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PAGE FKO.M GUTENBERG'S
INTRODUCTION TO OOflPI'-L
2-LINE (MAZARIN) HIBI-E (1455)
THE CATHOLIC
ENCYCLOPEDIA
AN INTERNATIONAL WORK OF REFERENCE
ON THE CONSTITUTION, DOCTRINE,
DISCIPLINE, AND HISTORY OF THE
CATHOLIC CHURCH
EDITED BY
CHARLES G. HERBERMANN, PH.D., LL.D.
EDWARD A. PACE, Ph.D., D.D. CONDE B. PALLEN, Ph.D., LL.D.
THOMAS J. SHAHAN, D.D. JOHN J. WYNNE, S.J.
ASSISTED BY NUMEROUS COLLABORATORS
FIFTEEN VOLUMES AND INDEX
VOLUME V
SPECIAL EDITION
UNBEB THE AUSPICES Of
THE KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS CATHOLIC TRUTH COMMITTEE
Wew Bort
THE ENCYCLOPEDIA PRESS, INC
Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909
REMY LAFORT, S.T.D.
CBNSOB
Imprimatur
+JOHN CARDINAL FARLEY
ARCHBISHOP OF NEW YORK
Copyright, 1909
By Robert Appleton Company
Copyright, 1913
By THE ENCYCLOPEDIA PRESS, INC.
The articles in this work have been written specially for The Catholic
Encyclopedia and are protected by copyright. All rights, includ-
ing the right of translation and reproduction, are reserved.
Hatrnlt
Mb?-
Contributors to the Fifth Volume
N
I
I
AHERNE, CORNELIUS, Professor of New Tes- BRl&HIER, LOUIS-RENlS, Professor of Ancient
tament Exegesis. Rector, St. Joseph's Coi/- and Medieval History, University of Cler-
lege, Mill Hill, London: Est (Estius), Willem mont-Ferrand, Puy-de-D6me, France: Doria,
Hessels van. Andrea.
ALSTON, G. CYPRIAN, O.S.B., Downside Abbey,
Bath, England: Dissentis, Abbey of; Donnan,
Saint; Drostan. Saint; Echternach, Abbey of;
Einsiedeln, Abbey of: Emmeram, Abbey of
Saint; Engelberg, Abbey of; Estiennot de la
Serre, Claude;- Evesham Abbey.
ARENDZEN, J. P., Ph.D., S.T.D., M.A. (Cantab.),
Professor of Holy Scripture, St. Edmund's
College, Ware, England: Docetae; Dosi-
theans; Druses; Ebionites; Egyptian Church
Ordinance; Encratites; Etschmiadzin.
AVELING, FRANCIS, S.T.D., Chelsea, London:
Essence and Existence.
BACCHUS, FRANCIS JOSEPH, B.A.. The Ora-
tory, Birmingham, England: Eusebius, Chroni-
cle of; Eusebius of Csesarea.
BANDELIER, AD. F., Hispanic Society of
America, New York: Ecuador, Republic of.
BARNES, ARTHUR STAPYLTON, M.A. (Oxon.
and Cantab.), Cambridge, England: Discipline
of the Secret; Dolphin; Dove; Elvira, Council
of; Eulogia.
BAUMGARTEN, Mgr. PAUL MARIA, J.U.D.,
S.T.D., Domestic Prelate, Rome: Dollinger,
Johann Joseph Ignaz von.
BENIGNI, U., Professor of Ecclesiastical His-
tory, Pont. Collegio Urban o di Propaganda,
Rome: Domnus Apostolicus; Fabriano and
Matelica, Diocese of; Faenza, Diocese of; Fano,
Diocese of; Farnese, Alessandro.
BESSE, J. M., O.S.B., Director, "Revue Mabil-
lon", Chevetogne, Belgium: Eutropius of
Valencia.
BESSON, JULES, S.J., Professor of Canon Law,
University of Toulouse, Director, "Nou-
velle Revue Theologique " (Tournai), Tou-
louse, France: Dispensation.
BIHL, MICHAEL, O.F.M., Lector of Ecclesias-
tical History, Collegio San Bonaventura,
Quaracchi, near Florence: Elizabeth of Hun-
gary, Saint; Faber, Philip.
BOUDINHON, AUGUSTE-MARIE, D.D., D.C.L.,
Director, "Canonists Contemporain ", Pro-
fessor of Canon Law, Institut Catholique,
Paris: Discipline, Ecclesiastical; Domicile;
Dower, Religious; Election; Excommunication;
Faithful, The.
BOWDEN, SEBASTIAN. The Oratory, London:
Faber, Frederick William.
BRAUN, JOSEPH, S.J., Luxemburg: Embroidery,
Ecclesiastical; Fanon.
BROCK, HENRY M., S.J., Professor of Physics,
Holy Cross College, Worcester, Massachu-
setts: Dumont, Hubert- Andr6; Eiie de Beau-
mont, Jean-Bap t is te; Epping, Joseph; Eusebius
of Alexandria.
BURKE, EDMUND, A.B., Instructor in Latin,
College of the City of New York: Facciolati,
Jacopo.
BURTON, EDWIN, D.D., St. Edmund's College,
Ware, England: Dorman, Thomas; Drane,
Augusta Theodosia; Durham, Ancient Catholic
Diocese of; Easton, Adam; Egbert, King; Ellis,
Philip Michael; Ely, Ancient Diocese of; Engle-
field, Felix; Englefield; Sir Henry Charles; Erdes-
wicke, Sampson; Emngton, William; Erskine,
Charles; Ethelbert, Archbishop of York; Eu-
stace, John Chetwode; Evangelical Alliance,
The; Exeter, Ancient Diocese of; Eyre, Thomas;
Eyston, Charles; Falkner, Thomas.
CAMM, BEDE, O.S.B., B.A. (Oxon.), Erdington
Abbey, Birmingham, England: Drury, Robert,
Venerable; Duckett, James, Venerable, and John,
Venerable; Dymoke, Robert.
CAMPBELL, THOMAS J., S.J., St. Mary's College,
Montreal: Drechsel, Jeremias; Druillettes,
Gabriel; Druzbicki, Gaspar.
CAPES, FLORENCE MARY, London: Elizabeth of
Portugal, Saint.
CARR, EDWARD J., Fall River, Massachusetts:
Fall River, Diocese of.
CARR, GREGORY, O.F.M., Washington: ElzSar
of Sabran, Saint.
CATHREIN, VICTOR, S.J., Professor of Moral
Philosophy, St. Ignatius College, Valken-
burg, Holland: Duel; Ethics.
CHAINE, MARIUS, S.J., Rome: Ethiopia.
CHAMBON, CfiLESTIN M., Ph.B., Litt.B., New
Orleans, Louisiana: Dubourg, Louis-Guil-
laume-Valentin.
CHAPMAN, JOHN, O.S.B., B.A. (Oxon.), Prior of
St. Thomas's Abbey, Erdington, Birmingham,
England: Diodorus of Tarsus; Diognetus,
Epistle to; Dionysius. Saint, Bishop of Corinth;
Dionysius of Alexandria; Dioscurus, Bishop of
Alexandria; Doctors of the Church; Doctrine of
Addai; Donatists; Elcesaites; Ephesus, Council
of; Ephesus, Robber Council of; Eusebius of
Nicomedia; Eutyches; . Eutychianism; Evodius.
CLEARY, HENRY W., Editor, "New Zealand
Tablet", Dunedin, New Zealand: Dunedin*
Diocese of.
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME
CLUGNET, JOSEPH-LfiON-TIBURCE, Litt.Lic,
Paris: Emmeram, Saint; Eucherius, Saint.
COGHLAN, DANIEL, D.D., Profbssor of Dog-
matic Theology, St. Patrick's College, May-
nooth, Dublin: Dogma; Dogmatic Facts.
COLEMAN, AMBROSE, O.P., M.R.I.A., St. Sav-
iour's Priory, Dublin: Dixon, Joseph; Dow-
dall, George.
COPPENS, CHARLES, S.J., Professor of Phi-
losophy, St. Louis University, Missouri: Di-
rection, Spiritual; Examination of Conscience.
COPPIETERS, HONORfi, S.T.D., Professor of
Hebrew and Holy Scripture, College du
Pape, Lou vain: Evangeliaria (First Part).
DUFFY, DANIEL P., S.S., A.M., S.T.L., J.C.L., Pro-
fessor of Holy Scripture, St. Mary's Semi-
nary, Baltimore: Eleazar; Eliseus; Esau.
DUFFY, P. L., A.B., A.M., LL.D., Auditor, Dioce-
san Curia, Charleston, South Carolina:
England, John.
DUNNj Mgr. JAMES J., Meadville, Pennsylvania:
Erie, Diocese of.
*
DUNN, JOSEPH, Ph.D., Professor of Celtic
Languages and Literature, Catholic Uni-
versity of America, Washington: Druidism.
EDMONDS, COLUMBA. O.S.B., Fort Augustus,
Scotland: Edmund Rich, Saint; Erconwald,
Saint; Ernan, Saints; Ewald, Saints.
CORBOTT, JOHN, S.J., New Yobk: Embroidety in engELHARDT, ZEPHYRIN, O.F.M., Watoon-
Scripture.
CRONIN, Mgr. CHARLES JOHN, D.D. Vice-
Rector, English College, Rome: English Col-
lege, The, in Rome.
CULLEN, JOHN BAPTIST, Dublin: Eiinhin,
Saint; Eithene, Saint; Eithne, Saint; Eustace,
Saint; Eustace, Maurice.
D'ALTON, E. A., M.R.I. A., Athenry, Ireland:
Donlevy, Andrew; Down and Connor, Diocese of;
Doyle, James Warren; Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan;
Egan, Boetius.
DEASY, TIMOTHY J., D.D., Ph.D., Ellbnora,
Ohio: Elder, William Henry.
DEBUCHY, PAUL, S.J., Litt.L., Enghien, Bel-
gium: Discernment of Spirits.
DELAMARRE, LOUIS N., Ph.D., Instructor tn
French, College of the City of New York:
Dupin, Fierre-Charles-Francois; Estaing, Jean-
Baptiste, Comte d\
DELANY, JOSEPH F., New York: Distraction;
Error; Euthanasia.
DEPPEN, LOUIS G., Louisville, Kentucky:
Durbm, Elisha John.
DEVINE, ARTHUR, C.P., Professor of Theology,
St. Saviour's Retreat, Broadway, Worces-
tershire, England: Dominic of the Mother of
God.
DOMANIG, KARL, Ph.D., Honorary Imperial
Councillor, Chief Director of the Imperial
Collection of Coins, Klosterneuburg, Aus-
tria: Eckhel, Joseph Hilarius.
DONNELLY. NICHOLAS, Titular Bishop of
Canea, Dublin: Dublin, Archdiocese of.
DONOHUE, JAMES, S.P.M., New York: Fathers
of Mercy.
DONOVAN, STEPHEN M., O.F.M.. Franciscan
Monastery, Washington: Discalced.
DRISCOLL, JAMES F., D.D., President of St.
Joseph's Seminary, Dunwoodie, New York:
Euthalius; Eve (in Scripture) ; Ezechias.
DRISCOLL, JOHN THOMAS, A.M., S.T.L., Fonda,
New York: Dongan, Thomas.
DUBRAY, C. A., S.T.B., Ph. D., Professor of
Philosophy, Marist College, Washington:
Duhamel, Jean-Baptiste; Duperron, Jacques-
Davy; Dynamism: Emanationism; Encyclo-
pedists; Epistemology; Espence, Claude d';
Faculties of the Soul.
ville, California: Dolores Mission; Dumetz,
Francisco; Duran, Narcisco.
EWING, JOHN GILLESPIE, A.M., San Juan,
Porto Rico: Ewing, Thomas.
FANNING, WILLIAM H. W., S.J., Professor of
Church History and Canon Law, St. Louis
University, Missouri: Distributions.
FENLON, JOHN F., S.S., S.T.D., President pr St.
Austin's College, Brookland, D.C.; Profes-
sor of Sacred Scripture, St. Mary's Semi-
nary, Baltimore: Emery, Jacques- Andre\
FTTA Y COLOMER, FIDEL, S.J., Member of the
Royal Academy of History, Madrid: Eulalia
of Barcelona, Saint; Eulogius of Cordova, Saint 7
Evora, Archdiocese of.
FITZPATRICK, MALLICK J., New York: Drum-
goole, John C.
FORTESCUE, ADRIAN^Ph.D., D.D., Letchworth,
Herts, England: Doxology; Durandus, Wil-
liam; Durandus, William, the Younger; Durham
Rite; Eastern Churches; Elias of Jerusalem;
Eparchy; Ephesus, The Seven Sleepers of:
Ephraim of Antioch; Epiklesis; Epiphanius of
Constantinople; Etherianus, Hugh and Leo;
Euchologion; Eudocia; Euphemius of Constan-
tinople; Eusebius of Laodicea; Eustathius of Se-
baste; Eutychius I (Patriarch of Constantinople) ;
Eutychius (Melchite Patriarch of Alexandria);
Exarch.
FOX, JAMES J., S.T.D., B.A., Professor of Phi-
losophy, St. Thomas's College, Washington:
Duty; Egoism.
FOX, WILLIAM, B.S., M.E., Associate Professor
of Physics, College of the City of New York:
Divisch, Procopius.
FUENTES, VENTURA, A.B., M.D., Instructor,
College of the City of New York: Encina,
Juan de la; Enciso, Diego Ximenez de; Enciso,
Martin Fernandez de; Ercilla y Zufiiga, Alonso
de; Espinel, Vicente; Espinosa, Alonso de.
GERARD, JOHN, S.J., F.L.S., London: Dionysius
Exiguus.
GEUDENS, FRANCIS MARTIN, O.Prjem., Abbot
Titular of Barlings, Corpus Christi Priory,
Manchester, England: Druys, Jean.
GIETMANN, GERARD, S.J., Teacher of Classical
Languages and ^Esthetics, St. Ignatius Col-
lege, Valkenburg, Holland: Durer, Albrecht;
Ecclesiastes, Book oi ; Erwin of Steinbach.
VI
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME
GIGOT, FRANCIS E., S.T.D., Propbssor op Sacrbd HUDLESTON, GILBERT ROGER, O.S.B., Down-
Scripture, St. Joseph's Seminary, Dunwoodie, side Abbet, Bath, England: Downside Abbey.
N . Y . : Ecclesiasticus, Book of..
HUNT, LEIGH, Professor op Art, College op
GILLET, LOUIS, Paris: Duccio di Buoninsegna; the City op New York: Dolci, Carlo; Domeni-
Eyck>, Hubert and Jan van; Farinato, Paolo. » chino; Drevet Family, The; Edelinck.
GODRYCZ JOHN, S.T.D., Ph.D., J.U.D., Shenan- HUNTER-BLAIR, D. O., Bart., O.S.B., M.A.. Ox-
doah, Pennsylvania: Dlugoss, Jan. FOBD| England: Dorchester, Abbey •£: Doug-
las, Gavin; Dryburgh Abbey; Dunbar, William;
Dundrennan, Abbey of; Dunfermline, Abbey of;
Dunkeld, Diocese of; Edinburgh.
HYVERNAT, HENRY, D.D., Catholic University
op America, Washington: Egypt; Ensue*;
Einik.
JOUVE, ODORIC-M., O.F.M., Cavdiac, Canada:
Dolbeau, Jean.
KELLY, JAMES J., D.D., V.G., Athlonb, Ireland:
Elphin, Diocese of.
KELLY, LEO A., Ph.B., Rochester, New York:
Exuperius, Saint.
KENDAL, JAMES, S.J., Bulawayo, Rhodesia,
South Aprica: Fate.
KENNEDY, THOMAS, B.A. (R.U.I.), London:
Epact.
KETTENBURG, PHILIPP BARON, Chaplain at
St. Anbgar's Church, Copenhagen, Denmark:
Eskil. ~
GOYAU, GEORGES, Associate Editor, " Revue
des Deux Mondes ", Paris: Evreux, Diocese of;
Falloux du Coudray, Vioomte de; Farfa, Abbey
• of.
GRAHAM, EDWARD P.. A.M., Sandusky, Ohio:
Divination; Emmerich, Anne Catherine; Esco-
bar, Marina de, Venerable; Essenes.
GRATTAN-FLOOD, W. H., M.R.I.A., Mus.D.,
Rosemount, Enniscorthy, Ireland : Disibod,
Saint; Dowdall, James; Eoghan, Saints.
GttERECA, REGINALDO, Durango, Mexico:
Durango, Archdiocese of.
GUINAN, JOSEPH, C.C., Ferbane, Ireland:
Edgeworth, Henry Essex.
GUINEY, LOUISE IMOGEN, Oxpord, England:
Edmund Campion, Blessed.
GURDON, EDMUND, O.Cart., Barcelona, Spain:
Dissen, Heinrich von.
HANDLEY.M.L., New York: Donatello; Donner,
Georg Raphael; Duquesnoy, Francois.
HARTIG, OTTO, Assistant Librarian op the
Royal Library, Munich: Europe.
HASSETT, MAURICE M., S.T.D., Harrisbubg,
Pennsylvania: Encolpion; Eucharist, Early
Symbols of the.
HAYES, Mgr. PATRICK J., D.D., Chancellor op
the Archdiocese op New York, President,
Cathedral College, New York: Dubois, John.
HEALY, Most Reverend JOHN, D.D., LL.D.,
M.R.I.A., Senator op the Royal University
of Ireland, Archbishop op Tuam: Duxtow,
School of.
HEALY, PATRICK J., S.T.D., Assistant Propes-
sor op Church History, Catholic University
op America, Washington: Facundus of Her-
miane.
HIND, GEORGE ELPHEGE, O.S.B., Glamorgan-
shire, Wales: Eanbald; Easterwine; Egbert,
Archbishop of York; EUwangen Abbey.
HOLLWECK, JOSEF, J.C.D., S.T.D., Professor op
Canon Law, Seminary, Eichstatt, Germany:
Eichstatt, Diocese of.
HOLWECK, FREDERICK G., St. Louis: Disper-
sion of the Apostles; Easter; Embolism; Es-
pousals of the Blessed Virgin Mary; Eve of a
Feast; Expectation of the Blessed Virgin Mary.
HORGAN, S. H., Morribtown, New Jersey:
Egloffstein, Frederick W. von.
HOWARD, FRANCIS W., Columbus, Ohio: Edu-
cational Association, The Catholic.
\
KIRSCH, Mgr. J. P., Professor op Patrology and
Christian Archeology. University op Fri-
bourg, Switzerland: Dionysius, Saint, Pope;
Donation of Constantine; Dympna, Saint;
Ebendorfer, Thomas; Eck (Eckius), Johann; Eg-
bert, Archbishop of Trier; Ekkehard (monks);
Eleutherius, Saint, Pope; Emerentiana, Saint;
Euphrasia, Saint; Euphrosyne, Saint; Eusebius,
Saint, Pope; Eutycnianus, Pope; •Evaristus,
Saint, Pope; Eymeric, Nicolas; Fabiola, Saint;
Farlati, Daniele.
KURTH, GODEFROID, Director, Belgian His-
torical Institute, Rome: Egmont, Lamoral,
Count of.
LABOURT, JEROME, S.T.D., Litt.D., Member
op the Asiatic Society of Paris, Paris:
Ephraem, Saint.
LADEUZE, P., S.T.D., Professor op Sacred Scrip-
ture and op Ancient Christian Literature*,
University op Lou vain; President, College
du Saint Esprit, Lou vain: Ephesians, Epistle
• to the.
LALANDE, LOUIS, S.J., Montreal: Faber, Mat-
thias.
t LE BARS, JEAN, B.A., Litt.D., Member op the
Asiatic Society op Paris: Epee, Charles-Michel
de V.
LEBRUN, CHARLES, C.J.M., S.T.D., Superior,
Holy Heart Seminary, Halifax, Nova Scotia:
Eudes, Jean, Venerable; Eudists.
LEHMKUHL, AUGUSTINUS, S.J., St. Ignatius
College, Valkenburg, Holland: Divorce Cjn
Moral Theology).
vn
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME
LEJAY, PAUL, Fellow op the University op
France. Professor, Institut Catholique,
Paris: Dracontius, Blossius iEmilius; Duo, Fron-
ton du; Du Cange, Charles Dufresne; Dupin,
Louis-Ellies; Ennodius, Magnus Felix; Epiphan-
ius (Scholasticus); Evagrius (Scholasticus).
LETELLIER, A., S.S.S., Superior, Fathers of the
Blessed Sacrament, New York: Eymard,
Pierre-Julien, Venerable.
LILLY, WILLIAM SAMUEL, LL.M., Honorary
Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge, London:
England Since the Reformation.
LIMBROCK, EBERHARD, S.V.D., Prefect Apos-
tolic op German New Guinea: Divine Word,
Society of the.
LINDSAY, LIONEL ST. GEORGE, B.Sc, Ph.D.,
Editor-in-Chief, "La Nouvelle France",
Quebec: Dosquet, Pierre-Herman; Duvernav,
Ludger; Esglis, Louis-Philippe Mariauchau <r;
Faillon. Etienne-Michel; Faribault, George-
Bartheiemy.
LINEHAN, PAUL H., B.A., Instructor, College
op the City of New York: Faa di Bruno,
Francesco.
LINS, JOSEPH, Freiburg, Germany: Dresden.
LOUGHLINj Mgr. JAMfiS F., S.T.D., Philadel-
phia: Disciples of Christ; Discussions, Religious;
Drexel. Francis Anthony; Egan, Michael; Eu-
gene III, Blessed, Pope; Eugene IV, Pope;
Faith, Protestant Confessions of.
LOWTH, CATHERINE MARY, R.S.H., Mistress
of Studies, Convent of the Sacred Heart,
Manhattanville, New York: Duchesne,
Philippine-Rose. *
LUCAS, HERBERT, S.J., Stonyhurst College,
Blackburn, England: Ecclesiastical Architec-
ture.
LUZIO, SALVATORE, D.D., Ph.D., J.U.D., Pro-
fessor of Canon Law, St. Patrick's College,
Maynooth, Dublin: Exequatur.
MAAS, A. J., S.J.. Rector. Woodstock College,
Maryland: Editions of the Bible; Elect; Elohim;
Emmanuel; Engaddi; Ephod; Epistle (in Scrip-
ture); Each, Nicolaus van; Evagrius (Ponti-
cus); Exegesis; Fabri, Honore\
Mcdonald, Walter, d.d., prefect of the
Dunboyne Establishment, Maynooth Col-
lege, Dublin: Eternity.
McMAHON, ARTHUR L., O.P^ St. Dominic's
Priory, San Francisco: Eckhart, Johann,
Meister; Esther; Faber, Felix; Faber, Johann
Augustanus.
McNEAL, J. PRESTON, A.B.,XL.B., Baltimore:
Eccleston, Samuel.
McNEAL, MARK J., 8.J., Woodstock College.
Maryland: Eugenius I and II, Archbishops of
Toledo; Eugenius of Carthage, Saint; Eulogms
of Alexandria, Saint.
MAERE, R., D.D., Professor of Christian Archae-
ology, University of Lou vain: Diptych;
Evangeliaria, Ornamentation of.
MAGNIER, JOHN, C.SS.R., Rome: Doners, Peter.
MAHER, MICHAEL, S.J., D.Litt., M.A. (London),
Director of Studies and Professor of Peda-
gogics, St. Mary's Hall, Stonyhurst, Black-
burn, England: Dualism* Energy, The Law of
the Conservation of; Fatalism.
MANN, HORACE K, Headmaster, St. Cuthbert's
Grammar School. Newcastle-on-Tyne, Eng-
land: Eugene I, Saint, Pope; Eugene II,
Pope.
MARTINDALE, CYRIL C, S.J., B.A. (Oxon.), Pro-
fessor of Classics, Manresa House, Roe-
hampton, London: Epiphany.
MARY CAMILLUS, SISTER, Directress of
Studies, Academy of Notre Dame of Provi-
dence, Newport, Kentucky: Divine Provi-
dence, Sisters of.
MARY PHILOMENA, SISTER, St. Joseph's Con-
vent of the Faithful Companions of Jesus,
Fitchburg, Massachusetts: Faithful Com-
panions of Jesus, Society of the.
MACPHERSON, EWAN, New York: Dominican
Republic; Eata, Saint; Egwin, Saint; Ethelbert,
Saint; Etheldreda, Saint.
MARY THERESIA, MOTHER, Provincial Supe-
rior, Sisters of Divine Providence, Mt. Im-
maculate Convent, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania:
Divine Providence, Sisters of.
MEEHAN, ANDREW B., Ph.D., S.T.D., Professor
of Canon Law and Liturgy, St. Bernard's
Seminary, Rochester, New York: Endow-
ment; Examination; Examiners, Apostolic;
Examiners, Synodal; Executor, Apostolic; Ex-
pediters, Apostolic; Faculties, Canonical.
MEEHAN. THOMAS F., New York: Directories,
Catholic (United States); Donahoe, Patrick;
Dornin, Bernard and Thomas Aloysius; Du-
coudray, Philippe-Charles; Duluth, Diocese of;
Emigrant Aid Societies; Eucharistic Congresses;
Faro, Diocese of.
MEIER, GABRIEL, O.S.B., Einsiedeln, Switzer-
land: Dorothea, Saint; Engelbert of Cologne,
Saint; Erhard of Ratisbon. Saint; Euchanus,
Saint; Eugendus, Saint; Fabian, Saint, Pope.
MERSHMAN, FRANCIS, O.S.B., S.T.D., Professor
of Moral Theology, Canon Law, and Liturgy,
St. John's University, College ville, Minne-
sota: Ddring, Matthias; Elisabeth of Reute,
Blessed; Elisabeth of Schonau, Saint; Ember-
Days; Eusebius, Saint (Presbyter at Rome);
Eustachius and Companions, Saints; Faldstool.
MINGES, PARTHENIU8, O.F.M., S.T.L., Ph.D.,
Prefect, Collegio SanBonaventura, Quarac-
cm, near Florence, Italy: Duns Scotus, John.
MOELLER, FERDINAND A., S.J., Chicago: Edu-
cation of the Deaf and Dumb.
MOONEY, JAMES, United States Ethnologist,
Washington: Domenech, Emmanuel-Henri-
Dieudonne*; Duponceau, Peter Stephen; Eskimo;
Espejo, Antonio.
viii
MORICE, A. G., O.M.I., St. Boniface, Manitoba:
Fabre, Joseph; Faraud, Henri.
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME
MORRISROE, PATRICK, Dean and Professor op POLLEN, JOHN HUNGERFORD, S.J., London:
Liturgy, St. Patrick's College, Maynooth, Eadmer; English Confessors and Martyrs.
Dublin: Dominus Vbbiscum.
POOLE, THOMAS H., New York: Dome; Entabla-
MOUGEL, AMBROSE, O.Cart., Charterhouse of ture; Ernulf; Escorial, The; Exedra; Facade.
St. Hugh. Parkminster, England: Dominic of
Prussia. POPE, HUGH, O.P., Hawkesyard Priory, Ruge-
ley, England: Faith; Faith, The Rule of.
MUCKERMANN, H., S.J., Professor of Biology
St. Ignatius College, Valkenburg, Holland: POULAIN, AUGUSTIN, S.J., Paris: Ecstasy.
Evolution (History and Scientific Foundations).
QUINN, ARTHUR HOBSON, Assistant Professor
MURPHY, JOHN F. X., S.J., Woodstock College, Qf English, University of Pennsylvania:
Maryland: Faith, Hope, and Charity, Saints. Dryden, John and Charles.
MYERS, EDWARD, M.A. (Cantab.), Professor of QUINN, STANLEY J., New York: Edwy; Egfrid.
Dogmatic Theology and of Pathology, St.
Edmund's College, Ware, England: Dominis, REILLY, W. S., S.S., S.T.D., St. Stephen's Biblical
Marco Antonio De; Ethelhard; Eunomianism. School, Jerusalem: Dives; Drusilla.
NUGENT, PETER, O.S.B., Master of Novices, REINHOLD, GREGOR, Freiburg, Germany:
Erdington Abbey, Birmingham, England: Elba; Elisabeth Associations; Ermland.
Erdington Abbey.
rvrrkisntfrro mui* t* hp a™™™™ i?™*™. REMY, ARTHUR F. J., A.M., Ph.D., Adjunct Pro-
O CONNOR, JOHN B ;,,O.P., Assistant Editor, ^ Germanic Philology, Columbia
;' Rosary Magazine", Somerset, Ohio: Dom- University, New York: Edda; Eyb, Albrecht
"*• 8amt- von; Emo.
^pS^i^ ROBINSON, PASCHAL, O.F.M., Rome: Eccleston,
Church History and SacredScripture, Mary- Thomas of ; Elias of Cortona.
help Abbey, Belmont, North Carolina: Dice- _
corns, Antipope; Donus, Pope. R0CK j, M Jf LojJJsnLLBt Kentucky: Disparity
O'NEILL, JAMES D., A.M., S.T.D., Highland Park, of WorahiP J Elder> <**>*&'
Illinois: Escobar y Mendosa, Antonio; Falsity; R0MPEL, JOSEF HEINRICH, S.J., Ph.D., Stella
j?ammars; *ast. Matutin a College^ Feldkirch, Austria: End-
OTT. MICHAEL, O.S.B., Ph.D., Professor of the Ucher' SU^hsm L«dWw»-
History of Philosophy St. John's Univer- ROY, J. EDMOND, Litt.D., F.R.S.C., Officer of
bity, Collegeville, Minnbsota: Dithmar: the French Academy, Director, "Notarial
Droete-Vischering, Clemens August von; Durand Review", Levis, Quebec: Du Lhut, Daniel
Unrin; Ebbo; Edesius and Frumentius; Eisen- Greysolon; Esnambuc, Pierre Belain Sieur d'.
grein, Martin; Ems, Congress of; Engelbert (Ab-
bot) ; Erthal, Frans Ludwig von: Erthal, Fried- RUDGE, FLORENCE MARIE, M.A., Youngstown,
rich Karl Joseph, Freiherr von; Eusebius, Saint. Ohio: Divine Charity, Society of; Divine Provi-
Bishop of Vercelh; Eusebius, Samt, Bishop of dence, Sisters of; Divine Redeemer, Daughters
Samosata; Eustathius, Saint; Eustochium, 0f the; Divine Saviour, Society of the.
Julia, Saint; Euthymius, Saint.
«*,«, ™w.^ . « ^ ^„ «_ RUSSELL, MATTHEW, S.J., Dublin: Dromore,
PACE, EDWARD A., Ph.D., D.D., Professor of Diocese of.
Psychology, Catholic University of Amer-
ica, Washington: Doctor; Dulia; Education; RYAN, JOHN A., S.T.D., Professor of Moral
Ex Cathedra. Theology, The St. Paul Seminary, St. Paul,
^ * T T ™r ^^t^-a ^^tsv*^ . « ~ ~ , ^ ~ Minnesota: Family.
PALLEN, CONDE BENOIST, A.M., Ph.D., LLJX,
New Rochelle, New York: Donoso Cortes. RYAN, MICHAEL JAMES, Ph.D., S.T.D., Profes-
sor of Logic and of the History of Philoso-
PETIT, L., A.A., Constantinople: Durauo, Arch- fhy, St. Bernard's Seminary, Rochester,
diocese of. New York: Epicureanism.
PfiTRpfcs, S., A. A., Constantinople: Dioclea; RYAN, PATRICK, S.J., London: Edmund Arrow-
Diocletianopolis; Dionysias; Docimium; Do- gnuth, Venerable; Elphege, Saint; Ethelbert,
hche; Domitiopolis; Drusipara; Echinus; Ebea; Saint (King of the East Angles); Ethelwold,
Eucarpia; Eudoxias; Eumema; Euroea. Saint.
PHILLIPS, EDWARD C, S.J., Ph.D., Professor SlGMtlLLER, JOHANNES BAPTIST, Professor
of Physics, Boston College, Boston, Massa- of Theology, University of Tubingen. Wur-
chusetts: Fagnano, Giulio Carlo de' Toschi di. temberg, Germany: Drey, Johann Sebastian
• von; 'Emancipation, Ecclesiastical; Exclusion,
PHILLIPS, G. E., Professor of Philosophy and Right of; Exemption.
Church History, St. Cuthbert's College,
Ubhaw, Durham, England: Edmund the SALMON, Very Rev. ERNEST M., President of
Martyr, Saint; Edward the Confessor, Saint; St. Michael's College, Winooski Park, Ver-
Edward the Martyr, Saint; Edwin, Saint; Eg- mont: Edmund, Congregation of Saint,
bert, Saint; Elined, Saint.
SALTET, LOUIS, Professor of Church History,
POHLE, JOSEPH, S.T.D., Ph.D., Licentiate of Inbtitut Catholique, Toulouse, France:
Canon Law. Breslau, Germany: Eucharist. False Decretals.
ix
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME
BAUER, JOSEPH, S.T.D., Editor, " Rundschau ",
Professor or Theology, University of Frei-
burg, Germany: Encyclopedia; Ensingen;
Erasmus, Desiderius.
SAUVAGE, G. M., C.S.C., S.T.D., Ph.D., Professor
of Dogmatic Theology, Holy Cross College,
Washington: Eclecticism.
SCANNELL, T. B., S.T.D^ Weybridge, England:
Diocletian; Doctrine, Christian; Domitian.
SCHAEFER, FRANCIS J., S.T.D., Ph.D., Profes-
sor of Church History, The St. Paul Semi-
nary, St. Paul, Minnesota: Dobmayer, Marian;
Dunin, Martin von; Eckebert; Eusebius Bruno;
Eustathius (Archbishop of Thessalonica) ; Fari-
bault, Jean-Baptiste.
SCHEID, N., S.J., Stella Matuttna College,
Feldkirch, Austria: Drach, David-Paul;
Dreves, Lebrecht Blilcher; Eichendorff, Freiherr
von.
SCHETS, JOSEPH, Etten near Breda, Holland:
Ezechiel.
SCHLAGER, HEINRICH PATRICIUS, O.F.M.,
HaRREVELD NEAR LtCHTENVOORDE, HOLLAND:
Dudik, Breda Franciscus; Eberhard, Matthias;
Eberhard of Ratisbon ; Echter von Mespelbrunn,
Julius; Eckhart, Johann Georg von; Einhard;
Ekkehard of Aura.
SCHROEDER, JOSEPH, O.P., Immaculate Con-
ception College, Washington: Erbermann,
Veit; Ernst of Hesse-Rheinfels; Faber, Johann
(of Heilbronn).
SCHUMACHER, MATTHEW, C.S.C., Ph.D., S.T.B.,
Director of Studies, University of Notre
Dame, Indiana: Faber, Johann (of Leutkirch).
SCHWERTNER, THOMAS M., O.P., Immaculate
Conception College, Washington: Dominici,
Giovanni, Blessed; Dore", Pierre; Durandus of
Saint-Pourcain; Ebner; Echard, Jacques; Em-
ser, Hieronymus.
SELINGER, JOSEPH, S.T.D., Jefferson City,
Missouri: Espousals.
SHANLEY, JOHN, D.D., Bishop of Fargo, North
Dakota: Fargo, Diocese of.
SHARPE, ALFRED BOWYER, M.A. (Oxon.),
Saffron Walden, Essex, England: Doubt;
Eusebius of Dorylaeum; Evil.
SIEGFRIED, FRANCIS PATRICK, Professor of
Philosophy, St. Charles's Seminary, Over-
brook, Pennsylvania: Empiricism; Exten-
sion.
SLOANE, CHARLES WILLIAM, New York:
Donation (in Civil Jurisprudence); Dower.
SLOANE, THOMAS 0'CONOR.A.M., E.M.. Ph.D.,
New York: Dumas, Jean-Baptiste; Elnuyar y
de Suvisa, Fausto de.
SMITH, WALTER GEORGE, A.M., LL.B. (U. of P.),
Philadelphia: Divorce (in Civil Jurispru-
dence).
SOLLIER, JOSEPH FRANCIS, S.M., S.T.D.; San
Francisco: Donnet, Ferdinand-Francois-Au-
guste; Dubois, Guillaume; Dupanloup, Fe"lix-
Antoine; Duprat, Antoine; Durandus of Troarn;
Duvergier de Hauranne, Jean.
SOUVAY, CHARLES L., CM., LL.B., S.T.D., Ph.D.,
Professor of Holy Scripture and Hebrew,
Kenrick Seminary, St. Louis: Disciple;
Dreams, Interpretation of; Elias; Elisabeth;
Esdras; Evangelist.
SPILLANE, EDWARD P., S.J.. Associate Editor,
"America", New York: Dobrizhbffer, Martin;
Doutreleau, Stephen; Dubois, Jean-Antoine;
Ducrue, Francis Bennon; Eckart, Anselm.
STADELMAN, JOSEPH M., S.J., New York: Edu-
cation of the Blind.
STIGLMAYR, JOSEPH, S.J., Professor of Latin,
Greek, and German, Stella Matuttna Col-
lege, Feldkirch, Austria: Dionysius the
Pseudo-Areopagite.
STONE, J. M., London: Downes, Thomas.
STUART, J. C, St. Joseph's College, Dubuque,
Iowa: Dubuque, Archdiocese of.
TAAFFE, THOMAS GAFFNEY, Ph.D., Instruc-
tor in English Literature, College of the
City of New York: Dolman, Charles.
THURSTON. HERBERT, S.J., London: Diplo-
matics, Papal; Directories, Catholic (First Part);
Domesday Book; Dominical Letter; Easter
Controversy; Elevation, The; Encyclical; Eng-
land Before the Reformation; Exposition of the
Blessed Sacrament.
TOKE, LESLIE ALEXANDER ST. LAWRENCE,
B.A., Stratton-on-the-Fo88e, near Bath,
England: Dubric, Saint; Dunchadh, Saint;
Dunstan, Saint.
TONER, PATRICK J., D.D., Professor of Dog-
matic Theology, St. Patrick's College,
Maynooth. Dublin: Eschatology; Exorcism;
Exorcist; Extreme Unction.
TURNER, WILLIAM, B.A., S.T.D., Professor of
Logic and of the History of Philosophy,
Catholic University of America, Washing-
ton: Donatus of Fiesole; Dungal; Eriugena,
John Scotus; Exul Hibernicus.
URQUHART, FRANCIS FORTESCUE, M.A., Lec-
turer in Modern History, Balliol College,
Oxford: Fabyan, Robert.
VAILHlS, SIMfiON, A.A., Member of the Russian
Archaeological Institute of Constantinople,
Professor of Sacred Scripture and History
at the Theological Seminary of Kadi-Keui,
Constantinople: Dora; Dorylaeum; Edessa;
Eleutheropolis; Elusa; Emesa; Emmaus;
Eperies, Diocese of j Ephesus; Epiphania; Ery-
thrse; Erzerum, Diocese of; Euana; Europus;
Famagusta.
VAN CLEEF. AUGUSTUS, New York: Echave,
Baltasar de.
VAN DEN BIESEN, C, S.T.D., Cloakham, Axmin-
ster, England: Drachma.
VAN DER ESSEN, L^ON, Litt.D., Ph.D., College
du Pape. Lou vain, Belgium: Eleutherius,
Saint, Bishop of Tournai; Eligius, Saint
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE FIFTH VOLUME
VAN HOVE, A., D.C.L., Professor of Church WARREN, KATE MARY, Lecturer in English
History and of Canon Law, University of Literature under University of London at
Lou vain: Diocese; Donation (in Canon Law); Westfibld College, Hampstead, London.:
Dumoulin, Charles; Engel, Ludwig; Enthron- English Literature,
ixation: Espen, Zeger Bernhard van: Expecta-
tive; Extravagantes; Fabrica Ecclesis; Fa- WASMANN, ERIC, S.J., Luxemburg: Evolution,
gnani, Prospero. Attitude of Catholics towards.
WAGGAMAN, MARY TERESA, Georgetown, D. WILHELM, J., S.T.D., Ph.D., Battle, Sussex,
C.: Dorsey, Anne Hanson. England: Evangelical Church (in Prussia).
WA^S' F^r5LT0N BENEDICT' BA' °*r WILLIAMS, THOMAS LEIGHTON,B. A. (Cantab.),
ford. **uitet. ^ Edmtod.b College, Ware, England: Ed-
WAL8H, JAMES J., M.D.. Ph.D., LL.D., Professor ward III.
of the History of Medicine, Fordham Uni- „_T T , 4 ^.^^^ „„^„„ ^™4„,.™ „ ^
versity. New York: Dupuytren, Guillaume; WILLIAMSON. GEORGE CHARLES. Litt.D.,
Eustachius, Bartolomeo; Fabricius, Hierony- London: Dossi, Giovanni; Doyle, John; Doyle,
mus; Fallopio, Gabriello. Richard; Dyck, Antoon van; Ecclesiastical
Art; Engelbrechtsen, Cornelis; Eycken, Jean
WARD, Mgr. BERNARD, President, St. Ed- Baptiste van; Falco, Juan Conchillos.
mund's College, Ware, England: Douai, •
Town and University of; Douay Bible; Erastus WITTMANN, PIUS, Ph.D., Reichsarohivrat,
and Erastianism; Establishment, The. Munich: Faroe Islands.
Tables of Abbreviations
The following tables and notes are intended to guide readers of The Catholic Encyclopedia in
interpreting those abbreviations, signs, or technical phrases which, for economy of space, will be most fre-
quently used in the work. For more general information see the article Abbreviations, Ecclesiastical.
I. — General Abbreviations.
a article.
ad an at the year (Lat. ad annum).
an., ann the year, the years (Lat. annus,
anni).
ap in (Lat. apud).
art article.
Assyr Assyrian.
A. S Anglo-Saxon.
A. V Authorized Version (i.e. tr. of the
Bible authorized for use in the
Anglican Church — the so-called
"King James", or "Protestant
Bible").
b born.
Bk Book.
Bl Blessed.
C, c. about (Lat. circa); canon; chap-
ter; compagnie.
can canon.
cap chapter (Lat. caput — used only
in Latin context).
cf compare (Lat. confer).
cod codex.
col column.
concl conclusion.
const., constit. . . .Lat. constitutio.
cura by the industry of.
>d died.
diet dictionary (Fr. dicHonnaire).
disp Lat. disputatio.
diss. Lat. di&sertatio.
dist. Lat. distinctio.
D. V Douay Version.
ed., edit edited, edition, editor.
Ep., Epp letter, letters (Lat. epistola).
Fr French.
gen. genus.
Gr Greek.
H. E., Hist. Eccl. .Ecclesiastical History.
Heb., Hebr Hebrew.
ib., ibid in the same place (Lat. ibidem).
Id the same person, or author (Lat.
idem).
inf below (Lat. infra).
It Italian.
1. c, loc. cit at the place quoted (Lat. loco
citato).
Lat Latin.
lat latitude.
lib book (Lat. liber).
long longitude.
Mon Lat. Monumenta.
MS., MSS manuscript, manuscripts.
n., no number.
N. T New Testament.
Nat National.
Old Fr., O. Fr. . . .Old French.
op. cit in the work quoted (Lat. opere
citato).
Ord Order.
O. T Old Testament.
p., pp page, pages, or (in Latin ref-
erences) pars (part). *
par. paragraph.
passim in various places.
pt part.
Q Quarterly (a periodical), e.g.
