstantine (Lat. Donatio Constan- 
... or if he were drawn in, circumvented or imposed tint). — By this name is understood, since the end of 
upon by false pretences, ebriety or surprise" (Black- the Middle Ages, a forged document of Emperor Con- 
stone, Commentaries, II, 441). But English law does stantine the Great, by which large privileges and rich 
not annul donations for ingratitude nor for various possessions were conferred on the pope and the Ro- 
other causes mentioned in the Roman law. English law man Church. In the oldest known (ninth century) 
"does not", according to Chancellor Kent, "indulge manuscript (Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS. Latin 
in these refinements" (op. cit.). Donations between 2777) and in many other manuscripts the document 
husband and wife were contrary to the policy of the bears the title: " Const itutum domni Constantini im- 
Roman law which permitted donatio propter nuptias peratoris". It is addressed by Oonstantine to Pope 
before marriage only (Leage, op. cit., 95). By Eng- Sylvester I (314-35) and consists of two parts. In 
lish common law there accrued to a husband full the first (entitled "Confessio") the emperor relates how 
ownership of his wife's personal property, and posses- he was instructed in the Christian Faith by Sylvester, 
sion for their joint lives of her real property. And be- makes a full profession of faith, and tells of his bap- 
cause English law deemed husband and wife one per- tism in Rome by that pope, and how he was thereby 
son (Bishop, Commentaries on the Law of Married cured of leprosy. In the second part (the "Donatio 1 ) 
Women, Boston, 1873, I, 231), a gift of personal Oonstantine is made to confer on Sylvester and his 
property from husband to wife was "impossible ac- successors the following privileges and possessions: 
cording to the old and technical common law" (ibid., the pope, as successor of St. Peter, has the primacy 
730). But the commentator adds that "it is other- over the four Patriarchs of Antioch, Alexandria, Con- 
wise in equity" (ibid., 731). By the French Code stantinople. and Jerusalem, also over all the bishops 
Civil, donations inter vivos, designated entre vifs, are in the world. The Lateran basilica at Rome, built by 
recognized; but they are subjected to many restric- Oonstantine, shall surpass all churches as their head. 
tions. similarly the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul shall 

(2) Mortis Causa.— A donation of this kind is made be endowed with rich possessions. The chief Roman 
when a person H in his last sickness", to quote Black- ecclesiastics (clerici cardinales), among whom senators 
stone (Commentaries, II, 514), "apprehending his may also be received, shall obtain the same honours 
dissolution near, delivers or causes to be delivered and distinctions as the senators. Like the emperor 
to another the possession of any personal goods • • • the Roman Church shall have as functionaries cubi* 
to keep in case of his decease". The same donation cularii, ostiarii, and excubitores. The pope shall enjoy 
may also be made in presence of any other impending the same honorary rights as the emperor, among 
peril of death. The "Institutes" of Justinian cite a them the right to wear an imperial crown, a purple 
classic example: sic et apud Homerum Telemachus cloak and tunic, and in general all imperial insignia or 
denat Pirceo (II, VII). This donation differe strik- signs of distinction; but as Sylvester refused to put oa 



Reports (Boeton, 1844), 119; U Wheaton's 
«^~,-. —„. — v . 8. (New York, 1819\ 518; k9 New York 
Court of Appeals Report*, 17; La Grande Eneye., b. v. 

Charles W. Sloake. 



* 



DONATION 



119 



DONATION 



his bead a golden crown, the emperor invested him 
with the high white cap (phrygium). Constantine, the 
document continues, rendered to the pope the service 
of a strator, i. e. he led the horse upon which the pope 
rode. Moreover, the emperor makes a present to 
the pope and his successors of the Lateran palace, of 
Rome and the provinces, districts, and towns of Italy 
and all the Western regions (tarn jxdatiwn nostrum, ut 
prelatum est, quamque Komce urbis et omnes Italia sen 
occidentalium regionum provincias loca et civitates). 
The document goes on to say that for himself the em- 
peror has established in the East a new capital which 
bears his name, and thither he removes nis govern- 
ment, since it is inconvenient that a secular emperor 
have power where God has established the residence of 
the head of the Christian religion. The document 
concludes with maledictions against all who dare to 
violate these donations and with the assurance that 
the emperor has signed them with his own hand and 
placed them on the tomb of St. Peter. v 

This document is without doubt a forgery, fabri- 
cated somewhere between the years 750 and 850. As 
early as the fifteenth century its falsity was known 
and demonstrated. Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa (De 
Concordantia Catholica, III, ii, in the Basle ed. of his 
Opera, 1565. 1) spoke of it as a dictamen apocryphum. 
Some years later (1440) Lorenzo Valla (De falso cred- 
ita et ementita Constantini donatione declamatio, 
Mainz, 1518) proved the forgery with certainty. In- 
dependently of both his predecessors, Reginald Pe- 
cocke, Bishop of Chichester (1450-57), reached a simi- 
lar conclusion in his work, "The Repressor of over 
much Blaming of the Clergy", Rolls Series, II, 351- 
366. Its genuinity was yet occasionally defended, 
and the document still further used as authentic, until 
Baronius in his "Annales Ecclesiastici" (ad an. 324) 
admitted that the "Donatio" was a forgery, where- 
after it was soon universally admitted to be such. It 
is so clearly a fabrication that there is no reason to 
wonder that, with the revival of historical criticism in 
the fifteenth century, the true character of the docu- 
ment was at once recognized. The forger made use 
of various authorities, which Grauert and others (see 
below) have thoroughly investigated. The introduc- 
tion and the conclusion of the document are imitated 
from authentic writings of the imperial period, but 
formulae of other periods are also utilized. In the 
"Confession" of faith the doctrine of the Holy 
Trinity is explained at length, afterwards the Fall 
of man and the Incarnation of Christ. There are 
also reminiscences of the decrees of the Iconoclast 
Synod of Constantinople (754) against the veneration 
of images. The narrative of the conversion and heal- 
ing of the emperor is based on the apocryphal Acts of 
Sylvester (Acta or Gesta Sylvestri), yet ail the partic- 
ulars of the " Donatio" narrative do not appear in the 
hitherto known texts of that legend. The distinctions 
conferred on the pope and the cardinals of the Roman 
Church the forger probably invented and described 
according to certain contemporary rites and the court 
ceremonial of the Roman and the Byzantine emperors. 
The author also used the biographies of the popes in 
the Liber Pontificalis (q. v.), likewise eighth-century 
letters of the popes, especially in his account of the im- 
perial donations. 