"Church Quarterly".
Q., QQ., qus38t. . . .question, questions (Lat. quastio).
q. v which [title] see (Lat. quod vide).
Rev Review (a periodical).
R.S Rolls Series.
R. V Revised Version.
S., SS Lat. Sanctus, SancH, "Saint ",
"Saints" — used in this Ency-
clopedia only in Latin context.
Sept Septuagint.
Sess Session.
Skt Sanskrit.
Sp Spanish.
sq., sqq following page, or pages (Lat.
sequens).
St., Sts Saint, Saints.
sup Above (Lat. supra).
s. v Under the corresponding title
(Lat. sub voce).
torn volume (Lat. tomus).
xiil
1
TABLES OF ABBREVIATIONS.
tr. translation or translated. By it-
self it means "English transla-
tion", or "translated into Eng-
lish by". Where a translation
is into any other language, the
language is stated.
tr., tract tractate.
y see (Lat. vide).
Ven Venerable.
Vol. Volume.
II. — Abbreviations of Titles.
Acta SS Ada Sanctorum (Bollandists).
Ann. pont. cath Battandier, Annuaire pontifical
cathoUque.
Bibl. Diet. Eng. Cath.Gillow, Bibliographical Diction-
ary of the English Catholics.
Diet. Christ. Antiq. . .Smith and Cheetham (ed.),
Dictionary of Christian An-
tiquities.
Diet. Christ. Biog. . . Smith and Wace (ed.), Diction-
ary of Christian Biography.
Diet, d'arch. chr6t.. .Cabrol (ed.), DicHonnaire d'ar-
chtologie chrOienne et de litur-
gie.
Diet, de theol. cath. . Vacant and Mangenot (ed.),
DicHonnaire de thtologie
catholique.
Diet Nat. Biog. Stephen and Lee (ed.), Diction-
ary of National Biography.
Hast., Diet, of the
Bible Hastings (ed.), A Dictionary of
the Bible.
Kirehenlex. Wetzer and Welte, Kirchenlexi-
con.
P. G Migne (ed.), Patres Qrmci.
P. L. Migne (ed.), Patres Latini.
Vig., Diet, dela Bible. Vigouroux (ed.), DicHonnaire de
la Bible.
Nora I. — Large Roman numerals standing alone indicate volumes. Small Roman numerals standing alone indicate
chapters. Arabic numerals standing alone indicate pages. In other cases the divisions are explicitly stated. Thus " Rashdall,
Universities of Europe, I, he" refers the reader to the ninth chapter of the first volume of that work; "I, p. ix" would indicate the
ninth page of the preface of the same volume.
Nora II. — Where St. Thomas (Aquinas) is cited without the name of any particular work the reference is always to
"Summa Theologica" (not to "Summa Philosophise"). The divisions of the "Summa Theol." are indicated by a system which
may best be understood by the following example: " I-II, Q. vi, a. 7, ad 2 urn" refers the reader to the seventh article of the
sixth question in the /Irtf part of the second part, in the response to the tecond objection.
Note III. — The abbreviations employed for the various books of the Bible are obvious. Eoolesiasticus is indicated by
Eccltu., to distinguish it from Ecclesiastes (EccUs.). It should also be noted that I and II Kings in D. V. correspond to I and II '
Samuel in A. V. ; and I and II Par. to I and II Chronicles. Where, in the spelling of a proper name, there is a marked difference
between the D. V. and the A. V., the form found in the latter is added, in parentheses.
**
Full Page Illustrations in Volume V
Frontispiece in Colour PAGE
Ivory Diptychs 22
The Madonna and Four Doctors of the Church — Moretto 74
Domes 102
The Communion of St. Jerome — Domenichino 103
St. Dominic— Titian ; 108
St. George— Donatello 116
The Court Church, Dresden 158
Dryburgh Abbey .\ 166
Glendalough, County Wicklow, Ireland 170
Durham Cathedral 212
Charles I, Henrietta Maria, and Their Children — Van Dyck '. 220
Complutensian Polyglot 288
Natives Drawing Water on the Nile, etc 340
The Tables of Abydos, etc 341
St. Elizabeth of Hungary 390
Ely Cathedral 396
St. Albans Abbey 450
The Adoration of the Magi — Ghirlandajo > 506
Erasmus — Holbein 512
The Escorial .' 534
Multiplication of the Loaves and Fishes 592
Exeter Cathedral 708
Fagades 746
Maps
Sees of the Oriental Rites. 240
Ancient Egypt 352
Ecclesiastical Map of North Africa * 362
England and Wales — The Ecclesiastical Province of Westminster 444
England from the 12th Century to the Schism of Henry VIII 456
Christendom a.d. 622 612
THE
CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA
D
The first Christian communities, quite like the Jewisn.
were established in towns. The converts who lived
Diocese (Lat. dioecesisj, the territory or churches
subject to the jurisdiction of a bishop (q% v.)*
I. Origin of Term. — Originally the term diocese in the neighbourhood naturally joined with the com-
(Gr. dioUrpis) signified management of a household, munity of the town for the celebration, of the Sacred
thence administration or government in general. This Mysteries. Exact limitations of episcopal territory
term was soon used in Roman law to designate the ter- could not have engrossed much attention at' the begin-
ritory dependent for its administration upon a city nine of Christianity; it would have been quite impracti-
(civitas). What in Latin was called ager, or territorium, cable. As a matter of fact, the extent of the diocese
namely a district subject to a city, was habitually was determined by the domain itself over which
known in the Roman East as a dimcesis* But as the the bishop exercised his influence. It seems certain,
Christian bishop generally resided in a civitas, the ter- on the other hand, that, in the East at any rate, by the
ritory administersd by him, being usually contermi- middle of the third century each Christian community
nous with the juridical territory of the city, came to be of any importance had become the residence of a bishop
known ecclesiastically by its usual civil term, diocese, and constituted a diocese. There were bishops in.
This name was also given to the administrative sub- the country districts as well as in the towns. The
division of some provinces ruled by legates (legati) ohorepiscopi (fr x<&P? iwlamwoi), or rural bishops,
under the authority of the governor of the province, were bishops, it is generally thought, as well as those
Finally, Diocletian designated by this name the twelve of the towns; though from about the second half of the
great divisions which he established in the empire, and third century their powers were little by little cur-
over each of which he placed a vicarius (Pauly-Wis- tailed, and they were made dependent on the bishops
sowa, Real-Encyclopacue der classischen Altertums- of the towns. To this rule Egypt was an exception;
wissenschaft, Stuttgart, 1903, V. 1, 716 sqq.). The Alexandria was for a long time tne only see in Egypt,
original term for local groups of tne faithful subject to The number of Egyptian dioceses, however, multi-
a bishop was 4ick\r)cla (church), and at a later date, plied rapidly during the third century, so that in 320
wapouda, i. e. the neighbourhood (Lat. parcecia. pa- there were about a hundred bishops present at the
Tochia). The Apostolic Canons (xiv, xv), and the Council of Alexandria. The number of dioceses was
Council of Nicsea in 325 (can. xvi) applied this latter also quite large in some parts of the Western Church,
term to the territory subject to a bishop. This term i. e. in Southern Italy and in Africa. In other regions
was retained in the East, where the Council of Con- of Europe, either Christianity had as yet a small num-
stantinople (381) reserved the word diocese for the ter- ber of adherents, or the bishops reserved to themselves
ritory subject to a patriarch (can. ii). In the West supreme authority over extensive districts. Thus, in
also parochia was long used to designate an episcopal this early period but few dioceses existed in Northern
see. About 850 Leo IV, and about 1095 Urban II, Italy, Gaul, Germany, Britain, and Spain. In the
still employed parochia to denote the territory subject last, however, their number increased rapidly dur-
to the jurisdiction of a bishop. Alexander III (1159- ing the third century. The increase ot the faithful
1181) designated under the name of parochiani the in small towns and country districts soon made it
subjects of a bishop (c. 4, C. X, qu. 1 ; c. 10, C. IX, necessary to determine exactly the limits of the teni-
qu. 2; c. 9, X, De testibus, II, 20). On the other tory of each church. The cities of the empire, with
hand, the present meaning of the word diocese is met their clearly defined suburban districts, offered limits
with in Africa at the end of the fourth century (cc. 50, that were easily acceptable. From the fourth century
51, C. XVI, qu. 1), and afterwards in Spain, where the on it was generally admitted that every city ought to
term parochia, occurring in the ninth canon of the have its bishop, and that his territory was bounded by
Innocent 7
bound to con-
and c. 6, C. X, qu. 3). This usage finally became gen- form itself to all the civil divisions which the imperial
end in the West, though diocese was sometimes used government chose to introduce, the Council of Chalce-
to indicate parishes in the present sense of the word don ordered (451) that if a civitas were dismembered
(see Parish). In Gaul, the words terminus, territorv- by imperial authority, the ecclesiastical organization
urn, civitas, pagus, are also met with. ought also to be modified (can. xvii). In the West, the
II. Historical Origin. — It is impossible to deter- Council of Sardica (344) forbade in its sixth canon the
mine what rules were followed at the origin of the establishment of dioceses in towns not populous enough
Church in limiting the territory over which each to render desirable their elevation to the dignity of
bishop exercised his authority. Universality of eccle- episcopal residences. At the same time many Western
siastical jurisdiction was a personal prerogative of the sees included the territories of several civitates.
Apostles ; their successors, the bishops, enjoyed only a From the fourth century we have documentary evi-
jurisdiction limited to a certain territory: thus Igna- dence of the manner in which the dioceses were crer
this, was Bishop of Antioch, and Polycarp, of Smyrna* ated. According to the Council of Sardica (can. rl)j
V.— 1 1
DIOOESK
DIOOXSE
this belonged to the provincial synod; the Council of
Carthage! in 407, demanded moreover the consent of '
the primate and of the bishop of the diocese to be di-
vided (canons iv and v). The consent of the pope or
the emperor was not called for. In 446, however. Pope
Leo I ruled that dioceses should not be established ex-
cept in large towns and populous centres ( c. 4, Dist.
lxxx). In the same period the Apostolic See was
active in the creation of dioceses in the Burgundian
kingdom and in Italy. In the latter country many of
the sees had no other metropolitan than the pope, and
were thus more closely related to him. Even clearer
is his role in the formation of the diocesan system in
the northern countries newly converted to CJnristian-
ity. After the first successes of St. Augustine in Eng-
land, Gregory the Great provided for the establish-
ment of two metropolitan sees, each of which included
two dioceses. In Ireland, the diocesan system was
introduced by St. Patrick, though the diocesan terri-
tory was usually coextensive with the tribal lands,
and the system itself was soon peculiarly modified by
the general extension of monasticism (see Ireland).
In Scotland, however, the diocesan organization dates
only from the twelfth century. To the Apostolic See
also was due the establishment of dioceses m that part
of Germany which had been evangelized by St. Boni-
face. In the Frankish Empire the boundaries of the
dioceses followed the earlier Gallo-Roman municipal
system, though the Merovingian kings never hesitated
to change them by royal authority and without pontif-
ical intervention. In the' creation of new dioceses no
mention is made of papal authority. The Carlovin-
gian kings and their successors, the Western emperors,
notably the Ottos (936-1002), sought papal authority
for the creation of new dioceses. Since the eleventh
century it has been the rule that the establishment of
new dioceses is peculiarly a right of the Apostolic See.
St. Peter Damian proclaimed (1059-60) tnis as a gen-
eral principle (c. 1, Dist. xxii), and the same is af-
firmed in the well-known "Dictatus" of Gregory VII
(1073-1085). The papal decretals (see Decretals,
Papal) consider the creation of a new diocese as one of
the causa maiores, i. e. matters of special importance,
reserved to the pope alone (c. 1, X, De translatione
episcopi, I, 7; c 1, X, De officio legati, I, 30) and of
which he is the sole judge (c. 5. Extra v. communes,
De prsebendis et dignitatiqus, III, 2). A word of men-
tion is here due to the missionary or regionary bishOps,
episcopi gentium, episcopi (arcniepiscopi) in gentibus,
still found in the eleventh century. They had no
fixed territory or diocese, but were sent into a country
or district for the purpose of evangelizing it. Such
were St. Boniface in Germany, St. Augustine in Eng-
land, and St. Willibrord in the Netherlands. They
were themselves the organizers of the diocese, after
their apostolic labours had produced happy results.
The bishops met with in some monasteries of Gaul in
the earlier Middle Ages, probably in imitation of Irish
conditions, had no administrative functions (see
Bellesheim, Gesch. d. kath. Kirche in Irland, I, 226-
30, and Ldning, below).
III. Creation and Modification op Dioceses. —
We have noticed above that after the eleventh century
the sovereign pontiff reserved to himself the creation
of dioceses. In the actual discipline, as already
stated, all that touches the diocese is a causa major,
L e. one of those important matters in which the bish-
op possesses no authority whatever and which the
pope reserves exclusively to himself. Since the epis-
copate is of Divine institution, the pope is obliged to
establish dioceses in the Catholic Church, but he re-
mains sole judge of the time and manner, and alone
determines what flock shall be entrusted to each
bishop. Generally speaking, the diocese is a terri-
torial circumscription, but sometimes the bishop pos-
sesses authority only over certain classes of persons re-
siding in the territory; this is principally the case in
districts where both the Western and the Eastern
Rite are followed. Whatever, therefore, pertains to
the creation or suppression of dioceses, changes in
their boundaries, ana the like is within the pope's ex-
clusive province. As a general rule, the preparatory
work is done by the Congregation of the Consistory,
by Propaganda when the question relates' to terri-
tories subject to this congregation, and by the Con-
gregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs when
the establishment of a diocese is governed by con-
cordats (p-. v.), or when the civil power of the country
has the right to intervene in their creation. We shall
take up successively (1) the creation of new dioceses;
(2) the various modifications to which they are sub-
ject, included by canonists under the term Innovatio.
(1) Creation of Dioceses. — Strictly speaking, it is
only in missionary countries that there can be question
of the creation of a diocese, either because the country
was never converted to Christianity or because its an-
cient hierarchy was suppressed, owing to conquest by
infidels or the* progress of heresy. Regularly, before
becoming a diocese, the territory is successively a mis-
sion, a prefecture Apostolic, and finally a vicariate
Apostolic. The Congregation of Propaganda makes a
preliminary study of the question ana passes judg-
ment on the opportuneness of the creation of the dio-
cese in question. It considers principally whether the
number of Catholics, priests, and religious establish-
ments, i. e. churches, chapels, schools, is sufficiently
large tojustify the establishment of the proposed dio-
cese. These matters form the subject of a report to
Propaganda, to which must be added the number of
towns or settlements included in the territory. If
there is a city suitable for the episcopal see, the fact is
stated, also the financial resources at the disposal of
the bishop for the works of religion. There is added,
finally, a sketch, if possible accompanied by a map, in-
dicating the territory of the future diocese. As a gen-
eral rule, a diocese should not include districts whose
inhabitants speak different languages or are subject
to distinct civil powers (see Instructions of Propa-
ganda, 1798, in Collectanea S. C. de P. F., Rome,
1907, no. 645). Moreover, the general conditions for
the creation of a diocese are the same as those required
for dividing or "dismembering" a diocese. Of this
we shall speak below.
(2) Modification (Innovatio) of Dioceses, — Under
this head come the division (dismembrdtio) of dioceses,
their union, suppression, and changes of their respec-
tive limits.
(a) Division or Dismemberment of a Diocese. —
This ia reserved to the Holy See. Since the pope is the
supreme power in the Church, he is not bound to' act
in conformity with the canonical enactments which
regulate the dismemberment of ecclesiastical bene-
fices. The following rules, however, are those which
he generally observes, though he is free to deviate
from them. — First, to divide a diocese, a sufficient rea-
son must exist (causa justa). The necessity, or at
least the utility, of the division must be demon-
strated. There is sufficient reason for the subdivi-
sion of a diocese if it be too extensive, or the number of
the faithful too great, or the means of communication
too difficult, to permit the bishop to administer the
diocese properly. Hie benefit which would result
to religion (incrementum cuUus divini) may also be
brought forward as a reason for the change. In the
main, these reasons are summed up in the one: the
hope of forwarding the interests of Catholicism. Dis-
sensions between inhabitants of the same diocese, or
the fact that they belong to different nations, may also
be considered a sufficient reason. Formerly, the mere
fact that the endowment of a diocese was very large
— a case somewhat rare at the present day — formed
a legitimate reason for its division.
Tne second condition is suitability of place (locus
congruwi). There should exist in the diocese to be ere-
DIOOSSX
DIOOESE
ated a city or town suitable for tne episcopal resi-
dence: the ancient discipline which rules that sees
should be established only in important localities is
still observed.
Third, a proper endowment (dos congrua) is requi-
site. The bishop should have at his disposal the re-
sources necessary for his own maintenance and that of
the ecclesiastics engaged in the general administration
of the diocese, and for the establishment of a cathedral
church, the expenses of Divine worship, and the gen-
eral administration of the diocese. Formerly it was
necessary that in part, at least, this endowment should
cpnsist in lands ; at present this is not always possible,
it suffices if there is a prospect that the new bishop
will be able to meet the necessary expenses. In some
cases, the civil government -grants a subsidy to the
bishop; in other cases, he must depend on the liberal-
ity of the faithful and on a contribution from the par-
ishes of the diocese, known as the cathedraticum (q. v.).
Fourth, generally for the division of a diocese the
consent of the actual incumbent of the benefice is
requisite; but the pope is not bound to observe this
condition. John XXII ruled that the pope had the
right to proceed to the division of a diocese in spite of
the opposition of the bishop (c. 5, Extrav. commun.,
De praebendis, HI, 2). As a matter of fact, the pope
asks the advice of the archbishop and of all the bishops
of the ecclesiastical province in which the diocese to be
divided is situated. Often, indeed, the division takes
place at the request of the bishop himself.
Fifth, theoretically the consent of the civil power
is not required ; this would be contrary to the princi-
ples of the distinction and mutual independence of the
ecclesiastical and civil authority. Jn many countries,
however, the consent of the civil authority is indis-
pensable, either because the Government has pledged
itself to endow the occupants of the episcopal sees, or
because concordats have regulated this matter, or be-
cause a suspicious government would not permit a
bishop to administer the new diocese if it were created
without civil intervention (see Nussi, Conventiones de
rebus ecclesiasticis, Rome, 1869, pp. 19 sqq.). At pres-
ent, the creation or division of a diocese is done t>y a
pontifical Brief, forwarded by the Secretary of Briefs.
As an example, we may mention the Brief of 11 March,
1904, which divided the Diocese of Providence and es-
tablished the new Diocese of Fall River. The motive
prompting this division was the incremenium religionis
and tne majus bonum animarum; the Bishop of Provi-
dence himself requested the division, and this request
was approved by the Archbishop of Boston and by all
the bishops of that ecclesiastical province. The ex-
amination of the question was submitted to Propa-
ganda and to the Apostolic Delegate at Washington.
The pope then created, motu proprio, the new diocese,
indicated its official title in Latin and in English, and
determined its boundaries, which correspond to polit-
ical divisions, and, finally, fixed the revenues of the
bishop. In the case before us these consist in a mod-
erate cathedraticum to be determined by the bishop
(discrete arbitrio episcopi imponendum) . According to
the practice of Propaganda, all the priests who at the
time of the division exercised the ministry in the dis-
membered territory belong to the clergy of the new
diocese (Rescript of 13 April, 1891, in Collectanea S. C.
de P. F., new ed., no. 1751).
(b) Union of Dioceses. — As in the case of the divi-
sion of a diocese, the union of several dioceses ought to
be justified by motives of public utility, e. g. the small
number of the faithful, the loss of resources. As in
the case of division, the pope is influenced by the ad-
vice of persons familiar with the situation ; sometimes
he asks the advice of the Government, etc. It is a
generally recognized principle in the union of bene-
fices, that such union takes effect only after the death
of the actual occupant of the see which is to be united
to another; at least when he has not given his consent
to this union. Though the pope is not bound by this
rule, in practice it must be taken into account. The
union of dioceses takes place in several ways. There
'is, first, the unto ague principalis or cequalis when the
two dioceses are entrusted for the purpose of adminis-
tration to a single bishop, though they remain in all
other respects distinct ; each of them has its own cathe-
dral chapter, revenues, rights, and privileges, but the
bishop of one see becomes the bishop of tne other by
the mere fact of appointment to one of the two. He
cannot resign one without ipso facto resigning the
other. This situation differs from that in which a
bishop administers for a time, or even perpetually,
another diocese ; in this case there is no union between
the two sees. It is in reality a case of plurality of
ecclesiastical benefices; the bishop holds two distinct
sees, and his nomination must take place according to
the rules established for each of the two dioceses. On
the contrary, in the case of two pr more united dio-
ceses, the election or designation of the candidate must
take place by the agreement of those persons in both
dioceses who possess the right of election or of designa-
tion. Moreover, in the case of united dioceses, the
pope sometimes makes special rules for the residence
of the bishop, e. g. that he shall reside in each diocese
for a part of the year. If the pope makes no decision
in this matter, the bishop may reside in the more im-
portant diocese, or in that which seems more conven-
ient for the purposes of administration, or even in the
diocese which he prefers as a residence. If the bishop
resides in one of his dioceses he is considered as present
in each of them for those juridical acts which demand
his presence. He may also convoke at his discretion
two separate diocesan synods for each of the two dio-
ceses or only one for both of them. In other respects
the administration of each diocese remains distinct.
There are two classes of unequal unions of dioceses
(uniones incequales): the unto eubjectiva or per' access-
orium, seldom put into practice, and the unio per con-
fusionem. In the former case, the one diocese retains
all its rights and the other loses its rights, obtains
those of the principal diocese, and thus becomes a de-
pendency. When a diocese is thus united to another
there can be no question of right of election or designa-
tion, because such a dependent diocese is conferred by
the very fact that the principal diocese possesses a
titular. But the administration of the property of
each diocese remains distinct and the titular of the
principal diocese must assume all the obligations of
the united diocese. The second kind of union (per
confusionem) suppresses the two pre-existing dioceses
in order to create a new one ; the former dioceses simply
cease to exist. To perpetuate the names of the
former sees the new bishop sometimes assumes the
titles of both, but in administration no account is
taken of the fact that they were formerly separate sees.
Such a union is equivalent to the suppression of the
dioceses.
(c) Suppression of Dioceses. — Suppression of dio-
ceses, properly so called, in a manner other than by
union, takes place only in countries where the faithful
and the clergy have been dispersed by persecution, the
ancient dioceses becoming missions, prefectures, or
vicariates Apostolic. This has occurred in the Orient,
in England, the Netherlands, etc. Changes of this na-
ture are not regulated by canon law.
(d) Change of Boundaries. — This last mode of tnno-
vatio is made by the Holy See, generally at the request
of the bishops of the two neighbouring dioceses.
Among the sufficient reasons for this measure are the
difficulty of communication, the existence of a high
mountain or of a large river, disputes between the in-
habitants of one part of the diocese, also the fact that
they belong to different countries. Sometimes a re-
settlement of the boundaries of two dioceses is neces-
sary because the limits of each are not clearly defined.
Such a settlement is made by a Brief, sometimes also
\
DIOCESE
by a simple decretum or decision of the Congregation of
the Consistory approved by the pope, without the for-
mality of a Bull or Brief.
IV. Different Classes of Dioceses. — There are
several kinds of dioceses. There are dioceses prop-
erly so called and archdioceses (q. v.). The diocese
is the territorial circumscription administered by a
bishop; the archdiocese is placed under the jurisdic-
tion of an archbishop. Considered as a territorial cir-
cumscription, no difference exists between them; the
power of their pastors alone is different. Generally,
several dioceses are grouped in an ecclesiastical prov-
' ince and are subject to the authority of the metropoli-
tan archbishop. Some, however, are said to be ex-
empt, i. e. from any archiepiscopal jurisdiction, and
are placed directly under the authority of the Holy
See. Such are the dioceses of the ecclesiastical prov-
ince of Rome, and several other dioceses or archdio-
ceses, especially in Italy, also in other countries. The
exempt archbishops are called titular archbishops, i. e.
they possess only the title of archbishop, have no suf-
fragan bishops, and administer a diocese. The term
"titular archbishop11, it is to be noted, is also applied
to bishops who do no( administer a diocese, but who
have received with the episcopal consecration a titular
archbishopric. For the better understanding of this
it must be remembered that archdioceses and dio-
ceses are divided into titular and residential. The
bishop of a residential see administers his diocese
personally and is bound to reside in it, whereas the
titular b whops have only an episcopal title; they are
not bound by any obligations to the faithful of the dio-
ceses whose titles they bear. These were formerly called
bishops or archbishops in partibus infidelium, i. e. of a
diocese or archdiocese fallen into the power of infidels;
but since 1882 they are called titular bishops or arch-
bishops. Such are the vicars Apostolic, auxiliary
bishops, administrators Apostolic, nuncios, Apostolic
delegates, etc. (see Titular Bishop). Mention must
also be made of the suburbicarian dioceses (dioxeses
suburbicarue), i. e. the six dioceses situated in the im-
mediate neighbourhood of Rome and each of which is
administered by one of the six cardinal-bishops. These
form a special class of dioceses, the titulars or occupants
of which possess certain special rights and obligations
(see Suburbicarian Dioceses).
V. Nomination, Translation, Renunciation,
and Deposition of a Bishop. — The general rules rela-
ting to the nomination of a residential bishop will be
found in the article Bishop. They are applicable
whatever may have been the cause of the vacancy of
the diocese, except in the case of a contrary order of
the Holy See. The Church admits the principle of the
perpetuity of ecclesiastical benefices. Once invested
with a see the bishop continues to hold it until his
death. There are, however, exceptions to this rule.
The bishop may be allowed by the pope to resign his
see when actuated by motives which do not spring
from personal convenience, but from concern for the
public good. Some of these reasons are expressed in
the canon law; for instance, if a bishop has been guilty
of a grave crime (conscientia criminis), if he is in railing
health (debilitas corporis), if he has not the requisite
' knowledge (defectus scientus), if he meets with serious
opposition from the faithful (malitia pUbis), if he has
been a cause of public scandal (scandalum populi), if
he is irregular {xrregvlarUas) — c. 10, X, De renuntia-
tione, 1, 9 ; c. 18, X, De regularibus, III, 32. The pope
alone can accept this renunciation and judge of the
sufficiency of the alleged reasons. Pontincalauthori-
zation is also necessary for an exchange of dioceses be-
tween two bishops, which is not allowed except for
grave reasons. The same principles apply to the
transfer (translatio) of a bishop from one diocese to
another. Canonical legislation compares with the in-
dissoluble marriage tie the bond which binds the bishop
to his diocese. This comparison, however, must notbe
[ 0IOCKSK
understood literally. The pope has the power to sever
the mystical bond which unites the bishop to his
church, in order to grant him another diocese or to
promote him to an archiepiscopal see. A bishop may
also be deposed from his functions for a grave crime.
In such a case the pope generally invites the bishop to
resign of his own accord, and deposes him only upon
refusal. As the Holy See alone is competent to try
the crime of a bishop, it follows that the pope alone, or
the congregation to which he has committed the bish-
op's trial (Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, the
Propaganda, sometimes the Inquisition), can inflict
this penalty or pronounce the declaratory sentence re-
quired when the law inflicts deposition as the sanction of
a specified delinquency. Finally, the pope has always
the right, strictly speaking, to deprive a bishop of his
diocese, even if the latter is not guilty of crime ; but for
this act there must be grave cause. After the conclu-
sion of the Concordat of 1801 (q. v.) with France, Pius
VII removed from their dioceses all the bishops of
France. It was, of course, a very extraordinary meas-
ure, but was justified by the gravity of the situation.
VI. Administration of the Diocese. — The bishop
is the general ruler of the diocese, but in his adminis-
tration he must conform to the general laws of the
Church (see Bishop). According to the Council of
Trent he is bound to divide the territory of his diocese
into parishes, with ordinary jurisdiction (q. v.) for
their titulars (Sess. XXIV, c. xiii, De ref.), unless
circumstances render impossible the creation of par-
ishes or unless the Holy See has arranged the matter
otherwise (Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, noa
31-33). The bishop needs also some auxiliary service
in the administration of a diocese. It is customary for
each diocese to possess a chapter (q. v.) of canons in
the cathedral church; they are the counsellors of the
bishop. The cathedral itself is the church where the
bishop has his seat (ica64dpa). The pope reserves to
himself the right of authorizing its establishment as
well as that of a chapter of canons. In many dioceses,
principally outside of Europe, the pope does not estab-
lish canons, but gives as auxiliaries to the bishop other
officials known as consuUores cleri dioxesani, i. e. the
most distinguished members of the diocesan clergy,
chosen by the bishop, often in concert with his clergy
or some members oi it. The bishop is bound to ask
the advice of those counsellors, canons or consultore,
in the most important matters. The canons possess,
in some cases, tne right to nullify episcopal action taken
without their consent. The consuUores cleri dicxesam .
however, possess but a consultative voice (Third Plen.
Council oi Baltimore, nos. 17-22; Plen. Cone. America
Latin®, no. 246. — See Consultors, Diocesan).
.After the bishop, the principal authority in a diocese is
the vicar-general (vicarius generalis in spirituaWms);
he is the bishop's substitute in the administration of
the diocese. The office dates from the thirteenth cen-
tury. Originally the vicar-general was called the
"official" (o^cmi&s); even yet officialis and vicarius
generalis in spirUualibus are synonymous. Strictly
speaking, there should be in each diocese only one vicar-
eeneral. In some countries, however, local custom
as authorised the appointment of several vicars-gen-
eral. The one specially charged with the canonical
lawsuits (jurisdidio contentiosa), e. g. with criminal
actions against ecclesiastics or with matrimonial cases,
is still known as the "official"; it must be noted that
he is none the4ess free to exercise the functions of yicar-
general in other departments of diocesan administra-
tion. A contrary custom prevails in certain dioceses
of Germany, where the "official" possesses only the
jurisdidio contentiosa, but this is a derogation from the
common law. For the temporal administration of the
church the bishop may appoint an oxonomus, i-e. an
administrator. As such functions do not require
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, this administrator may be a
layman. The choice of a layman fully acquainted
DIOOSSE
DIOCESE
TABLE OF THE DIOCESAN SYSTEM OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH
Latin Rite
EUROPB
1
3
I
<
11
S
U
(25
1
i-1
11
tl
Prefectures
Apostolic
1
ill
Austria-Hungary
40
2
Belgium
1
5
Bosnia-
Hersegovina
1
3
Bulgaria
1
1
Denmark
1
England
1
15
•
'
France
17
67
Germany
5
14
6
3
2
Greece
2
6
1
1
Ireland
4
25
Italy
2*
37
156f
75
11
Luxemburg
1
Malta
2
Monaco
1
Montenegro
■
1
•
Netherlands
1
4
Norway
.
1
Portugal
1
2
9
Rumania
1
1
Russia
2
i4t
Scotland
1
4
1
9ervia
1
Spain
If
9
47
1
1
8weden
1
-Switzerland
5
2
2
Turkey
4
1
96
4
414
2
98
1
2
1
9
4
1
Total
17
* Also three titular patriarchs of the Latin Ritweside in Rome.
iThe six suburbicarian dioceses must be added to these.
The Russian Government has suppressed three of these.
Titular Patriarchate of the West Indies.
America
Argentine Republic
Bolivia
Brazil
Canada
Leaser Antilles
Chile
Colombia
Greater Antilles
Ecuador
Central America
Guianas
Mexico
Newfoundland
Paraguay
Peru
Saint-Pierre and Mique-
lon Islands
United States
Uruguay
Venezuela
Total
!
1
1
4
8
1
1
4
2
1
1
8
1
14
1
1
50
7
3
20
20
3
3
10
7
6
4
22
2
1
8
76
r
199
11
4
1
1
2
1
4
1
2
1
1*
21
i
1
3
3
1
1
11
Pi
* Includes also some Chilean territory. [erected,
t Bulls have been issued but these dioceses have not been
Ana
China
Oorea
India and Indo-China
Japan
Persia
Turkey
Total
1
2
7
1
1
T
22
3
27
1
1
1
3*
36
1
15
55
4
1
1
10
* The Apostolic Delegation of Arabia also includes Egypt.
OcEANICA
Australia
Malay Archipelago
New Zealand
Philippine Islands
and Hawaii
Polynesia
Total
4
1
1
6
14
3
8*
25
«3
P
i
i
><
3
1
1
11
16
a
i
6
m
*9
* Though Bulls have been issued four of these dioceses
have not been erected. *
Africa
10*
tl
35
•I
so
*&
It
So
t\
36
24
in
IT
* The Diocese of Ceuta is not enumerated, as it belongs to Ca-
dis, Spain.
| Delegation of Arabia and Egypt. See above, foot-note to
Asia.
Oriental Rites
Armenian Rim:
Austria
Russia
Asia
Africa
Coptic Rite: —
Africa
Greek Bulgarian Rite: —
Macedonia
Thrace
Greek Melcbttb Rite: —
Asia
Greek Rumanian Rite: —
Austria
*Greex Ruthenian Rite:
Austria
Russia
Syrian Rite: —
Asia
Syro-Chaldean Rite:
Asia
Stbo-Malabab Rite:-
Asia
Syro-Mabonttx Rite: —
Asia
Total
6
!
1
3
1
13
1
6
9
6
1
9
20
52
•1
2t
II
1
1
3
* The Ruthenian bishop for the United States has neither a
diocese, properly so called, nor ordinary jurisdiction.
t One of these dioceses has been suppressed by the Russian
Government.
DIOOESX
6
DIOCESE
with the civil law of the country may sometimes offer
many advantages (Second Plenary Council of Balti-
more, no. 75). In certain very extensive dioceses the
pope appoints a vicarius generalis in pontificaXibus, or
auxiliary bishop, whose duty is to supply the place of
the diocesan bishop in the exercise of those functions
of the sacred ministry which demand episcopal order.
In the appointment of this bishop the pope is not bound
to observe the special rules for the appointment of a
residential bishop. These titular bishops possess no
i" urisdiction by right of their office : the diocesan bishop,
lowever, can grant them, e. g., tne powers of a vicar-
general.
The common ecclesiastical law contains no enact-
ments relating to the rights and powers of the chancel-
lor, an official met with m many dioceses (see Diocesan
Chancery). The Second Plenary Council of Balti-
more (no. 71) advises the establishment of a chancery
in every diocese of the United States. The chancellor
is specially charged with the affixing of the episcopal
seal to all acts issued in the name of the bishop, in order
to prove their authenticity. He appears also in the
conduct of ecclesiastical lawsuits, e. g. in matrimonial
cases, to prove the authenticity of the alleged docu-
ments, to vouch for the depositions of witnesses, etc.
Because of the importance of his functions, the chan-
cellor sometimes nolds the office of vicar-general in
apiritualibus. By episcopal chancery is sometimes
understood the office where are written the documents
issued in the name of the bishop and to which is ad-
dressed the correspondence relating to the administra-
tion of the diocese; sometimes also the term signifies
the persons employed in the exercise of these functions.
The taxes or dues which the episcopal chancery may
claim for the issuing of documents were fixed by the
Council of Trent (Sess. XXI, c. i, De ref.) ; afterwards
by Innocent XI (hence their name Taxa Innocen-
tiana), 8 Oct., 1678: finally by Leo XIII, 10 June, 1896.
The fiscal of the bisnop, also known as promoter or pro-
curator fiscali8h is the ecclesiastic charged with attend-
ing to tne interests of the diocese in all trials and espe-
cially with endeavouring to secure the punishment
of all offences cognizable m the ecclesiastical tribunals.
An assistant, who is called fiscal advocate (advocatus
JUealis), may be appointed to aid this officer.
Formerly the diocese was divided into a number of
archdeaconries, each administered by an archdeacon,
who possessed considerable authority in that part of
the diocese placed under his jurisdiction. The Coun-
cil of Trent restricted very much their authority, and
since then the office of the archdeacon has gradually
disappeared. It exists at the present day only as an
honorary title, given to a canon of the cathedral chap-
ter (see Archdeacon). On the other hand, the ancient
office^ of yicarii foranei, decani rurales, or archipres-
byieri still exists in the Church (see Archpriest;
Dean). The division of the diocese into deaneries is
not obligatory, but in large dioceses the bishop usually
entrusts to certain priests known as deans or vicars
forane the oversight of the clergy of a portion of his
diocese, and generally delegates to them special juris-
dictional powers (Third Plen. Council of Baltimore, nos.
27-30). Finally, by means of the diocesan synod all
the clergy participates in the general administration
of the diocese. According to the common law, the
bishop is bound to assemble a synod every year, to
which he must convoke the vicar-general, the deans,
the canons of the cathedral, and at least a certain num-
ber of parish priests. Here, however, custom and
pontifical privileges have departed in some points from
the general legislation. At this meeting, all questions
relating to the moral and the ecclesiastical discipline of
the diocese are publicly discussed and settled. In the
synod the bishop is tne sole legislator; the members
may, at the request of the bishop, give their advice,
but they have only a deliberative voice in the choice of
the examinatorea cleri diacesani, i. e. the ecclesiastics
r
charged with the examination of candidates for the
parishes (Third Plen. Council of Baltimore, nos. 23-
26). It is because the diocesan statutes are generally
elaborated and promulgated in a synod that they are
sometimes known as staiuta synodalia. In addition to
the general laws of the Church and the enactments of
national or plenary and provincial synods, the bishop
may regulate by statutes, that are often real ecclesias-
tical laws, the particular discipline of each diocese, or
apply the general laws of the Church to the special
needs of the diocese. Since the bishop alone possesses
all the legislative power, and is not bound to propose
in a synod these diocesan statutes, he may modify
them or add to them on his own authority.
VII. Vacancy op the Diocese. — We have already
explained how a diocese becomes vacant (see V above) ;
here it will suffice to add a few words touching the ad-
ministration of the diocese during such vacancy. In
dioceses where there is a coadjutor bishop with right of
succession, the latter, by the fact of the decease of the
diocesan bishop, becomes the residential bishop or or-
dinary (q. v.) of the diocese. Otherwise the govern-
ment of the diocese during the vacancy belongs regu-
larly to the chapter of the cathedral church. The
chapter must choose within eight days a vicar capitu-
lar, whose powers, although less extensive, are in kind
like those of a bishop. If the chapter does not fulfil
this obligation, the archbishop appoints ex officio a
vicar capitular. In dioceses where a chapter does
not exist, an administrator is appointed, designated
either by the bishop himself before his death, or, in case
of his neglect, by the metropolitan or by the senior
bishop of the province (see Administrator).
VIII. Conspectus op the Diocesan System op
the Catholic Church. — The accompanying table of
the diocesan system of the Church shows that there are
at present throughout the world : 9 patriarchates of the
Latin, 6 of the Oriental Rites; 6 suburbicarian dio-
ceses; 163 (or 166 with the Patriarchates of Venice,
Lisbon, and Goa, in reality archdioceses) archdioceses
of the Latin, and 20 of the Oriental Rites ; 675 dioceses
of the Latin, and 52 of the Oriental Rites; 137 vicari-
ates Apostolic of the Latin, and 5 of the Oriental
Rites; 58 prefectures Apostolic of the Latin Rite; 12
Apostolic delegations; 21 abbeys or prelatures nuttiu*
dicecesis, i. e. exempt from the jurisdiction of the dio-
cesan bishop. There are also 89 titular archdioceses
and 432 titular dioceses.
Thomabsin, Vetus et nova discipline ecdesia, etc. (Paris,
1691), Part. I, Bk. I, nos. 64-59; L6nino, Gesch. des deutschen
Kirchenrechts (Strasburg, 1878), I, 410; II, 129 aqq.; Hab-
nack, Die Mission una Ausbreitung des Christentums in den
ersten drei Jahrhunderten (Leipzig, 1907), 319 aqq.; Duchesne,
Oriqints du culte chritien (Pans, 1902), 11 aqq.; Idem, Hist, an-
cienne de VEglise (Paria, 1908), I, 524; Idem, Pastes tpiscopaux
de Vancienne Gaule (Paria, 1907); Savio, Gli antichi vescovi
<T Italia (Turin, 1899), I: WERMiNGHorr, Gesch. der Kirchen-
verfassung Deutschl. itn M. A. (Leipzig, 1905); Hadck, Kirch-
engesch, Deutschl. (Leipzig, 1896-1903); Linoard. Hist, and
Antiq. of the Anglo-Saxon Church (reprint, London, 1899);
Lanigan, Eccl. History of Ireland (Dublin, 1829); Bellebheim,
Gesch. der kathol. Kirche in Irland (Mainz, 1890-91); Idem,
Gesch. der kathol. Kirche in SchoUland (Mainz, 1883); tr. Hunt-
er-Blair, History of the Catholic Church in Scotland (London,
1889); Hinbchius, System des kathol. Kirchenrechts (Berlin,
1878), II, 378 aqq.; Von Scherer, Handbuch des Kirchen-
rechts (Graz, 1886). I, 553 sqq.; Wernz, Jus Decretalium
(Rome, 1899), II. 348 aqq.; SaomCller, Lehrbuch des kathol.
Kirchenrechts (Freiburg. 1900-1904) 231, 346, and bibli-
ography under Bischof; Battandier, Ann. pont. cath. (Paria,
1908); La Gerarchia Cattolica (Rome, 1908); Missumes Catholx-
cot (Rome, 1907): Baumoarten and Swoboda, Die kathol.
Kirche auf dem Erdenrund (Munich. 1907). For a catalogue
of all known Catholic diocesea to 1198, with names and regu-
lar dates of occupants, see Gams. Series episc. eccl. Cath. (Rat-
iabon. 1873-86), and hia continuator Eubel, Hterarchta
Catholica Medii Mvi% U98-1US1 (Munster, 1899). Cf . also the
alphabetical list of all known dioceses, ancient and modern,
in Mab-Latrie, Trtsor de chronol. d'hist. et de giog. (Pans,
1889). and the descriptive text of Werner, Orbxs terror.
Catholicus (Freiburg. 1890). For the dioceses, etc. in the mis-
sionary territories of the Catholic Church see Streit, Kathol'
ischer Missionsatlas (Steyl, 1906). For details of diocesea in
English-speaking countries see Catholic Directories for United
States, England, Ireland, Australia, Canada, India.
A. Van Hove.
DIOOLJU
Diode*, a titular see of Phrygia in Asia Minor.
Diocleia is mentioned by Ptolemy {V, ii, 23), where
the former editions read Dokela; this is probably the
native name, which must have been heUenized at a
later time; in the same way Doclea in Dalmatia is
more commonly called Dioclea. The autonomous
rights of Dioclea are proved by its coins struck in the
reign of Elagabalus (Head, Hist. Num., 562). It
figuresin the Synecdemus'' of Hierocles, in Parthey,
'"NotitiaEpiscopatuum" (III, X, XIII), and inGelser,
'"Nova Tactics , i. e. as late as the twelfth or thir-
teenth century, as a bishopric in Phrygia Pacatiana,
the metropolis of which was Laodicea- Only two
bishops are known, in 431 and 451 (Lequien, Or.