The authorship of this document is still wrapped in 
obscurity. Occasionally, but without sufficient rea- 
son, critics have attributed it to the author of the 
False Decretals (q. v.) or to some Roman ecclesiastic 
of the eighth century. On the other hand, the time 
and place of its composition have lately been thor- 
oughly studied by numerous investigators (especially 
Germans), though no sure and universally accepted 
conclusion has yet been reached. As to the place of 
the forgery Baronius (Annales, ad. an. 1081) main- 
tained that it was done in the East by a schismatic 
Greek; it is, indeed, found in Greek canonical collec- 



tions. Natalis Alexander opposed this view, and it is 
no longer held by any recent historian. Many of the 
recent critical students of the document locate its com- 
position at Rome and attribute the forgery to an eccle- 
siastic, their chief argument being an intrinsic one: 
this false document was composed in favour of the 
popes and of the Roman Church, therefore Rome it- 
self must have had the chief interest in a forgery exe- 
cuted for a purpose so clearly expressed. Moreover, 
the sources of the document are chiefly Roman. 
Nevertheless, the earlier view of Zaccaria and others 
that the forgery originated in the Frankish Empire has 
quite recently been ably defended by Hergenrdther 
and Grauert (see below). They call attention to the 
fact that the " Donatio 1 ' appears first in Frankish col- 
lections, i. e. in the False Decretals and in the above- 
mentioned St-Deniq manuscript; moreover the earli- 
est certain quotation of it is by Frankish authors in 
the second half of the ninth century. Finally, this 
document was never used in the papal chancery until 
the middle of the eleventh century, nor in general is it 
referred to in Roman sources until the time of Otto III 
(983-1002, i. e. in case the famous " Diploma" of this 
emperor be authentic). The first certain use of it at 
Rome was by Leo IX in 1054, and it is to be noted 
that this pope was by birth and training a German, 
not an Italian. The writers mentioned have shown 
that the chief aim of the forgery was to prove the 
justice of the translatio imperii to the Franks, i. e. 
the transfer of the imperial title at the coronation of 
Charlemagne in 800; the forgery was, therefore, im- 
portant mainly for the Frankish Empire. This view 
is rightly tenable against the opinion of the majority 
that the forgery originated at Rome. 

A still greater divergency of opinion reigns as to the 
time of its composition. Some have asserted (more 
recently Martens, Friedrich, and Bayet) that each of - 
its two parts was fabricated at different times. Mar- 
tens holds that the author executed his forgery at 
brief intervals; that the "Constitutum" originated 
after 800 in connexion with a letter of Adrian 1 (778) 
to Charlemagne wherein the pope acknowledged the 
imperial position to which the Frankish king by his 
own efforts and fortune had attained. Friedrich (see 
below), on the contrary, attempts to prove that the 
"Constitutum" was composed of two really distinct 
parts. The gist of the first part, the so-called "Con- 
fessio ", appeared between 638 and 653, probably 638- 
641, while the second, or "Donatio" proper, was writ- 
ten in the reign of Stephen II, between 752 and 757, by 
Paul, brother and successor of Pope Stephen. Ac- 
cording to Bayet the first part of the document was 
composed in the time of Paul I (757-767); the latter 
part appeared in or about the year 774. In opposi- 
tion to these opinions most historians maintain that 
the document was written at the same time and wholly 
by one author. But when was it written? Colom- 
bier decides for the reign of Pope Conon (686-687), 
Genelin for the beginning of the eighth century (be- 
fore 728). But neither of these views is supported by 
sufficient reasons, and both are certainly untenable. 
Most investigators accept as the earliest possible date 
the pontificate of Stephen II (752-757), thus estab- 
lishing a connexion between the forgery and the his- 
torical events that led to the origin of the States of the 
Church and the Western Empire of the Frankish kingB. 
But in what year or period from the above-mentioned 
pontificate of Stephen II until the reception of the 
"Constitutum" in the collection of the False Decre- 
tals (c 840-50) was the forgery executed? Nearly 
every student of this intricate question maintains his 
own distinct view. It is necessary first to answer a 
preliminary question: Did Pope Adrian I in his letter 
to Charlemagne of the year 778 (Codex Carolinus, ed. 
Jaffe, Ep. Ixi) exhibit a knowledge of the "Constitu- 
tum"? From a passage of this letter (Sicut tempori- 
bus beati Silvestn Romani pontificis a sanct® recorda- 



DONATION 



, 120 



DONATION 



tionis piissimo Constantino magno imperatoreper eius 
largitatem sancta Dei Catholica et Apostolica Romans 
eoclesia elevata et exaltata est et potestatem in his 
Hesperus partialis largiri dignatus, ita et in his vestris 
feliciwsimifl temporibus atque nostris sancta Dei eccle^ 
aia, id est beati Petri apostoli, germinet atqueexultet. 
. . .) several writers, e. e. Dollinger, Langen, Meyer, and 
others have concluded that Adrian I was then aware 
of this forgery, so that it must have appeared before 
778. Friedricn assumes in Adrian I a Knowledge of 
the "Constitutum" from his letter to EmperorCon- 
stantine VI written in 785 (Mansi, Concil. Coll., XII, 
1056). Most historians, however, rightly refrain 
from asserting that Adrian I made use of this docu- 
ment; from his letters, therefore, the time of its origin 
cannot be deduced. 

Most of the recent writers on the subject assume the 
origin of the "Donatio " between 752 and 795. Among 
them, some decide for Hie pontificate of Stephen II 
(752-757) on the hypothesis that the author of the 
forgery wished to substantiate thereby the claims of 
this pope in his negotiations with Pepin (Dollinger, 
Hauck, Friedrich, Bohmer). Others lower the date 
of the forgery to the time of Paul I (757-767), and base 
their opinion on the political events in Italy under 
this pope, or on the fact that he had a special venera- 
tion for St. Sylvester, and that the "Donatio" had es- 
pecially in view the honour of this saint (Scheffer- 
ftoichorst, Mayer). Others again locate its origin in 
the pontificate of Adrian I (772-795), on the hypo- 
thesis that this pope hoped thereby to extend the sec- 
ular authority of tne Roman Church over a great part 
of Italy and to create in this way a powerful ecclesias- 
tical State under papal government (Langen, Loen- 
ing). A smaller group of writers, however, remove 
the forgery to some date after 800, i. e. after the coro- 
nation of Charlemagne as emperor. Among these, 
Martens and Weiland assign the document to/the last 
years of the reign of Charlemagne, or the first years of 
Louis the Pious, i. e. somewhere between 800 and 840. 
They argue that the chief purpose of the forgery was to 
bestow on the Western ruler the imperial power, or 
that the "Constitutum" was meant to indicate what 
the new emperor, as successor of Constantine the 
Great, might have conferred on the Roman Church. 
Those writers also who seek the forger in the 
Frankish Empire maintain that the document was 
written in the ninth century, e. g. especially Hergen- 
rother and Grauert. The latter opines that the 
"Constitutum" originated in the monastery of St- 
Denis, at Paris, shortly before or about the same time 
as the False Decretals, i. e. between 840 and 850. 