Christ., I, 823). An inscription found near Doghla,
or Dola, a village in the vilayet of Smyrna, shows that
it must be the site of Dioclea, though there are no
a Minor, 130; Ideu, Citiee and
S. P&TRID&a.
Diocletian (Vai.eriuk Diocletian us), Roman
Emperor and persecutor of the Church, b. of parents
who had been slaves, at Dioclea, near Salona, m Dal-
matia, a. d. 245; d. at Salona, a.d. 313. He entered
the army and by his marked abilities attained the
offices of Governor of Mcesia, consul, and commander
of the guards of the palace. In the Persian war, un-
der Cams, he especially distinguished himself. When
the son and successor of Carus, Numerian, was mur-
dered at Chalcedon, the choice of the army fell upon
Diocletian, who immediately slew with his own hand
the murderer Aper (17 Sept., 284). His career as em-
peror belongs to secular nistory. Here only a sum-
mary will be given. The reign of Diocletian (284-
305) marked an era both in the military and political
history of the empire. The triumph which he cele-
brated together with his colleague Maximian (20
Nov., 303) was the last triumph which Rome ever
beheld. Britain, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Nile
furnished trophies; but the proudest boast of the con-
queror was that Persia, the persistent enemy of Rome,
had at last been subdued. Soon after his acces-
sion to power Diocletian realised that the empire was
too unwieldy and too much exposed to attack to be
safely ruled by a sinole head. Accordingly, he asso-
ciated with himself Maximian, a bold but rude soldier,
at first as Csesar and afterwards as Augustus (286).
Later on, he further distributed his power by granting
the inferior title of Cssar to two generals, Galerius and
Constantiua (292). He reservea for his own portion
Thrace, Egypt, and Asia: Italy and Africa were Maxi-
mian's provinces, while Galerius was stationed on the
Danube, and Constantiua had charge of Gaul, Spain,
and Britain. But the supreme control remained in
Diocletian's hands. None of the rulers resided in
Rome, and thus the way was prepared for the down-
fall of the imperial city. Moreover, Diocletian under-
mined the authority of the Senate, assumed the dia-
dem, and introduced the servile ceremonial of the Per-
sian court. After a prosperous reign of nearly twenty-
one years, be abdicated the throne and retired to
Salona, where he lived in magnificent seclusion until
his death.
Diocletian's name is associated with the last and
most terrible of all the ten persecutions of the early
Church. Nevertheless it is a fact that the Christians
enjoyed peace and prosperity during the greater por-
tion of his reign. Eusebius, who lived at this time,
describes in glowing terms " the glory and the liberty
with which the doctrine of piety was honoured ", and
he extols the clemency of the emperors towards the
Christian governors- whom they appointed, and
towards the Christian members of their households.
He tells us that the rulers of the Church "werecourted
and honoured with the greatest subserviency by all
the rulers and governors". He speaks of the vast
DIOOLCTUNOPOUet
multitudes that flocked to the religion of Christ, and
of the spacious and splendid churches erected in the
place of the humbler buildings of earlier days. At the
■same time he bewails the falling from ancient fervour
"by reason of excessive liberty" (Hist. Eccl., VIII, i).
Had Diocletian remained sole emperor, he would
probably have allowed this toleration to continue un-
disturbed. It was his subordinate Galerius who first
induced him to turn persecutor. These two rulers of
the East, at a council held at Nicomedia in 302, re-
solved to suppress Christianity throughout the em-
pire. The cathedral of Nicomedia was demolished
(24 Feb., 303). An edict was issued "to tear down
the churches to the foundations, and to destroy the
Sacred Scriptures by fire; and commanding also that
those who were in
honourable sta-
tions should be de-
graded if they per-
severed in their
adherence to Chris-
tianity" (Euseb.,
op. cit., VIII, ii).
Th fee further edicts
(303-304) marked
the severity of the I
persecution: the
first ordering that
the bishops, pres-
byters, and deacons
should be impris-
oned; the second
that they should be
tortured and com-
pelled by every
means to sacrifice;
the third including
the laity as wellas {CBpii0li„. Mu«um. Rome)
the clergy. The
atrocious cruelty with which these edicts were enforced,
and the vast numbers oft hone who suffered for theFaith
are attested by Eusebius and the Acts of the Martyrs.
We read even of the massacre of the whole population
of a town because they declared themselves Christiana
(Euseb., loc. cit., xi, xii; Lactant, "Div. Instit.", V.
xi). The abdication of Diocletian (1 May, 305) and
the subsequent partition of the empire brought relief
to many provinces. In the East, however, where
Galerius and Maximian held sway, the persecution
continued to rage. Thus it will be seen that the so-
called Diocletian persecution should be attributed to
the influence of Galerius; it continued for seven years
after Diocletian's abdication. (See Persecutions.)
Hilt. Bed. in P. <J., XX; Dt Mart
, XX 14S7-1520; Lactam
. Divii
In*:
in P. L..Vl} De Mortiow Pereeculonan. P. L..VU: QltBos, De-
dine and Fait of the Roman Empire, xiii, xvj: Allahd, La per-
ttcatian de Diodtlim el U Momplie de Vti/tUt (Paria. 1880);
Idih. Le thritiatiieme H fempire remain (Pi.™. 1808); Idkh.
Ten Lecture, on Am Marnjn.U. (London 1907): Ducebjh,
Hitoin iKuniH de rtatUe (Fun.. 1907), II.
T. B. SCANNELL.
DiocletJano polls, a titular see of Palsstina
Prima. This city is mentioned by Hierocles (Synec-
demus, 719, 2), Georgius Cyprius (ed. Gelzer, 1012),
and in some " Notitue Episcopatuum", as a suffragan
of Ciesarea. Its native name is unknown, and its site
has not been identified. One bishop is known, Eli-
steus, in 359 (Lequien, Oriens Christ ianus, III, 646).
(2) Another Diocletianopolis was a suffragan see of
Philippopolis in Thrace. Its site is unknown. Two
bishops are mentioned, Cyriacus in 431, and Epicte-
tus in 451 and 458. A third, Elias, in 553, is doubtful
(Lequien, op. cit., I, 1161). (3) Still another Dio-
cletianopolis was a suffragan of Ptoiemais in Thebais
Secunda (Parthey, Notit. Episc., I). This city is also
mentioned by Hierocles (op. cit., 732, 3), and by
DIODORUS 8
Georgius Qyprius, 772. Gelzer thinks that biocle-
tianopoKs is a later name of Apollinopolis Minor, the
Coptic K6s Berbir, and the Arabian Kus, still existing
near Keft (Coptus). (Amelineau, "Geographic de
l'Egypte", 490, 573, 576.) One bishop of Apollin-
opoBfl Minor is known, Pabiscus, mentioned m 431
(Lequien, II, 603).
S. P£tridj:8.
Diodoru8 of Tarsus, date of birth uncertain; d.
about a. d. 392. He was of noble family, probably of
Antioch. St. Basil calls him a "nursling" of Sil-
vanus, Bishop of Tarsus, but whether this discipleship
was at Antioch or at Tarsus is not known. He studied
at Athens, then embraced the monastic state. He
became head of a monastery in or near Antioch, and
St. Chrysostom' was his disciple. When Antioch
groaned under Arian bishops, ne did not Join the
small party of irreconcilables headed by Paulinus,
.yet when Bishop Leontius made Aetius a deacon,
Diodorus and Flavian threatened to leave his com-
munion and retire to the West, and the bishop
yielded. These two holy men, though not priests,
taught the people to sing the Psalms in alternate
choirs (a practice which quickly spread throughout
the Church), at first in the chapels of the martyrs,
then, at Leontius's invitation, in the churches. When
at length, in 361, the Arian party appointed an ortho-
dox bishop in the person of St. Meletius, Diodorus was
made priest. He seems to have written some of his
works against the pagans as early as the reign of
Julian, for that emperor declared that Diodorus had
used the learning and eloauence of Athens against
the immortal gods, who had punished him with sick-
ness of the throat, emaciation, wrinkles, and a hard
and bitter life. In the persecution of Valens (364-
78), Flavian and Diodorus, now priests, during the
exile of Meletius kept the Catholics together, assem-
bling them on the northern bank of the Orontes, since
the Arian emperor did not permit Catholic worship
within the city. Many times banished, Diodorus, in
372, made the acquaintance of St. Basil in Armenia,
whither that saint had come to visit Meletius. On
the return of the latter to his flock, he made Diodorus
Bishop of Tarsus and Metropolitan of Cilicia. Theo-
doshis soon after, in a decree, named Diodorus and
St. Pelagius of Laodicea as norms of orthodoxy for
the whole East. Diodorus was at the Councils of
Antioch in 379 and of Constantinople in 381. Sozo-
men makes him responsible at the latter council for
the proposal of Nectarius as bishop of that city, and
represents him as one of the chief movers in the ap-
pointment of St. Flavian as successor to Meletius, by
which the unhappy schism at Antioch was prolonged.
Diodorus came to Antioch in 386 or later, when St.
Chrysostom was already a priest. In a sermon he
spoke of Chrysostom as a St. John the Baptist, the Voice
of the Church, the Rod of Moses. Next day Chrysos-
tom ascended the pulpit and declared that when the
people had applauded, he had groaned; it was Diodo-
rus, his father, who was John the Baptist; the
Antiochenes could bear witness how he had lived
without possessions, having his food from alms, and
persevering in prayer and preaching; like the Baptist
he had taught on the other side of the river, often he
had been imprisoned — nay, he had been often be-
headed, at least in will, for the Faith. In another
sermon he likens Diodorus to the martyrs: "See his
mortified limbs, his face, having the form of a man,
but the expression of an Angel I "
( St. Basil in 375 asked Diodorus to disown a ficti-
tious letter circulated in his name, permitting mar-
riage with a deceased wife's sister. In the following
year he criticizes the rhetorical style of the longer of two
treatises sent him by Diodorus, but gives warm praise
to the shorter. Diodorus's style is praised by Chrysos-
tom, Theodoret, and Photius, but of his very numer-
DIOONKTUS
ous writings only a few unimportant fragments have
been preserved, chiefly in Catenae (q. v.). He wrote
against some of the heresies and still more against
heathen philosophy. Photius gives a detailed sum-
mary of his eight books "de Fato"; they were evi-
dently very dull from a modern point of view. Ac-
cording to Leontius he composed commentaries on
the whole Bible. St. Jerome says that these were
imitations of those of Eusebius of Tftru*^ but less
distinguished by secular learning. Diodorus rejected
the allegorical interpretation of tne Alexandrians, and
adhered to the literal sense. In this he was followed
by his disciple Theodore of Mopsuestia, and by
Chrysostom in his unequalled expositions. The
Antiochene School of which he was the leader was
discredited by the subsequent heresies of Nestorius,
of whom his disciple Theodore of Mopsuestia was the
precursor. Theodoret wrote to exculpate Diodorus,
but St. Cyril declared him a heretic. The damning
passages cited by Marius Mercator and Leontius seem,
however, to belong to a work of Theodore, not of
Diodorus: nor was the latter condemned when Theo-
dore and passages of Theodoret and Ibas (the Three
Chapters) were condemned by the Fifth General
Council (553). It seems certain that Diodorus went
too far in his opposition to (the younger) Apollinarius
of Laodicea, according to whom the rational soul in
Christ was supplied by the Logos. Diodorus, in
emphasizing the completeness of tne Sacred Human-
ity, appears to have asserted two hypostases, not
necessarily in a heretical sense. If the developments
by Theodore throw a shade on the reputation of
Diodorus, the praise of all his contemporaries and
especially of his disciple Chrysostom tend yet more
strongly to exculpate him. It will be best to look
upon Diodorus as the innocent source of Nestorianism
(q. v.) only in the sense that St. Cyril of Alexandria
is admittedly the unwilling origin of Monophysitism
through some incorrect expressions. Against this
view are Julicher [in Theol. lit. Z. (1902), 82-86] and
Funk [in "Rev. dTiist. eccl.", Ill (1902). 947-71;
reprinted with improvements in "Kircnengesch.
Abhandl." (Paderborn, 1907), III, 323].
The fragments of his Commentaries on the Old
Testament are collected in Migne, P. G., XXXIII,
from the Catena of Nicephorus and that published by
Corderius (Antwerp, 1643-6), also from Mai{ "Nova
Patrum Bud.", VI. A few more are found m Pitra,
"Spicilegium Solesmense" (Paris, 1852), I. A lone
list of the lost works is in Fabricius, "Bibl. Gr.'\ V,
24 (reprinted in Migne, loc. cit.). Some Syriao dog-
matic fragments are in Lagarde, "Analecta Syriaca"
(Leipzig and London, 1858). Four treatises of
Pseudo-Justin Martyr have been attributed to Dio-
dorus by Harnack ("Texte und Unters " N. F., VI,
4, 1901).
For his life, see Tillemont, MSmoirte, vol. VIII, and Vena-
bleb in Diet, m Christ. Biogr., s. v. On Diodorus as an exegete:
Turnkb in Hastings. Diet of the Bible, V, 600; Kihn. Die
Bedeutung der antioekeniaehen Schule (Weissenburg, 1886,
Ingolstadt, 1867): Ueber Theoria und AUegoria naeh veriortnen
hermeneutisehen Schriften der AnHoehener in Th, Quartahch.
(1880). LXII, 563; Ebmoni, Diodore de Tone et eon rile doc-
trinal in Mutton, nouv. sine (1901), II, 431; Idem, Beole
thiol. (TAntioche in Diet, de thiol, cath., II, 1435 aqq.: see also
Vioouroux, Beole exigitique (TAntioche in Diet, ae la Bible,
I, 683 sqqu On the School of Antioch in general see bibli-
ography of article Antioehe by Lbclbroq in Diet. oVAreh. ehrU.
John Chapman.
Diognetos, Epistle to (Epibtola An DiogKetum).
— This beautiful little apology for Christianity is cited
by no ancient or medieval writer, and came down to
us in a single MS. which perished in the siege of
Strasburg (1870). The identification of Diognetus
with the teacher of Marcus Aurelius, who bore the
same name, is at most plausible. The author's name
is unknown, and the date is anywhere between the
Apostles and the age of Constantine. It was clearly
composed during a severe persecution. The manu-
DiomrsiAS
9
DIOHYSIU8
script attributed it with other writings to Justin
Martyr; but that earnest philosopher and hasty
writer was quite incapable of tne restrained eloquence,
the smooth flow of thought, the limpid clearness of
expression, which mark this epistle as one of the most
perfect compositions of antiquity. The last two
chapters (xi. xii) are florid and obscure, and bear no
relation to tne rest of the letter. They seem to be a
fragment of a homily of later date. The writer of
this addition -describes himself as a "disciple of the
Apostles"; and through a misunderstanding of these
words the epistle has, since the eighteenth century,
been classed with the writings of the Apostolic
Fathers. The letter breaks off at the end of chapter
x; it may have originally been much longer.
The writer addresses the "most excellent Diog-
netus", a well-disposed pagan, who desires to know
what is the religion of Christians. Idol-worship is
ridiculed, and it is shown that Jewish sacrifices and
ceremonies cannot cause any pleasure to the only
God and Creator of all. Christians are not a nation
nor a sect, but are diffused throughout the world,
though they are not of the world) but citizens of
heaven ; yet they are the soul of the world. God, the
invisible Creator, has sent His Child, by whom He
made all things, to save man, after He has allowed
man to find out his own weakness and proneness to
sin and his incapacity to save himself. The last
chapter is an exposition, "first" of the love of the
Father, evidently to be followed " secondly ' ' by another
on the Son ; but this is lost. The style is harmonious
and simple. The writer is a practised master of
classical eloquence, and a fervent Christian. There
is no resemblance to the public apologies of the second
century. A closer affinity is with the " Ad Donatum ' '
of St. Cyprian, which is similarly addressed to an
inquiring pagan. The writer does not refer to Holy
8cripture, but he uses the Gospels, I Peter, and I John,
and is saturated with the Epistles of St. Paul. Har-
nack seems to be right in refusing to place the author
earlier than Irenseus. One might well look for him
much later, in the persecutions of Valerian or of
Diocletian. He cannot be an obscure person, but
must be a writer otherwise illustrious; and yet he is
certainly not one of those writers whose works have
come down to us from the second or third centuries.
The name of Lucian the Martyr would perhaps satisfy
the conditions of the problem; and tne loss of that
part of the letter where it spoke more in detail of the
Son of God would be explained, as it would haVe been
suspected or convicted of the Arianism of which
Lucian is the reputed father. The so-called letter
may be in reality the apology presented to a judge.
The editio pnnceps is that of Stephanus (Paris,
1502), and the epistle was included among the works
of St. Justin by Sylburg (Heidelberg, 1503) and sub-
sequent editors; tne best of such editions is in Otto,
"Corpus Apologetarum Christ." (3d ed.r Jena, 1870),
III. Tillemont followed a friend's suggestion in
attributing it to an earlier date, and Gallandi included
it in his "fiibl. Vett. PP.", I, as the work of an anony-
mous Apostolic Father. It has been given since then
in the editions of the Apostolic Fathers, especially
those of Hefele, Funk (2d ed., 1001), Gebhardt, Har-
nack, and Zahn (1878), Lightfoot and Harmer (Lon-
don, 1801, with English tr.). Many separate editions
have appeared in Germany. There is an English trans-
lation in the Ante-Nicene Library (London, 1802), I.
The dissertations on this treatise are too numerous to
catalogue; they are not as a rule of much value.
Baratier and Gallandi attributed the letter to Clement
of Rome, BOhl to an Apostolic Father, and he was
followed by the Catholic editors or critics, Mdhler,
Hefele, Permaneder, Alzog; whereas Grossheim,
Tsschirner. Semisch, placed it in the time of Justin:
Dorner referred it to Marcion; Zeller to the end of
the second century, while CeUlier, Hoffmann, Otto,
defended the MS. attribution to Justin; Feeder held
for the first or second century. These definite views
are now abandoned, likewise the suggestions of Kruger
that Aristides was the author, of Draseke that it is by
Apelles, of Overbeck that it is poet-Constantinian,
and of Donaldson that it is a fifteenth-century rhetor-
ical exercise (the MS. was thirteenth- or fourteenth*
century). Zahn has sensibly suggested 250-310.
Harnack gives 170-300.
References to all these writers will be found in Poire* Apo*
tolici, ed. Funk. See also Babdenheweb, Oesch. der altkirchL
Lit., I, and bibliography in Richardson, Biblioor. Synopsis,
and Chevalier, Bxo.Anbl. On the MS. see Texte una UnUr*
suehttngen, I (1882, Harnack), and II (1883, Gebhardt), and
Harnack, Oesch. der ali-chr. Lit., I, 757. The concluding,
chapters are attributed to Hippolytus by Di Pauli in TheoL
QuariaUchrift, LXXXVIII (1906), i, 28.
John Chapman.
Dionysias, a titular see in Arabia. This city,
which figures in the "Synecdemos" of Hierocles
(723, 3) and Georgius Cyprius (1072), is 'mentioned
only in Parthey's * Prima Notitia", about 840, as a
suffragan of Bostra. Lequien (Or. christ., II, 866)
gives the names of three Greek bishops, Severus,
present at Nicsea in 325, Elpidius at Constantinople in
381, and Maras at Chalcedon in 451. Another, Peter,
is known by an inscription (Waddington, Inscriptions
. . . de Syrie, no. 2327). Fifteen or sixteen titular Latin
bishops are known throughout the fifteenth century
(Leouien, op. cit., Ill, 1309; Eubel, I, 232, II, 160).
Waddington (op. cit., 529 sqq.) identifies Dionysias
with Soada, now ea-Suwdda, the chief town of a caza
in the vilayet of Damascus, where many inscriptions
have been found. Soada, though an important city,
is not alluded to in ancient authors under this name;
inscriptions prove that it was built by a "lord builder
Dionysos " and that it was an episcopal see. Ndldeke
admits this view. Gesenius identifies Dionysias with
Shohba (Philippopolis), but this is too far from Da-
mascus.
Oblebb, ed., Oeorgii Cyprii descriptio orbis Romani, 206.
S. PJstrid&s.
Dionysias, Saint, Pope, date of birth unknown:
d. 26 or 27 December, 268. During the pontificate of
Pope Stephen (254-57) Dionysius appears as a presby-
ter of the Roman Church and as such took part in the
controversy concerning the validity of heretical bap*
tism (see Baptism under sub-title Rebaytian). This
caused Bishop Dionysius of Alexandria to write him a
letter on baptism in which he is described as an excel-
lent and learned man (Eusebius, Hist, eccl., VII, vii).
Later, in the time of Pope Sixtus II (257-58), the
same Bishop of Alexandria addressed Dionvsius a
letter concerning Lucianus (ibid., VII, ix) ; who this
Lucianus was is not known. After the martyrdom of
Sixtus II (6 August, 258) the Roman See remained
vacant for nearly a year, as the violence of the perse-
cution made it impossible to elect a new head. It
was not until the persecution had begun to subside
that Dionysius was raised (22 July, 259) to the office
of Bishop of Rome. Some months later the Emperor
Gallienus issued his edict of toleration, which brought
the persecution to an end and gave a legal existence to
the Church (Eusebius, Hist, eccl., VII, xiii). Thus
the Roman Church came again into possession of its
buildings for worship, its cemeteries, and other proper-
ties, and Dionysius was able to bring its administra-
tion once more into order. ^ About 260 Bishop Diony-
sius of Alexandria wrote his letter to Ammonius and
Euphranor against Sabellianism in which he expressed
himself with inexactness as to the Logos and its re-
lation to God the Father (see Dionysius of Alexan-
dria). Upon this an accusation against him was laid
before Pope Dionysius who called a synod at Rome
about 260 for the settlement of the matter. The pope
issued, in his own name and that of the council, an im-
portant doctrinal letter in which, first, the erroneous
DIONYSIUS
10
DIONYSIUS
doctrine of SabeHhu was again condemned and, then,
the false opinions of those were rejected who, like the
Marciottites, in a similar manner separate the Divine
monarchy into three entirely distinct hypostases, or
who represent the Son of God as a created being, while
the Holy Scriptures declare Him to have been begotten;
passages in the Bible, such as Deut., xxxii, 6, Prov.,
viii, 22, cannot be cited in support of false doctrines
such as these. Along with this doctrinal epistle Pope
Dionysius sent a separate letter to the Alexandrian
Bishop in which the latter was called on to explain his
views. This Dionysius of Alexandria did in his
" Apologia" (Athanasius, De sententia Dionysii, V,
xiii; De decretis Nicaenae synodi, xxvi). According
to the ancient practice of the Roman Church Dionysius
*lso extended nis care to the faithful of distant lands.
When the Christians of Cappadocia were ingreat dis-
4ress from the marauding incursions of the Goths, the
oope addressed a consolatory letter to the Church of
Csesarea and sent a large sum of money by messengers
for the redemption of enslaved Christians (Basitius,
Epist. lxx, ed. Gamier). The great synod of Antioch
which deposed Paul of Samosata sent a circular letter
to Pope Dionysius and Bishop Maximus of Alexandria
concerning its proceedings (Eusebius, Hist, eccl., VII.
xxx). After death the body of Dionysius was buried
in the papal crypt in the catacomb of Callistus.
Liber Pont., ed. Duchrsnb, I, ccxlviii, 157 : Lanqen, Ge~
echichto der rfimischen Kircke (Bonn, 1881), I, 362 sqq.;
Haqemann, Die rUmiaeke Kirche (Freiburg; im Br., 1864), 344
aqq.,432 sqq.; Hefele, KoneUiengesehidUe, 2nd ed., 1, 265 sqq.;
aUhirehlichen LUeralvr (Freiburg
J. P. KlRflCH.
Bardenheweil Chachichte der
im Br., 1903), II, 581 sq.
Dionysius, Saint, Bishop of Corinth about 170.
The date is fixed by the fact that he wrote to Pope
Soter (c. 168 to 176; Harnack gives 165-7 to 173-6).
Eusebius in his Chronicle placed his "floruit" in the
eleventh year of Marcus Aurelius (171). When Hege-
eippus was at Corinth in the time of Pope Anicetus,
Primus was bishop (about 150-5) , while Bacchyllus was
Bishop of Corinth at the time of the Paschal contro-
versy (about 190-8). Dionysius is only known to us
througn Eusebius, for St. Jerome (De viris ill., xxvii)
has used no other authority. Eusebius knew a col-
lection of seven of the ''Catholic Letters to the
Churches" of DionyBius, together with a letter to him
from Pinytus, Bishop of Cnossus, and a private letter
of spiritual advice to a lady named Chrysophora, who
had written to him.
Eusebius first mentions a letter to the Lacedaemo-
nians, teaching orthodoxy, and enjoining peace and
union. A second was to the Athenians, stirring up
their faith exhorting them to live according to the
Gospel, since they were not far from apostasy. Diony-
sius spoke of the recent martyrdom of their bishop,
Publius (in the persecution of Marcus Aurelius), and
says that Dionysius the Areopagite was the first Bishop
of Athens. To the Nicomedians he wrote against
Marcionism. Writing to Gortyna and the other dio-
ceses of Crete, he praised the bishop, Philip, for his
aversion to heresy. To the Church of Amastris in
Pontus he wrote at the instance of Bacchylides and
Elpistus (otherwise unknown), mentioning the bishop's
name as Palmas; he spoke in this letter of marriage
and continence, and recommended the charitable
treatment of those who had fallen away into sin or
heresy. Writing to the Cnossians, he recommended
their bishop, Pinytus, not to lay the yoke of continence
too heavily on the brethren, but to consider the weak-
ness of most. Pinytus replied, after polite words, that
he hoped Dionysius would send strong meat next time,
that nis people might not grow up on the milk of
babes. This severe prelate is mentioned by Eusebius
(IV, xxi) as an ecclesiastical writer, and the historian
praises the tone of his letter.
But the most important letter is that to the Romans,
the only one from which extracts have been preserved.
Pope Soter had sent alms and a letter to the Corinth-
ians:— "For this has been your custom from the begin-
ning, to do good to all the brethren in many ways, and
to send alms to many Churches in different cities, now
relieving the poverty of those who asked aid, now as-
sisting the brethren in the mines by the alms you send,
Romans keeping up the traditional custom of Romans,
which your blessed bishop, Soter, has not only* main-
tained, but has even increased, by affording to the
brethren the abundance which he has supplied, and by
comforting with blessed words the brethren who came
to him, as a father his children." Again: "You also
by this instruction have mingled together the Romans
and Corinthians who are the planting of Peter and
Paul. For they both came to our Corinth and planted
us, and taught alike; and alike going to Italy and
teaching there, were martyred at the same time."
Again: " To-day we have kept the holy Lord's day, on
which we have read your letter, which we shall ever
possess to read and to be admonished, even as the
former one written to us through Clement." The tes-
timony to the generosity of the Roman Church is car-
ried on by the witness of Dionysius of Alexandria in
the third century; and Eusebius in the fourth declares
that it was still seen in his own day in the great perse-
cution. The witness to the martyrdom of St. Peter
and St. Paul, card rbw airrbw xatpbr, is of first-rate im-
portance, and so is the mention of the Epistle of Clem-
ent and the public reading of it. The letter of the
pope was written "as a father to his children".
Dionysius's own letters were evidently much prized,
for in the last extract he says that he wrote them by
request, and that they have been falsified "by the
apostles of the devil". No wonder, he adds, that the
Scriptures are falsified by such persons.
The extracts are in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., IV, xxiii, also II,
(Routh, Religuia Sacra, I). See Harnack, Oesch. der Altchr.
LiU., I, 236 [on p. 785 are mentioned two fragments attributed
to Origan, which may be fromJDionysjus's letter to the Cnoa-
foi
John Chapman.
DionyBius Exiguus, the surname Exiquub, or
"The Little", adopted probably in self-depreciation
and not because he was small of stature, flourished in
the earlier part of the sixth century, dying before the
year 544. According to his friend and fellow-student,
Cassiodorus (De divinis Lectionibus, c. xxiii), though
by birth a Scythian, he was in character a true Roman
and thorough Catholic, most learned in both tongues
— i. e. Greek and Latin — and an accomplished Scrip-
turist. Much of his life was spent in Rome, where he
governed a monastery as abbot. His industry was
very great and he did good service in translating
standard works from Greek into Latin, principally the
"Life of St. Pachomius", the "Instruction of St. Pro-
clus of Constantinople" for the Armenians, the "De
opificio homihis" of St. Gregory of Nyssa, the history
of the discovery of the head of St. John the Baptist.
The translation of St. Cyril of Alexandria's synodal
letter against Nestorius, and some other works long
attributed to Dionysius, are now acknowledged to be
earlier and are assigned to Marius Mercator.
Of great importance were the contributions of Dio-
nysius to the science of canon law, the first beginnings
of which in Western Christendom were due to him.
His "Collectio Dionysiana" embraces (1) a collection
of synodal decrees, of which he has left two editions: —
(a) "Codex cahonum Ecclesise Universse". This
contains canons of Oriental synods and councils only
in Greek and Latin, including those of the four oecu-
menical councils from Nicsea (325) to Chalcedon (451).
7— (M "Codex canonum ecclesiasticarum". This is
in Latin only; its contents agree generally with the
other, but the Council of Ephesus (431) is omitted,
while the so-called "Canons of the Apostles" and those
of Sardica are included, as well as 138 canons of the
DIONY8IU8
11
DIONYSIUS
African Council of Carthage (419). — (c) Of another
bilingual version of Greek canons, undertaken at the
instance of Pope Hormisdas, only the preface has been
preserved. (2) A collection ot papal Constitutions
(Coilectio decretorum Pontificum Romanorum) from
Siricius to Ajiastasius II (384-498).
In chronology Dionysius has left his mark con-
spicuously*, for it was he who introduced the use of the
Christian Era (see Chronology) according to which
dates are reckoned from th<f Incarnation, which he
assigned to 25 March, in the year 754 from the founda-
tion of Rome (a. u. a). By this method of computa-
tion he intended to supersede the "Era of Diocletion"
previously employed, being unwilling, as he tells us,
that the name of an impious persecutor should be thus
kept in memory. The Era of the Incarnation, often
called the Dionysian Era, was soon much used in Italy
and, to some extent, a little later in Spain; during the
eighth and ninth centuries it was adopted in England.
Charlemagne is said to have been the first Christian
ruler to employ it officially. It was not until the tenth
century that it was employed in the papal chancery
(Lerscn, Chronologie, Freiburg, 1899, p. 233). Diony-
sius also gave attention to the calculation of Easter,
which so greatly occupied the early Church. To this
end he advocated the adoption of the Alexandrian
Cycle of nineteen years, extending that of St. Cyril for,
a period of ninety-five years in advance. It was in
this work that he adopted the Era of the Incarnation.
Dionysius, works in P. L., LXVII, and the testimony of
Cabsiodorus, ibid., LXX. See also Maasen, Quellen der Lit.
dee. can. Rechts im Abcndlande (Graf, 1870); Bardenhewer,
Gteeh. der altkirch. Lit. (Freiburg im Br., 1902).
John Gerard.
Dionysiufl of Alexandria (bishop from 247-8 to
264-5), called "the Great'1 by Eusebius, St. Basil, and
others, was undoubtedly, after St. Cyprian, the most
eminent bishop of the third century. Like St. Cyp-
rian he was less a great theologian than a great ad-
ministrator. Like St. Cyprian his writings usually
took the form of letters. Both saints were converts
from paganism; both were engaged in the controver-
sies as to the restoration of those who had lapsed in
v the Decian persecution, about Novatian, and with re-
gard to the iteration of heretical baptism; both corre-
sponded with the popes of their day. Yet it is curi-
ous that neither mentions the name of the other. A
single letter of Dionysius has been preserved in Greek
canon law. For the rest we are dependent on the
many citations by Eusebius, and, for one phase, to
the works of his great successor St. Athanasius.
Dionysius was an old man when he died, so that his
birth will fall about 190, or earlier. He is said to have
been of distinguished parentage. He became a Chris-
tian when still young. At a later period, when he was
warned by a priest of the danger he ran in studying the
books of heretics, a vision — so he informs us — assured
him that he was capable of proving all things, and that
this faculty had in fact been the cause of nis conver-
sion. He studied under Origen. The latter was ban-
ished by Demetrius about 231. and Heraclas took his
place at the head of the catechetical school. On the
death of Demetrius very soon afterwards, Heraclas
became bishop, and Dionysius took the headship of
the famous school. It is thought that he retained
this office even when he himself nad succeeded Hera-
clas as bishop. In the last year of Philip, 249, although
the emperor himself was reported to be a Christian, a
riot at Alexandria, roused by a popular prophet and
poet, had all the effect of a severe persecution. It is
described by Dionysius in a letter to Fabius of Anti-
och. The mob first seized an old man named Metras,
beat him with clubs when he would not deny his faith,
pierced his eyes and face with reeds, dragged him out
of the city, and stoned him. Then a woman named
Quinta, who would not sacrifice, was drawn along the
rough pavement by the feet, dashed against mill-
stones, scourged, and finally stoned in the same sub-
urb. The houses of the faithful were plundered.
Not one, so far as the bishop knew, apostatized. The
aged virgin, Apollonia, after her teeth had been
knocked out, sprang of her own accord into the fire
prepared for her rather than utter blasphemies. Sera-
pion had all his limbs broken, and was dashed down
from the upper story of his own house. It was impos-
sible for any Christian to go into the streets, even at
night, for the mob was shouting that all who would
not blaspheme should be burnt. The riot was stopped
by the civil War, but the new Emperor Decius insti-
tuted a legal persecution in January, 250. St. Cyprian
describes how at Carthage the Christians rushed to
sacrifice, or at least to obtain false certificates of hav-
ing done so. Similarly Dionysius tells us that at
Alexandria many conformed through fear, others on
account of official position, or persuaded by friends;
some pale and trembling at their act, others boldly as-
serting that they had never been Christians. Some
endured imprisonment for a time ; others abjured only
at the sight of tortures ; others held out until the tortures
conquered their resolution. But there were noble in-
stances of constancy. Julian and Kronion were
scourged through the city on camels, and then burnt
to death. A soldier, Besas, who protected them from
the insults of the people, was beheaded. Macar, a
Libyan, was burnt alive. Epimachus and Alexander,
after long imprisonment and many tortures, were also
burnt, with four women. The virgin Ammonarion
also was long tortured. The aged Mercuria and Dio-
nysia, a mother of many children, suffered by the
sword. Heron, Ater, and Isidore, Egyptians, after
many tortures were given to the flames. A boy of
fifteen, Dioscorus, who stood firm under torture, was
dismissed by the judge for very shame. Nemesion
was tortured and scourged, ana then burnt between
two robbers. A number of soldiers, and with them an
old man named Ingenuus, made indignant signs to one
who was on his trial and about to apostatize. When
called to order they cried out that they were Christians
with such boldness that the governor and his assessors
were taken aback; they suffered a glorious martyr-
dom. Numbers were martyred in the cities and vil-
lages. A steward named Ischyrion was pierced
through the stomach by his master with a large stake
because he refused to sacrifice. Many fled, wandered
in the deserts and the mountains, and were cut off by
hunger, thirst, cold, sickness, robbers, or wild beasts.
A bishop named Chaeremon escaped with his *tf/t£tos
(wife?) to the Arabian mountain, and was no more
heard of. Many were carried off as slaves by the Sara-
cens and some of these were later ransomed for large
sums.
Some of the lapsed had been readmitted to Christian
fellowship by tne martyrs. Dionysius. urged upon
Fabius, Bishop of Antioch, who was inclined to join
Novatian, that it was right to respect this judgment
delivered by blessed martyrs "now seated with Christ,
and sharers in His Kingdom and assessors in His
judgment". He adds the story o» an old man, Sera-
pion, who after a lone and blameless life had sacrificed,
and could obtain absolution from ho one. On his
death-bed he sent his grandson to fetch a priest. The
priest was ill, but he gave a particle of the Eucharist to
the child, telling him to moisten it and place it in the
old man's mouth. Serapion received it with joy, and
immediately expired. Sabinus, the prefect, sent a
frumeniarius (detective) to search for Dionysius di-
rectly the decree was published; he looked everywhere
but in Dionysius's own house, where the saint had
quietly remained. On the fourth day he was inspired
to depart, and he left at night, with nis domestics and
certain brethren. But it seems that he was soon made
prisoner, for soldiers escorted the whole party to Ta-
posiris in the Mareotis. A certain Timotheus, who
nad not been taken with the others, informed a passing
I
DIONYSIUS
12
Diomrsius
countryman, who carried the news to a wedding-feast
he was attending. All instantly rose up and rushed to
release the bishop. The soldiers took to flight, leav-
ing their prisoners on their uncushioned litters. Dio-
nvsius, believing his rescuers to be robbers, held out his
clothes to them, .retaining only his tunic. They urged
him to rise and fly. He begged them to leave him, de-
claring that they might as well cut off his head at once,
as the soldiers would shortly do so. He let himself
down on the ground on his back; but they seised him
by the hands and feet and dragged him away, carrying
him out of the little town, ana setting him on an ass
without a saddle. With two companions, Gaius and
Peter, he remained in a desert place in Libya until the
persecution ceased in 251. The whole Christian world
was then thrown into confusion by the news that No-
vatian claimed the Bishopric of Rome in opr. oeition to
Pope Cornelius. Dionysius at once took the side of
the latter, and it was largely by his influence that the
whole East, after much disturbance, was brought in a
few months into unity and harmony. Novatian
wrote to him for support. His curt reply has been
preserved entire: Novatian can easily prove the truth
of his protestation that he was consecrated against his
will bf voluntarily retiring; he ought to have suffered
martyrdom rather than divide the Church of God;
indeed it would have been a particularly glorious mar-
tyrdom on behalf of the whole Church (such is the im-
portance attached by Dionysius to a schism at Rome) ;
if he can even now persuade his party to make peace,
the past will be forgotten ; if not, let him save his own
soul. St. Dionysius also wrote many letters on this
question to Rome and to the East ; some of these were
treatises on penance. He took a somewhat milder
view than Cyprian, for he gave greater weight to the
"indulgences granted by the martyrs, and refused
forgiveness in the hour of death to none.
After the persecution the pestilence. Dionysius
describes it more graphically than does St. Cyprian, and
he reminds us of Thucydides and Defoe. The heathen
thrust away their sick, fled from their own relatives,
threw bodies half dead into the streets; yet they suf-
fered more than the Christians, whose heroic acts of
mercy are recounted by their bishop. Many priests,
deacons, and persons of merit died from succouring
others, and this death, writes Dionysius, was in no
way inferior to martyrdom. The baptismal contro-
versy spread from Africa throughout the East. Dio-
nysius was far from teaching, like Cyprian, that baptism
by a heretic rather befouls than cleanses; but he was
impressed by the opinion of many bishops and some
councils that repetition of such a baptism was neces-
sary, and it appears that he besought Pope Stephen
not to break off communion with the Churches of Asia
on this account. He also wrote on the subject to
Dionysius of Rome, who was not yet pope, and to a
Roman named Philemon, both of whom nad written
to him. We know seven letters from him on the sub-
ject, two being addressed to. Pope Sixtus II. In one of
these he asks advice in the case of a man who had re-
ceived baptism a long time before from heretics, and
now declared that it had been improperly performed.
Dionysius had refused to renew the sacrament after
the man had so many years received the Holy Eucha-
rist ; he asks the pope's opinion. In this case it is clear
that the difficulty was in the nature of the ceremonies
used, not in the mere fact of their having been per-
formed by heretics. We gather that Dionysius him-
self followed the Roman custom, either by the tradi-
tion of his Church, or else out of obedience to the de-
cree of Stephen. In2530rigendied; he had not been
at Alexandria for many years. But Dionysius had
not forgotten his old master, and wrote a letter in his
praise to Theotecnus of Caesarea.
An Egyptian bishop, Nepos, taught the Chiliastic
error that there would be a reign of Christ upon earth
for a thousand years, a period of corporal delights; he
founded this doctrine upon the Apocalypse in a book
entitled u Refutation of the Allegorusers". It was
only after the death of Nepos that Dionysius found
himself obliged to write two books "On the Promises"
to counteract this error. He treats Nepos with great
respect, but rejects his doctrine, as indeed the Church
has since done, though it was taught by Papias, Justin,
Irennus, Victorinus of Pettau, and others. The dio-
cese proper to Alexandria was still very large (though
Heraclas is said to hate instituted new bishoprics),
and the Arsinoite nome formed a part of it. Here the
error was very prevalent, and St. Dionysius went in
person to the villages, called together the priests and
teachers, and for three days instructed them, refuting
the arguments they drew from the book of Nepos. He
was much edified by the docile spirit and love of truth
which he found. At length Korakion, who had intro-
duced the book and the doctrine, declared himself con-
vinced. The chief interest of the incident is not in the
picture it gives of ancient Church life and of the wis-
dom and gentleness of the bishop, but in the remark-
able- disquisition, which Dionysius appends, on the
authenticity of the Apocalypse. It is a very striking
piece of " higher criticism ' ', and for clearness and mod-
eration, keenness and insight, is hardly to be surpassed.
Some of the brethren, he tells us, in their zeal against
. Chiliastic error, repudiated the Apocalypse alto-
gether, and took it chapter by chapter to ridicule it,
attributing the authorship of it to Cerinthua (as we
know the Roman Gaius did some years earlier). Dio-
nysius treats it with reverence, and declares it to be
full of hidden mysteries, and doubtless really by a man
called John. (In a passage now lost, he showed that
the book must be understood allegorically.) But he
found it hard to believe that the writer could be the
son of Zebedee, the author of the Gospel and of the
Catholic Epistle, on account of the great contrast of
character, style, and "what is called working out".
He shows that the one writer calls himself John,
whereas the other only refers to himself by some peri-
phrasis; He adds the famous remark, that " it is said
that there are two tombs in Ephesus, both of which
are called that of John". He demonstrates the close
likeness between the Gospel and the Epistle, and
points out the wholly different vocabulary of the Apoc-
alypse; the latter is full of solecisms and barbarisms,
while the former are in good Greek. This acute criti-
cism was unfortunate, in that it was largely the cause
of the freauent rejection of the Apocalypse in the
Greek-speaking Churches, even as late as the Middle
Ages. Dionysius's arguments appeared unanswer-
able to the liberal critics of the nineteenth century.
Lately the swing of the pendulum has brought many,"
guided by Bousset, Harnack. and others, to be im-
pressed rather by the undeniable points of contact be-
tween the Gospel and the Apocalypse, than by the
differences of style (which can De explained by a differ-
ent scribe. and interpreter, since the author of both
books was certainly a Jew), so that even Loisy ad-
mits that the opinion of the numerous and learned
conservative scholaro "no longer appears impossible".
But it should be noted that the modern critics have
added nothing to the judicious remarks of the third-
century patriarch.
The Emperor Valerian, whose accession was in 253,
did not persecute until 257. In that year St. Cyprian
was banished to Curubis, and St. Dionysius to Kephro
in the Mareotis, after being tried, together with one
priest and two deacons, before JSmilianus, the prefect
of Egypt. He himself relates the firm answers he
made to the prefect, writing to defend himself against
a certain Germanus, who had accused him of a dis-
graceful flight. Cyprian suffered in 258, but Dio-
nysius was spared, and returned to Alexandria directly
toleration was decreed by Gallienus in 260. But not
to peace, for in 261-2 the city was in a state of tumult
little less dangerous than a persecution. The great
DIONYSIUS
13
DIONYSIUS
thoroughfare which traversed the town was impassa-
ble. Tne bishop had to communicate with his flock
by letter, as though they were in different countries.