Closely connected with the date of the forgery is the 
other question concerning the primary purpose of the 
forger of the "Donatio . Here, too, there exists a 
great variety of opinions. Most of the writers who 
locate at Rome itself the origin of the forgery main- 
tain that it was intended principally to support the 
claims of the popes to secular power in Italy; they 
differ, however, as to the extent of the said claims. Ac- 
cording to Dollinger the " Constitutum ' ' was destined to 
aid in the creation of a united Italy under papal gov- 
ernment. Others would limit the papal claims to 
those districts which Stephen II sought to obtain from 
Pepin, or to isolated territories which, then or later, 
the popes desired to acquire. In general, this class of 
historians seeks to connect the forgery with the his- 
torical events and political movements of that time in 
Italy (Mayer, Langen, Friedrich, Loening, and others). 
Several of these writers lay more stress on the eleva- 
tion of the papacy than on the donation of territories. 
Occasionally it is maintained that the forger sought to 
secure for the pope a kind of higher secular power, 
something akin to imperial supremacy as against the 
Frankish Government, then solidly established in 
Italy. Again, some of this class limit to Italy the ex- 
pression occidentalium regumum pravincias, but most 



of them understand it to mean the whole former West* 
em Empire. This is the attitude of Weiland, for 
whom the chief object of the forgery is the increase of 
papal power over the imperial, and the establishment 
of a land of imperial supremacy of the pope over the 
whole West. For this reason also he lowers the date 
of the "Constitutum 1 ' no further than the end of the 
reign of Charlemagne (814). As a matter of fact, 
however, in this document Sylvester does indeed ob- 
tain from Constantine imperial rank and the emblems 
of imperial dignity, but not the real imperial suprem- 
acy. Martens therefore sees in the forgery an effort 
to elevate the papacy in general ; all alleged preroga- 
tives of the pope and of Roman ecclesiastics, all guts 
of landed possessions, and rights of secular govern- 
ment are meant to promote and confirm this eleva- 
tion, and from it all the new Emperor Charlemagne 
ought to draw practical conclusions for his behaviour 
in relation to the pope. Scheffer-Boichorst holds a 
singular opinion, namely that the forger intended pri- 
marily the glorification of Sylvester and Constantine. 
and only in a secondary way a defence of the papal 
claims to territorial possessions. Grauert, for whom 
the forger is a Frankish subject, shares the view of 
Hergenrother, i. e. the forger had in mind a defence of 
the new Western Empire from the attacks of the By- 
zantines. Therefore it was highly important for him 
to establish the legitimacy of the newly founded 
empire, and this purpose was especially aided by all 
that the document alleges concerning the elevation of 
the pope. From the foregoing it will be seen that the 
last word of historical research in this matter still re- 
mains to be said. Important questions concerning the 
sources of the forgery, the place and time of its origin, 
the tendency of tne forger, yet await their solution. 
New researches will probably pay still greater atten- 
tion to textual criticism, especially that of the first 
part or u Confession ' ' of faith. 

As far as the evidence at hand permits us to judge, 
the forged "Constitutum" was first made known in 
the Frankish Empire. The oldest extant manuscript 
of it, certainly from the ninth century, was written in 
the Frankish Empire. In the second naif 6f that cen- 
tury the document is expressly mentioned by three 
Frankish writers. Ado, Bishop of Vienne, speaks of 
it in his Chronicle (De sex setatibus mundi, ad an. 
306, in P. L., CXXIII, 92); jEneas, Bishop of Paris, 
refers to it in defence of the Roman primacy (Adver- 
sus Graecos, c. ccix, op. cit., CXXI, 758); Hincmar, 
Archbishop of Reims, mentions the donation of Rome 
to the pope by Constantine the Great according to the 
"Constitutum" (De ordine palatii, c. xiii, op. cit., 
CXXV, 998). The document obtained wider circula- 
tion by its incorporation with the False Decretals 
(840-850, or more specifically between 847 and 852; 
Hinschius, Decretates Pseudo-Isidorianse, Leipzig, 
1863, p. 249) . At Rome no use was made of the docu- 
ment during the ninth and the tenth centuries, not 
even amid the conflicts and difficulties of Nicholas I 
with Constantinople, when it might have served as a 
welcome argument for the claims of the pope. The 
first pope who used it in an official act and relied upon 
it, was Leo IX; in a letter of 1054 to Michael Caeru- 
larius, Patriarch of Constantinople, he cites the " Don- 
atio" to show that the Holy See possessed both an 
earthly and a heavenly imperiwn, the royal priest- 
hood. Thenceforth the "Donatio 1 ' acquires more 
importance and is more frequently used as evidence in 
the ecclesiastical and political conflicts between the 

gapacy and the secular power. Anselm of Lucca and 
ardinal Deusdedit inserted it in their collections of 
canons. Gratian, it is true, excluded it from his " De- 
cretum" butitwas8oonaddedtoitas"Palea". The 
ecclesiastical writers in defence of the papacy during 
the conflicts of the early part of the twelfth century 
quoted it as authoritative (Hugo of Fleury, De regia 
potestate et ecclesiastica digmtate, II; Placidus of 



DONATISTS 



121 



DONATISTS 



Nonantula, De honore ecclesiae, cc. lvii, xci, cli; Dis- 
pute tio vel defensio Paschalis papse; Honorius Augus- 
todunensis, De summa glorias, c. xvii; cf. Mon. Germ. 
Hist., Libelli de lite, II, 456, 591, 614, 635; III, 71). 
St. Peter Damian also relied on it in his writings 
against the antipope Cadalous of Parma (Disceptatio 
synodalis, in Libelli de lite, 1, 88). Gregory VII him- 
self never quoted this document in his long warfare for 
ecclesiastical liberty against the secular power. But 
Urban II made use of it in 1091 to support his claims 
on the island of Corsica. Later popes (Innocent III, 
Gregory IX, Innocent IV) took its authenticity for 
granted (Innocent III, Sermo de sancto Silvestro, in 
P. L., GCXVII, 481 sqq.; Raynaldus, Annales, ad an. 
1236, n. 24; Potthast, Regesta, no. 11,848), and eccle- 
siastical writers often adduced its evidence in favour 
of the papacy. The medieval adversaries of the popes, 
on the other hand, never denied the validity of this 
appeal to the pretended donation of Constantine, but 
endeavoured to show that the legal deductions drawn 
from it were founded on false interpretations. The 
authenticity of the document, as already stated, was 
doubted by no one before the fifteenth century. It 
was known to the Greeks in the second half of the 
twelfth century, when it appears in the collection of 
Theodore Balsamon (1169 sqq.); later on another 
Greek canonist, Matthieus Blastares (about 1335), ad- 
mitted it into his collection. It appears also in other 
Greek works. Moreover, it was nighly esteemed in 
the Greek East. The Greeks claimed, it is well known, 
for the Bishop of New Rome (Constantinople) the same 
honorary rights as those enjoyed by the Bishop of 
Old Rome. But now, by virtue of this document, they 
claimed for the Byzantine clergy also the privileges 
and prerogatives granted to the pope and the Roman 
ecclesiastics. In the West, long after its authenticity 
was disputed in the fifteenth century, its validity was 
still upheld by the majority of canonists and jurists 
who continued throughout the sixteenth century to 
q uo te it as authentic . And though Baronius and later 
historians acknowledged it to be a forgery, they en- 
deavoured to marshal other authorities in defence of 
its content, especially as regards the imperial dona- 
tions. In later times even this was abandoned, so that 
now the whole "Constitutum". both in form and con- 
tent, is rightly considered in all senses a forgery. See 
False Decretals; Sylvester I; States of the 
Church; Temporal Power. 

The text of the Donatio has often been printed, e. g. in Labbe, 
ConcU., 1, 1630; Mansi, ConcU. col., II, 603; finally by Graueot 
(see below) and Zeumbb in Festgabe fiir Rudolf von Gneist 



ZeitschriU (1890). 103 aqq.; Bohmer, Konstantinische Schen- 
kung in RealencykUopadie fur prof. Theol. (Leipsig, 1902), XI, 1 



sqq. 



J. P. KlRSCH. 



(Berlin, 1888), 39 saq. See Haller, Dxe QuelUn zur Geschichte 
der Sntstehnng des Kirchenstaats (Leipzig and Berlin, 1907), 241- 
250; Cbnni, Monumenta dominationis Pontificia (Rome, 1760), I, 



306 aqq.; cf. Origine della Donaxione di Costantino in Civilta 
Cattoiusa, ser. V, X, 1864, 303 sqq. The following are non- 
Catholic: Zinkeisen, The Donation of Constantine as applied by 
the Roman Church in Eng. Hist. Review (1894), IX. 625-32; 
Schait. Hist, of the Christ. Church (New York, 1905), IV, 270- 
72; Hodokin, Italy and Her Invaders (Oxford, 1899), VTL 135 
aqa. See also Colombier, La Donation de Constantin in Etudes 
Religieuaea (1877), XI, 800 sqq.; Bonneau, La Donation de 
Constantin (Lisieux, 1891); Batet, La fausse Donation de Con- 
stantin in Annuaire de la FaeulU des lettres de Lyon (Paris, 1884), 
II, 12 sq.; DdLLiNQER, Papstfabeln des Mittelalters (Munich, 
1863. Stuttgart, 1890). 72 sqq.; Hebobnbother, Katholische 
Kircheundchristlicher Stoat (Freiburg im Br., 1872), 1, 360 sqq.; 
Obneun, Das Schenkungsversprechen und die Schenkung Pippins 

^^prig, 1880), 36 sqq.; Mabtens, Die r&mische Frage unlet 
ppin und Karl dem Orossen (Stuttgart, 1881), 327 sqq.; Idem, 
Die falsehe Generalkoneession Konetantins des Grossen (Munich, 
1889); Idem, Beleuchtung der neuesten Kontroversen uber die 
romische Frage unter Pippin und Karl dem Grossen (Munich. 




tinischen Schenkungsurkunde in Historische Zeitschrift far Kir* 
ehenrecht (1889), 137 sqq., 185 sqq.; B runner. Das Constitu- 
tum Constantini in Festgabe fur R. von Gneist (Berlin, 1888), 3 
•qq.; Friedbich, Die konstantinische Schenkung (Nordlingen, 
1889); 8cheffeb-Boichob8T, Neuere Forschungen Uber die 
konstantinische Schenkung in Mitteilungen des Institute far 
teterr. Geschichtsforsch. (1889), 302 sqq. (1890), 128 sqq.; Lam- 
pbecht, Die romische Frage von Konig Pippin bis auf Kaiser 
iAidwia den Fromnum (Lapsig, 1889), 117 sqq.; Lokninq, Die 
BnUtekung der konstantinischen Schenkungsurkunde in Histor. 



Donatists. — The Donatist schism in Africa began 
in 311 and flourished just one hundred years, until the 
conference at Carthage in 411, after which its impor- 
tance waned. 

Causes of the Schism. — In order to trace the ori- 
gin of the division we have to go back to the persecu- 
tion under Diocletian. The first edict of tnat em- 
peror against Christians (24 Feb., 303) commanded 
their churches to be destroyed, their Sacred Books to 
be delivered up and burnt, while they themselves were 
outlawed. Severer measures followed in 304, when 
the fourth edict ordered all to offer incense to the idols 
under pain of death. After the abdication of Maxi- 
mian in 305, the persecution seems to have abated in 
Africa. Until then it was terrible. In Numidia the 
governor, Floras, was infamous for his cruelty, and, 
though many officials may have been, like the procon- 
sul Anulinus, unwilling to go further than they were 
obliged, vet St. Optatus is able to say of the Christians 
of the whole country that some were confessors, some 
were martyrs, some fell, only those who were hidden 
escaped. The exaggerations of the highly strung 
African character showed themselves. A hundred 
years earlier Tertullian had taught that flight from 
persecution was not permissible. Some now went 
beyond this, and voluntarily gave themselves up to 
martyrdom as Christians. Their motives were, how- 
ever, not always above suspicion. Mensurius, the 
Bishop of Carthage, in a letter to Secundus, Bishop of 
Tigisi, then the senior bishop (primate) of Numidia, 
declares that he had forbidden any to be honoured as 
martyrs who had given themselves up of their own 
accord, or who had boasted that they possessed copies 
of the Scriptures which they would not relinquish; 
some of these, he says, were criminals and debtors to 
the State, who thought they might by this means rid 
themselves of a burdensome life, or else wipe away the 
remembrance of their misdeeds, or at least gain money 
and enjoy in prison the luxuries supplied by the kind- 
ness of Christians. The later excesses of the Circum- 
cellions show that Mensurius had some ground for the 
severe line he took. He explains that he had himself 
taken the Sacred Books of the Church to his own 
house, and had substituted a number of heretical 
writings, which the persecutors had seized without 
asking for more; the proconsul, when informed of the 
deception, refused to search the bishop's private 
house. Secundus, in his reply, without blaming Men- 
surius, somewhat pointedly praised the martyrs who 
in his own province had been tortured and put to 
death for refusing to deliver up the Scriptures; he 
himself had replied to the officials who came to search: 
" I am a Christian and a bishop, not a traditor" This 
word traditor became a technical expression to desig- 
nate those who had given up the Sacred Books, and 
also those who had committed the worse crimes of de- 
livering up the sacred vessels and even their own 
brethren. 