It was easier, he writes, to pass from East to West,
than from Alexandria to Alexandria. Famine and pes-
tilence raged anew. The inhabitants of what was still
the second city of the world had decreased so that the
males between fourteen and eighty were now scarcely
so numerous as those between forty and seventy had
been not many years before. A controversy arose in
the latter years of Dionysius of which the nalf-Arian
Eusebius has been careful to make no mention. All
we know is from St. Athanasius. Some bishops of the
Pentapolis of Upper Libya fell into Sabellianism and
denied the distinctness of the Three Persons of the
Blessed Trinity. Dionysius wrote some four letters to
Condemn their error, and sent copies to Pope Sixtus II
(257-8). But he himself fell, so far as words go, into
the opposite error, for he said the Son is a wotni/ui (some-
thing made) and distinct in substance, #«>* *»t' ofolaw,
from the Father, even as is the husbandman from the
vine, or a shipbuilder from a ship. These words were
seized upon t>y the Arians of the fourth century as
plain Ananism. But Athanasius defended Dionysius
by telling the sequel of the history. Certain brethren
of Alexandria, being offended at the words of their
bishop, betook themselves to Rome to Pope St. Dio-
nvsius (259-268), who wrote a letter, in which he de-
clared that to teach that the Son was made or was a
creature was an impiety equal, though contrary, to that
of Sabellius. He also wrote to his namesake of Alex-
andria informing him of the accusation brought against
him. The latter immediately composed books enti-
tled "Refutation" and "Apology"; in these he ex-
plicitly declared that there never was a time when
God was not Father, that Christ always was, being
Word and Wisdom and Power, and coeteraal, even as
brightness is not posterior to the light from which it
proceeds. He teaches the "Trinity in Unity and the
Unity in Trinity"; he clearly implies the equality and
eternal procession of the Holy Ghost. In these last
points he is more explicit than St. Athanasius himself
is elsewhere, while in the use of the word cowubstan-
tied, bfjuooteios, he anticipates Nicsea, for he bitterly com-
plains of the calumny that he had rejected the expres-
sion. But however he himself and his advocate
Athanasius may attempt to explain away his earlier
expressions, it is clear that he nad been incorrect in
thought as well as in words, and that he did not at
first grasp the true doctrine with the necessary dis-
tinctness. The letter of the pope was evidently ex-
plicit and must have been the cause of the Alexan-
drian's clearer vision. The pope, as Athanasius points
out, gave a formal condemnation of Arianism long be-
fore that heresy emerged. When we consider the
vagueness and incorrectness in the fourth century of
even the supporters of orthodoxy in the East, the de-
cision of the Apostolic See will seem a marvellous tes-
timony to the doctrine of the Fathers as to the unfail-
ing faith of Rome.
We find Dionysius issuing yearly, like the later
bishops of Alexandria, festal letters announcing the
date of Easter and dealing with various matters.
When the heresy of Paul of Samosata, Bishop of Anti-
och, began to trouble the East, Dionysius wrote to the
Church of Antioch on the subject, as he was obliged to
decline the invitation to attend a synod there, on the
score of his age and infirmities. lie died soon after-
wards. St. Dionysius is in the Roman Martyrology on
17 Nov., but he is also intended, with the companions
of his flight in the Decian persecution, by the mistaken
notice on 3 Oct.: Dionysius, Faustus, Gaius, Peter,
and Paul, Martyrs(I)* The same error is found in
Greek menologies.
The principal remaina of Dionysius are the citation* in
Eubkhus, H. B., V7-VII. a few fragments of the books On
Nature in Idem, Prop. Bvang., xiv, and the quotations in
Vra an asius, De SentenXa Dionyeii, etc. A collection of these
and other fragments is in Gallandi, BM. Vett. Patrum, III
XIV, reprinted in P. G., X. The fullest ed. is by Simon db
MagisYris, S. Dion. Al. Opp. omnia (Rome, 1796); also
Routh, Reliquia Sacra, III-IV. Syriao and Armenian frag-
ments in Pitra, Analccta Sacra, IV. A complete list of au
the fragments is in Harnack, Gesch. der altchr. Litt., I, 409-27,
but his account of the passages from the Catena on Luke
(probably from a letter to Origen, On Martyrdom) needs com-
pleting from Sickenbergbr, Die Lucaekatene dee Niketae von
Heradeia (Leipzig. 1902). For the life of Dionysius see
Tillemont, IV; Acta SS., 3 Oct.; Dittrich, Dionysius der
Grosse, cine Monographic (Freiburg im Br., 1867); Morize,
Denys a" Alexandria (Paris, 1881). Dom Morin tned unsuc-
cessfully to identify the Canons of Hippolytue with Dionysius*
'Etktt6Ai fttoicoruHk fit* 'Iva-oAvrov (Eubkb., H. E., VI, 45-6)
in Revue Benzidine (1900), XVII, 241. Also Msrcati, Note
di leUeratura bibl. et crist. ant.: Due rupposte lettere di Dionioi
Aless. (Rome, 1901). For chronology see Harnack, Chronol.,
I, 202, II, 57. A very good account, with full bibliography, is
in Bardbnhkwer, Gesch. der altkirchl. Lilt., II. On the
Chiliastic question see Grt, he Millenarieme (Paris, 1904), 101.
John Chapman.
Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite. — By "Diony-
sius the Areopagite" is usually understood the judge
of the Areopagus who, as related in Acts, xvii, 34, was
converted to Christianity by the preaching of St. Paul,
and according to Dionysius of Corinth (Eusebius, Hist.
Eccl., Ill, iv) was Bishop of Athens. In the course of
time, however, two errore of far-reaching import arose
in connexion with this name. In the first place, a
series of famous writings of a rather peculiar nature was
ascribed to the Areopagite and, secondly, he was popu-
larly identified with the holy martyr of Gaul, Diony-
sius, the first Bishop of Paris. It is not our purpose
to take up directly the latter point; we shall concern
ourselves here (1) with the person of the Pseudo-
Areopagite; (2) with the classification, contents, and
characteristics of his writings; (3) with their history
and transmission; under this head the question as to
the genuineness, origin, first acceptance, and gradual
spread of these writings will be answered.
Deep obscurity still novers about the person of the
Pseudo-Areopagite. External evidence as to the time
and place of nis birth, his education, and later occupa-
tion is entirely wanting. Our only source of informa-
tion regarding this problematic personage is the writ-
ings themselves. The clues furnished by the first ap-
pearance and by the character of the writings enable us
to conclude that the author belongs at the very earliest
to the latter half of the fifth century, and that, in all
probability, he was a native of Syria. His thoughts,
phrases, and expressions show a great familiarity with
the works of the neo-Platonists, especially with Ploti-
nus and Proclus. He is also thoroughly versed in the
sacred books of the Old and the New Testament, and
in the works of the Fathers as far as Cyril of Alex-
andria. (Passages from the Areopagitic writings are
indicated by title and chapter. In this article D. D.
N. stands for "De divinis nominibus"; C. H. for
"Caelestis hierarchia"; E. H. for " Ecclesiastica hierar-
chia"; Th.M.for "Theologia mystica". which are all
found in Migne, P. G., vol. III.) In a letter to Poly-
carp (Ep. vu; P. G., Ill, 1080 A) and in "Casl. hier."
(ix, 3; P. G., Ill, 260 D) he intimates that he was
formerly a pagan, and this seems quite probable, con-
sidering the peculiar character of his literary work.
But one should be more cautious in regard to certain
other personal references, for instance that he was
chosen teacher of the "newly-baptifced" (D. D. N., iii,
2; P. G., Ill, 681 B); that his spiritual father and
guide was a wise and saintly man, Hierotheus by name ;
that he was advised by the latter and ordered by his
own superiors to compose these works (ibid., 681 so.).
And it is plainly for the purpose of deceiving that ne
tells of having observed the solar eclipse at Christ's
Crucifixion (Ep., vii, 2; P. G., in, 1081 A) and of
having, with Hierotheus, the Apostles (Peter and
James), and other hierarchs, looked upon " the Life-.
Begetting, God-Receiving body, i. e. of the Blessed
Virgin" (D. D. N.f iii, 2; P. G., in, 681 C). The
former of these accounts is based on Matt., xxvii, 45,
DIONTSIUS
14
DIONYSIUS
and Mark, xv, 33; the latter refers to apocryphal de-
scriptions of the "Dormitio Maria?". For the same
purpose, i. e. to create the impression that the author
belonged to the times of the Apostles and that he
was identical with the Areopagite mentioned in the
Acts, different persons, such as John the Evangelist,
Paul, Timothy, Titus, Justus, and Carpus, with whom
he is supposed to be on intimate terms, figure in his
writings.
The doctrinal attitude of the Pseudo-Areopagite is
not clearly defined. A certain vagueness, which was
perhaps intended, is characteristic of his Christology,
especially in the question concerning the two natures
in Christ. We may well surmise that he was not a
stranger to the later, and rather modified, form of
Monophysitism and that he belonged to that con-
ciliatory group which sought, on the basis of the
Henoticon issued in 482 by the Emperor Zeno (Eva-
grius, Hist. Eccl., Ill, xiv), to reconcile the extremes
of orthodoxy and heresy. This reserved, indefinite
attitude of the* author explains the remarkable fact
that opposite factions claimed him as an adherent.
As to his social rank, a careful comparison of certain
details scattered through his works shows that he be-
longed to the class of scholars who were known at the
time as (rxoXaortKo/.
The writings themselves form a collection of four
treatises and ten letters. The first treatise, which is
also the most important in scope and content, presents
in thirteen chapters an explanation of the Divine
names. Setting out from the principle that the names
of God are to be learned from Scripture only, and that
they afford us but aa imperfect knowledge of God,
Dionysius discusses, among other topics,* God's good-
ness, being, life, wisdom, power, and justice. The one
underlying thought of the work, recurring again and
again under different forms and phrases, is: God, the
One Being (rb tr), transcending all quality and predi-
cation, all affirmation and negation, and all intellectual
conception, by the very force of His love and good-
ness gives to beings outside Himself their countless
gradations, unites them in the closest bonds (rpo68os).
keeps each by His care and direction in its appointed
sphere, and draws them again in an ascending order to
Himself (lrurTpo<t>'lj\ While he illustrates the inner
life of the Trinity by metaphors of blossom and light
applied to the Second and Third Persons (D. D- N., ii, 7
in r. G., Ill, 645 B), Dionysius represents the procession
of all created things from God by the exuberance of
being in the Godhead (r& vrepr\i}p€i), its outpouring
and overflowing (D. D. N., ix, 9 in P. G., Ill, 909 C;
cf. ii, 10 in P. G III, 648 C; xiii, 1 in P. G., Ill, 977
B), and as a flashing forth from the sun of the Deity
(D. D. N., iv, 6 in P. G., Ill, 701 A; iv, 1 in P. G., Ill,
693 B). Exactly according to their physical nature
created things absorb more or less of the radiated light,
which, however, grows weaker the farther it descends
(D. D. N., xi, 2 in P. G., Ill, 952 A; i, 2 in P. G., Ill,
588 C). As the mighty root sends forth a multitude
of plants which it sustains and controls, so created
things owe their' origin and conservation to the All-
Ruling Deity (D. D. N., x. 1 in P. G., Ill, 936 D).
Patterned upon the original of Divine love, righteous-
ness, and peace, is the harmony that pervades the uni-
verse (D. D. N., chapters iv, viii, xi). All things tend
to God, and in Him all are merged and completed, just
as the circle returns into itself (D. D. N., iv, 14 in
P. G., Ill, 712 D), as the radii are joined in the centre,
or as the numbers are contained in unity (D. D. N., v,
6 in P. G., Ill, 820 sq.). These and many similar ex-
pressions have given rise to frequent charges of Pan-
theism against the author. He does not, however,
assert a necessary emanation of things from God, but
admits a free creative act on the part of God (D. D. N.,
iv, 10 in P. G., Ill, 708 B; cf. C. H., iv, 1 in P. G., Ill,
177 C) ; still the echo of neo-PIatonism is unmistakable.
The same thoughts, or their applications to certain
orders of being, recur in his other writings The sec-
ond treatise develops in fifteen chapters the doctrine
of the celestial hierarchy, comprising nine angelic
choirs which are divided into closer groupings of three
choirs each (triads). The names of the nine choirs
are taken from the canonical books and are arranged
in the following order. First triad: seraphim, cheru-
bim, thrones; second triad: virtues, dominations,
powers; third triad: principalities, archangels, angels
(C. H., vi, 2 in P. G., Ill, 200 D). The grouping of
the second triad exhibits some variations. From the
etymology of each choir-name the author labours to
evolve a wealth of description, and, as a result, lapses
frequently into tautology. Quite characteristic is the
dominant idea that the different choirs of angels are
less intense in their love and knowledge of God the
farther they are removed from Him, just as a ray of
light or of heat grows weaker the farther it travels
from its source. To this must be added another
fundamental idea peculiar to the Pseudo-Areopagite,
namely, that the highest choirs transmit the light re-
ceived from the Divine Source only to the intermediate
choirs, and these in turn transmit it to the lowest.
The third treatise is but a continuation of the other
two, inasmuch as it is based on the same leading
ideas. It deals with the nature and grades of the
"ecclesiastical hierarchy" in seven chapters, each of
which is subdivided into three parts (rp6\oyos, fivar^-
pior, Oewpia). After an introduction which discusses
God's purpose in establishing the hierarchy ot
the Church, and which pictures Christ as its Head,
holy and supreme, Dionysius treats of three sacra-
ments (baptism, the Eucharist, extreme unction), of
the three grades of the Teaching Church (bishops,
griests, deacons), of three grades of the "Learning
hurch" (monks, people, and the class composed of
catechumens, energumens, and penitents), and, lastly,
of the burial of the dead [C. H., iii, f3), 6 in P. G., Ill,
432 sq.; vi in P. G., Ill, 529 sq.]. The main purpose
of the author is to disclose and turn to the uses of con-
templation the deeper mystical meaning which under-
lies the sacred rites, ceremonies, institutions^ and sym-
bols. The fourth treatise is entitled " Mystical Theol-
ogy", and presents in five chapters guiding principles
concerning the mystical union with God, which is en-
tirely beyond the compass of sensuous or intellectual
perception (Arorrefo). The ten letters, four addressed
to a monk, Caius, and one each to a deacon, Dorotheus,
to a priest, Sopater, to the bishop Polycarp, to a monk,
Demophilus, to the bishop Titus, and to the Apostle
John, contain, in part, additional or supplementary
remarks on the above-mentioned principal works, and
in part, practical hints for dealing with sinners and
unbelievers. Since in all these writings the same
salient thoughts on philosophy and theology recur
with the same striking peculiarities of expression and
with manifold references, in both form and matter,
from one work to another, the assumption is justified
that they are all to be ascribed to one and the same
author. In fact, at its first appearance in the literary
world the entire corpus of these writings was combined
as it is now. An eleventh letter to Apollophanes,
given in Migne, P. G., Ill, 1119, is a medieval forgery
based on the seventh letter. Apocryphal, also, are a
letter to Timothy and a second letter to Titus.
Dionysius would lead us to infer that he is the au-
thor of still other learned treatises, namely: "Theo-
logical Outlines" (D. D. N., ii, 3 in P. G., Ill, 640
B); "Sacred Hymns" (C. H., vii, 4 in P. G., Ill, 212
B) ; "Symbolic Theology" (C. H., xv, 6 in P. G., III.
336 A), and treatises on "The Righteous Judgment of
God" (D. D. N., iv, 35 in P. G., Ill, 736 B), on "The
Soul" (D. D. N., iv, 2 in P. G., III. 696 C), and on
"The Objects of Intellect and Sense" (E. H., i, 2 in P.
G., Ill, 373 B). No reliable trace, however, of any of
these writings has ever been discovered, and in his
references to them Dionysius is as uncontrollable aa in
«.»
DIONYSIUS
15
DIONYSIUS
his citations from Hierotheus. It may be asked if
these are not fictions pure and simple, designed to
strengthen the belief in the genuineness of the actually
published works. This suspicion seems to be more
warranted because of other discrepancies, e. g. when
Dionysius, the priest, in his letter to Timothy, extols
the latter as a Bcotdfr, Meoi, defirt Updpxv*, and
nevertheless seeks to instruct him in those sublime
secret doctrines that are for bishops only (E. H., i, 5
ui P. G., Ill, 377 A), doctrines, moreover, which, since
Mie cessation of the Disciplina Arcani, had already
been made public. Again, Dionysius points out (D.
D. N., iii; 2 in P. G., Hi; 681 B ; cf . E. H., iv, 2 in P. G.,
Ill, 476 B) that his writings are intended to serve as
catechetical instruction for the newly-baptized. This
is evidently another contradiction of his above-men-
tioned statement.
We may now turn to the history of the Pseudo-
Dionysian writings. This embraces a period of almost
fifteen hundred years, and three distinct turning
points in its course have divided it into as many dis-
tinct periods: first, the period of the gradual rise and
settlement of the writings in Christian literature, dat-
ing from the latter part of the fifth century to the
Lateran Council, 649; second, the period of their
highest and universally acknowledged authority, both
in the Western and in the Eastern Church, lasting till the
beginning of the fifteenth century; third, the period of
sharp conflict waged about their authenticity, begun by
Laurentiiis Valla, and closing only within recent years.
The Areopagitica were formerly supposed to have
made their first appearance, or rather to have been first
noticed by Christian writers, in a few pseudo-epigraph-
ical works which have now been proved to be the
products of a much later period; as, for instance, in
the following : Pseudo-Origenes, " Homilia in divereos
secunda"; Pseudo-Athanasius, "Qusestiones ad An-
tiochum ducem", Q. viii; Pseudo-Hippolytus, against
the heretic Beron; Pseudo-Chrysostom, "Sermo de
pseudo-prophet is". Until quite recently more credit
was given to other lines of evidence on which Franz
Hipler endeavoured to support his entirely new thesis,
to the effect that the author of the writings lived about
the year 375 in Egypt, as Abbot of Khinokorura.
Hipler's attempts, however, at removing the textual
difficulties, tfffXet^tf, &fc\<t>6$€o$, <rfy«a, proved to be
unsuccessful. In fact, those very passages in which
Hipler thought that the Fathers had made use of the
Areopagite (e. g. in Gregory of Nazianzus and Jerome)
do not tell in favour of his hypothesis ; on the contrary,
they are much better explained if the converse be as-
sumed, namely, that Pseudo-Dionysius drew from
them. Hipler himself, convinced by the results of
recent research, has abandoned this opinon. Other
events also, both historical and literary, evidently ex-
erted a marked influence on the Areopagite: (1) the
Council of Chalcedon (451), the Christological termi-
nology of which was studiously followed by Dionysius;
(2) the writings of the neo-Platonist Proclus (411-
485), from whom Dionysius borrowed to a surprising
extent; (3) the introduction (c. 476) of the Credo into
the liturgy of the Mass, which is alluded to in the
"Ecclesiastical Hierarchy" [iii, 2, in P. G., Ill, 425 C,
and iii, (3), 7 in P. G., Ill, 436 C ; cf . the explanation of
Maximus in P. G., IV, 144 B]; (4) the Henoticon of
the Emperor Zeno (482), a* formula of union designed
forHhe bishops, clerics, monks, and faithful of the
Orient, as a compromise between Monophysitism and
orthodoxy. Both in spirit and tendency the Areopa-
gitica correspond fully to the sense of the Henoticon:
and one might easily infer that they not only originated
in the same sphere, out that they were made to further
thepurpose of the Henoticon.
Tne result of the foregoing data is that the first ap-
pearance of the pseudo-epigraphical writings cannot
Be placed earlier than the latter half, in fact at the
olose, of the fifth century.
Having ascertained a terminus post QUfm, it is pos-
sible by means of evidence taken from Dionysius him-
self to fix a terminus ante quern, thus narrowing to
about thirty years the period within which these
writings must nave originated. The earliest reliable,
citations from the writings of Dionysius are from the
end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century.
The first is by Severus, the head of a party of moderate
Monophysites named after him, and Patriarch of An-
tioch (512-518). In a letter addressed to a certain
abbot, John (Mai, Script, vett. nov. coll., VII, i, 71),
he quotes in proof of his doctrine of the /da <r6v6cro$
*Ani in Christ the Dionysian Ep. iv (P. G., Ill, 1072
C), where a jourfy Btavipu^i irdpycia is mentioned.
Again, in the treatise " Ad versus ana them; Juliani
Halicarn." (Cod. Syr. Vat. 140, fol. 100 b), Severus
cites a passage from D. D. N., ii, 9, P. G., Ill, 648 A
(dXXA Kal rb r&vrjt $wpQ SterXdrrero), and returns
once more to Ep. iv. In the Syrian " History of the
Church "of Zacharias (ed. Ahrens-Kruger, 134-5) it is
related that Severus, a man well-versed in the writings
of Dionysius (Areop.), was present at the Synod m
Tyre (513). Andreas, Bishop of CsBsarea in Cappa-
docia, wrote (about 520) a commentary on the Apoc-
alypse wherein he quotes the Areopagite four tunes
ana makes use of at least three of his works (Migne,
P. G., CVI, 257, 305, 356, 780; cf. Diekamp in "Hist.
Jahrb.", XVIII, 1897, pp. 1-36). Like Severus,
Zacharias Rhetor and, in all probability, also Andreas
of Cappadocia, inclined to Monophysitism (Diekamp,
ibid., pp. 33, 34). It must be mentioned here that
a "Book of Hierotheus1' — Hierotheus had come to
be regarded as the teacher of Dionysius — existed in
the Syrian literature of that time and exerted consider-
able influence in the spread of Dionysian doctrines.
Frothingham (Stephen bar Sudaili, p. 63 sq.) considers
the pantheist Stephen Bar Sudaili as its author. Job-
ius Monachus, a contemporary of the writers just men-
tioned, published against Severus a polemical treatise
which has since been lost, but claims the Areopagite as
authority for the orthodox teaching (P. G., CIII, 765).
So also Ephraem, Archbishop of Antioch (527-545),
interprets in a right sense the well-known passage
from D. D. N., i, 4, P. G., Ill, 529 A: 6 ArXoOf 'IiftroOt
ovrerHh), by distinguishing between rivOerot inrbrraffit
and rf rferof ofola. Between the years 532-548, if not
earlier, John of ScythopoUs in Palestine wrote an in-
terpretation of Dionysius (Pitra, " Analect. sacr.", IV,
Proleg., p. xxiii; cf. Loofs, "Leontius of Byzantium",
L270 sqq.) from an anti-Severian standpoint. In
mtius of Byzantium (485-543) we have another
important witness. This eminent champion of Catho-
lic doctrine in at least four passages of his works
builds on the /jJyas Atortrcot (P. G., LXXXVI, 1213
A; 1288 C; 1304 D; Canisius-Basnace, "Thesaur.
monum. eccles.", Antwerp, 1725, I, 571). Sergius of
Resaina in Mesopotamia, archiater and presbyter (d.
536), at an early date translated the works of Diony-
sius into Syriac. He admitted their genuineness, and
for their defence also translated into Syriac the already
current "Apologies" (Brit. Mus. cod. add. 1251 and
22370; cf. Zacharias Rhetor in Ahrens-Kruger, p.
208). He himself was a Monophysite.
By far the most important document in the case is
the report given by Bishop Innocent of Maronia of the
religious debate held at Constantinople in 533 between
seven orthodox and seven Severian speakers (Har-
douin, II, 1159 sqq.). The former had as leader and
spokesman Hypatius, Bishop of Ephesus, who was
thoroughly versed in the literature of the subject. On
the second day the ''Orientals" (Severians) alleged
against the Council of Chalcedon, that it had by a
novel and erroneous expression decreed two natures
in Christ. Besides Cyril of Alexandria, Athanasius,
Gregory Thaumaturgus, and Felix and Julius of Rome,
they also quoted Dionysius the Areopagite as an ex-
ponent of the doctrine of one nature. Hypatius re-
dionysius
16
DIONYSIUS
jected as spurious all these citations, and showed that
Cyril never made the slightest use of them, though on
various occasions they would have served his purpose
admirably. He suspects that these falsifiers are Apol-
linarists. When the Severians rejoined that they could
ooint out in the polemical writings of Cyril against Dio-
dorus and Theodore the use made of such evidence, Hy-
patius persisted in the stand he had taken: "sed nunc
videtur auorriam et in illis libris [Cyrilli] hseretici fal-
santes aadiderunt ea ' '. The references to the archives
at Alexandria had just as little weight with him, since
Alexandria, with its libraries, had long been in the
hands of the heretics. How could an interested party
of the opposition be introduced as a witness? Hypa-
tius refers again especially to Dionysius and success-
fully puts down the opposition: " Ilia enim testimonia
qu» vos Dionysii Areopagits dicitis, unde potestis
ostendere vera esse, sicut suspicamini? Si enim eius
erant, non potuissent latere beatum Cyrillum. Quid
autem de beato Cyrillo dico, quando et beatus Athana-
sius, si pro certo scisset eius fuisse, ante omnia in Ni-
caeno concilio de consubstantiali Trinitate eadem tes-
timonia protulisset adversus Arii diverse substantia)
blasphemias". Indeed, as to the consubstantiality
of the Father and the Son the Areopagite has state-
ments that leave no room for misinterpretation; and
had these come from a disciple of the Apostles, they
would have been all the more valuable. Hereupon the
Severians dropped this objection and turned to an-
other.
The fact must, indeed, appear remarkable that these
very writings, though rejected outright by such an
authority as Hypatius, were within little more than a
century looked upon as genuine by Catholics, so that
they could be used against the heretics during the
Lateran Council in 649 (Hardouin, III, 699 sqq.). How
had this reversion been brought about? As the fol-
lowing grouping will show, it was chiefly heterodox
writers^ Monophysites, Nestorians, and Monothelites,
who during several decades appealed to the Areopa-
gite. But among Catholics also there were not a few
who assumed the genuineness, and as some of these
were persons of consequence, the way was gradually
paved for the authorization of his writings in the
above-mentioned council. To the group of Mono-
physites belonged: Themistius, deacon in Alexandria
about 537 (Hardouin, III, 784, 893 sq., 1240 sq.);
Colluthus of Alexandria, about 540 (Hardouin, III,
786, 895, 898); John Philoponus, an Alexandrian
grammarian, about 546-549 (W. Reichardt, "Philo-
ponus, de opificio mundi"); Petrus Callinicus, Mono-
physite Patriarch of Antioch, in the latter half of the
sixth century, cited Dionysius in his polemic against
the Patriarch Damianus of Alexandria (II, xfi and
xlvii; cf. Frothingham, op. cit., after Cod. Syr. Vat.,
108, i. 282 sqq.). As examples of the Nestorian group
may be mentioned Joseph Husaja, a Syrian monk,
teacher about 580 at the school of Nisibis (Assemani,
Bibl. orient., vol. Ill, pt. I, p. 103); also Ischojeb,
catholicos, from 580 or 581 to 594 or 595 (Braun,
"Buch der Synhados", p. 229 sq.); and John of Apa-
mea, a monk in one of the cloisters situated on the
Orontes, belonging mostprobably to the sixth century
(Cod. Syr. Vat., 93). The heads of the Monothelites,
Sergius, Patriarch of Constantinople (610-638), Cyrus,
Patriarch of Alexandria (630-643), Pyrrhus, the suc-
cessor of Sergius in Constantinople (639-641), took as
the starting point in their heresy the fourth letter of
Dionysius to Caius, wherein they altered the oft-
quoted formula, tarty**} iripyeui into pda 6w*w8pudi
m/rytia.
To glance briefly at the Catholic group we find in
the " Historia Euthymiaca", written about the middle
of the sixth century, a passage taken, according to a
citation of John Damascene (P. G., XCVI, 748), frora
D. D. N., iii, 2, P. G., IH, 682 D: va^jcaw H—hr9xo6-
rw. Another witness, who at the same time' leads
over to the Latin literature, is Liberatus of Carthage
(Breviarium causae Nestor, et Eutych., ch. v). Jo-
annes Malalas, of Antioch, who died about 565, nar-
rates, in his "Universal Chronicle", the conversion of
the judge of the Areopagus through St. Paul (Acts,
xvii, 34), and praises our author as a powerful pnilos-.
opher and antagonist of the Greeks (P. G., XCVI I,
384; cf. Krumbacher, Gesch. d. by*. Lit.'1, 3rd ed.,
E. 112 sol). Another champion was Theodore, pres-
yter. Though it is difficult to locate him chrono-
logically he was, according to Le Nourry (P. G., Ill,
16), an "auctor antiquissimus" who flourished, at all
events, before the Lateran Council in 649 and, as we
learn from Photius (P. G., CHI, 44 sq.), undertook to
defend. the genuineness of the Areopagitic writings.
The repute, moreover, of these writings was enhanced
in a marked degree by the following eminent church-
men: Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria (580-607),
knew and quoted, among others, the D. D. N., xiii, 2,
verbatim (P. G., CHI, 1061 ; cf . Der Katholik, 1897, II,
p. 95 sq.). From Eulogius we naturally pass to Pope
Gregory the Great, with whom he enjoyed a close and
honourable friendship. Gregory the Great (590-604),
in his thirty-fourth Homily on Luke, xv, 1-10 (P. L.,
LXXVI, 1254), distinctly refers to the Areopagite's
teaching regarding the Angels: "Fertur vero Diony-
sius Areopagita, antiquus videlicet et venerabifis
Pater, dicere ' etc. (cf . C. H., vii, ix, xiii). As Gregory
admits that he is not versed in Greek (Ewald, Keg.,
1, 28; III, 63* X, 10, 21), he uses fertur not to express
his doubt of the genuineness, but to imply that he had
to rely on the testimony of others, since at the time,
no Latin version existed. It is, indeed, most probable
that Eulogius directed his attention to the work.
About the year 620, Antiochus Monachus, a mem-
ber of the Sabas monastery near Jerusalem, compiled
a collection of moral "sentences" designed for the
members of his order (P. G., LXXXIX, 1415 sqq.).
In the "Homilia (capitulum) LII" we discover a
number of similar expressions and Biblical examples
which are borrowed from the eighth letter of Diony-
sius "ad Demophilum,, (P. G., Ill, 1085 sq.). In
other passages frequent reference is made to the D. D.
N. In the following years, two Patriarchs of Jerusa-
lem, both from monasteries, defend Dionysius .as a
time-honoured witness of the true doctrines. The first
is the Patriarch Modestus (631-634), formerly abbot
of the Theodosius monastery in the desert of Juda.
In a panegyric on the AssumpHo Maria (P. G.,
LXXXVI, 3277 sq.) he quotes sentences from the
D. D. N., i, 4; ii, 10; from the "Theologia Mvstica",
i, 1; and from Ep. ii. The second, a still brighter
luminary in the Cnurch, is the Patnarch Sophronius
(634-638), formerly a monk of the Theodosius monas-
tery near Jerusalem. Immediately after his installation
he published an epistula synodica, "perhaps the most
important document in the Monothelitic dispute".
It gives, among other dogmas, a lengthy exposition of
the doctrine of two energies in Christ (Hefele, Concilien-
gesch., 2nd ed., Ill, 140 sqq.). Citing from "Ep. iv
ad Caium" (Btardpurtj ir4pytia)~he refers to our author
as a man through whom God speaks and who was won
over by the Divine Paul in a Divine manner (P. G.f
LXXXVII, 3177). Maximus Confessor evidently
rests upon Sophronius, whose friendship he had gained
while abbot of the monastery of Chrysopolis in Alex-
andria (633). In accordance with Sophronius he ex-
plains the Dionysian term flearfyuH) Mpyet* in an or-
thodox sense, and praises it as indicating both essences
and natures in their distinct properties and yet in clos-
est union (P. G., XCI, 345). Following the example
of Sophronius. Maximus also distinguishes in Christ
three kinds of actions (Bwwpereh, av$puTOTp€TeU and
ju«TaQ(P.G.,IV,536). Thus the Monothelites lost tl
strongelsiwcsjaQj^and the Lateran Coimcil-feunof the
saving word (Hetelc; cp. git.,gsdeu., 11J7129). In other
regards also Maximus plays an important part in the
DIONYSITJS
17
DIONYSIU8
authorization of the Areopagitica. A lover of theo-
logico-mystical speculation, he showed an uncommon
reverence for these writings, and by his glosses (P. G.,
IV), in which he explained dubious passages of Diony-
sius in an orthodox sense, he contributed greatly to-
wards the recognition of Dionysius in the Middle Ages.
•Another equally indefatigable champion of Dyopny-
sitism was Anastasius, a monk from the monastery of
Sinai, who in 640 began his chequered career as a
wandering preacher. Not only in his "Guide"
(Mh/yfo), but also in the "Quaestiones" and in the
seventh book of the "Meditations on the Hexseme-
ron", he unhesitatingly makes use of different pas-
sages from Dionysius (P. G., LXXXIX). By this
time a point had been reached at which the official
seal, so to speak, could be put upon the Dionysian
writings. Tne Lateran Council of 649 solemnly re-
jected the Monothelite heresy (Hardouin, III, 609
sqq.). Pope Martin I quotes from the D. D. N., ii, 9 :
iv, 20 and 23; and the "Ep. ad Caium"; speaks of
the author as "beatae memorise Dionysius", ''Diony-
sius egregius, sanctus, beatus", and vigorously objects
to the perversion of the text: una instead of nova dei
et viri operatic The influence which Maximus ex-
erted by his personal appearance at the council and
by his above-mentioned explanation of fearftpuc^
ivifTfua is easily recognized ("Dionysius duplicem
[operationem] duplicis naturae compositivo sermone
abusus est" — Hardouin, III, 787). Two of the tes-
timonies of the Fathers which were read in the fifth
session are taken from Dionysius. Little wonder,
then, that thenceforth no doubt was expressed con-
cerning the genuineness of the Areopagitica. Pope
Agatho, in a dogmatic epistle directed to the Emperor
Constantine (680) cites among otherpassages from
the Fathers also the D. D. N., ii, 6. The Sixth (Ecu-
menical Council of Constantinople (680) followed in
the footsteps of the Lateran Synod, again defended
"Ep. iv ad. Caium" against the falsification of
Pyrrhus, and rejected the meaning which the Mono-
thelite Patriarch Macarius assigned to the passage
(Hardouin, III, 1099, 1346, 1066). In the second
Council of Nicsea (787) we find the ''Celestial Hierar-
chy" of the "deifer Dionysius" cited against the
Iconoclasts (Hardouin, IV, 362). Tina finishes the
first and darkest period in the history of the Areopa-
S'tica; and it may be summarized as follows. The
ionysian writings appeared in public for the first
time m the Monopnysite controversies. The Severians
made use of them first and were followed by the or-
thodox. After the religious debate at Constantinople
in 533 witnesses for the genuineness of the Areopa-
gitica began to increase among the different heretics.
Despite the opposition of Hypatius, Dionysius did
not altogether lose his authonty even among Catho-
lics, which was due chiefly to Leontius and Epnram of
Antioch. The number of orthodox Christians who
defended him grew steadily, comprising high ecclesias-
tical dignitaries who had come from monasteries.
Finally, under the influence of Maximus, the Lateran
Council (649) cited him as a competent witness against
Monothelism.
As to the second period, universal recognition of the
Areopagitic writings in the Middle Ages, we need not
mention the Greek Church, which is especially proud
of him ; but neither in the West was a voice raised in
challenge down to the first half of the fifteenth century ;
on the contrary, his works were regarded as exceed-
ingly valuable and even as sacred. It was believed
that St. Paul, who had communicated his revelations
to his disciple in Athens, spoke through these writings
(Histor.-polit. Blatter, CXXV, 1900, p. 541). As
there is no doubt concerning the fact itself, a glance
at the main divisions of the tradition may suffice.
Rome received the original text of the Areopagitica un-
doubtedly through Greek monks. The oppressions on
the part of Islam during the sixth and seventh centuries
V-2
compelled many Greek and Oriental monks to aban-
don their homes and settle in Italy. In Rome itself, a
monastery for Greek monks was built under Stephen
II and Paul I. It was also Paul I (757-767) who in
757 sent the writings of Dionysius, together with other
books, to Pepin in France. Adrian I (772-795) also
mentioned Dionysius as a testis gravissimus in a letter
accompanying the Latin translation of the Acts of the
Nicsean Council (787) which he sent to Charlemagne.
During the first half of the ninth century the facts con-
cerning Dionysius are mainly grouped around the
Abbot Hilduin of Saint-Denys at Pans. Through the
latter the false idea that the Gallic martyr Dionysius
of the third century, whose relics were preserved in the
monastery of Saint-Denys, was identical with the
Areopagite rose to an undoubted certainty, while
the works ascribed to Dionysius gained in repute.
Through a legation from Constantinople, Michael II
had sent several gtf ts to the Frankish Emperor Louis
the Pious (827), and among them were the writings of
the Areopagite, which gave particular joy and honour
to Hilduin, the influential arch-chaplain of Louis.
Hilduin took care to have them translated into Latin
and he himself wrote a life of the saint (P. L., CVI, 13
sq.). About the year 858 Scotus Eriugena, who was
versed in Greek, made a new Latin translation of the
Areopagite, which became the main source from
which the Middle Ages obtained a knowledge of Diony-
sius and his doctrines. The work was undertaken at
the instance of Charles the Bald, at whose court Sco-
tus enjoyed neat influence (P. L., CXXII, 1026 sq.;
cf. Traube, ''Poet. lat. «v. Carol.", II, 520, 859 scj.).
Compared with Hilduin's, this second translation
marks a decided step in advance. Scotus, with his
keen dialectical skill and his soaring speculative mind,
found in the Areopagite a kindred spirit. Hence, de-
spite many errors of translation due to-the obscurity of
tne Greek original, he was able to grasp the connexions
of thought and to penetrate the problems. As he ac-
companied his translations witn explanatory notes
and as, in his philosophical and theological writings,
particularly in the work "De divisione naturae" (P.
L., CXXII), he recurs again and again to Dionysius, it
is readily seen how much he did towards securing
recognition for the Areopagite.
The works of Dionysius, thus introduced into West-
ern literature, were readily accepted by the medieval
Scholastics. The great masters of Saint- Victor at
Paris, foremost among them the much-admired
Hugh, based their teaching on the doctrine of Di-
onysius. Peter Lombard and the greatest Dominican
and Franciscan scholars, Alexander of Hales, Albertus
Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Bona venture, adopted his
theses and arguments. Master poets, e. g. Dante, and
historians, e. g. Otto of Freising, built on his founda-
tions. Scholars as renowned as Robert Grosseteste of
Lincoln and Vincent of Beau vais drew upon him freely.
Popular religious books, such as the " Legenda aurea"
of Giacomo da Varagine and the "Life of Mary" by
Brother Philip, gave him a cordial welcome. The
great mystics, Eckhardt, Tauler, Suso, and others,
entered the mysterious obscurity of the writings of
Dionysius with a holy reverence. In rapid succes-
sion there appeared a number of translations: Latin
translations by Joannes Sarrasenus (1170), Robert
Grosseteste (about 1220), Thomas Vercellensis (1400),
Ambrosius Camaldulensis (1436), Marsilius Ficinus
(1492) : in the sixteenth century those of Faber Stapu-
lensis, Perionius, etc. Among the commentaries that
of Hugh of Saint- Victor is notable for its warmth,
that of Albertus Magnus for its extent, that of St.
Thomas for its accuracy, that of Denys the Carthusian
for its pious spirit and its masterly inclusion of all
previous commentaries.
It was reserved for the period of the Renaissance to
break with the time-honoured tradition. True, some
of the older Humanists, as Pico della Mirandola, Map-
I
DIOSOORUS
18
DIOSOORUS
tilius Ficinus, and the Englishman John Colet, were still
convinced of the genuineness of the writings; but the
keen and daring critic, Laurentius Valla (1407-1457),
in his glosses to the New Testament, expressed his
doubts quite openly and thereby gave the impulse, at
first for the scholarly Erasmus (1504) and later on for
the entire scientific world, to take sides either with or
against Dionysius. The conseauence was the forma-
tion of two camps ; among the adversaries were not only
Protestants (Luther, Scultetus, Dallaeus, etc.) but also
grominent Catholic theologians (Beatus Rhenanus,
ajetan, Morinus, Sirmond, Petavius, Lequien, Le
Nourry) ; among the defenders of Dionysius were Ba-
ronius, Bellahnine, Lansselius, Corderius, Halloix, Del-
rio, de Rubeis, Lessius, Alexander Natalis, and others.
The literary controversy assumed such dimensions and
was carried on so vehemently that it can only be com-
pared to the dispute concerning the Pseudo-Isidorian
decretals and the Pseudo-Constantinian donation.
In the nineteenth century the general opinion inclined
more and more towards the opposition ; the Germans
especially, Mdhler, Fessler, Dollinger, Hergenrother,
ALeog, Funk, and others made no reserve of their de-
cision for the negative. At this juncture the scholarly
professor Franz Hipler came forward and attempted
to save the honour of Dionysius. He finds in Diony-
sius not a falsifier, but a prominent theologian of the
fourth century who, through no fault of his own, but
owing to the misinterpretation of some passages, was
confounded with the Areopagite. Many Catholics,
and many Protestants as well, voiced their approval.
Finally, in 1895 there appeared almost simultaneously
two independent researches, by Hugo Koch and by
Joseph Stiglmayr, both of whom started from the
same point and arrived at the same goal. The con-
clusion reached was that extracts from the treatise of
the neo-Platonist Proclus, " De malorum subsistentia"
(handed down in the Latin translation of Morbeka,
Cousin ed., Paris, 1864), had been used by Dionysius in
the treatise " De div. nom." (c. iv, §§19-35). A careful
analysis brought to light an astonishing agreement of
both works in arrangement, sequence of thought, ex-
amples, figures, and expressions. It is easy to point out
many parallelisms from other and later writings of
Proclus, e. g. from his "Institutio theologica", "Theo-
logia Platonica", and his commentary on Plato's
"Parmenides", "Alcijbiades I", and "Timaeus" (these
five having been written after 462).
Accordingly, the long-standing problem seems to be
solved in its most important phase. As a matter of
fact this is the decision pronounced by the most com-
petent judges, such as Bardenhewer, Ehrhard, Funk,
Diekamp, Rausehen, De Smedt, S. J., Duchesne, Batif-
f ol ; ana the Protestant scholars of early Christian lit-
erature, Gelzer, Harnack, Kruger, Bonwetsch. The
chronology being thus determined, an explanation was
readily found for the various objections hitherto al-
leged, viz. the silence of the earlier Fathers, the later
dogmatic terminology, a developed monastic, ceremo-
nial, and penitential system, the echo of neo-Plato-
nism, etc. On the other hand it sets at rest many
hypotheses which had been advanced concerning the
author and his times and various discussions —
whether, e. g., a certain Apollinaris, or Synesius, or
Dionysius Alexandrinus, or a bishop of Ptofemais, or a
pagan hierophant was the writer.
A critical edition of the text of the Areopagite is
urgently needed. The Juntina (1516), that of Basle
(1539), of Paris (1562 and 1615), and lastly the princi-
pal edition of Antwerp (1634) by Corderius, S.J.,
which was frequently reprinted (Paris, 1644, 1755,
1854) and was included in the Migne collection (P. G.,
Ill and IV with Lat. trans, and additions), are insuffi-
cient because they make use of only a few of the nu-
merous Greek manuscripts and take no account of the
Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic translations. The fol-
lowing translations have thus far appeared in modern
languages: English, by Lupton (London, 1869) and
Parker (London, 1894), both of which contain only
the "Cad. Hierarchia" and the "Eccles. Hier."; Ger-
man, by Engelhardt (Sulzbaoh, 1823) and Storf,
"Kirchkche Hierarchie" (Kempten, 1877); French,
by Darboy (Paris, 1845) and Dulac (Paris, 1865).
For the older literature, cf. Chevalier, Bio. bihl. (Paris,.
1905). Recent works treating of Dionysius: Hipler, Dionu-
eiue der Areopagite, Untenuchunqen (Ratisbon, 1861); Idem in
Kirchenlex., s. v.; Schneider, Areopagitioa, Verteidigung ihrer
Echtheit (Ratisbon, 1886); Fbothinqham. Stephen Bar Sudaili
(Leyden, 1886); Stiqlmayr, Der Neuplatoniker ProHue ale
Vorlage dee tog. Dionysius Areopagila in der Lehre vom Uebel in
Hist. Jahrb. der Gurres-GeseUschaft (1895), pp. 253-273 and 721-
748: Idem, Das Aufkommen der pseudo-aionytischen Schriften
und ihr Eindringen in die chrietliche Literatur bis sum Lateran'
konxil (Feldkircn, Austria, 1895); Koch, Der pseudepigraphi-
sche Charakter der dionysischen Schriften in Theol. Quartal-
schrift (Tubingen. 1895), pp. 353-420; Idem, Proklut, ale
Quelle dee Pseudo-Dionystus Areop. in der Lehre vom Bnsen in
Philalogus (1895), pp. 438-454; Stiqlmayr, Controversy with
Drasere, Lanoen, and Nirschl in Bysantinische Zettsehrift
(1898), pp. 91-110. and (1899), pp. 263-301. and Histor.-polit.
Blatter (1900), CXXV, pp. 541-550 and 613-627; Idem, Die
Lehre von den Sakramenten und der Kirche nodi Peeudo-Dionv-
eiue in Zeitschrift fUr kath. Theol. (Innsbruck. 1898). pp. 24&-
303; Idem. Die Eschatologie dee Pseudo-Dionysius, ibid. (1899),
pp. 1-21; Koch, Ps.-Dionytius Areop. in eeinen Beziehungen turn
Neoplatpnismus und Mysterienwesen (Mains, 1900). See also
the articles on Dionysius the Areopagite in the Patrologie of
Bardenhewer (Freiburg, 1901), in the Realeneyk. fiir prot.
Theol., and in the Did. of Christian Biography.
Jos. Stiqlmayr.
Dioscorns, Anttpopb, b. at Alexandria, date un-
known; d. 14 October, 530. Originally a deacon of
the Church of Alexandria, he was adopted into the
ranks of the Roman clergy, and by his commanding
abilities soon acquired considerable influence in the
Church of Rome. Under Pope St. Symmachus he
was sent to Ravenna on an important mission to
Theodoric the Goth, and later, under Pope Hormisdas,
served with great distinction as papal apocrisiarius, or
legate, to the court of Justinian at Constantinople.
During the pontificate of Felix IV he-became the rec-
ognized head of the Byzantine party — a party in
Rome which opposed the growing influence and power
of a rival faction, the Gothic, to which the pope in-
clined? To prevent a possible contest for the papacy,
Pope Felix IV, shortly before his death, had taken the
unprecedented step of appointing his own successor
in the person of tne aped Archdeacon Boniface, his
trusted friend and adviser. When, however, on the
death of Felix (Sept., 530) Boniface II succeeded him,
the great majority of the Roman priests — sixty out of
sixty-seven — refused to accept the new pope and
elected in his stead the Greek Dioscorns (17 Sept.,
530). Both popes were consecrated on the same day
(22 Sept., 530), Dioscorns in the basilica of Constantine
(the Lateran) and Boniface in an aula (hall) of the
Lateran Palace, known as the basilica Julii. Fortu-
nately for the Roman Church, the schism which followed
was but of short duration, for in less than a month (14
Oct., 530) Dioscorns died, and the presbyters who had
elected him wisely submitted to Boniface. In Decem-
ber, 530, Boniface convened a synod at Rome and
issued a decree anathematizing Dioscorns as an in-
truder. He at the same time (it is not known by
what means) secured the signatures of the sixty pres-
byters to his late rival's condemnation, and caused the
document to be deposited in the archives of the
Church. The anathema against Dioscorns was, how-
ever, subsequently removed, and the document
solemnly burned toy Pope Agapetus I (535). (See
Boniface II.)
Liber Pontifioalia, ed. Duchesne (Paris, 1886), I, 281 eq.;
Jafte, Regesta Romanorum Pontifieum (2nd ed., Leipsig, 1885),
1,11 1-12. In 1893 Amelli discovered the documents bearing on
the election of 630, in the chapter library of Novara, and pub-
lished them with his comments in Seuola Catiolioa (Milan), XXI,
fascic. 123; Cbeaqh in The Amer. Bed. Rev., XXV1I1 (Jan.,
1903), 41-50; Theologische QuartaUchrift (1903), 91 sqj Griaab,
Getch. Rome und der Papste (Freiburg; im Br., 1901), I, 494 sq.;
Wubm, Papstwahl (Cologne, 1902), 12 sq.
Thomas Oestreich.
DIOSOURUS
19
DIOSOURUS
Dioscurus, Bishop of Alexandria (also written
Dioscorus; Dioscurus from the analogy of Dioscuri),
date of birth unknown; d. at Gangra, in Asia Minor,
11 Sept., 454. He had been archdeacon under St.
Cyril, whom he succeeded in 444. Soon afterwards
Theodoret, who had been on good terms with Cyril
since 433, wrote him a polite letter, in which he
speaks of the report of Dioscurus's virtues and his
modesty. In such a letter no contrary report would
be mentioned, and we cannot infer much from these
vague expressions. The peace established between
John of Antioch and Cyril seems to have continued
between their successors until 448, when Domnus, the
successor and nephew of John, had to judge the case
of Ibas, Bishop of Edessa, who was accused of heresy
and many crimes by the Cyrillian party. Domnus ac-
?[uitted ft>as. The Cyrillian monks of Osrhoene were
urious, and betook themselves to Dioscurus as their
natural protector. Dioscurus wrote to Domnus, com-
plaining that he championed the Nestorian Ibas and
Theodoret. Domnus and Theodoret both replied
defending themselves, and showing their perfect or-
thodoxy. The accusers of Ibas went to the court at
Constantinople, where the feeble Theodosius II was
only too ready to mix in ecclesiastical quarrels. From
him the Cyrillians obtained a decree against the Nes-
torians, and in particular against Irenaeus, who had
befriended the Nestorians at the Council of Ephesus,
where he was in authority as imperial representative;
he was now deposed from the Bishopric of Tyre which
he had obtained. Theodoret was forbidden to leave
his Diocese of Cyrrhus. In September a new Bishop
of Tyre was appointed, and the Patriarch Domnus,
feeling that Dioscurus was about to triumph, wrote to
* Flavian of Constantinople in order to get his support.
Alexandria had of old been the first secof the East and
was now only surpassed in power by the imperial city.
The Egyptian patriarch had vast civil and political
influence, as well as an almost autocratic sway over
a hundred bishops and a great army of monks, who
were heart and soul devoted to the memory of Cyril,
and rather fervent than discriminating in their ortho-
doxy. Constantinople had been granted the next
dignity after Rome by the great Council of 381, and
tnis humiliation of Alexandria had embittered the
lone-standing rivalry between the two sees. Antioch
had always tended to support Constantinople, and
Domnus was now ready to grant precedence to Fla-
vian. Dioscurus, he said, had already complained
that he, Domnus, was betraying the rights of Antioch
and Alexandria in admitting the canon of 381, which
had never been accepted by Alexandria or Rome.
But Flavian was not a helpful ally, for he had ne-
glected to obtain the favour of the eunuch Chrysa-
phius, who was all-powerful at court. An unforeseen
incident was now to set the world in a blaze. At a
council held by Flavian in November of the same year,
448, Eusebius of Dorylseum accused the Archiman-
drite Eutyches of teaching one nature only in Christ.
He was treated with all consideration, but his obsti-
nacy made it unavoidable that he should be deposed
and excommunicated. Now Eutyches was godfather
to Chrysaphius, and "one nature" was precisely the
unfortunate expression of St. Cyril, which his fol-
lowers were already interpreting in a heretical sense.
Eutyches therefore at once became the martyr of
Cyrulianism; and though he was not a writer nor a
theologian, he has given his name to the Monophysite
heresy, into which the whole Cyrillian party now
plunged once for all.
The Cyrillians were further incensed by the failure
of their second attempt to convict Ibas. They had
procured an order from the emperor, 25 Oct., 448, for a
fresh trial. The bishops who met for this purpose at
Tyre in Feb., 449, were obliged by the violence of the
Eastern monks to transfer some of their sittings to
Berytus. At the end of the month Ibas was excul-
pated, though the emperor was known to be against
him. Dioscurus and his party replied by an unex-
pected stroke ; in March they induced the emperor to
issue an invitation to all the greater bishops to attend
with their suffragans a general council to be held at
Ephesus in August. It was indeed not unreasonable
to desire some permanent settlement of the intermit-
tent war, and the pope, St. Leo I, warmly accepted
the emperor's proposition, or rather order. Eutyches
had written to him, pretending that he had appealed
at the time of his condemnation, and promising to
abide by his judgment. He wrote also to other
bishops, and we still possess the reply sent to him by
St. Peter Chrysologus, Bishop of Ravenna, where the
court of Valentinian III, the Western emperor, had its
head-quarters. St. Peter tells him to await the decision
of the pope, who alone can judge a case concerning the
Faith. SU Leo at first complained that the matter
had not at once been referred to him, then, on finding
that a full account sent by St. Flavian had been acci-
dentally delayed, wrote a compendious explanation
of the whole doctrine involved, and sent it to St.
Flavian as a formal and authoritative decision of the
question. He reproves Flavian's council for want of
severity to an expression of Eutyches, but adds that
the archimandrite may be restored if he repent. This
letter, the most famous of all Christian antiquity, is
known as "St. Leo's Tome". He sent as legates to
the council a bishop named Julius, a priest, Kenatus
(he died on the way), and the deacon Hilarus, after-
wards pope. St. Leo expresses his regret that the
sho/tness of the notice must prevent the presence of
any other bishop of the West. It is probable that this
difficulty had been anticipated by Dioscurus, who had
answered an appeal from Eutyches in a different
strain. He regarded him as a down-trodden disciple
of the great Cyril, persecuted by the Nestorian Flavian.
As his predecessor Peter had appointed a bishop for
Constantinople, and as Theophilus had judged St.
Chrysostom, so Dioscurus, with the air of a superior,
actually declared Eutyches absolved and restored.
In April Eutyches obtained a slight revision of the
Acts of the council which had condemned him. In*
the same month the case of Ibas was again exam-
ined, by the emperor's order, this time at Edessa it-
self, and by a lay inquisitor, Cheraeas, the Governor of
Osrhoene. The people received him with shouts
against Ibas. No defence was heard. On the arrival
of Cheneas's report, the emperor wrote commanding
the presence of Ibas 's most furious accuser, the monk
Bar Tsaouma (Barsumas), and other monks at the
approaching council. In all this we see the influence
of Dioscurus dominant. In March Theodosius had
prohibited Theodoret from coming to the council. On
6 August he shows some fear that his order may be
disregarded, in a letter in which he constitutes Dio-
scurus president of the synod.
The council met at Ephesus on 8 Aug., 449. It was
to have been oecumenical in authority, but it was
dubbed by St. Leo a latrocinium, and "The Robber
Council" has been its title ever since. A full history
of it would be out of place here (see Ephesus, Robber
Council of). It is only necessary to say that the
assembly was wholly dominated by Dioscurus.
Flavian was not allowed to sit as a bishop, but was on
his trial. When Stephen, Bishop of Ephesus, wished
to give Communion to Flavian s clergy, he was at-
tacked by soldiers and monks of Eutyches, 300 in num-
ber, who cried out that Stephen was the enemy of the
emperor, since he received the emperor's enemies.
Eutyches was admitted to defend himself, but the
other side was only so far heard that the Acts of the
council which had condemned him were read in full.
Not content with restoring Eutyches, Dioscurus pro-
ceeded to the deposition of Flavian. This bold meas-
ure could only be carried by terrorism. The soldiers
and monks were brought into the council, and many
DXOSOURUS
20
DIOSOURU8
bishops were forced to sign a blank paper. The papal
legate Hilarus uttered the protest Contradicitur, and
saved himself by flight. Flavian and Eusebius of
Dorylseum (q. v.) appealed to the pope, and their let-
ters, only lately discovered, were probably taken by
Hilarus to Rome, which he reached by a devious route.
St. Flavian was thrown into prison, and died in three
days of the blows and ill usage he had received. The
bishops who were present gave their testimony, when
the Acts were publicly read at the Council of Chalce-
don, to the violence used at Ephesus. No doubt they
exaggerated somewhat, in order to excuse their own
base compliance. But there were too many witnesses
to allow them to falsify the whole affair; and we have
also the witness of the letters of Hilarus, of Eusebius,
and of Flavian, and the martyrdom of the latter, to
confirm the charges against Dioscurus.
No more was read at Chalcedon of the Acts. But
at this point begin the Syriac Acts of the Robber
Council, which tell us of the carrying out by Dioscurus
of a thoroughgoing but short-sighted policy. The
papal legates came no more to the council, and Dom-
nus excused himself through illness. A few other
bishops withdrew or escaped, leaving 101 out of the
original 128, and some nine new-comers raised the
total to 110. The deposition of Ibas was voted with
cries, such as "Let him be burned in the midst of
Antioch". The accused was not present, and no wit-
nesses for the defence were heard. Daniel, Bishop of
Haran, nephew of Ibas, was degraded. Irenaeus of
Tyre, already deposed, was anathematized. Then it
was the turn of the leaders of the Antiochene party.
Ibas had been accused of immorality and a misuse' of
ecclesiastical property, as well as of heresy; no such
charges could be made against the great Theodoret :
his character was unblemished, and his orthodoxy had
been admitted by St. Cyril himself. Nevertheless his
earlier writings, in which he had incautiously and
with incorrect expressions attacked St. Cyril and de-
fended Nestorius, were now raked up against him.
None ventured to dissent from the sentence of deposi-
tion pronounced by Dioscurus, which ordered his
writings to be burnt. If we may believe the Acts,
Domnus, from his bed of real or feigned sickness, gave
a general assent to all that the council had done. But
this could not save him from the accusation of favour-
ing Nestorians. He was deposed without a word of
defence being heard, and a new patriarch, Maximus,
was set up in his place.
So ended the council. Dioscurus proceeded to
Constantinople, and there made his own secretary,
Anatolius, bishop of the city. One foe remained.
Dioscurus had avoided reading the pope's letter to
the Council of Ephesus, though he promised more
than once to do so. He evidently could not then ven-
ture to contest the pope's ruling as to the Faith. But
now, with his own creatures on the thrones of Antioch
v and Constantinople, and sure of the support of Chrysa-
phius, he stopped at Nicaea, and with ten bishops
launched an excommunication against St. Leo him-
self. It would be vain to attribute all these acts to
the desire of his own aggrandizement. Political
motives could not have led him so far. He must have
known that in attacking thepope he could have no
help from the bishops of the West or from the Western
emperor. It is clear that he was genuinely infatuated
with his heresy, and was fighting in its interests with
all his might.
The pope, on hearing the report of Hilarus, immedi-
ately annulled the Acts of tne council, absolved all
those whom it had excommunicated, ana excommuni-
cated the hundred bishops who had taken part in it.
He wrote to Theodosius II insisting on the necessity
of a council to be held in Italy, under his own direc-
tion. The emperor, with the obstinacy of a weak man,
supported the council, and paid no attention to the
intervention of his sister, St. Pulcheria, nor to that of
his colleague, Valentinian III, who, with his mother
Galla Placidia, and his wife, the daughter of Theodo-
sius, wrote to him at St. Leo's suggestion. The rea-
sons given to the pope by Theodosius for his conduct
are unknown, for his letters to Leo are lost. In June
or July, 450, he died of a fall from his horse, and was
succeeded by his sister Pulcheria, who took for her
colleague and nominal husband the excellent general
Marcian. St. Leo, now sure of the support of the
rulers of the East, declared a council unnecessary;
many bishops had already signed his Tome, and the
remainder would do so without difficulty. But the
new emperor had already taken steps to carry out the
pope's wish, by a council not indeed in Italy, which
was outside his jurisdiction, but in the immediate
neighbourhood of Constantinople, where he could him-,
self watch its proceedings ana ensure its orthodoxy.
St. Leo therefore agreed, and sent legates who this
time were to preside.
Hie council, in the intention of both pope and em-
peror, was to accept and enforce the definition given
long since from Rome. Anatolius was ready enough
to please the emperor by signing the Tome; and at
Pulcheria 's intercession he was accepted as bishop by
St. Leo. The latter permitted the restoration to com-
munion of those bishops who repented their conduct
at the Robber Council, with tne exception of Dio-
scurus and of the leaders of that synod, whose case he
first reserved to the Apostolic See, and then committed
to the council. The synod met at Chalcedon, and its
six hundred bishops made it the largest of ancient
councils (see Chalcedon, (Ecumenical Council of).
The papal legates presided, supported by lay commis-
sioners appointed by the emperor, who were in practice
the real presidents, since the legates did not speak
Greek. The first point raised was the position of Dio-
scurus. He had taken his seat, but the legates ob-
jected that he was on his trial. The commissioners
asked for the charge against him to be formulated, and
it was replied that he had held a council without the
permission of the Apostolic See, a thing which had
never been permitted. This statement was difficult to
explain, before the discovery of the Syriac Acts; but
we now know that Dioscurus had continued his
would-be general council for many sessions after the
papal legates had taken their departure. The com-
missioners ordered him to sit in the midst as accused.
(A sentence in this passage of the Acts is wrongly
translated in the old Latin version; this was care-
lessly followed by Hefele, who thus led Bright into the
error of supposing that the commissioners addressed
to the legates a rebuke they meant in reality for Dio-
scurus.) The Alexandrian patriarch was now as
much deserted by his own party as his victims had
been deserted at Ephesus by their natural defenders.
Some sixty bishops, Egyptian, Palestinian, and Iily-
rian, were on his side, but were afraid to say a word in
his defence, though they raised a great commotion at
the introduction into the assembly of Theodoret, who
had been especially excluded from the Council of
Ephesus. The Acts of the first session of the Robber
Council were read, continually interrupted by the dis-
claimers of the bishops. The leaders of that council,
Juvenal of Jerusalem, Thalassius of Ceesarea, Maximus
of Antioch. now declared that Flavian was orthodox;
Anatolius had long since gone over to the winning
side. Dioscurus alone stood his ground. He was at
least no time-server, and he was a convinced heretic.
After this session he refused to appear. At the second
session (the third, according to the printed texts and
Hefele, but the Ballerini are right in inverting the
order of the second and third sessions) the case of Dio-
scurus was continued. Petitions against him from
Alexandria were read. In these he was accused of in-
justice and cruelty to the family of Cyril and of many
other crimes, even against the emperor and the State.
How much of this was true it is impossible to say, as
DIOSPOLIS
21
DIPLOMATICS
Dioscurus refused to appear or to make any defence.
The accusations were dropped, and judgment must
necessarily go against Dioecurus, if only for contempt
of court. The bishops therefore repeatedly de-
manded that the legates should deliver judgment.
Paschasinus, therefore, the senior legate, recited the
crimes of Dioscurus— he had absolved Eutyches con-
trary to the canons, even before the council; he was
still contumacious when others asked for pardon; he
had not had the pope's letter read; he had excommu-
nicated the pope; he had been thrice formally cited
and had refused to appear — "Wherefore the most
holy and blessed Archbishop of elder Rome, Leo, by
us and the present most holy council, together with
the thrice blessed and praiseworthy Peter the Apostle,
who is the rock and base of the Catholic Church and
the foundation of the orthodox Faith, has stripped
him of the episcopal and of all sacerdotal dimity.
Wherefore this most holy and great council will decree
that which is in accordance with the canons against
the aforesaid Dioscurus." All the bishops signified
their agreement in a few words, and then all signed
the papal sentence. A short notice of his deposition
was sent to Dioscurus. It is taken almost word for
•word from that sent to Nestorius by the Council of
Ephesus twenty years before. With the rest of the
council — its definition of the Faith imposed upon it by
Pope Leo. its rehabilitation of Theodoret and of Ibas,
etc. — we nave nothing to do. Dioscurus affected to
ridicule his condemnation, saying that he should soon
be restored. But the council decreed that he was in-
capable of restoration, and wrote in this sense to the
emperors, reciting his crimes. He was banished to
Gangra in Paphlagpnia, where he died three years
later. The whole of Egypt revered him as the true
representative of Cyrilfian teaching, and from this
time forth the Patriarchate of Alexandria was lost to
the Church. Dioscurus has been honoured in it as its
teacher, and it has remained Eutychian to the present
day.
The chief authority for the events which preceded the Robber
Council (besides some letters of Theodoret) is the Syriac version
of the Acts of that council, published from a codex of 535 in the
Brit. Mus.; Secundam Synodum Ephesinam necnon excerpta
qua ad earn pertinent . . . , Perry ed. (Oxford, 1875): The
second Synod of Ephesus, from Syriac MSS., tr. by Perry
(Dartford, 1881); German tr. by Hoffmann, Verhandlungen
der Kirchenversammlung zu Ephesus am xxii. August CDXLIX
aus einer syrischen US. (Kiel, 1873); the best dissertations on
it are Martin. Le Pseudo-Synode connu dans Vhistoire sous le
nam de brigandage (TEphese, Hudii d'apres sea odes, en syriooue
(Paris, 1875), and articles by the same in Rev. des Qu. Hut.,
XVI (1874), and in Rev. des Sciences Eccl., IX-X; also Labgent
in Rev. des Qu. Hist., XXVII (1880); Rivington, The Roman
Primacy, USO-UB1 (London. 1800). Dr. Rivington has well
noted the mistakes of Bright, but he has fallen into some him-
self, e. c. when he calls Dioscurus the nephew of St. Cyril or
blames him for ignoring the so-called Constantinopolitan Creed.
The appeals of Flavian and Eusebius were first published by
Amixi, San Leone Magna e VOriente (Rome, 1882, and Monte-
cassino, 1800) and with other documents in his SptcUeg. Cassin.
(Montecassino, 1803); also by Mommbkn, in Neues Archiv der
GeseUschaft fur alters deutsche Oeschichtskunde, XI (1886). The
older historians, who wrote before the discovery of the Syriac
Acts, are antiquated as regards Dioscurus, including Hefele
(but we await the next volume of the new French edition by
Leclercq), and Bright, with the exception of his posthumous
The Age of the Fathers (London, 1003). For more genera)
literature see Chalcedon; a fragment of a letter of Dioscurus
written from Gangra to the Alexandrians is found in the
Antirrhetica of Nicephorus in Pitra, SpicUeg. SoUsm., IV.
380. A panegyric on Macarius of Tkhoo. preserved in Coptic,
is not genuine Jpubluihed by Amelinkatj, Monum. pour servir
a rhist. de VEgypte chr. au A<~ et 5*" siedes (Paris, 1888),
see Revillout in Rev. Egyptd., 1880-2]. A Coptic life has
been published in French and Syriac by F. Nau, Hisioire de
Dioscore . . -par son disciple ThSophisU, in Journal Asiatique,
XM sene (1003) 5.241; Coptic fragments of the paneg. and the
lifepub. by Crum, in Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Archaol.
(1007), xxv, 267. A letter to Dioscunis from St. Leo, 21 June,
445 (Ep. xi), is interesting. The pope, politely but peremp-
torily, orders ail ordinations of priests and deacons to be in the
night between Saturday and Sunday; also that on festivals
when there is a great concourse the Sacrifice is to be repeated
m often as the basilica is refilled, that none may be deprived
of his devotion.
John Chapman.
Diospolis, Diocese of. See Sebabte.
Diospolis, Synod, of. See Pelagianism.
Diplomatics, Papal. — The word diplomatics, fol-
lowing a Continental usage which long ago found
recognition in Mabillon's " De Re Diplomat ica", has of
late come to denote also in English the science of an-
cient official documents, more especially of those
emanating from the chanceries of popes, kings, emper-
ors, and other authorities possessing a recognized
jurisdiction. Etymologicallydtpkwio/ic* should mean
the science of diplomas, and diploma, in its classical
acceptation, signified only a permit to use the cursus
publtcus (i. e. the public posting-service), or else a dis-
charge accorded to veteran soldiers and imparting cer-
tain privileges. But the scholars of the Renaissance
erroneously supposed that diploma was the correct
classical term for any sort of charter, and from them
the word came into use among jurists and historians
and obtained general currency.
History of Diplomatics. — There is abundant evi-
dence that during the Middle Ages a certain watchful-
ness, necessitated unfortunately by the prevalence of
forgeries of all kinds, was exercised over the authen- -
ticity of papal Bulls, royal charters, and other instru-
ments. In this control of documents and in the
precautions taken against forgery the Chancery of the
Holy See set a good example. Thus we find Gregory
VII refraining even from attaching the usual leaden
seal to a Bull for fear it should fall into unscrupulous
hands and be used for fraudulent purposes (Dubitavi-
mus hie sigillum plumbeum ponere ne si illud inimici
caperent de eo lalsitatem aliquam facerent. — Jaff6-
Lowenfeld, "Regesta", no. 6225; cf. no. 5242); while
we owe to Innocent III various rudimentary instruc-
tions in the science of diplomatics with a view to the
detection of forgeries (see Migne, P. L., CCXIV, 202,
322, etc.). Seeing that even an ecclesiastic of the
standing of Lanfranc has been seriously accused of con-
niving at the fabrication of Bulls (H. Bdhmer, " Die
Falschungen Erzbischof Lanf ranks ", 1902; cf. Lieber- '
mann's review in " Deutsche Literatunseitung", 1902,
p. 2798, and the defence of Lanfranc by L. Saltet in
* Bulletin de litt. eccl.", Toulouse, 1907, 227 sqq.), the
need of some system of tests is obvious. But the
medieval criticism of documents was not very satis-
factory even in the hands of a jurist like Alexander III
(see his comments on two pretended privileges of
Popes Zachariasand Leo, Jaff6-L6wenfeld, " Regesta",
no. 11,896). and though Laurentius Valla, the human-
ist, was right in denouncing the Donation of Constan-
tino, and though the Magdeburg Centuriator, Matthias
Flacius, was right in attacking the Forged Decretals,
their methods, in themselves, were often crude and
inconclusive. The true science of diplomatics dates,
in fact, only from the great Benedictine Mabillon
(1632-1707), whose fundamental work, " De Re Diplo-
ma tica" (Paris, 1681), was written to correct the mis-
leading principles advocated in the criticism of ancient
documents by the Boilandist Father Papenbroeck
(Papebroch). To the latter 's credit be* it said that
he at once publicly recognized the value of his rival's
work and adopted his system. Other scholars were
not so discerning, and assailants, like Germon and
Hardouin in France, and, in less degree, George Hickes
in England, rejected Mabillon's criteria; but the ver-
dict of posterity is entirely in his favour, so that M.
Giry quotes with approval the words of Dom Toustain:
"His system is the true one. Whoever follows any
other road cannot fail to lose his way. Whoever seeks
to build on any other foundation will build upon the
sand." In point of fact, all that has been done since
Mabillon's time has been to develop his methods and
occasionally to modify his judgments upon some point
of detail . After the issue of a " Supplement ' ' in 1704,
a second, enlarged and improved edition of the " De
Re Diplomatic* " was prepared by Mabillon himself
and published in 1709, after his death, by his pupil,
DIPTYOH
22
DIPTYCH
Dom Ruinart. Seeing, however, that this pioneer
work had not extended to any documents later than
the thirteenth century and had taken no account of
certain classes of papers, such as the ordinary letters
of the popes and privileges of a more private character,
two other Benedictines of St-Maur, Dom Toustain ana
Dom Tassin, compiled a work in six large quarto vol-
umes, with many facsimiles etc., known as the "Nou-
veau Traits de Diplomatique" (Paris, 1750-1765)*
which, though it marks but a small advance on Mabil-
lon's own treatise, has been widely used, and has been
presented in a more summary form by Dom Vaines
and others.
With the exception of some useful works specially
consecrated to particular countries (e. g. Maffei, " Is-
toria diplomatica", Mantua, 1727, unfinished; and
Muraton, "De Diplomatibus Antiquis", included in
his " Antiquitates Italic®", 1740, vol. Ill), as also the
treatise of G. Marini on papyrus documents (I papiri
diplomatici, Rome, 1805), no great advance was made
in the science for a century and a half after Mabillon's
death. The " Dictionnaire raisonne* de diplomatique
chre'tienne", by M. Quentin, which forms part of
Migne's "Encyclopedia", is a rather unskilful digest
of older works, and the sumptuous " " Elements de
paleographie" of de Wailly (2 vols., 4to. 1838) has lit-
tle independent merit. But within the last fifty years
immense progress has been made in all diplomatic
knowledge, and not least of all in the study of papal
documents. In the bibliography appended to the
articles Bulls and Briefs and Bullarium, the reader
will find references to the more important works.
Amongst the pioneers of this revival the names of
Leopold Delisle, the chief librarian of the Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris, and of M. de Mas-Latrie, professor at
the Ecole de Chartres, as well as that of Julius von
Pflugk-Harttung, the editor of a magnificent series of
facsimiles of papal Bulls, deserve to occupy a foremost
place ; but their work has been carried on in Germany
and elsewhere, often by those who are not themselves
Catholics. It must be obvious that the photographic
reproductions of documents which can now be pro-
cured so easily and cheaply have enormously facili-
tated that process of minute comparison of documents
which forms the basis of all palasographic studies.
Further, the improvement in the cataloguing and the
extension of facilities under Pope Leo XIII in such
great libraries as that of the Vatican have made their
contents much more accessible and have rendered pos-
sible such a calendar of early papal Bulls as has been
appearing since 1902, being the results of the researches
or Messrs. P. Kehr, A. Brackmann, and W. Wieder-
hold, in " Nachrichten der Gdttingen Gesellschaf t der
Wissenschaften". Of the series of papal regesta now
being published by various scholars, especially by
members of the Ecole Franchise de Rome, a sufficient
account has been given in the second part of the article
Bullarium. Still greater progress in the study of
diplomatics is no doubt to be looked for from the facili-
ties afforded By the recently founded journal, " Archiv
fur Urkundenforschung" (Leipzig, 1907), edited by
Messrs. Karl Brandi, H. Bresslau, and M. Tangl, all
acknowledged masters in this subject.
Subject-Matter op Papal Diplomatics. — As this
topic has already been treated in part in the article
Bulls and Briefs, it will be sufficient here to recall
the principal elements in the process of expediting
ancient papal documents, all of which need special
attention. We have first of all the officials who are
concerned in the preparation of such instruments and
who collectively form the " Chancery ' \ The constitu-
tion of the Chancery, which in the case of the Holy See
seems to date back to a schola notariorum, with a primi-
ceriuB at its head, of which we hear under Pope Ju-
lius I (337-352), varied from period to period, and the
part played by the different officials composing it
necessarily varied also. Besides the Holy See, each
bishop also had some sort of chancery for the issue of
his own episcopal Acts? An acquaintance with the
procedure of the Chancery is clearly only a study pre-
paratory to the examination of the document itself.
Secondly, we have the text of the document. As the
position of the Holy See became more fully recognized,
the business of the Chancery increased, and we note a
marked tendency to adhere strictly to the forms pre-
scribed by traditional usage. Various collections of
these formulas, of which the " Liber Diurnus" is one of
the most ancient, were compiled at an early date.
Many others will be found in the "Receuil general
des formules" by de Roziere (Paris, 1861-1871),
though these, like the series published by Zeumer
(Formulae Merovingici et Karolini sevi, Hanover, 1886),
are mainly secular in character. After the text of the
document, which of course varies according to its na-
ture, and in which not merely the wording but also the
rhythm (the so-called cwrnut) has often to be con-
sidered, attention must he paid (1) to the manner of
dating, (2) to the signatures, (3) to the attestations of
witnesses etc., (4) to the seals and the attachment of
the seals, (5) to the material upon which it is written
and to the manner of folding, as well as (6) to the
handwriting — under this last heading the whole science
of palaeography may be said to be involved.
All these matters fall within the scope of diplomatics,
and all offer different tests for the authenticity of any
given document. There are other details which often
need to be considered, for example the Tironian (or
shorthand) notes, which are of not infrequent occur-
rence in primitive Urkunden, both papal and imperial,
and which have only begun of late years to be ade-
quately investigated (see Tangl, "Die tironischen
NotenT', in "Archiv fur Urkundenforschung", 1907,
I, 87-166). A special section in any comprehensive
study of diplomatics is also likely to be devoted to
spurious documents, of which, as already stated, the
number is surprisingly great.
Besides the books referred to in the course of this article see
the bibliography of the article Bulla and Briefs. A larger
selection of authorities may be found in such treatises as those
of Girt, Manuel de Diplomatique (Paris, 1804); and Bresslau,
Handbuch der Urkundenlehre (Leipzig, 1889), I. One very use-
- - Bjy
ful work for the study of papal diplomatics, the Practioa Cancel-
larva ApottoHccr, ed. Schmitz-Kallenberq (Munich, 1904).
though confined to the working of the Chancery at the close of
the fifteenth century, is valuable for the indirect light thrown on
other periods. Consult also the important work of Tangl, Die
p&petltchen Kamlei-Ordnungen von 1900-1500 (Innsbruck, 1894);
Erben, Urkundenlehre (Munich, 1907); and Rosenmund, Die
FortschriUe der Diplomatik eeii Mabillon (Munich. 1897), though
these last two books hare little directly to do with papal docu-
ments. In A. Meister's important work on early ciphers. Die
Anf&nge der modemen diplomaliechen Geheinuehrift (raderborn.
berg to the QrundrisederGtechichtsvriMenschaft (Leipzig, 1906),
vol. I, pp. 172-230.
Herbert Thurston.
Diptych (or Diptychon, Gr. blxrvxow from ftfo,
twice, and rrAnretr, to fold), a sort of notebook,
formed by the union of two tablets, placed one upon
the other and united by rings or by a hinge. These
tablets were made of wood, ivory, bone, or metal.
Their inner surfaces had ordinarily a raised frame and
were covered with wax, upon which characters were
scratched by means of a stylus. Diptychs were
known amongthe Greeks from the sixth century be-
fore Christ. They served 'as copy-books for the exer-
cise of penmanship, for correspondence, and various
other uses. The Roman military certificates, privi-
legia militum, were a kind of diptych. Between the
two tablets others were sometimes inserted, and the
diptych would then be called a triptych, polyptych,
etc. The term diptych is often restricted to a
highly ornamented type of notebooks. They were
generally made out of ivory with carved work, and
were sometimes from twelve to sixteen inches in
height. In the fourth and fifth centuries a distinction
IVORY DIPTYCH, X CENTURY THE LOUVRE
IVORY DIPTYCH (LEGEND OF S. DENIS), XIV CENTURY, MUSEE DE CLUNY
DIPTYOH
23
DIPTYOH
arose between profane and ecclesiastical (liturgical)
diptychs, the former being frequently given as pres-
ents by high-placed persons. It was customary to
commemorate in this way one's elevation to a public
office, or any event of personal importance, e. g. a
marriage. The consuls, on the day of the installation,
were wont to offer diptychs to their friends and even
to the emperor. Those presented to the latter often
had a bonier of gold and were quite large. Their tab-
lets often exhibited on a central plate the portrait of
the sovereign, surrounded by four other plates. The
(undated) Barberini ivory at the Louvre is thus con-
structed and once served as an ecclesiastical diptych
(see below). Some believe it to be the binding of a
book offered to the emperor. Strzygowski holds it to
be of Egyptian origin and thinks that the portrait is
that of Constantine the Great, defender of the Faith.
The oldest dated consular diptych is that of Probus
(406); it is kept in the treasury of the cathedral of
Aosta, Piedmont. The latest is that of the Eastern
consul, Basilius (541), one tablet of which is at the
Uffizi Museum in Florence and the other at the Brera
in Milan. The Theodosian Code (384) forbade the
offering of ivory diptychs to any but the regular (i. e.
not honorary) consuls. The tablet at tne Mayer
Museum in Liverpool, bearing the image of Marcus
Aurelius (d. 480), is prior to this enactment. The
consular diptychs are recognizable by their inscrip-
tions or by the figure of the consul which they bear.
On the diptych of Boetius at Breseia (487) and several
others of the same type, the consul is clad in a trabea
(a kind of toga) ; he holds in his left hand the acipio
(consular sceptre) and in his right the mappa circensis,
or white cloth which he used to wave as the signal for
the games in the circus. These games (ludi) or other
liberalities offered to the people by the consul were
frequently represented on tne tablets of the diptychs.
There is less certainty concerning the diptychs of
officials other than consuls, e. g. praetors, qusestors,
etc. The diptych of Rufius Probianus V. C. (i. e. vir
clarissimus) vicarius urbis Romce, in the Berlin Mu-
seum, is the most precious relic of this class, and prob-
ably dates from the end of the fourth century.
Among the diptychs of private individuals that of
Gallienus Concessus, discovered at Rome on the Es-
quiline, exhibits only the name of its owner. Others
were richly ornamented and reproduced often some of
the masterpieces of ancient art. Thus on a diptych in
the Mayer Museum, Liverpool, are seen iEsculapius and
Telesphorus, Hygieia, and Amor. The most beautiful
of the profane diptychs was carved at the time of a
marriage between the Symmachi and the Nicomachi
(392 to 394, or 401). It represents on each leaf (one
of which is at the South Kensington Museum and the
other, in a very damaged condition, at Cluny) a
woman performing a sacrifice. Many of the profane
diptychs were preserved in the treasuries of the
churches, where they were eventually used for liturgi-
cal purposes or enshrined in book-bindings or in gold-
smith work. The diptych of Boetius, among others,
bears, on the interior, some liturgical texts and relig-
ious paintings, attributed to the seventh century.
The Liege diptych of the consul Anastasius (517), one
leaf of which is at Berlin and the other at South Ken-
sington, bears an inscription of forty-two lines and the
prayer Cammunicantes from the Canon of the Mass.
Another of the same consul (in the Bibliotheque Na~
tionale, Paris) has a list of the bishops of Bourges. At
the cathedral of Monza, Lombardy, a diptych repre-
sents in the dress of consuls King David and St. Greg-
ory the Great. It is perhaps an ancient consular
diptych, transformed in the eighth or ninth century;
according to some it appears to be of ecclesiastical ori-
gin. Many carved diptychs reproduced purely relig-
ious subjects. On a diptych in the treasury of
Rouen cathedral the figure of St. Paul is exactly the
•ame as that on a sarcophagus in Gaul. A diptych
leaf in the treasury of Tongres was evidently influenced
by the carvings on the cathedra of St. Maximinus at
Ravenna, and seems to have belonged to an ancient
episcopal see. Certain diptychs with religious sub-
jects, e. g. the Holy Sepulchre and the holy women at
the Tomb of Christ (Milan), an angel (British Mu-
seum), probably date from the fourth or fifth century.
Diptych leaves divided into five compartments have
generally served as a cover for copies of the Gospels.
The diptychs, though often clumsily executed, are
important for the history of sculpture, there being a
good number of them extant, and several being accu-
rately dated. At different periods in the Middle Ages,
numerous diptychs or triptychs of ivory were made,
to serve as little devotional panels.
The liturgical use of diptychs offers considerable
interest. In the early Christian ages it was custom-
ary to write on diptychs the names of those, living or
dead, who were considered as members of the Church,
a signal evidence of the doctrine of the Communion of
Saints. Hence the terms "diptychs of the living"
and u diptychs of the dead ' '. Such liturgical diptychs
varied m shape and dimensions. Their use (*acrcB
tabula, matriculce, libri vivorum et mortuorum) is at-
tested in the writing? of St. Cyprian (third century)
and by the history of St. John Chrysostom (fourth
century), nqr did they disappear from the churches
until the twelfth century in the West and the four-
teenth century in the East. In the ecclesiastical life
of antiquity these liturgical diptychs served various
purposes. It is probable that the names of the bap-
tized were written on diptychs, which were thus a
kind of baptismal register. The "diptychs of the
living19 would include the names of the pope,
bishops, and illustrious persons, both lay and ecclesi-
astical, of the benefactors of a church, and of those
who offered the Holy Sacrifice. To these names were
sometimes added those of the Blessed Virgin, of mar-
tyrs, and of other saints. From such diptychs came
the first ecclesiastical calendars and the martyrolo-
gies. The "diptychs of the dead" would include the
names of persons otherwise qualified for inscription on
the diptychs of the living, e. g. the bishops of the com-
munity (also other bishops), moreover priests and
laymen who had died in the odour of sanctity. It is
to this kind of diptychs that the later necrologies owe
their origin. Occasionally special diptychs were
made to contain only the names of a series of bishops;
in this way arose at an early date the episcopal lists or
catalogues of occupants of sees. Whatever their im-
mediate purpose the liturgical diptychs admitted only
the names of persons in communion with the Church;
the names of neretics and of excommunicated mem-
bers were never inserted. Exclusion from these lists
was a grave ecclesiastical penalty; the highest dignity,
episcopal or imperial, would not avail to save the
offender from its infliction. The content of the
diptychs was read out, either from the am bo (q. v.) or
from the altar by a priest or a deacon. In this respect
a variety of customs obtained in different churches
and at different periods ; sometimes the diptychs were
simply laid on the altar during Mass, and when read
publicly, such reading did not always occur at the
same stage of the Mass. The order of which traces
are now seen in the Roman Canon of the Mass was the
fixed usage of the Roman Church as early as the fifth
century. In that venerable document a long passage
after the Sanctus corresponds to the ancient recitation
of the diptychs of the living; it contains, as is well
known, mention of those for whom the Mass is offered,
of the pope, of the bishop of the diocese, of the Blessea
Virgin, and of several saints. At Easter and at Pente-
cost the Hanc igitur furnished a proper occasion to
mention the names of the newly baptized, now men-
tioned only as a body. Finally the recitation of the
"diptychs of the dead" is still recalled by the Me-
mento which follows the consecration.
24
DIRECTION
Thompson, Handbook of Cheek and Latin Palaograpku (Lon-
don, 1804), 19; Gobi, Thesaurus veterutn diptyohorum (Florence,
1795); Mounieb, Histoire generals des art* appliques a Vindus-
trie (Paris, 1896), I; Ventubi, Storia deW arte Italiana (Rome,
1901). 1, 356, 484: Gbaeven, Frunchristliche und mittelalterliche
Elfenbexnwerhe (Rome, 1898 ): Weotwood, A Descriptive
Catalogue of the Fictile Ivories in the South Kensington Museum
(London, 1896); Meter, AbhandL. der philos. phUol. Classe der
bayerischen Akademie. XV, I. 4; Dabembebg and Saglio. Die-
tionnaire des antiquites greegues et romaines (Paris, 1892). II, 1,
271; Kbaus, Real-Encyklopadie der christlichen Alterthumer
(Freiburg im Br., 1896). I. 499; Leclebcq, Manuel dfarcheo-
logie chretienne (Paris. 1907). II, 834; Mounieb. Les obituaires
francais (Paris, 1890), 4; Duchesne, Origines du culte Chretien
(Paris, 1902); Cabbol, Diet, do lit. et d'arch chrU.t s. v.