It is certain that relations were strained between 
the confessors in prison at Carthage and their bishop. 
If we may credit the Donatist Acts of the forty-nine 
martyrs of Abitene, they broke off communion with 
Mensurius. We are informed in these Acts that Men- 
surius was a traditor by his own confession, and that 
his deacon, Csecilian, raged more furiously against the 
martyrs than did the persecutors themselves; he set 
armed men with whips before the door of the prison to 

Erevent their receiving any succour; the food brought 
y the piety of Christians was thrown to the dogs by 
these ruffians, and the drink provided was spilled in 
the street, so that the martyrs, whose condemnation 
the mild proconsul had deferred, died in prison of 
hunger and thirst. This story is recognised by Du- 



^ 



V 



D0NATI8TS 



122 



DONATISTS 



cheene and others as exaggerated. It would be better 
to say that the main point is incredible; the prisoners 
would not have been allowed by the Roman officials to 
starve; the details — that Mensurius confessed himself 
a traditor, that he prevented the succouring of the im- 
prisoned confessors — are simply founded on the letter 
of Mensurius to Secundus. Thus we may safely rej ect 
all the latter part of the Acts as fictitious. The earlier 
part is authentic: it relates how certain of the faithful 
of Abitene met and celebrated their usual Sunday ser- 
vice, in defiance of the emperor's edict, under the 
leadership of the priest Saturninus, for their bishop was 
a traditor and they disowned him; they were sent to 
-Carthage, made bold replies when interrogated, and 
were imprisoned by Anulinus, who might have con- 
demned them to death forthwith. The whole account 
is characteristic of the fervid African temperament. 
We can well imagine how the prudent Mensurius and 
his lieutenant, the deacon Csecilian, were disliked by 
some of the more excitable among their flock. 

We know in detail how the inquiries for sacred 
books were carried out, for the official minutes of an 
investigation at Cirta (afterwards Constantino) in 
Numidia are preserved. The bishop and his clergy 
showed themselves ready to give up all they had, but 
drew the line at betraying their brethren; even here 
their generosity was not remarkable, for they added 
that the names and addresses were well known to the 
officials. The examination was conducted by Muna- 
tius Felix, perpetual flamen, curator of the colony of 
Cirta. Having arrived with his satellites at the bish- 
op's house— 4n Numidia the searching was more se- 
vere than in Proconsular Africa — the bishop was 
found with four priests, three deacons, four subdea- 
cons and several fossores (diggers). These declared 
that the Scriptures were not there, but in the hands of 
the lectors; and in fact the bookcase was found to be 
empty. The clergy present refused to give the names 
of the lectors, saying they were known to the notaries; 
but, with the exception of the books, they gave in an 
inventory of all possessions of the church: two golden 
chalices, six of silver, six silver cruets, a silver bowl, 
seven silver lamps, two candlesticks, seven short 
bronze lamp-stands with lamps, eleven bronze lamps 
with chains, eighty-two women's tunics, twenty-eight 
veils, sixteen men's tunics, thirteen pairs of men's 
boots, forty-seven pairs of women's boots, nineteen 
countrymen's smocks. Presently the subdeacon Sil- 
vanus brought forth a silver box and another silver 
lamp, which he had found behind a jug. In the din- 
ing-room were four casks and seven jugs. A subdea- 
con produced a thick book. Then the houses of the 
lectors were visited: Eugenius gave up four volumes, 
Felix, the mosaic-worker, gave up five, Victorinus 
eight, Project us five large volumes and two small ones, 
the grammarian Victor two codices and five quinions, 
or gatherings of five leaves; Euticius of Caesarea de- 
clared that ne had no books; the wife of Coddeo pro- 
duced six volumes, and said she had no more, and a 
search was without further result. It is interesting to 
notice that the books were all codices (in book form), 
not rolls, which had gone out of fashion in the course 
of the preceding century. 

It is to be hoped that such disgraceful scenes were 
infrequent. A contrasting instance of heroism is 
found in the story of Felix, Bishop of Tibiuca. who 
was haled before the magistrate on the very day, 5 
June, 303, when the decree was posted up in that city. 
He refused to give up any books, and was sent to Car- 
thage. The proconsul Anulinus, unable by close con- 
finement to weaken his determination, sent him on to 
Rome to Maximian Hercules. 

In 305 the persecution had relaxed, and it was pos- 
sible to unite fourteen or more bishops at Cirta in 
order to give a successor to Paul. Secundus presided 
as primate, and in his zeal he attempted to examine 
the conduct of his colleagues. They met in a private 