R. Maere.
Direction, Spiritual. — In the technical sense of
the term, spiritual direction is that function of the
sacred ministry by which the Church guides the faith-
ful to the attainment of eternal happiness. It is part
of the commission given to her in the words of Christ:
"Going, therefore, teach ve all nations . . . teach-
ing them to observe all things whatsoever I have com-
manded you" (Matt., xxviii, 19 sq.). She exercises
this function both in her public teaching, whether in
word or writing, and in the private guidance of souls
according to their individual needs; but it is the pri-
vate guidance that is generally understood by the term
"spiritual direction".
I. In one way the Church requires all her adult
members to submit to such private direction, namely,
in the Sacrament of Penance. For she entrusts to her
priests in the confessional, not only the part of judge
to absolve or retain the sins presently confessed, but
also the part of a director of consciences. In the latter
capacity he must instruct his penitents if ignorant of
their duties, point out the wrong or the danger in their
conduct, and suggest the proper means to be employed
for amendment or improvement. The penitent, on his
part, must submit to this guidance. He must also, in
cases of serious doubt regarding the lawfulness of his
action, ask the advice of his director. For a person
who acts in a practical doubt, not knowing whether he
is offending God or not, and yet consenting to do what
he thinks to be morally wrong, thereby offends his
Creator. Such consultation is the more necessary as
no one is a good judge in his own cause: a business
man is sometimes blind to the injustice of a tempting
bargain, and passion often invents motives for unlaw-
ful indulgence.
II. Still more frequently is spiritual direction re-
quired in the lives of Christians who aim at the attain-
ment of perfection (see Perfection). All religious are
obliged to do so by their profession; and many of the
faithful, married and unmarried, who live amidst
worldly cares aspire to such perfection as is attainable
in their states of life. This striving after Christian per-
fection means the cultivation of certain virtues and
watchfulness against faults and spiritual dangers. The
knowledge of this constitutes the science of asceticism
(q. v.). The spiritual director must be well versed in
this difficult science, as his advice is very necessary
for such souls. For, as Cassian writes, by no vice
doer the devil draw a monk headlong and bring him
to death sooner than by persuading him to neglect the
counsel of the Elders and trust to his own judgment
and determination" (Conf. of Abbot Moses).
III. Since, in teaching the Faith, the Holy Ghost
speaks through the sovereign pontiff and the bishops
of the Church, the work of the private spiritual di-
rector must never be at variance with this infallible
Guidance. Therefore the Church has condemned the
octrine of Molinos, who taught that directors are
independent of the bishops, that the Church does not
judge about secret matters, and that God and the
director alone enter into the inner conscience (Den-
singer. Enchiridion, nos. 1152, 1153). Several of the
most learned Fathers of the Church devoted much
attention to spiritual direction, for instance, St. Jer-
ome, who directed St. Paula and her daughter St
Eustochium; and some of them have left us learned
treatises on ascetic theology. But while the hierarchy
of the Church is Divinely appointed to guard the
purity of faith and morals, the Holy Spirit, who
"breatheth where he will; and thou nearest his voice,
but thou knowest not whence he cometh, and whither
he gpeth" (John, iii, 8), has often chosen priests or
religious, and even simple laymen and women, and
filled them with supernatural wisdom in order to pro-
vide for the spiritual direction of others.
IV. Whoever the director be, he will find the prin-
cipal means of progress towards perfection to consist
in the exercise of prayer (q. v.) and mortification (q.
v.). But upon the special processes of these two
means, spiritual guides have been led by the Holy
Spirit in various directions. Different is trie type for
the solitary in the desert, the cenobite in the commu-
nity, for a St. Louis or a Blanche of Castile in a palace,
St. Frances of Rome in her family, or a St. Zita in her
kitchen, for contemplative and for active religious
orders and congregations. Another marked difference
in the direction of souls arises from the presence or
absence of the mystical element in the life of the per-
son to be directed (see Mysticism). Mysticism in-
volves peculiar modes of action by which the Holy
Ghost illumines a soul in ways which transcend the
normal use of the reasoning powers. The spiritual
director who has such persons in charge needs the
soundest learning and consummate prudence. Here
especially sad mistakes have been made by presump-
tion and imprudent zeal, for men of distinction in the
Church have gone astray in this matter.
V. Even in ordinary cases of spiritual direction in
which no mysticism is involved, numerous errors must
be guarded against; the following deserve special no-
tice: (1) The false principles of the Jansenists, who
demanded of their penitents an unattainable degree of
purity of conscience before they allowed them to re-
ceive Holy Communion. Many priests, not members
of the sect, were yet so far tainted with its severity as
gradually to alienate large numbers of their penitents
from the sacraments and consequently from the
Church. (2) The condemned propositions summarized
under the headings "De perfectione Christiana" in
Denzinger's "Enchiridion Symbolorum et Defini-
tionum (Wurzburg, 1900), page 485, which are
largely the principles of Quietism. These are speci-
mens: To obtain perfection a man ought to deaden
all his faculties; he should take no vows, should avoid
external work, ask God for nothing in particular, not
seek sensible devotion, not study science, not con-
sider rewards and punishments, not employ reasoning
in prayer. (3) The errors and dangers pointed out
in the Encyclical of Leo XIII, "Testem Benevolen-
tiffi". In it the pope singles out for particular con-
demnation: "First, all external guidance is set aside
for those souls which are striving after Christian per-
fection as being superfluous, or mdeed not useful in
any sense, the contention being that the Holy Spirit
pours richer and more abundant graces into the soul
than formerly; so that, without human intervention,
He teaches and guides them by some hidden instinct
of His own." Jn the same document warnings are
S'ven against inculcating an exaggerated esteem of
ie natural virtues, thus depreciating the super-
natural ones; also against casting contempt on relig-
ious vows, " as if these were alien to the spirit of our
times, in that they restrict the bounds of human
liberty, and that they are more suitable to weak than
to strong minds".
VI. An important document of Leo XIII bearing
priests "the practic
thoroughly inquiring into the state of then* subjects'
consciences, which is a thing exclusively reserved to
DIREOTORIXS
25
DIRECTORIES
the Sacrament of Penance". It also forbids them to
refuse to their subjects an extraordinary confessor,
especially in cases where the conscience of the persons
so refused stands greatly in need of this privilege; as
also " to take it on themselves to permit at their pleas-
ure their subjects to approach the Holy Table, or even
sometimes to forbid them Holy Communion alto-
gether". Jhe pope abrogates all constitutions, usages,
and customs so far as they tend to the contrary ; and
absolutely forbids such superiors as are here spoken
of to induce in any way their subjects to make to
them any such manifestations of conscience. (See
the decree "Quemadmodum", with explanations, in
the American Ecclesiastical Review, March, 1893.)
VII. Catholic literature is rich in works of ascetic
and mystical theology; of which we mention a few
below. But it must be noticed that such works cannot
be recommended for the use of all readers indiscrim-
inately. The higher the spiritual perfection aimed at,
especially when mysticism enters into the case, the
more caution should be used in selecting and consult-
ing the guide-books, and the more danger there is that
the direction given in them may be misapplied. Spirit-
ual direction is as much a matter for the personal
supervision of an experienced living guide as is the
practice of medicine; the latter deals with abnormal
defects of the body, the former with the acquisition of
uncommon perfection by the soul.
Scaraji elu, Directorium Asceticum, or Guide to the Spiritual
Life (Dublin, 1870); Idem, Directorium Mysticum, or Divine
Asceticism; Guillore*. Maniere de Conduire lee Ames (Lyons
and Paris. 1853) ; Fabbr, Growth in Holineee (Baltimore); Lan-
coone. Manifestation of Conscience- Mew York, 1892); Schram,
Institution** Theolooia Mystica- Neuiiayh, Idea Theologies
Ascetica. or Science of the Spiritual Life (London, 1876);
Idem. Higher Paths in Spiritual Life (London); St. Teresa.
The Interior Cattle (London. 1859); Idem, Way of Perfection
(London, 1860); St. Ignatius. Spiritual Exercises (London,
1000); St. Francis of Sales, The Devout Christian (New York);
Scrupoli, The Spiritual Combat (London); Clare, Science of
the Spiritual Life (London. 1896); St. Liouori, The Christian
Virtues (New York); Grou, Manual of Interior Souls (London,
1905); Lallemant, Spiritual Doctrine (New York. 1884);
Lehmkuhi*. Theotoqia Moralis (Friburg, 1889): Schieler-
Heuser, Theory and Practice of the Confessional, Part III, sect.
2, The Office of the Confessor; Dupont. Guide Spiritual (Paris,
1866); Cardinal Bona. Traiti du Discemement dee Ssprits
(Tournai. 1840); Lewis of Granada, Sinner's Quids (Phila-
delphia, 1877); Brllecius, Solid Virtue (New York, 1882).
Charles Coppens.
Directories, Catholic. — The ecclesiastical sense of
the word directory, as will be shown later, has become
curiously confused with its secular use, but historically
speaking the ecclesiastical sense is the earlier. Direc-
torium simply means guide, but in the later Middle Ages
it came to be specially applied to guides for the recita-
tion of Office and Mass. For example, in the early part
of the fifteenth century one Clement Maydeston,
probably following earlier foreign precedents, adopted
the title "Directorium Saoerdotum" for his reorgan-
ised Sarum Ordinal . In this way the words " Directo-
rium Sacerdotum" came to stand at the head of a
number of books, some of them among the earliest
products of the printing press in England, which were
issued to instruct the clergy as to the form of Mass and
Office to be followed from day to day throughout the
Sear. This employment of the word directorium was
y no means peculiar to England. To take one con-
venient example, though not the earliest that might be
chosen, we find a very similar work published at Augs-
burg in 1501, which bears the title: Index sive Direc-
torium Missarum Horarumque secundum ritum chori
Constanciensis diocesis dicendarum". As this title
suffices to show, a directorium or guide for the recita-
tion of Office and Mass had to be constructed accord-
ing to the needs of a particular diocese or group of dio-
ceses, for as a rule each diocese has certain saints' days
and feasts peculiar to itself, and these have all to be
taken account of in regulating the Office, a single
change often occasioning much disturbance by the
necessity it creates of transferring coincident celebra-
tions to other days. Out of the " Directorium Sacer-
dotum ' ' which in England was often called the " Pye ",
and which seems to have come into almost general use
about the time of the invention of printing, our pres-
ent Directory, the "Ordo divini Officii recitandi Sac-
rique peragendi" has gradually developed. We may
note a few of the characteristics both of the actual and
the ancient usage.
Actual Usage. — It is now the custom for every
diocese, or, in cases where the calendar followed is
substantially identical, for a group of dioceses belong-
ing to the same province or country, to have a " Direc-
tory' ' or "Ordo recitandi'1 printed each year for the
use of all the clergy. It consists simply of a calendar
for the year, in which there are printed against each day
concise directions concerning the Office and Mass to be
said on that day. The calendar is usually provided
with some indication of fast days, special indulgences,
days of devotion, and other items of information
which it may be convenient for the clergy to be re-
minded of as they occur. This Ordo is issued with the
authority of the bishop or bishops concerned, and is
binding upon the clergy under their j urisdiction. The
religious orders have usually a Directory of their
own, which, in the case of the larger orders, often differs
according to the country in which they are resident.
For the secular clergy the calendar of the Roman Mis-
sal and Breviary, apart from special privilege, always
forms the basis of the " Ordo recitandi ' '. To this the
feasts and saints' days celebrated in the diocese are
added, and, as the higher grade of these special celebra-
tions often causes them to take precedence of those in
the ordinary calendar, a certain amount of shifting and
transposition is inevitable, even apart from the com-
plications introduced by the movable feasts. All this
has to be calculated and arranged beforehand in ac-
cordance with the rules supplied Dy the general rubrics
of the Missal and Breviary. Even so, the clergy of
particular churches have further to provide for the
celebration of their own patronal or dedication feasts,
and to make such other chances in the Ordo as these
insertions may impose. The Ordo is always compiled
in Latin, though an exception is sometimes made in
the Directories drawn up for nuns who recite the
Divine Office, and, as it is often supplemented with a
few extra pages of diocesan notices, recent decrees of
the Congregation of Rites, regulations for the saying of
votive Offices, etc., matters only affecting the clergy,
it is apt to acquire a somewhat professional and ex-
clusive character.
How long a separate and annual "Ordo recitandi"
has been printed for the use of the English clergy it
seems impossible to discover. Possibly Bishop Chal-
loner, Vicar Apostolic from 1741 to 1781, had some-
thing to do with its introduction. But in 1759 a
Catholic London printer conceived the idea of trans-
lating the official "Directorium", or Ordo, issued for
the clergy, and accordingly published in that year: " A
Lay Directory or a help to find out and assist at Ves-
pers .... on Sundays and Holy Days". Strange to
say, another Catholic printer, seemingly the publisher
of the official Ordo, shortly afterwards, conceiving his
privileges invaded, produced a rival publication: 'The
Laity's Directory or the Order of the (Catholic) Church
Service for the year 1764". This " Laity's Directory"
was issued year by year for three-quarters of a century,
gradually growing in size, but in 1837 it was supplanted
by "The Catholic Directory" which since 1855 has
been published in London by Messrs. Burns & Lam-
bert, now Burns & Oates. The earliest numbers of
the "Laity's Directory" contained nothing save an
abbreviated translation of the clerical "Ordo reci-
tandi", but towards the end of the eighteenth century
a list of the Catholic chapels in London, advertise-
ments of schools, obituary notices, important eccles-
iastical announcements, and other miscellaneous mat-
ters began to be added, and at a still later date we find
DIRECTORIES
26
DIRECTORIES
an index of the names and addresses of the Catholic
clergy serving the missions in England and Scotland.
This feature has been imitated in the " Irish Catholic
Directory" and in the Catholic Directories of the
United States. Hence the widespread idea that
Catholic directories are so called because they com-
monly form an address book for the churches and
clergy of a particular country, but an examination of
the early numbers of the "Laity's Directory" con-
clusively shows that it was only to the calendar with
its indication of the daily Mass and Office that the
name originally applied.
Former Usage. — In the Middle Ages, and indeed
almost down to the invention of printing, the books
used in the service of the Church were much more
divided up than they are at present. Instead of one
book, our modern Breviary for example, containing
the whole Office, we find at least four books — the
Psalterium, the Hymnarium, the Antiphonarium, and
the Legendarium, or book of lessons, all in separate
volumes. Rubrics or ritual directions were rarely
written down in connexion with the text to which they
belonged (we are speaking here of the Mass and Office,
not of the services of rarer occurrence such as those in
the Pontifical), but they were probably at first com-
municated by oral tradition only, and when they be-
gan to be recorded they took only such summary form
as we find in the "Ordines Romani" of Hittorp and
Mabillon. However, about the eleventh century there
grew up a tendency towards greater elaboration and
precision in rubrical directions for the services, and at
the same time we notiee the beginning of a more or less
strongly marked division of these directions into two
classes, which in the case of the Sarum Use are con-
veniently distinguished as the Customary and the
Ordinal . Speaking generally, we may say that the for-
mer of these rubrical oooks contains the principles and
the latter their application; the former determines
those matters that are constant and primarily the
duties of persons, the latter deals with the arrange-
ments which vary from day to day and from year to
year. It is out of the latter of these books, i. e. the
Ordinal (often called Ordinarium and Liber Ordinarius),
that the "Directorium", or "Pye", and eventually
also our own modern "Ordo recitandi" were in due
time evolved. These distinctions are not clear-cut.
The process was a gradual one. But we may distin-
guish in the English and also in the Continental Or-
dinals two different stages. We have, first, the type of
book in common use from the twelfth to the fifteenth
century, and represented by the "Sarum Ordinal"
edited by W. H. Frere, or the "Ordinaria of Laon"
edited by Chevalier. Here we have a great deal of
miscellaneous information respecting feasts, the Office
and Mass to be said upon them according to the
changes necessitated by the occurrence of Easter and
the shifting of the Sundays, as well as the " Incipits " of
the details of the service, o. g. of the lessons to be read
and the commemorations to be made. The second
stage took the form of an adaptation of this Ordinal for
ready use, an adaptation with which, in the case of
Sarum, the name of Clement Maydeston is prominently
connected. This was the " Directorium Sacerdotum ,
the complete " Pye" (known in Latin as Pica Sarum),
abbreviated editions of which were afterwards pub-
lished in a form which allowed it to be bound up with
the respective portions of the Breviary. The idea of
this great " Pye" was to give all the thirty-five possi-
ble combinations, five to each Dominical Letter (q. v.),
which the fixed and movable elements of the ecclesias-
tical year admitted of, assigning a separate calendar
to each, more or less corresponding to our present
"Ordo recitandi". This arrangement was not pecu-
liar to England.
One of the earliest printed books of the kind was
that issued about 1475 for the Diocese of Constance, of
which a rubricated copy is to be found in the British
Museum. It is a small folio in size, of one hundred and
twelve leaves, and after the ordinary calendar it sup-
plies summary rules, under thirty-five heads, for draw-
ing up the special calendar for each year according to the
Golden Number and the Dominical Letter. Then the
Ordo for each of the thirty-five possible combinations
is set out in detail. The name most commonly given
to these "Pyes" on the Continent was "OrpUnarius",
more rarely " Directorium Missae ' '. For example, the
title of such a book printed for the Diocese of Liege in
1492 runs: "In nomine Domini Amen . . . Incipit
liber Ordinarius ostendens qualiter legatur et cantetur
per totum anni circulum in ecclesia Teodiensi tarn de
tempore quam de festis sanctorum in nocturnis officiis
divinis." Such books were also provided for the re-
ligious orders. An " Ordinarius Ordinis Praemonstra-
tensis" exists in manuscript at Jesus College, Cam-
bridge, and an early printed one in the British Museum.
When the use of printing became universal, the step
from these rather copious directories, which served for
all possible years, to a shorter guide of the type of our
modern "Ordo recitandi", ana intended only for one
particular year, was a short and easy one. Since, how-
ever, such publications are useless after their purpose
is once served, they are very liable to destruction, and
it seems impossible to say how early we may date the
first attempt at producing an Ordo after our modern
fashion. The fact that at the Council of Trent (Sess.
XXIII, De Reform., cap. xviii) it was thought neces-
sary to urge that ecclesiastical students should be
trained in the understanding of the computus f by
which they could determine the ordo recitandi in each
year for themselves, seems to imply that such Ordos
as we now possess were not in familiar use in the
middle of the sixteenth century.
Modern Directories. — At the present day it may
be said that in every part of the world not only is a
printed Ordo provided for the clergy of every diocese
and religious institute, but that almost everywhere
some adaptation of this is available for the use of the
laity. The earliest English attempt at anything of the
sort seems to have been a little "Catholic Almanac",
which appeared for three or four years in the reign of
James II (see The Month, vol. CXI, 1908). But this
was a mere calendar of feasts without any directions
for the Office and Mass. In Ireland the work which at
present appears under the title "The Irish Catholic
Directory and Almanac for 1909, with a complete
Directory in English" seems to have existed under
various names since 1837 or earlier. It was first called
"A Complete Catholic Directory", and then, in 1846,
"Battereby's Registry", from the name of the pub-
lisher. For Scotland, though the Scottish missions
are included in the "Catholic Directory" published in
London, there is also a separate " Catholic Directory
for the Clergy and Laity of Scotland" which began
under a slightly different name in 1868. Catholic
Directories also exist for the Australian and Canadian
provinces, and occasionally for separate dioceses, e. g.
the Diocese of Birmingham, England, possesses an
"Official Directory" of its own. Attention may
briefly be called, also, to two Roman handbooks of a
character somewhat analogous to our Directories,
which supply names and details regarding the Catholic
hierarchy throughout the world and especially regard- .
ing the cardinals, the Roman Congregations and their
personnel, the prelates and cameneri, etc.. in attend-
ance upon the papal court. The first of these, called
since 1872 "La Gerarchia Cattolica e la Famiglia
Pontificia", was first published in 1716 and was long
familiarly known as "Cracas" from the name of the
publisher. Officially, the early numbers were simply
called "Notiaie per l'Anno 1716, etc." (see Moroni,
Dizionario, XX, 26 sqq.). The other work, which is
very similar in character, but somewhat more ample in
its information, has appeared since 1898 under the
title " Annuario Ecclesiastico ". Finally we notice the
DIRECTORIES
27
DIRECTORIES
existence of the "Directorium Chori", a work origin-
ally compiled by Guidetti in 1582, possessing a quasi-
official character and often reprinted since. It is in-
tended for the use of the hebdomadarius and cantors
in collegiate churches, and is quite different in charac-
ter from the works considered above.
See Bchbod in Kirchenlexikon, s. v. Directorium. For the
Pye and Ordinal see especially Frere, The Uae of Sarum (Cam-
bridge, 1901), II, Introduction; Wordsworth, The Directorium
Sacerdotum of Clement Maydeston (Henry Bradshaw Society,
London, 1902), especially the Appendixes to vol. II; and also,
in the same series, The Tract* of Clement Maydeston (London,
1894); Chevalier, BMioth^que lituraique (Paris, 1897 — ). in
which series the editor has printed the Ordinaria of Laon,
Reims, Bayeux, etc. On English directories, see Thurston,
An Old-Eatablished Periodical in The Month (London, Feb.,
1882).
Herbert Thurston.
The United States. — These publications begin in
the United States with an " Ordo Divini Officii Re-
citandi", published at Baltimore, in 1801, by John
Hayes. It had none of the directory or almanac
features. "The Catholic Laity's Directory to the
Church Service with an Almanac for the year", an
imitation of the English enterprise, was the next, in
1817. It was published in New York with the "per-
mission of the Right Rev. Bishop Connolly1' by
Mathew Field, who was born in England of an Irish
Catholic family and left there for New York in 1815.
He died at Baltimore, 1832. His son, Joseph M.
Field, was six years old when he arrived in New York,
and became a prolific and brilliant writer, dying at
Mobile in 1856. Joseph's daughter, Kate Field, was
later the well-known author and lecturer. Though
both were baptized, neither was a professed Catholic.
This Field production, in addition to the ordinary
almanac calendars, had a variety of pious and in-
structive reading-matter with an account of the
churches, colleges, seminaries, and institutions of the
United States. It made up a small 32mo book of
sixty-eight pages. Among other things, it promised
the preparation of a Catholic magazine which, how-
ever, was never started. Only one issue of this
almanac was made. The next effort in the same
direction, and on practically the same lines, was also
at New York, in 1822, by W. H. Creagh. It was ed-
ited by the Rev. Dr. John Power, rector of St. Peter's
church, and says in the preface that it was " intended
to accompany the Missal with a view to facilitate the
use of the same". The contents include "Brief Ac-
count of the Establishment of the Episcopacy in the
United States"; "Present Status of religion in the
respective Dioceses"; "A short account of the pres-
ent State of the Society of Jesus in the U. S.", and
obituaries of priests who had died from 1814 to 1821.
This was the only number of this almanac.
In 1834 Fielding Lucas of Baltimore took up the
idea and brought out "The Metropolitan Catholic
Calendar and Laity's Directory" for that year, to be
published annually. He said in it that he had "in-
tended to present it in 1832 but from circumstances
over which he had no control it has been delayed to
the present period". It prints a list of the hier-
archy and the priests of the several dioceses, with their
stations. . In this publication and its various succes-
sors the title Directory is used in its purely secular
meaning, as the issues include no ecclesiastical calen-
dar or Ordo. James Meyers "at the Cathedral" is
the publisher of the subsequent volumes until 1838,
when Fielding Lucas, Jr., took hold and changed the
name "U. S. Catholic Almanac", that Meyers had
fjven it, back to "Metropolitan Catholic Almanac",
n the issue of 1845 there is inserted a map of the
United States, " prepared at much expense to exhibit
at a glance the extent and relative situation of the
different dioceses", with a table of comparative statis-
tics, 1835 to 1845. A list of the clergy in England
and Ireland was added in the volume for 1850.
"Lucas Brothers" is the imprint on the almanac for
1856-57, and the Baltimore publication then ceased,
to be taken up in 1858 by Edward Dunigan &
Brother of New York, as " Dunigan 'a. American Catho-
lic Almanac and List of the Clergy". All general
reading-matter was omitted in this almanac, publica-
tion of which was stopped the following year when
John Murphy & Co. of Baltimore resumed there the
compilation of the "Metropolitan Catholic Almanac".
Owing to the Civil War no almanacs were printed dur-
ing 1862 or 1863. In 1864 D. & J. Sadlier of New
York started "Sadlier's Catholic Directory, Almanac
and Ordo "'which John Gilmary Shea compiled and
edited for them. It made a volume of more than 600
pages and gave lists of the clergy in the United States,
Canada, Great Britain, Ireland/ and Australasia, with
diocesan statistics. This publication continued alone
in the field until 1886, when Hoffman Brothers, a Ger-
man firm of publishers of Milwaukee, brought out
"Hoffman '8 Catholic Directory", which the Rev.
James Fagan, a Milwaukee priest, compiled for them.
In contents it was similar to the New York publica-
tion. This directory continued until 1896, when the
Hoffman Company failed, and their plant was pur-
chased by the WQtzius Company, which has since
continued the directory. The Sadlier "Directory"
ceased publication in 1895.
The Wiltzius "Catholic Directory, Almanac and
Clergy List" has reports for all dioceses in the United
States, Canada, Alaska, Cuba, Sandwich Islands, Porto
Rico, Philippine Islands, Newfoundland, England,
Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, together with statistics
of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, Belgium, Costa
Rica, Guatemala, British Honduras, Nicaragua, San
• Salvador, German Empire, Japan, Luxemburg, The
United States of Mexico, Netherlands, Norway,
Oceanica, South Africa, The United States of Brazil,
Curacao, Dutch Guiana, Switzerland, and the West
Indies. It contains also an alphabetical list of all
clergymen in the United States and Canada, as well as
a map of the ecclesiastical provinces in the United
States. It gives a list of English-speaking confessors
abroad, American colleges in Europe, and the leading
Catholic societies; statistics of the Catholic Indian and
Negro missions, and a list of Catholic papers and peri-
odicals in the United States and Canada.
In the almanac for 1837 it is noted, concerning the
statistics, that " the numbers marked with an asterisk
are not given as strictly exact, though it is believed
they approximate to the truth, and are as accurate as
could be ascertained from the statements forwarded to
the editor from the several dioceses". On the same
topic "Hoffman's Directory" for 1890 says: "It is
much to be regretted that the statistics are not more
carefully kept. In every diocese there are parishes
that fail to report and many dioceses report statistics
only partially, so that any general summary that
can be made up at best is only an approximation."
Dealing with this long-standing ana well-founded
complaint .of inaccurate Catholic statistics, the arch-
bishops of the United States, at their annual confer-
ence m 1907, resolved to co-operate with the United
States Census Bureau in an effort to collect correct
figures. Archbishop Glennon of St. Louis was ap-
pointed a special census official by the Government
for this purpose, and under his direction an enumera-
tion of the Catholics of every parish in the United
States was made. The figures thus obtained were
used in the "Directory" for 1909. It is the first,
therefore, of these publications giving statistics of
population on which any reliance can be placed in
respect to accuracy of detail.
Canada. — In 1886 "Le Canada Ecclesiastique,
Almanach Annuaire du clerge1 Canadien", printed in
French, was begun in Montreal. The contents are
similar to those of the directories in English. Recent
issues have a number of illustrations of local and
historical interest, such as a series of portraits of the
1
DTMMKrfT
28
DI80EBNMENT
Bishops of Quebec in the issue for 1908, in commemo-
ration of the centenary celebrations. The Rev.
Charles P. Beaubien edited the publication.
Fi]«* of these various publications; Finotti, BHUiographia
CathUica Americana (New York, 1872).
Thomas F. Meehan.
Diriment Impediments. See Impediments.
Discalced (Lat. dis, without, and calceus, shoe), a
term applied to those religious congregations of men
and women, the members of which go entirely unshod
or wear sandals, with or without other covering for the
feet. These congregations are often distinguished on
this account from other branches of the same order.
The custom of going unshod was introduced into the
West by St. Francis of Assisi for men and St. Clare
for women. After the various modifications of the
Rule of St. Francis, the Observantines adhered to the
primitive custom of going unshod, and in this they
were followed by the Minims and Capuchins. The
Discalced Franciscans or Alcantarines, who prior to
1897 formed a distinct branch of the Franciscan Order
went without footwear of any kind. The followers of
St. Clare at first went barefoot, but later came to wear
sandals and even shoes. The Colettines and Capu-
chin Sisters returned to the use of sandals. Sandals
were also adopted by the Camaldolese monks of the
Congregation of Monte Corona (1522), the Uniat
Maronite monks, the Poor Hermits of St. Jerome of
the Congregation of Bl. Peter of Pisa, the Aueustinians
of Thomas of Jesus (1532), the Barefooted. Servites
(1593), the Discalced Carmelites (1568), the Feuil-
knts (Cistercians, 1575), Trinitarians (1594), Merce-
darians (1604), and the Passionists. (See Friars
Minor.)
Heimbuchxb, Die Orden u. Kongreoationen (Paderborn,
1907), I, 44; Buchbsrgsr, Kirchlichee HandLex.^n. v.
Stephen M. Donovan.
Discernment of Spirits. — All moral conduct may
be summed up in the rule: avoid evil and do good.
In the language of Christian asceticism, spirits, in the
broad sense, is the term applied to certain complex
influences, capable of impelling the will, the ones
toward good, the others toward evil; we have the
worldly spirit of error, the spirit of race, the spirit of
Christianity, etc. However, in the restricted sense,
spirits indicate the various spiritual agents which, by
tneir suggestions and movements, mav influence the
moral value of our acts. Here we shall speak only of
this second kind. They are reduced to four, includ-
ing, in a certain way, the human soul itself, because in
consequence of the original Fall, its lower faculties are
at variance with its superior powers. Concupiscence,
that is to say, disturbances of the imagination ana
errors of sensibility, thwart or pervert the operations
of the intellect and will, by deterring the one from the
true and the other from the good (Gen., viii, 21;
James, i, 14). In opposition to our vitiated nature or,
so to speak, to the flesh which drags us into sin, the
Spirit- of God acts within us by grace, a supernatural
help given to our intellect and will to lead us back to
good and to the observance of the moral law (Rom.,
vii, 22-25). Besides these two spirits, the human ana
the Divine, in the actual order of Providence, two
others must be observed. The Creator willed that
there should be communication between angels and
menrand as the angels are of two kinds (see Angeus),
good and bad, the latter try to win us over to their
rebellion and the former endeavour to make us their
companions in obedience. Hence four spirits lay
siege to our liberty, the angelic and the Divine seeking
its good and the human (in the sense heretofore men-
tioned); the diabolical its misery. In ordinary lan-
guage they may, for brevity sake, be called simply
the good and the evil spirit.
Discernment of spirits is the term given to the judg-
ment whereby to determine from what spirit the im-
pulses of the soul emanate, and it is easy to understand
the importance of this judgment both for self-direction
and the direction of others. Now this judgment may
be formed in two way*. In the first case the discern-
ment is made by means of an intuitive light which in-
fallibly discovers the quality of the movement; it is
then a gift of God. a grace gratis data, vouchsafed
mainly for the benefit of our neighbour (I Cor., xii, 10).
This charisma or gift was granted in the early Church
and in the course of the lives of the saints as, for ex-
ample, St. Philip Neri. Second, discernment of spirits
may be obtained through study and reflexion. It is
then an acquired human knowledge, more or less per-
fect, but very useful in the direction of souls. It is
procured, always, of course, with the assistance of
grace, by the reading of Holy Writ, of works on the-
ology and asceticism, of autobiographies, and the cor-
respondence of the most distinguished ascetics. The
necessity of self-direction and of directing others,
when one had charge of souls, produced documents,
preserved in spiritual libraries, from the perusal of
which one may see that the discernment of spirits is a
science that has always flourished in the Church. In
addition to the special treatises enumerated in the
course to the monks of Egypt, in his life by St.
Athanasius; the "De perfectione spirituali" (ch. 30-
33) by Marcus Diadochus * the "Confessions" of St.
Augustine; St. Bernard's XXIII sermon, "Dediscre-
tione spirituum"; Gerson's treatise, "De diversis dia-
boli tentationibus"; St. Theresa's autobiography and
"Castle of the Soul"; St. Francis de Sales' letters of
direction, etc.
An excellent lesson is that given by St. Ignatius
Loyola in his "Spiritual Exercises". Here we find
rules for the discernment of spirits and, being clearly
and briefly formulated, these rules indicate a secure
course, containing in embryo all that is included in the
more extensive treatises of later date. For a complete
explanation of them the best commentaries on the
"Exercises" of St. Ignatius may be consulted, espe-
cially those by P. Gagliardi and a few authors tike
Godinez, Lopez Ezquerra, and Scaramelli who, setting
aside the other parts of the "Exercises", are mani-
festly imbued with the doctrine of this book on the
discernment of spirits. Of the rules transmitted to us
by a saint inspired by Divine light and a learned psy-
chologist taught by personal experience, it will suffice
to recall the principal ones. Ignatius gives two
kinds and we must call attention to the fact tnat in the
second category, according to some opinions, he some-
times considers a more delicate discernment of spirits
adapted to the extraordinary course of mysticism.
Be that as it may, he begins by enunciating this clear
principle, that both the good and the evil spirit act
upon a soul according to the attitude it assumes
toward them. If it pose as their friend, they flatter
it; if it resist them, they torment it. . But the evil
spirit speaks only to the imagination and the senses,
whereas the good spirit acts upon reason and con-
science. The evil labours to excite concupiscence, the
good to intensify love for God. Of course it may hap-
pen that a perfectly well-disposed soul suffers from the
attacks of the devu deprived of the sustaining consola-
tions of the good angel; but this is only a temporary
trial the passing of which must be awaited in patience
and humility. St. Ignatius also teaches us to distin-
guish the spirits by their mode of action and by the
end they seek. Without any preceding cause, that is
to say, suddenly, without previous knowledge or senti-
ment, God alone,. by virtue of His sovereign dominion,
can flood the soul with light and joy. But if there has
been a preceding cause, either the good or the bad
angel may be the author of the consolation; this re-
mains to be judged from the consequences. As the
DISCIPLE
29
DISCIPLES
good angel's object is the welfare of the soul and the
Bad angel's its defects or unhappiness, if, in the prog-
ress of our thoughts all is well and tends to good
tffere is no occasion for uneasiness; on the contrary, if
we perceive any deviation whatsoever towards evil or
even a slight unpleasant agitation, there is reason to
fear. Such, then, is the substance of these brief rules
which are nevertheless so greatly admired by the mas-
ters of the spiritual life. Although requiring an au-
thorized explanation, when well understood, they act
as a preservative against many illusions.
Suarm, De Oratid, Prolog. Ill, c. 5, n. 36 et sqq.; Gaqliardi,
S. P. lgnatii de Loyola de Discretione spirituum regula expla-
nata (Naples, 1851); Rossiqnoli, De Discipline Christ. Perfec
tioni* (Venice, 1601), 1, III, c. 13-20; Bona, De Discretion*
Spirituum (Brussels, 1671); de Paje, Opera Spxritualia (Main*,
1619), III, V, 1855; Scabamelli, Dtscernimento de* Spiriti
i Venice, 1753) ; Sarnklli, La Discretione dealt Spiriti (Naples,
864); Godinez, Praetiea de la Theotogia Mistiea (Madrid,
1903); Ezquerba, Lucerna mystiea pro Directoribus Animarum
(Venice, 1722).
Paul Debuchy.
Disciple. — This term is commonly applied to one
who is learning any art or science from one distin-
guished by his accomplishments. Though derived
from the Latin discipulus, the English name conveys
a meaning somewhat narrower than its Latin equiva-
lent : disciple is opposed to master, as scholar to teacher,
whilst both disciple and scholar are included under
the Latin discipulus. In the English versions of the
Old Testament the word disciple occurs only once
(Is., viii, 16) ; but the idea it conveys is to be met with
in several other passages, as, for instance, when the
Sacred Writer speaks of the "sons" of the Prophets
(IV K., ii, 7); the same seems, likewise, to be the
meaning; of the terms children and son in the Sapiential
books (e. g. Prov., iv, 1, 10; etc.). Much more fre-
quently does the New Testament use the word dis-
ciple in the sense of pupil, adherent, one who con-
tinues in the Master's word (John, viii, 31). So we read
of disciples of Moses (John, ix, 28), of the Pharisees
(Matt., xxii, 16; Mark, ii, 18; Luke, v, 33), of John the
Baptist (Matt., ix, 14; Luke, vii, 18; John, iii, 25).
These, however, are only incidental applications, for
the word is almost exclusively used of the Disciples of
Jesus.
In the Four Gospels it is most especially applied to
the Apostles, sometimes styled the twelve disciples"
(Matt., x, 1 ; xi, 1 ; xx, 17 ; xxvi, 20 ; the sixteenth verse
of chapter xxviii, having reference to events subse-
r tit to Christ's Passion, mentions only the " eleven
iples"), sometimes merely called "the disciples11
(Matt., xiv, 19; xv, 33, 36; etc.). The expression "his
disciples" frequently has the same import. Occasion-
ally the Evangelists give the word a broader sense and
make it a synonym for believer (Matt., x, 42; xxvii,
57; John, iv, 1 ; ix, 27, 28; etc.). Besides, tne significa-
tion of "Apostle" and that of "believer" were is
finally a third one, found in St. Luke, and perhaps also
in the other Evangelists. St. Luke narrates (vi, 13)
that Jesus "called unto him his disciples, and he chose
twelve of them (whom also he namea apostles) ". The
disciples, in this context, are not the crowds of be-
lievers who flocked around Christ, but a smaller body
of His followers. They are commonly identified with
the seventy-two (seventy, according to the received
Greek text, although several Greek MSS. mention
seventy-two, as does the Vulgate) referred to (Luke,
x, 1) as having been chosen by Jesus. The names of
these disciples are given in several lists (Chronicon
Paschale, and Pseudo-Dorotheus in Migne, P. G.,
XCII, 521-524; 543-545: 1061-1065); but these lists
are unfortunately worthless. Eusebius positively
asserts that no such roll existed in his time, and men-
tions among the disciples only Barnabas, Sosthenes,
Cephas, Matthias, Thaddeus, and James "the Lord's
brother" (Hist. Eccl., I, xii). In the Acts of the
Apostles the name disciple is exclusively used to desig-
nate the converts, the believers, both men and women
(vi, 1, 2, 7; ix, 1, 10, 19; etc. ; in reference to the latter
connotation see in particular ix, 36). even such as were
only imperfectly instructed, like tnose found by St.
Paul at Ephesus (Acts, xix, 1-^5).
Cbemer, BiMtich-theologisches Worterbuch der neutestament-
liehen Gracital (8th ed., Gotha, 1895), tr. Ubwxck, Btblico-theo-
Ugieal Lexicon of the N. T. Greek (3rd ed., Edinburgh, 1892);
Harnack, Die Mission und die Ausbreitung des Christentutns
(Leipzig, 1902); Txllemont, Memoires pour servir a Vhistoire
ecd. (Paris, 1655). I; Olliytkr, Les amities de Jesus (Paris,
1895); XjBsAtbe, La sainte Eglise au siectc des ApMres (Paris,
1q9o).
Charles L. Souvat.
Disciples of Christ, a sect founded in the United
States of America by Alexander Campbell. Although
the largest portion of his life and prodigious activity
was spent in the United States, Alexander Campbell
was born, 12 Sept., 1788, in the County Antrim, Ire-
land. On his father's side he was of Scotch extrac-
tion; his mother, Jane Corneigle, was of Huguenot
descent. Both parents are reported to have been
persons of deep piety and high literary culture. His
father, after serving as minister to the Anti-Burgher
Church in Ahorev and director of a prosperous academy
at Richhill, emigrated to the United States and en-
gaged in the oft-attempted and ever futile effort "to
unite all Christians as one communion on a purely
scriptural basis", the hallucination of so many noble
minds, the only outcome of which must always be.
against the will of the Founder, to increase the discord
of Christendom by the creation of a new sect. In
1808 Alexander embarked with the family to join his
father, but was shipwrecked on the Scottish coast and
took the opportunity to prepare himself for the minis-
try at the University of Glasgow. In 1809 he migrated
to the United States, and found in Washington County,
Pennsylvania, the nucleus of the new movement m
the "Christian Association of Washington", under
the auspices of which was issued a " Declaration and
Address", setting forth the objects of the association.
It was proposed " to establish no new sect, but to
persuade Christians to abandon party names and
creeds, sectarian usages and denominational strifes,
and associate in Christian fellowship, in the common
faith in a divine Lord, with no other terms of religious
communion than faith in and obedience to the Lord
Jesus Christ".
An independent church was formed at Brush Run
on the principles of the association, and, 1 Jan., 1812,
Alexander was "ordained". His earnestness is at-
tested by the record of one hundred and six sermons
preached in one year;, but he wrecked every prospect
of success by finding in his reading of the Scriptures
the invalidity of infant baptism, and the necessity of
baptism by immersion, thus excluding from the Chris-
tian discipleship the vast majority of believing Chris-
tians. On 12 June, 1812, with his wife, father,
mother, and three others, Alexander was rebaptized
by immersion. Nothing was left him now but to seek
association with one or other of the numerous Baptist
sects. This he did, but with the proviso that he
should be allowed to preach and teach whatever he
learned from the Holy Scriptures. The Baptists
never took to him cordially; and in 1817, after five
years of herculean labours, his followers, whom he
wished to be known by the appellation of " Disciples
of Christ", but who were generally styled "Campbel-
lites", numbered only one hundred and fifty persons.
Campbell's mission as a messenger of peace was a
failure; as time went on he developed a polemical na-
ture, and became a sharp critic in speech and in writ-
ing of the weaknesses and vagaries of the Protestant
sects. Only once did he come in direct contact with
the Catholics, on the occasion of his five days' debate,
in 1837, with Archbishop Purcell of Cincinnati, which
excited great interest at the time but is now forgotten.
His sixty volumes are of no interest. Campbell was
twice married and was the father of twelve children*
DISCIPLINE 30 DISCIPLINE
He died at Bethany, West Virginia, where he had ee- more usual acceptation of the word discipline. Never-
tablished a seminary, 4 March, 1866. theless, it must be understood that this distinction,
According to their census prepared in 1906 the however justified, is not made for the purpose of sepa,-
sect then had 6475 ministers, 11,633 churches, and a rating ecclesiastical laws into two clearly divided cate-
membership of 1,235,294. It is strongest in the West gories in so far as practice is concerned; the Church
and South- West, Missouri, Indiana, Illinois, Kentucky, does not always make known to what extent she
and Ohio having the largest bodies. J. H. Garrison, speaks in the name of natural or of Divine law, and
editor of their organ "The Christian Evangelist") out- with this corresponds the observance of laws by her
lines (1906) the relief of his sect. According to their subjects.
investigations of the New Testament the confession of II. Object of Discipline. — Since ecclesiastical dis-
faith made by Simon Peter, on which Jesus declared he cipline should direct every Christian life, its object
would build His Church, namely "Thou art the must differ according to the obligations incumbent
Christ the Son of the living God , was the creed of on each individual. The first duty of a Christian is to
Christianity and the essential faith, and that all those believe; hence dogmatic discipline, by which the
who would make this confession from the heart, being Church proposes what we should believe and so regu-
penitent of their past sins, were to be admitted by lates our conduct that it shall not fail to assist our
baptism into the membership of the early Church ; that faith. Dogmatic discipline springs from the power of
baptism in the early Church consisted of the burial of a rnaaisterium, i. e. the teaching office, in the exercise of
penitent believer in water in the name of the Father, which power the Church can proceed only by declara-
and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, and that only tion ; therefore it is ecclesiastical discipline only in a
such were fit subjects for baptism; that the form of broad sense. The second duty of Christians is. to ob-
church government was congregational; that each serve the Commandments, hence moral discipline
congregation had its deacons and elders or bishops, the (disciplina morum). Strictly understood the latter
former to look after the temporal and the latter the does not depend much more upon the Church than
spiritual interests of the church. They practise does dogmatic discipline, as the natural law is anterior
weekly communion and consider it not as a sacrament and superior to ecclesiastical law; however, the
but as a memorial feast. While they hold both New Church authoritatively proposes to us the moral law,
and Old Testaments to be equally inspired, both are she specifies and perfects it; hence it is that we gener-
not equally binding upon Christians. Accepting the ally call moral discipline whatsoever directs the Chris-
Bible as an all-sufficient revelation of the Divine will, tian in those acts tnat have a moral value, including
they repudiate all authoritative creeds and human the observance of positive laws, both ecclesiastical and
grounds of fellowship. secular. Among the chief duties of a Christian the
Campbell, Christian System (Cincinnati. 1853); Ewiirrr, worship of God must be assigned a place apart. The
Our Position (Cincinnati, 1885); Richardbon, L»/e of Alexan- i xi l^ nhsu*rvt*\ in thin wnmahin Aarwiallv ruihlio
der CamvbeU (Philadelphia, 1868); Garhmon, the Reformation rules to be Observed in UllS worsnip, especially pUDIlC
of the Nineteenth Century (St. Louis, 1901). worship, constitute liturgical discipline. This cannot
James F. Loughlin. be said to depend absolutely upon the Church, as it
derives the essential part of the Holy Sacrifice and the
Discipline, Ecclesiastical. — Etymologically the sacraments from Jesus Christ: however, for the
word discipline signifies the formation of one who greater part, liturgical discipline nas been regulated by
places himself at school and under the direction of a the Church and includes the rites of the Holy Sacrifice,
master. All Christians are the disciples of Christ, de- the administration of the sacraments and of the sacra-
sirous to form themselves at His school and to be mentals, and other ceremonies,
guided by His teachings and precepts. He called There still remain the obligations incumbent on the
Himself , and we, too, call Him, Our Master. Such, faithful considered individually, either on the members
then, is evangelical discipline. However, in ecclesi- of different groups or classes of ecclesiastical society,
astical language the word discipline has been invested or, finally, on those who are to any extent whatever
with various meanings, which must here be enumer- depositaries of a portion of the authority. This is dis-
ated and specified. cipline properly so called, exterior discipline, estab-
I. Meaning* of Discipline. — All discipline may be lished by the free legislation of the Church (not, of
considered first in its author, then in its subject, and course, in a way absolutely independent of natural or
finally in itself. In its author it is chiefly the method Divine law, but outside of, yet akin to this law) for the
employed for the formation and adaptation of the pre- pood government of society and the sanctification of
pepts and directions to the end to be attained, which individuals. On individuals it imposes common pre-
is the perfect conduct of subjects; in this sense disci- cepts (the Commandments of the Church); then it
pline is said to be severe or mild. In those who re- states their mutual obligations, in conjugal society by
ceive it discipline is the more or less perfect conform- matrimonial discipline, m larger societies by detennin-
ity of acts to the directions and formation received; it ing relations with ecclesiastical superiors, parish
is in this sense that discipline may be said to flourish in priests, bishops, etc Special classes also have their
a monastery. Or, again, it is the obligation of sub- own particular discipline, there being clerical disci-
jects to conform their acts to precepts and directions, pline lor the clergy and religious or monastic discipline
and is thus defined by Cardinal Cavagnis : Praxis fac- for the religious. The government of Christian society
lorum fidei consona — " conduct conforming itself to is in the hands of prelates and superiors who are subject
faith19 (Inst. jur. publ. eccl., Bk. IV, n. 147). More to a special discipline either for the conditions of their
frequently, however, discipline is considered objec- recruitment, for the determining of their privileges
tively, that is, as being the precepts and measures for and duties, or for the manner in which they should ful-
the practical guidance of subjects. Thus understood fil their functions. We may include here the rules for
ecclesiastical discipline is the aggregate of laws and the administration of temporal goods. Finally, any
directions given by the Church to the faithful for their authority from which emanate orders or prohibitions
conduct both private and public. This is discipline in should have power to ratify the same by penal meas-
its widest acceptation, and includes natural and Di- ures applicable to all transgressors; hence, another
vine as well as positive laws, and faith, worship, and object of discipline is the imposing and inflicting of
morals; in a word, all that affects the conduct of disciplinary sanctions. It must be noted, however,
Christians. But if we eliminate laws merely f ormu- that the object of these measures is to ensure observ-
lated by the Church as the exponent of natural or ance or to chastise infractions of the natural and Di-
Divine law, there remain the laws and directions laid vine as well as of ecclesiastical laws,
down and formulated by ecclesiastical authority for III. Disciplinary Power or the Church. — U is
the guidance of the faithful; this is the restricted and evident, therefore, that the disciplinary power of the
DISCIPLINE 31 v DI80IPLXNE
Church is a phase, a practical application, of its power otous, with time defects crept in. Later it over-
of jurisdiction, and includes the various forms of the came these defects and although along some lines its
Matter, namely, legislative, administrative, judicial, usefulness increased, in other ways its first splendour
and coercive power. As for the power of order (potestas waned. That in its old age it languishes is evident
or dints), it is the basis of liturgical discipline by which from the leniency and indulgence which now seem ab-
its exercise is regulated. For the proof that the solutely necessary. However, all things fairly consid-
Church is a society and that, as such, it necessarily ered, it will appear that old age and youth have each
has the power of jurisdiction which it derives from their defects and good qualities. " Were it necessary
Divine institution through the Apostolic succession, to exemplify the mutability of ecclesiastical discipline
see Church. Disciplinary power is proved by the very it would be perplexing indeed to make a choice. The
fact of its exercise; it is an organic necessity in every ancient catechumenate exists only in a few rites; the
society whose members it guides to their end by provid- Latin Church no longer gives Communion to the laity
ing them with rules of action. Historically it can be under two kinds ; the discipline relating to penance and
shown that a disciplinary power has been exercised by indulgences has undergone a profound evolution;
the Church uninterruptedly, first by the Apostles and matrimonial law is still subject to modifications; fast-
then by their successors. The Apostles in the first ing is not what it formerly was; the use of censures in
council at Jerusalem formulated rules for the conduct of penal law is but the shadow of what it was in the Mid-
the faithful (Acts, xv). St. Paul pave moral advice to die Ages. Many other examples will easily occur to
the Christians of Corinth on virginity, marriage, and the mind of the well-informed reader,
the agape (I Cor., vii, xi). The Pastoral Epistles of St. V. Disciplinary Infallibility. — What connexion
Paul are a veritable code of clerical discipline. The is there between the discipline of the Church and her
Church, moreover, has never ceased to represent her- infallibility? Is there a certain disciplinary infallibil-
self as charged by Christ with the guidance of mankind ity ? It does not appear that the question was ever
in the way of eternal salvation. The Council of Trent discussed in the past by theologians unless apropos of
expressly affirms the disciplinary power of the Church the canonization of saints and the approbation of re-
in all that concerns liturgical discipline and Divine ligious orders. It has, however, found a place in all
worship (Sees. XXI, c. ii): "In the administration of recent treatises on the Church (De EcclesiA). The
the sacraments, the substance of the latter remaining authors of these treatises decide unanimously in favour
intact, the Church has always had power to establish of a negative and indirect rather than a positive and
or to modify whatever she considered most expedient direct infallibility, inasmuch as in her general disci-
for the utility of those who receive them, or best calcu- pline, i. e. the common laws imposed on all the faith-
lated to ensure respect for the sacraments themselves tul, the Church can prescribe nothing that would be
for the maintenance, development, or restoration of amounts to saying that the Church does not and can-
the moral and spiritual life of Christians. not impose practical directions contradictory of her
IV. Mutability op Discipline. — That ecclesiasti- own teaching. It is quite permissible, however, to
cal discipline should be subject to change is natural inquire how far this infallibility extends, and to what
since it was made for men and by men. To claim that extent, in her disciplinary activity, the Church makes
it is immutable would render the attainment of its end use of the privilege of inerrancy granted her by Jesus
utterly impossible, since, in order to form and direct Christ when she defines matters of faith and morals.
Christians, it must adapt itself to the variable circum- Infallibility is directly related to the teaching office
stances of time and place, conditions of life, customs of (magisterium) , and although this office and the disciplin-
peoples and races, Deing, in a certain sense, like St. ary power reside in the same ecclesiastical authorities,
Paul, all things to all men. Nevertheless, neither the the disciplinary power does not necessarily depend di-
actual changes nor the possibility of further alteration rectly on the teaching office. Teaching pertains to
must be exaggerated. There is no change in those the order of truth ; legislation to that of justice and
disciplinary measures through which the Church sets prudence. Doubtless, in last analysis all ecclesiasti-
before the faithful and confirms the natural and the cal laws are based on certain fundamental truths, but
Divine law, nor in those strictly disciplinary regula- as laws their purpose is neither to confirm nor to con-
tions that are closely related to the natural or Divine demn these truths. It does not seem, therefore, that
law. Other disciplinary rules may and must be modi- the Church needs any special privilege of infallibility
tied in proportion as they seem less efficacious for the to prevent her from enacting laws contradictory of her
social or individual welfare. Thomassin aptly says doctrine. To claim that disciplinary infallibility con-
[Vetus et nova Ecclesis disciplina (ed. Lyons, 1706), sists in regulating, without possibility of error, the
preface, n. xvii]: "Whoever has the least idea of eo- adaptation of a general law to its end, is equivalent to
clesiastical laws, those that concern government as the assertion of a (quite unnecessary) positive infalli-
well as those that regulate morals, knows well that they bility, which the incessant abrogation of laws would
are of two kinds, some represent immutable rules of belie and which would be to the Church a burden and
eternal truth, itself the fundamental law, the source m a hindrance rather than an advantage, since it would
and origin of these laws, from the observance of which ' suppose each law to be the best. Moreover, it would
there is no dispensation, against which no prescription make the application of laws to their end the object of
obtains, and which are not modified either by diver- a positive judgment of the Church ; this would not
sity of custom or vicissitudes of time. Other ecclesias- only be useless but would become a perpetual obstacle
tical rules and customs are by nature temporary, in- to disciplinary reform.
different in themselves, more or less authoritative, From the disciplinary infallibility of the Church,
useful, or necessary according to circumstances of correctly understood as an indirect consequence of her
time and place, having been established only to facili- doctrinal infallibility, it follows that she cannot be
tate the observance of the fundamental and eternal rightly accused of introducing into her discipline any-
law." As to the variations of discipline concerning thing opposed to the Divine law; the most remarkable
these secondary laws, the same author describes them instance of this being the suppression of the chalice in
in these terms 0°c- cit., n. xv): "While the Faith of the Communion of the laity. This has often been vio-
the Church remains the same in all apes, it is not so lently attacked as contrary to the Gospel. Concern-
with her discipline. This chances with time, grows ing it the Council of Constance (1415) declared (Sess.
old with the years, is rejuvenated, is subject to growth XIII): "The claim that it is sacrilegious or illicit to
MM) decay, Though in its early days admirably vig- observe this custom or law [Communion under one
i
DISOIFLDOB 32 DISOIFLnOB
kind] must be regarded as erroneous, and those who result. So again, in times of persecution, it was neees-
obstinately affirm it must be cast aside as heretics." sary to be very careful about those who offered them-
The opinion, generally admitted by theologians^ that selves for instruction, and who might be spies wishing
the Church is infallible in her approbation of religious to be instructed only that they might betray. The
orders, must be interpreted in the same sense; it doctrines to which the reserve was more especially
means that in her regulation of a manner of life des- applied were those of the Holy Trinity and the Sacra-
tined to provide for the practice of the evangelical ment of the Holy Eucharist. The Lord's Prayer, too,
counsels she cannot come into conflict with these was jealously guarded from the knowledge of all who
counsels as received from Christ together with the rest were not fully instructed. With regard to the Holy
of the Gospel revelation. (See Roman Congbega- Eucharist and the Lord's Prayer some relics of the
tions.) practice still survive in the Church. The Mass of the
Thomajuhn, Vetut et nova Baden* duuiplina (ed. Lyons, Catechumens, that earlier portion of the Eucharistic
1706). preface; Jexubr in Kirchenlex..B.v. Discivhn;eJltTintiBeB -p-vi-^ *« wk;rk WrnprH and nannhvtai wpt-p *A-
on public ecclesiastical law, especially that by Cavagnm, hut. ^JT10? *> ™wn learners ana neopnytes were aa-
Chriti SccUsid (Ratisbon 1897), 409 sq. • "» °*"1 4««? • ^J? ^£2- ' U"T""»" W1C *"f"™»* »w
A. Boudinhon. longer survives m the Western Liturgy, as it does in
the Eastern, of formally bidding the uninitiated to de-
Discipline of the Secret (Lat. Disciplina Ar- part when the more solemn part of the service is about
cam; Ger. ArcandiscipLin), a theological term used to to begin. So also the custom of saying the Lord's
express the custom which prevailed in the earliest ages Prayer in silence in all public services, except the lat-
of the Church, by which the knowledge of the more ter part of the Mass, when catechumens would accord-
intimate mysteries of the Christian religion was care- ing to the ancient use no longer have been present,
fully kept from the heathen and even from those who owes its origin to this discipline,
were undergoing instruction in the Faith. The cms- The earliest formal witness for the custom seems to
torn itself is beyond dispute, but the name for it is be Tertullian (Apol., vii): Omnibus mysteriis sileniii
comparatively modern, and does not appear to have fides adhibetur. Again, speaking of heretics, he corn-
been used before the controversies of the seventeenth plains bitterly that their discipline is lax in this re-
century, when special dissertations bearing the title spect, and that evil results have followed: "Among
"De disciplina arcani" were published both on the tnem it is doubtful who is a catechumen and who a
Protestant and on the Catholic side. # believer; all can come in alike; they hear side by side
The origin of the custom must be looked for in the and pray together; even heathens, if any chance to
recorded words of Christ: "Give not that which is come in. That which is holy they cast to the dogs,
holy to dogs; neither cast ye your pearls before and their pearls, though to be sure they are not real
swine; lest perhaps they trample them under their ones, they fling to the swine" (Prsescr. adv. Haer., xli).
feet, and turning upon you, they tear you" (Matt., Other passages from the Fathers which may be cited
vii, 6), while the practice in Apostolic times is suffi- are St. Basil (De Spir. Sanct., xxvii): "These things
ciently vouched for by St. Paul's assurance that he must not be told to the uninitiated"; St. Gregory
had fed the Corinthians "as . . . little ones in Nazianzen (Oratio xl, in s. bapt.) where he speaks of a
Christ", giving them "milk to drink, not meat", be- difference of knowledge between those who are with-
cause they were not yet able to bear it (I Cor., iii, 1-2). out and those who are within, and St. Cyril of Jerusa-
With this passage we may compare also Heb., v, 12- lem whose "Catechetical Discourses "are entirely built
14, where the same illustration is used, and it is de- upon this principle, and who in his first discourse cau-
clared that "solid food is for the perfect; for them tions his hearers not to tell what they have heard,
who by custom have their senses exercised to the dis- "Should a catechumen ask what the teachers have
cerning of good and evil.'9 Although the origin of the said, tell nothing to a stranger; for we deliver to thee
custom is thus to be traced back to the very beginnings a mystery . • • Let no man say to thee, What harm
of Christianity, it does not appear to have Deen so if I also know it? • . . See thou let out nothing, not
general, or to have been carried out with so much that what is said is not worth telling, but because the
strictness in the earlier centuries as it was immedi- ear that hears does not deserve to receive it. Thou
ately after the persecutions had ceased. This may be thyself wast once a catechumen, and then I told thee
due in part to tne absence of detailed information with not what was coming. When thou hast come to ex-
regard to the earlier period, but it is probable enough perience the height of what is taught thee, thou wilt
that the discipline was growing more strict all through know that the catechumens are not worthy to hear
the second and third centuries on account of the pres- them" (Cat., Lect. i, 12). St. Augustine and St.
sure of persecution, and that, when persecution was at Chrysostom in like manner frequently stop short in
last relaxed, the need for reserve was felt at first, while their public addresses, and, after a more or less veiled
the Church was still surrounded by hostile Paganism, reference to the mysteries, continue with: "The initi-
to be increased rather than diminished. After the ated will understand what I mean."
fifth or sixth century, when Christianity was thor- The Lord's Prayer was in St. Augustine's time
oughly established and secure, the need of such a dis- taught eight days before baptism {Horn, xlii; cf . " En-
ch>Ene was no longer felt, and it passed rapidly away. *chir.", lxxi, and the "Apostolic Constitutions", VII,
The practice of reserve (olxopofda) was exercised xliv; St. Chrys., Horn, xx, al. xix, in Matt.). The
mainly in two directions, in dealing with catechumens, Creed in like manner was taught just before baptism,
and with the heathen. It will be convenient to treat So St. Ambrose, writing to his sister Marcellina
of these separately, as the reasons for the practice, and (Epist. xx, Benedict, ed.), says that on Sunday, after
the mode m which it was carried out, differ somewhat the catechumens had been dismissed, he was teaching
in the two cases. the Creed in the baptistery of the basilica to those who
(1) Catechumens. — It was desirable to bring learners were sufficiently advanced. (Cf. also St. Jerome,
slowly and by degrees to a full knowledge of the Epist. xxxviii, ad Pammach.) More detailed teach-
Faith. A convert from heathenism could not profit- ing about the Holy Trinity and about the other sacra-
« ■ .....i_A_ ai t_i_^i_^v_i; — 1;_» a — ~~ u..a — ~~±~ -—»- ~~i_ _„.,»» «r«-A. iv««vt:«m Other passages
'Horn, in Matt.",
Pseud. Augustine,
DISCIPLINE
33
DI80IPLIH1
cence applied to all the sacraments, and no catechu-
men was ever allowed to be present at their celebra-
tion. St. Basil (De Spir. S. ad Amphilochium, xxvii)
speaking of the sacraments says: ''One must not cir-
culate in writing the doctrine of mysteries which none
but the initiated are allowed to see/' For baptism
reference may be made to Theodoret (Epitom. De-
cret., xviii), St. Cyril of Alexandria (Contr. Julian., i),
and St. Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. xl, de bapt.)-
The discipline with respect to the Holy Eucharist
of course requires no proof. It is involved in the very
name of the Afissa Catechumenorum, and one can
scarcely turn to any passage of the Fathers which
deals with the subject in which the reticence to be
observed is not expressly stated. Confirmation was
never spoken of openly. St. Basil, in the treatise
already quoted (De Spir. S., xxv, 11), says that no one
has ever ventured to speak openly in writing of the
holv oil of unction, and Innocent I. writing to the
Bishop of Gubbio on the sacramental "form" of this
ordinance answers: "I dare not speak the words, lest
I should seem rather to betray a trust, than to respond
to a request for information" (Epist. i, 3). Holy
orders in the same way were never given publicly.
The Council of Laodicea forbade it definitely in its
fifth canon. St. Chrysostom (Horn, xvii in II Cor.), in
speaking of the practice of begging the prayers of the
faithful for those who are to be ordained, says that
those who understand co-operate with and assent to
what is done. "For it is not lawful to reveal every-
thing to those who are yet uninitiated. " So also St.
Augustine (Tract xi, in Joann.) : " If you say to a cate-
chumen, Dost thou believe in Christ? he will answer, I
do, and will sign himself with the Cross. . . . Let us
ask him, Dost thou eat the Flesh of the Son of Man
and drink the Blood of the Son of Man? He will not
know what we mean, for Jesus has not trusted himself
to him."
(2) The Heathen. — The evidence for the reserve of
Christian writers when dealing with religious ques-
tions in books which might be accessible to the
heathen is, naturally, to a large extent of a negative
character, and therefore difficult to produce. Theo-
doret (Quffiet. xv in Num.) lays down the general
principle in terms which are quite clear and unmis-
takable: "We speak in obscure terms concerning the
Divine Mysteries, on account of the uninitiated, but
when these have withdrawn we teach the initiated
plainly." That passage alone would suffice to refute
the allegation not unfrequently made that the Discip-
line of the Secret was a confinement of the knowledge
of the mysteries of the Faith to a chosen few, and was
introduced in imitation of the heathen "mysteries".
On the contrary all Christians were taught the whole
truth, there was no esoteric doctrine, but they were
brought to full knowledge slowly, and precautions
were taken, as was very necessary, to prevent heathens
from learning anything of which they might make an
evil use. A very striking example of the way in
which the discipline worked may be found in the writ-
ings of St. Chrysostom. He writes to Pope Innocent
I to say that in the course of a disturbance at Con-
stantinople an act of irreverence had been committed,
and "the blood of Christ had been spilt upon the
ground ". In a letter to the pope there was no reason
for not speaking plainly. But Palladius, his bio-
grapher, speaking of the same incident in a book for
general reading, says only, " They overturned the sym-
bols" (Chrys. ad Inn., i, 3 in P. G., LII, 534; cf.
Dolknger, "Lehre der Eucharistie", 15). It is, no
doubt, on this account that almost all the early apolo-
gists, as Minucius Felix, Athenagoras, Arnobius, Ta-
tian. and Theophilus, are absolutely silent on the Holy
Eucharist. Justin Martyr and to a less degree Ter-
tullian are more outspoken; the frankness of the
former has been unduly urged to prove the non-exist-
ence of this institution in the first half of the second
V— 3
century. So again, as Cardinal Newman has ob-
served (Development, 27), both Minucius Felix and
Arnobius in controversy with heathens deny abso-
lutely that Christians used altars in their churches.
The obvious meaning was that they did not use altars
in the heathen sense, and they must not be taken as
denying the teaching of the Epistle to the Hebrews,
that, in a Christian sense, "we nave an altar".
The controversial importance of this subject in
more recent times is, of course, obvious. The Catho-
lics answered the accusation of Protestant writers,
that their special doctrines could not be found in the
writings of the early Fathers, by showing the exist-
ence of this practice of reserve. If it was forbidden to
speak or write publicly of these doctrines, silence was
completely accounted for. So again, if here and there
in early writings terms were used which seemed to
countenance Protestant teaching — as for instance by
speaking of the Holy Eucharist as symbols — it became
necessary always to examine whether these terms were
not used intentionally to conceal the true doctrine
from the uninitiated, and whether the same writers
did not, under other circumstances, use much more
definite language. Protestant controversialists, there-
fore, endeavoured first of all to deny that the
practice had ever really existed, and then when they
were driven from this position, they asserted that it
was unknown to the earliest Christians, as shown by
the freedom with which Justin Martyr speaks on the
subject of the Holy Eucharist, and that it was the
result of persecution. They alleged therefore that
Catholics could not use it to account for the silence of,
any writer before the latter part of the second century
at the earliest. To this Catholics responded that,
although no doubt the practice may have been intensi-
fied through persecution, it goes back to the very be-
ginnings of Christianity, and to Christ's own words.
Moreover it can be shown to have been in force before
St. Justin's time, and his action must be regarded as
an exception, rendered necessary by the need for put-
ting before the emperor an account of the Christian
religion which should be true and full.
The monuments of the earliest centuries afford in-
teresting examples of the principle of the Discipline of
the Secret. Monuments which could be seen by all
could only speak of the mysteries of religion under
veiled symbols. So in the catacombs there is scarcely
any instance of a painting the subject of which is di-
rectly Christian, although all spoke of Christian truth
to those who were instructed in their meaning. Jew-
ish subjects typical of Christian truths were commonly
chosen, while the representation of Christ under the
name and form of a fish (see Fish) made the allusion to
the doctrine of the Holy Eucharist possible and plain.
There is, for example, the famous Autun inscription
(see Pbctorius) : "Take the food, honey-sweet, of the
redeemer of the saints, eat and drink holding the Fish
in thy hands"; words which every Christian would
understand at once, but which conveyed nothing to
the uninitiated. The inscription of Abercius (q. v.)
offers another notable instance.
The need for this reticence became less pressing
after the fifth century, as Europe became Christian-
ized and the discipline gradually passed away. We
may, however, still trace its effects m the seventh cen-
tury in the absurd misstatements contained in the
Koran on the subject of the Blessed Trinity and the
Holy Eucharist. This, perhaps, is almost the last
instance which could be Drought forward. Once the
doctrines of the Church had been publicly set forth,
any such discipline became impossible and no return
to it was practicable. For a refutation of the theory of
G. Anrich (Das antike Mysterienwesen, 1894), that the
primitive Christians borrowed this practice from the
mysteries of Mithra, see Cumont, "The Mysteries of
Mithra" (London, 1903), 196-99.
ScHELSTitATB, De diseiplind arcani (Antwerp, 1678); Miiek,
I
DISCUS 34 DISCUSSIONS
De rtcondiid vet Bed. theoL (Helmstedt, 1670); Scrolling**, lie interests upon occasions when a theologian would
ftf*"*^ ?*"• ^ <venice. 1766): Lmnhabdt, De anhq. fa out Qe piace But wnen there ^ a quegtJonof dog-
Ixturg, et de due. arc. (Straaburg, 1823); Toklot, De Due. are. w :> *^^ .. Y "**"** ""..,;: M««"»v" v* ~_3i
(Cologne, 1836);' Wmm, Dm aU*irtW«*« PadagoQik (1869); matic or moral theology, every intelligent layman will
Mahixgny, Did.; Newman, Ariane, i, S3. Amonf Protestant concede the propriety of leaving the exposition and
works: Fbomanzv, De Disc, arc in vet. Bed. (Jena, 1833); defence of it to the clenrv
Rotm, De diee. are. (Heidelberg. 1841); Crednkb in Jenaer awenje ™ » *° «» Clergy.
Literaturzctiuno (1844); Bonwbtock, ifc&er TPew», EnuUhuna But the clergy are not free to engage m public dis-
u. Fortqang d. Arkanidueipiin in Zeiuchr. far hut. TheoL putes on religion without due authorisation. In the
Batiffol in Etudes d'Hut. d de Thtotogie positive (Pari*, we find the f ollowing decree, issued 8 March, 1625:
1902), 1-42, aa to the antiquity and customary view of the Dis- " The Sacred (Congregation has ordered that public dis-
ciplina Arcani seem to have beeneatirf aetorily quieted by the cussions shall not be held with heretics, because for the
learned treatise of Iqnaz von Funk, Dae Alter der Arkanx- X^X^JT^W ««£^ri^
dutiplin in his Thedoguche Abhandlunoen (Paderborn. 1907), most part, either owing to then* loquacity or audacity
III, 42-57; MacDonald, The Discipline of the Secret in The or to the applause, of the audience, error prevails and
Am. Bed. Rev. (Philadelphia. 1904), ,xxx. the truth is crushed. But should it happen that such
akthur d. Barnes. a discussion is unavoidable^ notice must first be given
Discus. See .Paten. to the S. Congregation, which, after weighing the cir-
Discussions, Religious (Conferences, Disputa- cumstances of time and persons, will prescribe in de-
tions, Debates), as contradistmguished from polem- tail what is to be done. The Sacred Congregation
ical writings, designate oral dialectical duels, more or enforced this decree with such vigour, that the custom
less formal and public, between champions of diver- of holding public disputes with Heretics wellnigh fell
gent religious beliefs. For the most part, the more into desuetude. [See the decree of 1631 regarding the
celebrated of these discussions have been held at the missionaries in Constantinople; also the decrees of
instigation of the civil authorities; for the Church has 1645 and 1662, the latter forbidding the General of the
rarely shown favour to this method of ventilating re- Capuchins to authorize such disputes (Collectanea,
vealed truth. .This attitude of opposition on the part 1674, n. 302).]
of the Church is wise and intelligible. A champion of That this legislation is still in force appears from the
orthodoxy, possessed of all the qualifications essential letter addressed to the bishops of Italy by Cardinal
to a public debater, is not easily to be found. More- Rampolla in the name of the Cong, for Ecclesiastical
over, it seems highly improper to give the antagonists Affairs (27 Jan., 1902) in which it is declared that dis-
of the truth an opportunity to assail mysteries and in- cussions with Socialists are subject to the decrees of
stitutions which should be spoken of with reverence, the Holy See regarding public cusputes with heretics;
The fact that the Catholic party to the controversy is and, in accordance with the decree of Propaganda, 7
nearly always obliged to be on the defensive places Feb., 1645, such public disputations are not to be per-
him at a disadvantage before the public, who, as mitted unless there is hope of producing greater good
Demosthenes remarks, " listen eagerly to revilings and and unless the conditions prescribed by theologians
accusations". At any rate, the Church, as custodian are fulfilled. The Holy See, it is added, considering
of Revelation, cannot abdicate her office and permit a that these discussions often produce no result at all or
jury of more or less competent individuals to decide even result in harm, has frequently forbidden them
upon the truths committed to her care. and ordered ecclesiastical superiors to prevent theny
St. Thomas (II— II, Q. z, a. 7) holds that it is lawful where this cannot be done, care must be taken that the
to dispute publicly with unbelievers, under certain discussions are not held without the authorization of
conditions. To discuss as doubting the truth of the the Apostolic See; and that only those who are well
faith, is a sin; to discuss for the purpose of refuting qualified to secure the triumph of Christian truth shall
error, is praiseworthy. At the same time the character take part therein. It is evident, then, that no Catho-
of the audience must be considered. If they are well He priest is ever permitted to become the aggressor or
instructed and firm in their belief, there is no danger; to issue a challenge to such a debate. If he receives
if they are simple-minded then, where they are solid- from the other party to the controversy a public chal-
ted by unbelievers to abandon their faith, a public lenge under circumstances which make a non-accept-
defence is needful, provided it can be undertaken by ance appear morally impossible, he must refer the case
competent parties. But where the faithful are not to his canonical superiors and be guided by their coun-
exposed to such perverting influences, discussions of sel. We thus reconcile two apparently contradictory
the sort are dangerous. It is not, then, surprising utterances of the Apostles: for according to St. Peter
that the question of disputations with heretics has (I Pet., iii, 15) you should be " ready always to satisfy
been made the subject of ecclesiastical legislation. By every one that asketh you a reason of that hope which
a decree of Alexander IV (1254-1261) inserted in is in you", while St. Paul admonishes Timothy (II
"Sextus Decretalium", Lib. V, c. ii, and still in force, Tim., ii, 14), "Contend not in words, for it is to no
all laymen are forbidden, under threat of excommuni- profit, but to the subverting of the hearers",
cation, to dispute publicly or privately with heretics Historic Disputations in Early Times. — The
on the Catholic Faith. The text reads: " Inhibemus disputes of St. Stephen and St. Paul, mentioned in the
quoque, ne cuiquam laic® persons) liceat public* vel Acts of the Apostles, were rather in tne nature of Apos-
privatim de fide catholica disputare. Qui vero contra tolic pleading than of formal discussions. St. Justin's
tecerit, excommunicationis laqueo innodetur." (We "Dialogue with Tryphon" was, in all probability, a
furthermore forbid any lay person to engage in dis- literary effort after the model of Plato's dialogues,
pute, either private or public, concerning the Catholic St. Augustine, the ablest disputant of all time, en-
Faith. Whosoever shall act contrary to this decree, gaged in several set debates with Arians, Manichseans,
let him be bound in the fetters of excommunication.) Donatists, and Pelagians. An interesting summary
This law, like all penal laws, must be very narrowly of each of these great disputations is preserved among
construed. The terms Catholic Faith and dispute have the saint's works, and ought to be closely studied by
a technical signification. % The former term refers to those who are called to defend the Catholic cause. Of
questions purely, theological; the latter to disputa- particular interest is the celebrated Conference of Cap-
tions more or less formal, and engrossing the attention thage, convened by order of Emperor Honorius to fin-
of the public. There are numerous questions, some- ish the inveterate schism of the Donatists. It opened
what connected with theology, which many laymen 1 June, 411, and lasted three days. The tribune Mar-
who have received no scientific theological training cellinus represented the emperor, and in the presence
can treat more intelligently than a Driest. In modern of 286 Catholic and 279 Donatist bishops, St. Augus-
life, it frequently happens that an O'Connell or a Mon- tine, as chief spokesman of theCatholics, so completely
talembert must stand forward as a defender of Catho- upset the sectarian arguments, that the victory was
DISOUSSIOlfS
35
DISOUSSIOHS
awarded to the Catholics, many prominent members
of the sect were converted, and Donatism was doomed
to a lingering death. Another memorable disputation
took place in Africa a couple of centuries later (645)
between St. Maximus, Abbot of Chrysopolis (Scutari)
and the Monothelite Patriarch Pyrrhus, who had been
driven from Constantinople by popular violence. It
was conducted with rare skill and ended with the tem-
porary conversion of Pyrrhus to the orthodox faith.
During the Reformation Period. — At the out-
break of the Lutheran and Zwinglian revolution,
tumultuous discussions of religious subjects grew to
be epidemic: Luther opened the revolt by inviting
discussion upon his ninety-five theses, 31 Oct., 1517.
Although ostensibly framed to furnish matter for an
ordinary scholastic dispute, Luther did not seriously
cpn template an oral debate; for several of his theses
were at variance with Catholic doctrine and could not
be discussed at a Catholic university. Instead, they
were widely scattered through Europe, everywhere
creating -confusion. An opportunity of dissemina-
ting more openly his peculiar tenets regarding justifi-
cation by faith alone, the slavery of the human will,
and the sinfulness of good works was offered to the
Reformer by his order during a convention held at
"Heidelberg in April, 1518, when he directed a dispute
on twenty-eight theological and forty philosophical
theses in the presence of many professors, students,
citizens, and courtiers. Though his novel tenets were
viewed with deep displeasure by the older heads, he
was successful in winning over several of his younger
hearers, notably Brenz and the Dominican, Martin
Bucer. Emboldened by the outcome of the Heidel-
berg Dispute, and having discovered that the road to
success lay m captivating the young, the agitator
made futile attempts at organizing disputations at the
seats of higher learning; but no university would lend
its halls to the dissemination of un-Catholic doctrines.
The imprudence of Dr. Eck, who had become in-
volved in a literary contest with Carlstadt and had
hastily challenged his adversary to a public debate,
cave Luther his long-looked-for opportunity. With
his customary energy, he took the direction of the in-
tellectual duel, encouraged both antagonists to per-
severe, and arranged the details. The city of Leipzig
was chosen as the scene. Although the faculty of the
university entered a vigorous protest, and the Bishops
of Merseburg and Brandenburg launched prohibitions
and an excommunication, the disputation took place
under the aegis of Duke George of Saxony. The dis-
content of the Catholics was increased when they
learned that Luther had secured permission to sub-
join a controversy with Eck on the subject of papal
supremacy. Eck came to Leipzig with one attend-
ant; Luther and Carlstadt entered the city accompan-
ied by an army of adherents, mostly students. The
preliminaries were carefully arranged; after which,
from 27 June to 4 July (1519) Eck and Carlstadt de-
bated the subject of free will and our ability to co-
operate with grace. Eck had the better part of the
argument throughout, and forced his antagonist to
make admissions which stultified the new Lutheran
doctrine. Thereupon Luther himself came forward
to assail the dogma of Roman supremacy by Divine
right. Sweeping away the authority of decretals,
councils, ana Fathers, he discovered to his hearers,
and possibly also to himself, how completely he had
abandoned the basic principles of the Catholic religion.
There could no longer remain a doubt that a new Hub
had arisen to scourge the Church. The debate on the
primacy was succeeded by discussions of purgatory,
indulgences, penance, etc. On 14 and 15 July, Carl-
stadt, regaining courage, resumed the debate on free
will and good works. Finally. Duke George declared
the disputation closed, and eacn of the contendents de-
parted, as usual, claiming the victory.
Of the two universities, Erfurt ana Paris, to which
the final decision had been reserved, Erfurt declined
to intervene and returned the documents; Paris sat in
judgment upon Luther's writings, attaching to each of
his opinions the proper theological censure. The
most tangible outcome of this disputation was that,
while it opened the eyes of Duke George to the true
nature of Luther's revolt and attached him unalter-
ably to the Church of his fathers, on the other hand it
gained for the Lutheran cause the valuable aid of the
youthful Melanchthon, who never understood the
merits of the controversy, but was overawed by the
vigorous personality of the Reformer.
The Leipzig Disputation was the last occasion on
which the ancient custom of swearing to advance no
tenet contrary to Catholic doctrine was observed. In
all subsequent debates between Catholics and Prot-
estants, tne bare text of Holy Writ was taken as the
sole and sufficient fountain of authority. This, natur-
ally, placed the Catholics in a disadvantageous posi-
tion and narrowed their prospect of success. This was
particularly the case in Switzerland, where Zwingli
and his lieutenants organized a number of one-sided
debates under the presidency of town councils already
won over to Protestantism. Such were the disputa-
tions of Zurich, 1523, of Swiss Baden, 1526, and of
Berne, 1528. In all of these the result was invariably
the same, the abolition of Catholic worship and the de-
secration of churches and religious institutions.
Passing over the numerous futile attempts made by
the Protestants to heal their intestine quarrels by
means of colloquies, we come to the still more hopeless
efforts of Charles V to bring the religious troubles of
Germany to a "speedy and peaceful termination" by
conferences between the Catholic and the Protestant
divines. Since the Protestants proclaimed their de-
termination to adhere to the terms of the Augsburg
Confession, and, in addition, formally repudiated the
authority of the Roman pontiff and " would admit no
other judge of the controversy than Jesus Christ", it
was to be foreseen that the result of conferences thus
conducted could only be to waste time and increase
the acrimony already existing between the parties.
This was as clear to Pope PaulIII as to Luther, both
of whom predicted the inevitable failure. However,
since the emperor and his brother, Bang Ferdinand,
persisted in making a trial, the pope authorized his
nuncio, Morone, to proceed to opeyer, whither the
meeting had been summoned for June, 1540. As the
plague was raging in that city the conference took
place in Hagenau. Neither the Elector of Saxony
nor the Landgrave of Hesse could be induced to at-
tend. Melanchthon was absent through a heavy ill-
ness brought on by grief and shame at tne ignoble part
he had taken in the affair of the Landgrave's bigamy.
The leading Protestant theologians at the conference
were Bucer, My conius, Brenz, Blaurer, and Urban us
Rhegius. The most prominent on the Catholic side
were Bishop Faber of Vienna and Dr. Eck. Present
and actively intriguing to prevent an accommodation
was John Calvin, then exiled from Geneva; he ap-
peared as confidential agent of the King of France,
whose settled policy it was to perpetuate religious dis-
cord in the domains of his rival. After a month
wasted in useless wrangling, King Ferdinand pro-
rogued the conference to reassemble at Worms on
28 October.
Undismayed by the failure of the Hagenau confer-
ence, the emperor made more strenuous efforts for the
success of the coming colloquy at Worms. He dis-
patched his minister Granvella and Ortiz, his envoy, to
the papal court. The latter brought with him the
celebrated Jesuit, Father Peter Faber. The pope sent
the Bishop of Feltri, Tommaso Campeggio, brother of
the great cardinal, and ordered Morone to attend.
They were not to take part in the debates, but were to
watch events closely and report to Rome. Granvella
opened the proceeding* at Worms, 25 Nov., with an
DI80U88I0NB
36
DI40U88IOHS
eloquent and conciliatory address. He pictured the
evils which had befallen Germany, " once the first of
all nations in fidelity, religion, piety, and divine wor-
ship "9 and warned his hearers that all the evils that
shall come upon you and your people, if, by clinging
stubbornly to preconceived notions, you prevent a re-
newal of concord, will be ascribed to you as the au-
thors of them/' On behalf of the Protestants, Me-
lanchthon returned " an intrepid answer " ; he threw all
the blame upon the Catholics, who refused to accept
the new Gospel.
A great deal of time was spent in wrangling over
points of order; finally it was decided that Dr. Eck
should be spokesman for the Catholics and Melanch-
thon for the Protestants. The debate began 14 Jan.,
1 54 1 . A tactical blunder was committed in accepting
the Augsburg Confession as the basis of the confer-
ence. That document had been drawn up to meet an
emergency. It was apologetic and conciliatory, so
worded as to persuade the young emperor that there
was no radical difference between the Catholics and
the Protestants. It admitted the spiritual jurisdic-
tion of the bishops and tacitly acknowledged the su-
premacy of the pope by laying the ultimate appeal
with a council by him convened. But many changes
had taken place in the ten intervening years. The
bishops had been driven out of every Protestant terri-
tory in Germany; the Smalkald confederates had
solemnly abjured the pope and scorned his proffer of
a council: each petty territorial prince had constituted
himself the head and exponent of religion within his
domain. For all practical purposes the Augsburg
Confession was as useless as the laws of Lycurgus.
Moreover, as Dr. Eck pointed out, the Augsburg Con-
fession of 1540 was a different document from the,
Confession of 1530, having been changed by Melanch-
thon to suit his sacramentajrian view of the Eucharist.
Had the theologians at Worms reached an agreement
on every point of doctrine, the discord in Germany
would have continued none the less; for the princes
had not the remotest idea of giving up their lucrative
dominion over their territorial churches. Eck and
Melanchthon battled four days over the topic of orig-
inal sin and its consequences, and a formula was
drafted to which both parties agreed, the Protestants
with a reservation.
At this point Granvella suspended the conference,
to be resumed at Ratisbon, whither the emperor had
summoned a diet, which he promised to attend in per-
son. This diet, from which the emperor anticipated
brilliant results, was called to order 5 April, 1541. As
legate of the pope appeared Cardinal Contarini, as-
sisted by the nuncio Morone. The inevitable Calvin
was present, ostensibly to represent Luneburg, in
reality to foster discord in the interest of France. As
collocutors at the religious conference which met
simultaneously. Charles appointed Eck, Pflug, and
Gropper for the Catholic side, and Melanchthon,
Buoer, and Pistorius for the Protestants. A docu-
ment of mysterious origin, the " Ratisbon Book ", was
presented by Joachim of Brandenburg as the basis of
agreement. This strange compilation, it developed
later, was the result of secret conferences, held during
the meeting at Worms, between the Protestants, Bucer
and Capito, on one side, and the Lutheranixing Grop-
per and a secretary of the emperor named Veltwick on
the other. It consisted of twenty-three chapters, in
which, by an ingenious phraseology, the attempt was
made so to formulate the controverted doctrines that
each party might find its own views therein expressed.