house, for the church had not yet been restored to the 
Christians. "We must first try ourselves", said the 
primate, " before we can venture to ordain a bishop''. 
To Donatus of Mascula he said : " You are said to have 
been a traditor." "You know", replied the bishop, 
"how Florus searched for me that I might offer in- 
cense, but God did not deliver me into his hands, 
brother. As God forgave me, do you reserve me to 
His judgment." " What then ", said Secundus, " shall 
we say of the martyrs? It is because they did not 
give up anything that they were crowned. "Send 
me to God. said Donatus, " to Him will I give an ac- 
count." (In fact, a bishop was not amenable to pen- 
ance and was properly "reserved to God" in this 
sense.) "Stand on one side", said the president, and 
to Marinus of Aquae Tibilitanse he said : " You also are 
said to be a traditor." Marinus said : " I gave papers 
to Pollux; my books are safe." This was not satis- 
factory, and Secundus said: "Go over to that side"; 
then to Donatus of Calama: "You are said to be a 
traditor." " I gave up books on medicine." Secun- 
dus seems to have been incredulous, or at least he 
thought a trial was needed, for again he said: "Stand 
on one side." After a gap in the Acts, we read that 
Secundus turned to Victor, Bishop of Russicade: 
"You are said to have given up the Four Gospels." 
Victor replied: "It was the curator, Valentinus; he 
forced me to throw them into the fire. Forgive me 
this fault, and God will also forgive it." Secundus 
said: "Stand on one side." Secundus (after another 
gap) said to Purpurius of Limata: "You are said to 
have killed the two sons of your sister at Mileum" 
(Milevis) . Purpurius answered with vehemence : " Do 
you think I am frightened by you as the others are? 
What did you do yourself when the curator and his 
officials tried to make you give up the Scriptures? 
How did you manage to get off scot-free, unless you 
gave them something, or ordered something to be 
given? They certainly did not let you go for noth- 
ing! As for me I have killed and I loll those who are 
against me ; do not provoke me to say any more. You 
know that I do not intei*ere where I have no business." 
At this outburst a nephew of Secundus said to the 
primate: "You hear what they say of you? He is 
ready to withdraw and make a schism; and the same 
is true of all those whom you accuse; and I know they 
are capable of turning you out and condemning you, 
and you alone will then be the heretic. What is it to 
you what they have done? Each must give his ac- 
count to God." Secundus (as St. Augustine points 
out) had apparently no reply ready against the accusa- 
tion of Purpurius, so he turned to the two or three 
bishops who remained unaccused: "What do you 
think?" These answered: " They have God to Whom 
they must give an account." Secundus said: "You 
know and God knows. Sit down." And all replied: 
Deo gr alias. 

These minutes have been preserved for us by St. 
Augustine. The later Donatists declared them forged, 
but not only could St. Optatus refer to the age of the 
parchment on which they were written, but they are 
made easily credible by the testimonies given before Ze- 
nophilus in 320. Seeck, as well as Duchesne (see below) , 
upholds their genuineness. We hear from St. Optatus 
of another fallen Numidian bishop, who refused to 
come to the council on the pretext of bad eyes, but in 
reality for fear his fellow-citizens should prove that he 
had offered incense, a crime of which the other bishops 
were not guilty. The bishops proceeded to ordain a 
bishop, and they chose Silvanus. who, as a subdeacon, 
assisted in the search for sacred vessels. The people 
of Cirta rose up against him, crying that he was a tra- 
ditor, and demanded the appointment of a certain 
Donatus. But .country people and gladiators were 
engaged to set him in the episcopal chair, to which he 
was carried on the back of a man named Mutus. 

CiKciMAN and Majorinus. — A certain Donatus of 



DONATISTS 



123 



DONATISTS 



Caste Nigrae is said to have caused a schism in Car- 
thage during the lifetime of Mensurius. In 311 Max- 
entius obtained dominion over Africa, and a deacon of 
Carthage, Felix, was accused of writing a defamatory 
letter against the tyrant. Mensurius was said to have 
concealed his deacon in his house and was summoned 
to Rome. He was acquitted, but died on his return 
journey. Before his departure from Africa, he had 
given the gold and silver ornaments of the church to 
the care of certain old men, and had also consigned an 
inventory of these effects to an aged woman, who was 
to deliver it to the next bishop. Maxentius gave lib- 
erty to the Christians, so that it was possible for an 
election to be held at Carthage. The bishop of Car- 
thage, like the pope, was commonly consecrated by a 
neignDouring bishop, assisted by a certain number of 
others from the vicinity. He was primate not only of 
the proconsular province, but of the other provinces 
of North Africa, including Numidia, Byzacene, Tripo- 
litana, and the two Mauretanias. which were all gov- 
erned by the vicar of prefects. In each of these prov- 
inces the local primacy was attached to no town, but 
was held by the senior bishop, until St. Gregory the 
Great made the office elective. St. Optatus implies 
that the bishops of Numidia. many of whom were at 
no great distance from Carthage, had expected that 
they would have a voice in the election; but two 
priests, Botrus and Cselestius, who each expected to be 
elected, had managed that only a small number of 
bishops should be present. Caecilian, the deacon who 
had been so obnoxious to the martyrs, was duly 
chosen by the whole people, placed in the chair of 
Mensurius. and consecrated by Felix, Bishop of Ap- 
tonga or Abtughi. The old men who had charge of 
the treasure of the church were obliged to give it up; 
they joined with Botrus and Caelestius in refusing to 
acknowledge the new bishop. They were assisted by 
a rich lady named Lucilla, who had a grudge against 
Ctecilian because he had rebuked her habit of kissing 
the bone of an uncanonized (mm vindicatus) martyr 
immediately before receiving Holy Communion. 
Probably we have here again a martyr whose death 
was due to his own ill-regulated fervour. 

Secundus, as the nearest primate, came with his 
suffragans to Carthage to judge the affair, and in a 
great council of seventy bishops declared the ordina- 
tion of Caecilian to be invalid, as having been per- 
formed by a traditor. A new bishop was consecrated, 
Majorinus, who belonged to the household of Lucilla 
and had been a lector in the deaconry of Caecilian. 
That lady provided the sum of 400 folles (more than 
11,000 dollars), nominally for the poor; but all of it 
went into the pockets of the bishops, one-quarter of 
the sum being seised by Purpurius of Limata. Caeci- 
lian had possession of the basilica and the cathedra of 
Cyprian, and the people were with him, so that he re- 
fused to appear before the council. "If I am not 
properly consecrated ", he said ironically, " let them 
treat me as a deacon, and lay hands on me afresh, and 
not on another." On this reply being brought, Pur- 
purius cried: " Let him come here, and instead of lay- 
ing hands on him, we will break his head in penance." 
No wonder that the action of this council, which sent 
letters throughout Africa, had a great influence. But 
at Carthage it was well known that Caecilian was the 
choice of the people, and it was not believed that 
Felix of Aptonga had given up the Sacred Books. 
Rome and Italy had given Ctecilian their communion. 
The Church of the moderate Mensurius did not hold 
that consecration by a traditor was invalid, or even 
that it was illicit, if the traditor was still in lawful pos- 
session of his see. The council of Secundus, on the 
contrary, declared that a traditor could not act as a 
bishop, and that any who were in communion 
with traditors were cut off from the Church. They 
called themselves the Church of the martyrs, and de- 
clared that all who were in communion with public 



sinners like Ctecilian and Felix were necessarily e&* 
communicate. < 

The Condemnation by Pope Melchiades. — Very 
soon there were many cities having two bishops, the 
one in communion with Caecilian, the other with Ma- 
jorinus. Constantine, after defeating Maxentius (28 
October, 312) and becoming master of Rome, showed 
himself a Christian in his acts. He wrote to Anulinus, 
proconsul of Africa (was he the same as the mild pro- 
consul of 303?), restoring the churches to Catholics, 
and exempting clerics of "the Catholic Church of 
which Caecilian is president" from civil functions (Eu- 
sebius, Hist. Eccl., X, v, 15, and vii, 2). He also 
wrote to Caecilian (ibid., X, vi, 1) sending him an order 
for 3000 folles to be distributed in Africa^ Numidia, 
and Mauretania; if more was needed, the bishop must 
apply for more. He added that he had heard of tur- 
bulent persons who sought to corrupt the Church; he 
had ordered the proconsul Anulinus and the vicar of 
prefects to restrain them, and Caecilian was to appeal 
to these officials if necessary. The opposing party 
lost no time. A few days after the publication of 
these letters, their delegates, accompanied by a mob, 
brought to Anulinus two bundles of documents, con- 
taining the complaints of their party against Ceecilian, 
to be forwarded io the emperor. St. Optatus has 

E reserved a few words from their petition, in which 
onstantine is begged to grant judges from Gaul, 
where under his father's rule there had been no perse- 
cution, and therefore no traditors. Constantine 
knew the Church's constitution too well to comply and 
thereby make Gallic bishops judges of the primate of 
Africa. He at once referred the matter to the pope, 
expressing his intention, laudable, if too sanguine, of 
allowing no schisms in the Catholic Church. That the 
African schismatics might have no ground of com- 
plaint, he ordered three of the chief bishops of Gaul, 
Keticius of Autun, Maternus of Cologne, and Marinus 
of Aries, to repair to Rome, to assist at the trial. He 
ordered Caecilian to come thither with ten bishops of 
his accusers and ten of his own communion. The 
memorials against Caecilian he sent to the pope, who 
would know, he says, what procedure to employ in 
order to conclude the whole matter in accordance with 
justice (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., X, v, 18). Pope Mel- 
chiades summoned fifteen Italian bishops to sit with 
him. From this time forward we find that in all im- 
portant matters the popes issue their decretal letters 
from a small council of bishops, and there are traces of 
the custom even before this. The ten Donatist bish- 
ops (for we may now give the party its eventual name) 
were headed by a Bishop Donatus of Casae Nigrse. It 
was assumed by Optatus, Augustine, and the other 
Catholic apologists that this was "Donatus the 
Great", the successor of Majorinus as schismatic 
Bishop of Carthage. But the Donatists of St. Augus- 
tine's time were anxious to deny this, as they did not 
wish to admit that their protagonist had been con- 
demned, and the Catholics at the conference of 411 
minted them the existence of a Donatus, Bishop of 
Casae Nigrse, who had distinguished himself by active 
hostility to Caecilian. Modern authorities agree in ac- 
cepting this view. But it seems inconceivable that, if 
Majorinus was still alive, he should not have been 
obliged to go to Rome. It would be very strange, 
further, that a Donatus of Casae Nigrae should appear as 
the leader of the party, without any explanation, unless 
Casae Nigrae was simply the birthplace of Donatus the 
Great. If we assume that Majorinus had died and 
had been succeeded by Donatus the Great just before 
the trial at Rome, we shall understand why Majorinus 
is never again mentioned. 

The accusations against Caecilian in the memorial 
were disregarded, as Being anonymous and unproved. 
The witnesses brought from Africa acknowledged that 
they had nothing against him. Donatus, on the other 
hand, was convicted by his Qwn confession of having 



q 



DONATISTS 



124 



DONATISTS 



rebaptiied and of having laid his hands in penance on 
bishops — this was forbidden by ecclesiastical law. On 
the third day the unanimous sentence was pronounced 
by Melchiades: Caecilian was to be maintained in eccle- 
siastical communion. If Donatist bisho]te returned 
to the Church, in a place. where there were two rival 
bishops, the junior was to retire and be provided with 
another see. The Donatists were furious. A hun- 
dred years later their successors declared that Pope 
Melchiades was himself a traditor, and that on this ac- 
count they had not accepted his decision; though there 
is no trace of this having been alleged at the time. 
But the nineteen bishops at Rome were contrasted 
with the seventy bishops of the Carthaginian Council, 
and a fresh judgment was demanded. 

The Council op Arles.— Constantino was angry, 
but he saw that the party was powerful in Africa, and 
he summoned a council of the whole West (that is, of 
the whole of his actual dominions) to meet at Aries on 
1 August, 314. Melchiades was dead, and his succes- 
sor, St. Sylvester, thought it unbecoming to leave 
Rome, thus setting an example which he repeated in 
the case of Nicsea, and which his successors followed in 
the cases of Sardica, Rimini, and the Eastern oecumeni- 
cal councils. Between forty and fifty sees were repre- 
sented at the council by bishops or "proxies; the Bish- 
ops of London. York, and Lincoln were there. St. 
Sylvester sent legates. The council condemned the 
Donatists and drew up a number of canons; it re- 
ported its proceedings m a letter to the pope, which is 
extant; but, as in the case of Nicsea. no detailed Acts 
remain, nor are any such mentioned by the ancients. 
The Fathers in their letter salute Sylvester, saying that 
he had rightly decided not to quit the spot " where the 
Apostles daily sit in judgment''; had he been with them, 
they might perhaps have dealt more severely with the 
heretics. Among the canons, one forbids rebaptism 
(which was still practised in Africa), another declares 
that those who falsely accuse their brethren shall have 
communion only at the hour of death. On the other 
hand, traditors are to be refused communion, but only 
when their fault has been proved by public official 
acts; those whom they have ordained are to retain 
their positions. The council produced some effect in 
Africa, but the main body of the Donatists was im- 
movable. They appealed from the council to the 
emperor. Constantine was horrified: "O insolent 
madness!" he wrote, "they appeal from heaven to 
earth, from Jesus Christ to a man." 

The Policy op Constantine. — The emperor re- 
tained the Donatist envoys in Gaul, after at first dis- 
missing them. He seems to have thought of sending 
for Cfficilian, then of granting a full examination in 
Africa. The case of Felix of Aptonga was in fact ex- 
amined by his order at Carthage in February, 315 (St. 
Augustine is probably wrong in giving 314). The 
minutes of the proceedings have come down to us in a 
mutilated state; they are referred to by St. Op^atus, 
who appended them to his book with other documents, 
and they are frequently cited by St. Augustine. It 
was shown that the letter which the Donatists put for- 
ward as proving the crime of Felix, had been inter- 
polated by a certain Ingentius; this was established 
by the confession of Ingentius, as well as by the witness 
of Alfius, the writer of the letter. It was proved that 
Felix was actually absent at the time the search for 
Sacred Books was made at Aptonga. Constantine 
eventually summoned Cfficilian and nis opponents to 
Rome; but Cecilian, for some unknown reason, did 
not appear. Csecilian and Donatus the Great (who 
was now, at all events, bishop) were called to Milan, 
where Constantine heard both sides with great care. 
He declared that Csecilian was innocent and an excel- . 
lent bishop (Augustine, Contra Cresconium, III, lxxi). 
He retained both in Italy, however, while he sent two 
bishops, Eunomius and Olympius. to Africa, with an 
idea of putting Donatus and Ciecilian aside, and sub- 



stituting a new bishop, to be agreed upon by all par- 
ties. It is to be presumed that Caecihan and Donatus 
had assented to this course; but the violence of the 
sectaries made it impossible to carry it out. Euno- 
mius and Olympius declared at Carthage that the Cath- 
olic Church was that which is diffused throughout the 
world and that the sentence pronounced against the 
Donatists could not be annulled. They communi- 
cated with the clergy of Csecilian and returned to Italy. 
Donatus went back to Carthage, and Caecilian. seeing 
this, felt himself free to* do the same. Finally Con- 
stantine ordered that the churches which the Don- 
atists had taken should be given to the Catholics. 
Their other meeting-places were confiscated. Those 
who were convicted (of calumny?) lost their goods. 
Evictions were carried out by the military. An an- 
cient sermon on the passion of the Donatist " martyrs ", 
Donatus and Advocatus, describes such scenes. In 
one of them a regular massacre occurred, and a bishop 
was among the slain, if we may trust this curious docu- 
ment. The Donatists were proud of this "persecu- 
tion of Ciecilian", which "the Pure 1 ' suffered at the 
hands of the " Church of the Traditors ". The Comes 
Leontius and the Dux Ursacius were the special objects 
of their indignation. 

In 320 came revelations unpleasant to the "Pure". 
Nundinarius, a deacon of Cirta, had a quarrel with his 
bishop, Silvanus. who caused him to be stoned — so he 
said in his complaint to certain Numidian bishops, in 
which he threatened that if they did not use their in- 
fluence in his behalf with Silvanus, he would tell what 
he knew of them. As he got no satisfaction he brought 
the matter before Zenophilus, the consular of Numidia. 
The minutes have come down to us in a fragmentary 
form in the appendix of Optatus, under the title of 
"Gesta apud Zenophilum". Nundinarius produced 
letters from Purpurius and other bishops to Silvanus 
and to the people of Cirta, trying to have peace made 
with the inconvenient deacon. The minutes of the 
search at Cirta, which we have already cited, were 
read, and witnesses were called to establish their accu- 
racy, including two of the fossores then present and a 
lector, Victor the grammarian. It was shown not 
only that Silvanus was a traditor, but that he had 
assisted Purpurius, together with two priests and a 
deacon, in the theft of certain casks of vinegar belong- 
ing to the treasury, which were in the temple of 
Serapis. Silvanus had ordained a priest for the sum 
of 20 /olles (500 to 600 dollars). It was established 
that none of the money given by Lucilla had reached 
the poor for whom it was ostensibly given. Thus Sil- 
vanus, one of the mainstays of the "Pure" Church, 
which declared that to communicate with any traditor 
was to be outside the Church, was himself proved to be 
a traditor. He was exiled by the consular for robbing 
the treasury, for obtaining money under false pretences, 
and for getting himself made- bishop by violence. 
The Donatists Later preferred to say that he was ban- 
ished for refusing to communicate with the "Caecilian- 
ists", and Cresconius even spoke of "the persecution 
of Zenophilus". But it should have been clear to all 
that the consecrators of Majorinus had called their 
opponents traditors in order to cover their own 
delinquencies. 

The Donatist party owed its success in great part to 
the ability of its leader Donatus, the successor of 
Majorinus. He appears to have really merited the 
title of " the Great " oy his eloquence and force of char- 
acter. His writings are lost. His influence with his 
party was extraordinary. St. Augustine frequently 
declaims against his arrogance and the impiety with 
which he was almost worshipped by his followers. In 
his lifetime he is said to have greatly enjoyed the 
adulation he received, and after death he was counted 
as a martyr and miracles were ascribed to him. 

In 321 Constantine relaxed his vigorous measures, 
having found that they did not produce the peace to 



If 



J N 



DONATIStS 125 DONATI8T8 

had hoped for, and he weakly begged the Catholics to the rest might change their minds and avenge the 

suffer the Donatists with patience. This was not death of their fellows; and he insisted that they must 

easy, for the schismatics broke out into violence. At all be bound. They agreed to this; when they were 

Cirta, Silvanus having returned, they seiseoV the basil- defenceless, the young man gave each of them a beat- 

ica which the emperor had built tor the Catholics, ing and went his way. 

They would not give it up, and Constantino found no when in controversy with Catholics, the Donatist 
better expedient than to build another. Throughout bishops were not proud of their supporters. They 
Africa, but above all in Numidia, they wete numerous, declared that self-precipitation from a cliff had been 
They taught that in all the rest of the world the Cath- forbidden in their councils. Yet the bodies of these sui- 
olio Church had perished, through having communi- cidee were sacrilegiously honoured, and crowds cele-' 
cated with the traditor Caecilian; their sect alone was brated their anniversaries. Their bishops could not 
the true Church. % If a Catholic came into their but conform, and they were often glad enough of the 
churches, they drove him out, and washed with salt strong arms of the Circumcellions. Theodoret, soon 
the pavement where he had stood. Any Catholic who after St. Augustine's death, knew of no other Dona- 
joined them was forced to be rebaptused. They as- tists than the Circumcellions; and these were the 
sorted that their own bishops and ministers were with- "typical Donatists in the eyes of all outside Africa, 
out fault, else their ministrations would be invalid. They were especially dangerous to the Catholic clergy, 
But in fact they were convicted of drunkenness and whose houses they attacked and pillaged: They beat 
other sins. St. Augustine tells us on the authority of fend wounded them, put lime and vinegar on their eyes, 
Tichonius that the Donatists held a council of two and ev