How much Charles and Granvella had to do in the
transaction, is unknown; they certainly knew and ap-
proved of it. The "Book" had been submitted by
the Elector of Brandenburg to the judgment of Luther
and Melanchthon; and their contemptuous treatment
of it augured ill for its success. When it was shown to
the legate and Morone, the latter was for rejecting it
summarily; Contarini, after making a score of emen-
dations, notably emphasizing in Article 14 the dogma
of Transubstantiation, declared that now "as a pii
vate person " he could accept it; but as legate he must
consult with the Catholic theologians. Eck secured
the substitution of a conciser exposition of the doc-
trine of justification. Thus emended, the "Book"
was presented to the collocutors by Granvella for con-
sideration. The first four articles, treating of man
before the fall, free will, the origin of sin, and original
sin, were accepted. The battle began in earnest when
the fifth article, on justification, was reached. After
long and vehement debates, a formula was presented
by Bucer and accepted by the majority, so worded as
to be capable of bearing a Catholic and a Lutheran in-
terpretation. Naturally, it was unsatisfactory to
both parties. The Holy See condemned it ana ad-
ministered a severe rebuke to Contarini for not pro-
testing against it. No greater success was attained
as to the other articles of importance.
On 22 May the conference ended, and the emperor
was informed as to the articles agreed upon and those
on which agreement was impossible. Charles was
sorely disappointed, but he was powerless to effect
anything further. The decree known as the " Ratis-
bon Interim", published 28 July, 1541, enjoining upoir
both sides the observance of the articles agreed upon
by the theologians, was by both sides disregarded.
Equally without result was the last of the conferences
summoned by Charles at Ratisbon, 1546, just previ-
ously to the outbreak of the Smalkaldic War.
The Colloquy at Poissy. — In 1561 six French
cardinals and thirty-eight archbishops and bishops,
with a host of minor prelates and doctors, wasted in a
barren controversy with the Calvinists an entire
month, which might have been spent far more advan-
tageously to the Church and more in consonance with
the duties of their offices had they taken their places in
the Council of Trent. The conference had been ar-
ranged by Catharine de' Medici, the queen-mother and
regent during the minority of her son, Charles IX.
Between this typical representative of the Medici and
her contemporary, Elizabeth of England, there was
little to choose. With both religion was simply, a
matter of expediency and politics. The Calvinist fac-
tion in France, though less than half a million in num-
ber, was aggressive and insolent, under the guidance
of several princes of the royal blood and members of
the higher nobility. The fatal virus of Gallicanism
and chronic disaffection towards the Holy See para-
lysed Catholic activity : and although a general council
was in session under the legitimate presidency of the
Roman pontiff, voices were heard even among the
French bishops, advocating the convocation of a
schismatical national synod. We may regard it as an
extenuation of the guilt of Catharine and her advisers,
that they refused to go the whole length of a schism
and chose the alternative of a religious conference
under the direction of the civil power. The pope did
his utmost to prevent what, under the circumstances,
could only be construed as a public defiance of ecclesi-
astical authority. He dispatched the Cardinal of Fer-
rara, with Laynez, General of the Jesuits, as his ad-
viser, to dissuade the regent and the bishops. But the
affair had gone too far; on 9 Sept. the representatives
of the rival religions began their pleadings before a
woman and a boy eleven years old. The proceeding*
were opened by a speech of Chancellor L'Hopital, m
which be emphasized the right and duty of the mon-
arch to provide for the needs of the Church. Even
should a general council be in session, a colloauy be-
tween Frenchrren convened by the king was the bet-
ter wav of settling religious disputes; for a general
ccuncif, being, for the rrost part, composed of foreign-
ers, was incapable of understanding the wishes and the
iwe 9 of France. Yet these French politicians who
refused to sai,mit articles of faith to the decision of a
DISIBOD
37
DISPARITY
general council because the majority of the Fathers
were not French, chose as authoritative expounders of
the' dogmas of the Church the Genevan Beza and the
Italian Vermigli.
It was a deep humiliation for the proud hierarchy of
France to be compelled to listen to a long tirade by
Besa against the most cherished of Catholic doctrines,
the Real Presence of Christ in the Eucharist. They
suppressed their feelings, out of respect for the king,
until the hardy Reformer, in the heat of argument,
five utterance to his conviction that the Body and
lood of Christ were as far distant from the bread and
wme, as the highest heaven is from the earth. This
was too much tor the bishops to bear, and they cried
out, " He blasphemeth ". It was too much for Catha-
rine herself, and proved to her that the fundamental
dogma of the Catholic Church was at stake. Beza's
speech, revised and emended, was scattered broadcast
among the people of France. We are told that the
Cardinal of Lorraine confuted the heretic at the next
session in a masterly address; but since he did not set
it down in writing its value cannot be ascertained.
The only sensible speech made at this colloquy was
that of the Jesuit Laynez, who had the courage to re-
mind the queen that the j>roper place for ventilating
subjects concerning the Faith was Trent, not Paris;
that the Divinely appointed judge of the religious con-
troversies was the supreme pontiff, not the Court of
France. Catharine wept; but instead of following the
Jesuit's wise counsel, she appointed a committee of
five Calvinists and five lukewarm Catholics, who
drafted a vague formula which could be interpreted in
a Catholic or a Calvinistic sense, and. was conse-
quently condemned by both parties.
The spread of Protestantism and the application of
its fundamental principle of private judgment natur-
ally produced far-reaching differences in belief. To
heal these and so bring about unity, various confer-
ences were held: at Weimar (1560), between the Luth-
erans, Striegel and Flacius, on free will; at Altenburg
(1568-69), between the Jena theologians and those
from Wittenberg, on free will and justification; at
Montbeliard (1586), between Beza and the Tubingen
theologians, on predestination. None of these re-
sulted in harmony; they rather emphasized diver-
gences in belief and intensified partisanship.
Discussions in Modern Times. — The conference of
Poissy was the last attempt made to reconcile or slur
over the radical differences of Catholicity and Prot-
estantism. There have been some notable oral de-
bates between champions of the rival religions in more
recent times; but in these each side laboured to estab-
lish its own position and prove that of its adversary
untenable. The most memorable and successful of
these modern disputations was the "Conference on
the Authority of the Church" held 8 March, 1679, be-
tween Bossuet and the Calvinist minister Jean Claude.
This was a model of close debate, in which, with due
courtesy, each antagonist kept strictly to the subject
in hand, the relation of the Church and the Bible.
The fondness of English-speaking peoples for public
disputes has often shown itself in challenges, generally
delivered by Protestant controversialists, to discuss
religious topics in public. As a rule, they have pro-
duced no good results, since both sides revived worn-
out arguments and wandered over too wide a field.
Such was the " Controversial Discussion between Rev.
Thomas Maguire and Rev. Richard T. Pope", held in
the lecture-room of the Dublin Institution in April,
1827, Daniel O'Connell being one of the presiding offi-
cers. It was printed and widely circulated. Of a
similar nature was the " Debate on the Roman Catho-
lic Religion", held in Cincinnati from 13 to 21 Jan.,
1837, between Alexander Campbell, the founder of
the Campbellite sect, and Bishop John P. Purcell.
More satisfactory, because confined within closer
limits, was the celebrated "Discussion of the Ques-
tion, Is the Roman Catholic Religion, in any or in
all its Principles or Doctrines, Inimical to Civil or
Religious Liberty? and of the Question, Is the
Presbyterian Religion, in any or in all its Principles
or Doctrines, Inimical to Civil or Religious Lib-
erty?" debated in Philadelphia in 1836 between
Rev. John Hughes, later Archbishop of New York,
and Rev. John Breckinridge of the Presbyterian
Church. Both parties kept their tempers remarkably
well; but to judge from the violent riots which broke
out not long after, the debate had little effect in extin-
guishing unreasoning prejudices. With the exception
of a debate on the auestion of St. Peter's residence in
Rome, held in the Eternal City in 1872, there have
been no oral religious discussions in recent times and
this method of elucidating religious truth may be re-
garded as discountenanced by modern public opinion.
Gopfekt in Kirchenlex., a. v. Disputation; Santo, Pradec-
tiones Juris Can. (4th ed., Ratisbon, 1906), lib. V, p. 108;
Loibblet, Ce que pense VEqlise des Conferences Contradictoires
in Etudes (20 Aug., 1905): Pabtok, Die kirchlichsn Reunions-
bestrebungen wahrend der Regierung Karl* V. (Freiburg, 1879).
James F. Loughun.
Diaibod, Saint, Irish bishop and patron of Disen-
berg (Disibodenberg), born c. 619; d. 8 July, 700.
His life was written in 1170 by St, Hildegarde, from
her visions. St. Disibod journeyed to the Continent
about the year 653, and settled in the valley of the
Nahe, not far from Bingen. His labours continued
during the latter half of the seventh century, and,
though he led the life of an anchorite, he had a numer-
ous community, who built bee-hive cells, in the Irish
fashion, on the eastern slopes of the mountain. Be-
fore his death he had the happiness of seeing a church
erected, served bv a colony of monks following the
Rule of St. Columba, and he was elected abbot-bishop,
the monastery being named Mount Disibod, subse-
quently Disenberg, in the Diocese of Mains. Numer-
ous miracles are recorded of the saint. Some authors
are of opinion that his death really took place on 8
Sept., whilst the date 8 July is that of the translation
of nis relics in the year 754, St. Boniface being present.
Acta 88., 8 July; Mabillon, Annal. Ord. 8. Ben. (Lucca,
1739), IV; Butlbb. Lives of the Saints, 8 Sept.; O'Hanlon.
Lives of the Irish Saints (London. 1875), VII, IX.
W. H. Grattan-Flood.
Disparity of Worship (DUpariias Cultus), a diri-
ment impediment introduced by the Church to safe-
guard the sanctity of the Sacrament of Marriage. To
effect this purpose a law was necessary that would
debar Catholics from contracting marriage with per-
sons unfit to receive the sacrament. The unfitness
consists in (a) either non-reception of the Sacrament
of Baptism, which is the door to the other six sacra-
ments; or (b) in an unbelief in the sacramental char-
acter of marriage or in either or both of its essential
properties (unity and indissolubility) ; or (c) in a pro-
fession of belief or unbelief that endangers the three
ends and threefold substantial blessings or advan-
tages of this " great sacrament ... in Christ and the
church". This unfitness, in whole or in part, is to be
found in all persons who are not of the Catholic Faith
and worship. Disparity of worship, in a general way,
signifies a difference of religion or worship between
two persons. This state of disagreement may be an-
tecedent, to, or consequent upon, their marriage.
Consequent disparity occurs in tne case of two pagans
or unbaptized persons, one of whom, becoming a con-
vert, is baptized in the Catholic Faith or validly bap-
tized in some Christian sect after marriage. The
marriage is not affected by this consequent disparity
of religion. Another species of consequent diversity of
worship which does not militate against the marriage
is that of two Catholics, one of whom after their union
apostatizes, or turns infidel, Mohammedan, etc. Ante-
cedent disparity is twofold: considered in its strict and
proper sense it is called perfect disparity of worship,
DISPARITY . 38 DISPARITY
or simply disparity of worship, and implies a different tions or turned infidel. Onoe baptized always bap*
relation on the part of the contracting parties in the tized, and always subject to the laws of Christ and His
matter pran essential religious rite, to wit, the Sacra- infallible Church, is axiomatic. Disparity of worship
ment of Baptism. Viewed in a less strict, but still a embraces and renders null and void (no dispensation
proper, sense, it is named imperfect disparity of wor- having been granted) the marriage (a) of a Catholic
ship or, more commonly, mixed religion (mixta re- with pagan, Mohammedan, Jew, or catechumen,
ligio), which presupposes an equality as to the recep- and (b) of baptized non-Catholics, e. g. heretics
tion of baptism, but denotes a divergency as to form and schismatics, with unbaptized persons. It does
of belief and religious observance. Imperfect dis- not extend to, or make void, the marriage (1) of two
parity, or mixed religion, does not render void the certainly unbaptized persons, for. since they do not
marriage of a Catholic with a baptized non-Catholic; belong to Christ by baptism, the Church has no juria-
but it does make it (unless dispensation intervenes) diction over them; (2) of a Catholic with a baptized
illicit and sinful. However, such a marriage may be Protestant, or schismatic, or apostate Catholic, or
null and void on account of another diriment impedi- Catholic turned infidel ; (3) of Daptized non-Catho-
ment, e. g. clandestinity. lies with one another. Seeing that the parties in the
Disparity of worship, in its strict sense, and as the second and third classes have been baptized, it is evi-
subject of this article, is that diversity which exists dent that their marriages are outside the domain of
between two persons, one of whom has, and the other the diriment impediment, whose aim is to protect the
has certainly not, received Christian baptism. This sacrament.
disparity exists between a baptized Christian, whether Difficulties as to the marriages of Catholics with
Catholic or non-Catholic, and a pagan, Moham- non-Catholics, and of non-Catholics with one another,
medan, Jew, or even a catechumen (believer in the or with pagans or other unbaptized persons have in
Catholic Faith yet not baptized). Imperfect dispar- these days multiplied, due either to absolute omission
ity of worship, or mixed religion, might more strictly of baptism, or its careless and often invalid adminis-
and aptly be named disparity of faith, since faith (an tration even among the so-called Christian denomina-
internal act), and ,not baptism, is the point of differ- tions. Doubts about the administration (dubium
ence; perfect disparity of worship, on the contrary, factt) or valid administration (dubium jurti) of bap-
might more aptly and properly be called disparity of tism in these sects are as a consequence frequent, and
baptism, for the reason that the external act (bap- render complex the question whether or not disparity
tism), and not the internal assent of the mind (faith), of worship covers the marriages in these instances,
is the fixed point of dissimilarity. Baptism has been The safe guide in this confusion is the axiom: a doubt-
chosen as the basis of this diriment impediment for a ful baptism, as regards a marriage already, or about to
twofold reason: (1) it is an external ceremony, easy of be, celebrated, is presumed to be valid if, after due in-
recognition and proof, and (2) it is a sacrament which vestigation, the doubt is still insoluble or it is not
imprints an indelible character upon the soul of the prudent (on account of delay, etc.) to remove it.
receiver and so presents a personal religious condition This rule, so different from that governing baptism as
which is fixed and unchangeable. Personal faith, on a necessary means for salvation, is based upon the
the contrary, viewed either as the internal assent of principle that the right to marry yields but to the evi-
the mind or as the outward profession of the internal dence (not doubt) of the non-baptism. Accordingly,
act, is subject to change and not always easy of de- disparity of worship invalidates the matrimonial
monstration, and hence could not afford, a certain and union of one doubtfully baptized with another cer-
immovable foundation. The primary reason why tainly not baptized. Tne doubt may concern the act
Catholics are debarred from intermarriage with un- of baptizing or the validity of the ceremony. Inves-
baptized persons is because the latter are not capable tigation on these points must proceed in this manner:
of receiving the Sacrament of Matrimony, as baptism search must be made of the ritual belonging to the
is the door to all the other sacraments. Further- denomination of the party concerning whose baptism
more, according to the more probable opinion, the there is doubt, and if the ritual teaches the necessity
Catholic party who, with a dispensation, marries an of baptism, and prescribes the use of the valid matter
unbaptized person, does not receive the sacrament or and form in its administration, and, further, if the
the concomitant graces (cf. Sanchez, Bk. II, disp. parents are strict adherents and observers of their
viii, n. 2; Pirhing, Bk. IV, tit. i, n. 71: Schmalzgru- religion, there is a certainty (sufficient for marriage)
l>er, Bk. IV, tit. i, n. 307; Billot, "De Ecclesie Sacra- that the baptism was valid. If the ritual prescribes
mentis", pars posterior, 359 sqq.; Hurter, III, 538, baptism with the necessary matter and form, but,
n. 598; and Wernz, who examines the reasons for the upon investigation, a serious doubt remains, the bap-
opposite opinion and answers them, "Jus Decret.", tism is still considered valid. If , on the contrary, the
IV; 63 sqq.). The Church has not decided this ques- Beet repudiates baptism, forbids infant-baptism, or
tion; hence the opinion of Dominicus de Soto (In IV admits to baptism only adults of thirty years, or the
Sent., art. iii, ad finem), Perrone (II. 306), Rosset, parents assert that they do not belong or wish to be-
who holds that it is the more probable (De Sacr. Majbri- long to any sect or denomination, but are satisfied with
monii, I, 284 sqq.), and Tanquerey (Synopsis Theol. pleasing the Supreme Being by a good, moral life
Dogmat., II, 648, n. 31), to wit, that the Catholic does rather than by any fixed form of worship, then there
receive the sacrament, is tenable. The marriage, ac- is no certainty, not even a presumption, m favour of
cording to both opinions, is certainly sacred (Leo the baptism in childhood. Should the parents be
XIII, " Arcanum", 10 Feb., 1880) and indissoluble. careless and negligent in the observances of the sect of
Extent of the Impediment. — This impediment which they are members, or belong to a denomination
exists only in instances where the disparity is of such which, whilst not rejecting baptism, yet does not ad-
nature that one of the contracting parties is, and the mit its necessity, and in which, ordinarily, baptism is
other party is certainly not, baptized. Every bap- not administered, then there is no presumption for or
tized person, Protestant as well as Catholic, is subject against the baptism of their offspring, ana each indi-
children baptized as infants in the Catholic Church baptism, even after careful investigation concerning
but never reared or instructed in her teachings, Catho- the baptismal ceremony or its validity, remains doubt-
lies who have fallen away or apostatized from the ful. Neither does it m any way influence the mar-
Catholic Faith and have joined othef denomina- riage of two who, after diligent examination, are still
DISPARITY 39 DISPARITY
— «
considered doubtfully baptized. There is a difference or at least religious indifference, of the children, and,
of opinion among the jurists and theologians as to the finally, injury to domestic peace and happiness by the
influence of this diriment impediment upon the mar- constant exposure to disputes, and sometimes bitter
riage of two doubtfully baptized, if after investiga- quarrels, about the fundamental principles of Catholic
tion it turns out for a certainty that one was cer- Faith, and the consequent weakening, if not total ex-
tainly unbaptized. The more common opinion is that tinction, of Christian love between husband and wife
disparity of worship does not nullify this marriage. (St. Ambrose, De Abraham, Bk. I, ch. ix, says:
Gasparri gives as reason that the consuetudinary law " There can be no unity of love where there is no unity
never contemplated this case, and hence does not in- of faith"). At different periods and in different
fiuenceit (DeMatrimonio,I,nos.597and601). Wernz countries (especially Spain and Gaul) particular
(IV, 772, note), Gury-Ballerini (II, 831), and others councils inveighed against them, and although these
say that the marriage is valid, but give as reason the canons were not strictly observed, and there were
Church's dispensation, either special or general, many mixed marriages in the days of Sts. Jerome
Lehmkuhl (II, 536) distinguishes and asserts that if a (Lib. I in Jovinianum) and Augustine (Lib. de Fide et
dispensation from the prohibitive impediment of operibus, ch. xix), yet after the death of the latter, and
" mixed religion " has been granted antecedent to the especially from the seventh to the twelfth century, the
marriage, the union is valid j his reason, however, that detestation of them so increased, and the conviction that
the Church in dispensing with the prohibitive did im- they were not Christian marriages, and therefore to be
plicitly dispense with the diriment impediment, seems shunned and not contracted, grew so strong and gen-
to be at variance with a decree of the Holy Office (29 eral throughout the entire Church that as far back' as
April. 1840, n. 2^ which clearly states that the Holy the twelfth century it was a universal custom and
See dispenses with the impediment of disparity of practice which even had the force of a universal
worship only in express terms. Where no dispen- church law (Beliarmine, De Controversiis, III, De
sation has been granted, he holds that the marriage is Sacramento Matrimonii, Bk. I, ch. xxiii; Benedict
null on account of the existing disparity of worship XIV, Constit. "Singulari nobis", paragraphs 9 and
and must be revalidated. He recognizes, however, as 10).
valid the marriage of the doubtfully baptized, if they This impediment lis binding on Christians of newly
had been considered and had considered themselves converted or even pagan countries, where there has
Catholics, and had followed Catholic practices, and been no such custom inasmuch as there have been no
afterwards it was discovered that one of them had not Catholics. The opinion of Lessius and others to the
been baptized (loc. cit. in note). contrary is clearly refuted by the granting of faculties
Origin of the Impediment. — This impediment, by Gregory XIII to the Christian missionaries of Ja-
inasmuch as it is diriment, is not enjoined by the pan to dispense with this impediment in the cases of
natural, Divine, or written ecclesiastical law, but has newly converted Japanese Catholics. Many theolo-
been introduced by a universal custom and practice in gians and canonists say that there is one exception to
the Eastern and Western Churches since the twelfth this nullifying law, and that is the instance of an emi-
century. The natural and Divine laws do, however, grant Catholic family settled in a pagan country
repudiate and prohibit such marriages as tend to f rus- without a single Catholic neighbour, forty or fifty days
trate the primary ends of marriage by exposing be- journey removed from the nearest Catholic, and un-
lievers and their offspring to the loss of their Catholic able on account of the distance or want of means to
faith, and this prohibition continues in force so long as leave the country or procure a dispensation from the
the danger exists and no proportionately grave cause impediment, and thus compelled to remain their whole
dictates the necessity of such marriage. The Mosaic lives single or marry pagans (Santi-Leitner, IV, 74;
Law (Deut., vii, 3) prohibits marriage between the Gasparri, De Matrimonio, I, 429). It does not seem
Israelites- and the Chanaanites, and even the Samari- that disparity of worship holds in a case of this kind;
tans (who kept the Law and had the Book of Moses), the ecclesiastical law under such circumstances does
on account of the heathenish ceremonies they ob- not bind a man so as to deprive him of his natural right
served, lest the Jews might be turned away from the to marry. Wernz, however (Jus Decret., IV, 7/5,
service of the true God and cling to the worship of the n. 37), holds the opposite opinion,
false gods of their pagan wives. The Pauline in June- Dispensation from the Impediment. — The
tions (I Cor., vii, 39), " . . . let her marry to whom Church can dispense from this impediment, inasmuch as
she will but only in the Lord" and (II Cor., vi, 14): it is of ecclesiastical institution. It never does so unless
"... bear not the yoke with [i. e. do not marry] un- for gravest reasons and upon the fulfilment of certain
believers'', do not, indeed, declare invalid the mar- conditions and guarantees that safeguard, as far as pos-
riages of Christians with unbelievers, but certainly do sible, the ends of the Sacrament of Matrimony. The
earnestly forbid the faithful to marry unbelievers un- natural and Divine laws, before permitting mixed mar-
less the ends of Christian marriage are safeguarded riages. exact the removal of all danger to the faith of the
and grave and weighty reasons exist for the union. Catholic and to the baptism and Catholic bringing-up of
Certainly in the time of St. Paul and immediately allofthe children of the marriage. The Church cannot
afterwards the proportionately small number of dispense with this necessary requirement, and, the bet-
Christians was sufficiently grave cause for permitting ter to ensure its presence, insists upon certain conditions
such intermarriages with tne hope of the conversion and promises, which must be committed to writing
of the unbelieving partner. and signed and, in some instances and countries, also
With the development of the Church and its growth sworn to, by the unbaptized party to the pact. The
in numbers, opportunities for Christian marriage in- unbeliever promises faithfully to comply with the re-
creased, proportionately grave reasons for mixed quirements of the Church, and the Church on her part
unions (unless in rare cases) ceased, and then the nat- grants the permission for the marriage. The prom-
ural and Divine laws asserted their right to prohibit ises on the part of the unbaptized party are: (1) that
such marriages as tended to frustrate the ends of the he (or she) will afford the Catholic partner full and per-
matrimonial sacrament by exposing the Catholic to a feet freedom to practise the Catholic Faith, and that
weakening or loss of faith, the offspring to a lack of he (or she) will abstain from saying or doing aught to
Christian education, and the family to a want of weaken or change that faith, and, if he be an inhab-
that Christian love which is its very corner-stone. The itant of a pagan country, that he will not practise
Christian laity, as well as clergy, realized from sad polygamy; (2) that he (or she) will permit all children
experience and observation the ordinary tendency of of their union to be baptized and reared in the Catho-
mixed unions to a compromise or loss of faith on the lie Faith and practice, and that he (or she) will do or
part of the Catholic, and the un-Catholic bringing-up, say nothing calculated to lessen their faith or turn
DISPARITY 40 DISPAEITY
them away from it or its practices. The Catholic pe- far as possible (Collectanea S. C. de Prop. Fide, n.
titioner for the dispensation must also give promise 2188). Bishops cannot dispense in instances where
(usually also written, in order that the dispenser may the ends, purposes, and substantial blessings of the
have a moral certainty of the absence of danger to the sacrament are well protected, unless there also exists
substantial ends of the sacrament) that he (or she) a grave and proportionately weighty reason. There
will strictly attend to his (or her) personal religious are sixteen canonical reasons, some grave and others
duties and have all the children baptized and properly still more grave (Instruct. S. C. de Prop. Fide, 9 May,
reared and trained in the Catholic doctrine and prac- 1877). Should the bishop dispense without cause,
tice, and that by prayer and good example and other the dispensation would be null and void. The pope's
legitimate and prudent means he (or sne) will con- dispensation, in a similar case labouring under the
stantly labour to bring about the conversion to the same defect, would be valid. The reason of this dif-
Catholic Faith of his (or her) unbaptized partner, ference is that a bishop cannot violate the law of his
The promise to strive to effect the conversion of the superior (in this instance the universal law), whereas
unbeliever is of special importance, although too fre- the pope, who is supreme legislator, can dispense from
quently lost sight of. The conversion most assuredly universal ecclesiastical laws. He cannot, however,
eliminates the last vestige of possible perversion of the do so validly with the prohibition of the natural ana
Catholic party, ensures the primary end of marriage, Divine laws; hence he must have, before conceding
i. e. the bearing and rearing of children for the Church the dispensation, a moral certainty that the practice
and heaven, and rounds out, by the perfect unity of of the Faith by the Catholic, and the Catholic bap-
the married couple in faith and Christian love, their tism and rearing of the children, are amply protected,
marriage according^ to its great type, the union of The Holy See dispenses from this impediment only for
Christ with the Church. Even with all these prom- the gravest reasons and only in express terms (Col-
ises, written and sworn to as safeguards to Christian lectanea S. C. de Prop. Fide, n. 948, 2) ; hence a dis-
marriage, a dispensation cannot be licitly given unless pensation from mixed religion instead of disparity of
a grave necessity, proportionate to the great risks to worship would not suffice for the validity of the mar1
be encountered, justifies the marriage. riage.
This dispensation, in former days very rarely ^ All the European Governments (except Austria)
granted in Catholic countries, is now of more frequent ignore this impediment. The Austrian impediment is
occurrence, owing to the existence of "civil mar- different from the ecclesiastical impediment. Its
riage1' ana the growing indifference on the part of basis is the profession of faith, and not the baptism of
parents in the matter of their children's baptism, the parties, and so far as Catholicism is concerned, this
The rule of the Church was, and is, not to grant a dis- civil impediment is more injurious than otherwise,
pensation from this impediment unless in provinces or According to the Austrian law, the marriage of a Cath-
countries where the Catholics are largely outnum- olic with a Jew, or other unbaptized party, is civilly
bered by the non-baptized inhabitants. Rather than invalid as leng as the Catholic remains in the Catholic
dispense from the disparity of worship, the Church Church. Should the Catholic leave the Church, and
will more willingly and readily grant dispensation announce that he (or she) held no belief in any faith,
from the diriment impediments of affinity and consan- the marriage with an unbaptized partner would be
guinity, precisely for the reason that in the latter cases civilly valid. Unbaptized parties can, on the other
there is no danger to the faith of either Catholic or hand, enter into civilly valid marriage with baptized
offspring, while in the case of the former, even though Protestants. The Church in granting dispensation
the necessary promises are made and kept, there is from disparity of worship, thus permitting the mar-
always danger of religious indifference on the part of riage of a Catholic and an unbaptized person, by that
the Catholic parent, and especially of the children on act dispenses also from all impediments of purely
account of the example of the non-baptized parent, ecclesiastical institution, from which the unbaptized is
The pope alone suo jure can dispense with this impedi- exempt (except clandestinity; cf. "Praxis Curiae
ment; bishops cannot. They, however, are dele- Romans "; "NeTemere", 2 Aug., 1907): the Church
gated to do so, but in the pope's name and by virtue of does this in order that the exemption of the unbap-
the delegated authority. Thus the bishops in pagan tized may, on account of the indissolubility of the
countries— China, Japan, Africa, etc. — and in coun- marriage, be communicated to the Catholic party
tries where the unbaptized largely outnumber the (Congreg. of Inquis., 3 March, 1825). This dispensa-
Catholics, as England, United States, etc., have ample tion never includes dispensation in any degree in the
faculties in respect of this impediment. To-day the direct line nor in the first degree of the transverse line
only case (and should there be danger in delay it is (Gasparri, op. cit., nos. 700, 701). This impediment,
not: see Formula T, 11 June. 1907) reserved to Rome which is pumiei jurU, can be invoked by any Catholic
in the faculties granted to bishops of the United States to annul a marriage contracted without the necessary
is that of a Catholic with an orthodox Jew, i. e. a cir- dispensation. The burden of proof rests upon the
cumcised follower of Judaism. The case of a Jew un- challenger, who must clearly demonstrate that there
circumcised, or even circumcised if he has abandoned was either no act of baptismal administration or that
Judaism, is not reserved. t the act of administration which actually took place
This delegated faculty to bishops is given only for a was certainly invalid. The usual canonical laws of
specified period of five years or for a certain number evidence are supplemented by special laws laid down
of cases and requires that the bishop in granting a dis- for the demonstration of the ceremony or the validity
bishops may dispense without express faculty of negligent Catholics. The rules prescribed by the
Rome, which in such cases is presumed to grant it. Congreg. of the Inquisition (1 Aug., 1883, and 5 Feb.,
All bishops can (decrees of Congreg. of Inquis., 20 1851) for the verification of the fact or non-fact of the
Feb., 1888, and 1 March, 1889) dispense, and delegate baptism, as also of the validity of the act, must be
the parish priests to dispense, from the impediment of strictly followed.
disparity of worship in tne case of one who is in danger SchmalzqrCber. Bk. IV, (it. vi, sect. 4: Ferraris. Bxbii'
of Seat* but i. only civilly married or lives in concu- «*-£ g«ft Jg"}-,^ Szfffi&SSiif&BBZ
binage. The aforesaid promises cannot be omitted, monialibu* (Louvain, 1874), xx; Gasparri. De Motrimonio
The sick party must promise absolutely to observe the <P«w. \??3), 1, 401 sqq.; Ballbrini, Opus Theol. Morale (Prato.
*A~i,;.A.vtATt+ii g\t tit* natural an/1 Divin* laws anH *n 1894), VI, De Matnmonw, 530 Bq.; Haine, Thiol. Moralu
requirements of the natural ana Uivme laws, ana to Blementa (LoUvai„( 1900), iv, 168 iqq,; Wkrni, Ju» Decret.
Cany OUt the injunctions of the ecclesiastical law as (Rome, 1904), IV, 759-81; Romet, De Sacramento Matrimonii
DISPENSATION 41 DISPENSATION
IMontreuil-sur-Mer, 1805), III, art. Ui: Santi-Lwtneb, Prate*, impediment of a vow, the pope remits the obligation
{BJ^(2rttWU*^£S^T2?i&; reeultjng.fwm the promise made to God, coi^ntly
1001), 84-86; Becker, De Sponsal. et Matrimonio (Brussels, also the impediment it raised against marriage, (d)
iS?6*' 21! «**••» No">w. ?« Sacrament* (Innabruck, 1906), Adispensation may be in formd gratiosd.in formd com-
&W*5^^ ^nM^WA Wof the first
024 sqq.; Collectanea 8. Cong, de Prop. Fide (Rome, 1907), Class need no execution, but contain a dispensation
index, *. v. Dieporita*. granted ipso facto by the superior in the act of sending
r. M. J. Rock. ^ Those of the second class rive jurisdiction to the
person named as executor of the dispensation, if he
Dispensation (Lat. dirpensatio), an act whereby should consider it advisable; they are, therefore,
in a particular case a lawful superior grants relaxation favours to be granted. Those of the third class com-
from an existing law. This article will treat: I. Die- mand the executor to deliver the dispensation if he can
pensation in General; II. Matrimonial Dispensations, verify the accuracy of the facts for which such dispen-
For dispensations from vows see Vows and Religious sation is asked; they seem, therefore, to contain a
Orders; and from fasting and abstinence, Fast, Ab- favour already granted. From the respective nature
STiNENCB. v of each of these forms of dispensation result certain
I. Dispensation in General.— Dispensation differs important consequences that affect delegation, ob-
f rom abrogation and derogation, inasmuch as these sup- reption, and revocation in the matter of dispensations
press the law totally or in part, whereas a dispensation (see Delegation ; Obreption ; Revocation).
leaves it still in vigour; and from epikeia, or a favoura- (2) The Dispensing Power. — It lies in the very no-
ble interpretation of the purpose of the legislator, tion of dispensation that only the legislator, or his
which supposes that he did not intend to include a lawful successor, can of his own right grant a dispensa-
particular case within the scope of his law, whereas by tion from the law. His subordinates can do so only in
dispensation a superior withdraws from the jaower of the measure that he permits. If such communication
the law a case which otherwise would fall under it. of ecclesiastical authority is made to an inferior by
The raison d'Hre for dispensation lies in the nature of reason of an office he holds, his power, though de-
prudent administration, which often counsels the rived, is known as ordinary. If it is only given him by
adapting of general legislation to the needs of a partic- way of commission it is known as delegated power,
ular case by way of exception. This is peculiarly true When such delegation Jakes place through a perma-
of ecclesiastical administration. Owing to the uni- nent law, it is known as delegation by right of law. It
venality of the Church, the adeauate observance by m styled habitual, when, though given by a particular act
all its members of a single code of laws would be very of the superior, it is granted for a certain period of time
difficult. Moreover, the Divine purpose of the or a certain number of cases. Finally, it is called partic-
Church, the welfare of souls, obliges it to reconcile as ular if granted only for one case. When the power of
far as possible the general interests of the community dispensation is ordinary it may be delegated to another
with the spiritual needs or even weaknesses of its in- unless this be expressly forbidden. When it is dele-
dividual members. Hence we find instances of eccle- gated, as stated above, it may not be subdelegated
siastical dispensations from the very earliest centuries ; unless this be expressly permitted ; exception is made,
such early instances, however, were meant rather to however, for delegation ad universUatem causarum,
legitimize accomplished facts than to authorize before- i. e. for all cases of a certain kind, and for delegation
hand the doing of certain things. Later on antecedent by the pope or the Roman Congregations. Even
dispensations were frequently granted; as early as these exceptions do not cover delegations made be-
the eleventh century Yves of Chartres, among other cause of some personal, fitness of the delegate, nor
canonists, outlined the theory on which they were those in which tne latter receives, not actual junsdic-
based. With reference to matrimonial dispensations tion to grant the dispensation, but an appointment to
now common, we meet in the sixth and seventh cen- execute it, e. g. in the case of dispensations granted. in
turies with a few examples of general dispensations formd commissd mixtd (see above),
granted to legitimize marriages already contracted, or The power of dispensation rests in the following
permitting others about to be contracted. It is not, persons: (A) The Pope. — He cannot of his own right
nowever, until the second half of the eleventh century dispense from the Divine law (either natural or posi-
that we come upon papal dispensations affecting in- tive). When he does dispense, e. g. from vows, oaths,
dividual cases. The earliest examples relate to al- unconsummated marriages, he does so by derived
ready existing unions; the first certain dispensation power communicated to him as Vicar of Christ, and
for a future marriage dates from the beginning of the the limits of which he determines by his magisteriurn,
thirteenth century. In the sixteenth century the or authoritative teaching power. There is some di-
Holy See began to give ampler faculties to bishops and versity of opinion as to the nature of the pope's dis-
missionaries in distant lands ; in the seventeenth cen- pensing power in this respect; it is generally held that
tury such privileges were granted to other countries, it operates by way of indirect dispensation; that is, by
Such was the origin of the ordinary faculties (see virtue of his power over the wills of the faithful the
Faculties, Canonical) now granted to bishops. pope, acting in the name of God. remits for them an
(1) Kinds of Dispensation. — (a) A dispensation may obligation resulting from their deliberate consent, and
be explicit, tacit, or implicit, according as it is mam- therewith the consequences that by natural or positive
fested by a positive act, or by silence under circum- Divine law flowed from such obligation. The pope, of
stances amounting to acquiescence, or solely by its his own right, has full power to dispense from all ecclesi-
connexion with another positive act that presupposes astical laws, whether universal or particular, even
the dispensation, (b) It may be granted in foro in- from the disciplinary decrees of oecumenical councils.
ternoy or in foro externot according as it affects only the Such authority is consequent on his primacy and the
personal conscience, or conscience and the community fullness of his immediate jurisdiction. A part of this
at large. Although dispensations in foro interno are power, however, he usually communicates to the
used tor secret cases, they are also often granted in Roman Congregations.
public cases; hence they must not be identified with (B) The Bishop. — Of his ordinary right, the bishop
dispensations in casu occulto. (c) A dispensation may can dispense from his own statutes ana from those of
be either direct or indirect, according as it affects the his predecessors, even when promulgated in a diocesan
law directly, by suspending its operation, or indirectly, synod (where he alone is legislator). From the other
by modifying the object of the, law in such a way as to laws of the Church he cannot dispense of his own
withdraw it from the tatter's control. For instance, right. This is evident from the nature of dispensa-
when a dispensation is granted from the matrimonial tion and of diocesan jurisdiction. A principle main-
1
DISPENSATION 42 DISPENSATION
tained by some authors, viz. that the bishop can intends to grant only a licit dispensation. Therefore
grant all dispensations which the pope has not re- a dispensation is null when in the motives set forth for
served to himself, cannot be admitted. But by de- obtaining it a false statement is made which has in-
rived right (either ordinary or delegated according to fluenced not only the causa impulsiva, i. e. the reason
the terms of the grant) the bishop can dispense from inclining the superior more easily to grant it, but also
those laws that expressly permit him to do so or the causa motiva, i. e. the really determining reason
from those for which he has received an indult to for the grant in question. For this, and in general for
that effect. Moreover, by ordinary right, based on the information which should accompany the petition,
custom or the tacit consent of the Holy See, he may in order that a dispensation be valid, see below apro-
dispense: (a) in a case where recourse to the Holy See pos of obreption and subreption in rescripts of dia-
ls difficult and where delay would entail serious dan- pensation. Consequently a false statement or the
ger; (b) in doubtful cases, especially when the doubt fraudulent withholding of information, i. e. done with
affects the necessity of the dispensation or the suffi- positive intention of deceiving the superior, totally
ciency of the motives : (c) in cases of frequent occur- annuls the dispensation, unless such statement bear on
rence but requiring dispensation, also in frequently a point foreign to the matter in hand. But if made
occurring matters of minor importance; (d) in de- with no fraudulent intent, a false statement does not
erees of national and provincial councils, although he affect the grant unless the object of the statement be
may not pronounce a general decree to the contrary; some circumstance which ought to have been ex-
Se) in pontifical laws specially passed for his diocese, pressed under pain of nullity, or unless it affects di-
t should be always remembered that to fix the exact rectly the motive cause as above described. Even
limit of these various powers legitimate custom and then false statements do not always nullify the grant;
the interpretation of reputable authors must serve as for (a) when the dispensation is composed of several dis-
guides. Superiors of exempt religious ordera (see Ex- tinct and separable parts, that part or element alone is
emption) can grant to their subjects, individually, nullified on which tails the obreption or subreption,
those dispensations from ecclesiastical laws which the as the case may be; (b) when several adequately
bishop grants by his ordinary power. When there is distinguished motive causes are set forth, the dispen*
auestion of the rules of their order they are bound to sation is null and void only when the obreption or
follow what is laid down in their constitutions (see subreption in question affects them all. It is enough,
Religious Orders). ^ , ^ moreover, that the accuracy of the facts be verifiedat
(C) Hie Vicar-General. — He* enjoys by virtue of his the moment when the dispensation is granted. There-
appointment the ordinary dispensing power of the fore, in the case of dispensations ex gratid (or in forma
bishop, also the delegated powers of the latter, i. e. gratiosd), i. e. granting favours, the facts must be true
those granted him not personally but as ordinary when the dispensation is expedited; on the other
(according to present discipline, the pontifical facul- hand, in the case of dispensations in formd commissi
ties known as ordinary) ; exception is made, however, (and according to the more general opinion, in those in
for those powers which require a special mandate like formd commissd mixta), the causes alleged must be
those of the chapter Liceatt for dealing with irregu- verified only when the dispensation is actually executed,
ferities and secret cases. The vicar capitular like- (4) Form and Interpretation. — It is proper, gener-
wise has all the dispensing power which the bishop ally speaking, that dispensations be asked for and
has of his own right, or which has been delegated to granted in writing. Moreover, the Roman Congrega-
him as ordinary. tions are forbidden, as a rule, to receive petitions for
(D) Parish Priest. — By his own ordinary right, dispensations or to answer them by telegram. The
founded on custom, he may dispense (but only in execution of a dispensation made on receipt of tele-
particular cases, and for individuals separately, not graphic information that such dispensation had been
tor a community or congregation) from the observ- granted would be null, unless such means of communi-
ance of fasting, abstinence, and Holy Days. He can cation had been officially used by special authoriza-
sJso dispense, within his own territory, from the ob- tion from the pope. Except when the interest of a
servance of diocesan statutes when the latter permit third party is at stake, or the superior has expressed
him to do so; the terms of these statutes usually de- himself to the contrary, the general dispensing power,
dare the extent of such power, also whether it be whether ordinary or delegated, ought to be Droadly
ordinary or delegated. . Dispensation being an act of interpreted, since its object is the common good. But
jurisdiction, a superior can exercise it only over his the actual dispensation (and the same holds true of
own subjects, though as a general rule he can do so in dispensing power given for a particular case) ought to
their favour even outside his own territory. The be strictly interpreted unless it is a question of a dis-
bishop and the parish priest, except in circumstances pensation authorized by the common law, or one
governed by special enactments, acquire jurisdiction granted motu proprio (by the superior spontaneously)
over a member of the faithful by reason of the domi- to a whole community, or with a view to the public
cile or quasi-domicile he or she has in a diocese or good. Again, that interpretation is lawful without
parish (see Domicile). Moreover, in their own terri- which the dispensation would prove hurtful or useless
tory they can use their dispensing power in respect of to the beneficiary, also that which extends the bene-
persons without fixed residence (vagi), probably also fits of the dispensation to whatever is juridically con-
in respect of travellers temporarily resident in such nected with it.
territory. As a general rule he who has power to (5) Cessation of Dispensations. — (a) A dispensation
dispense others from certain obligations can also dis- ceases when it is renounced by the person in whose
pense himseif. favour it was granted. However, when the object of
(3) Causes for Granting Dispensations. — A sufficient the dispensation is an obligation exclusively resulting
cause is always required in order that a dispensation from one's own will, e. g. a vow, such renunciation is
may be both valid and licit when an inferior dispenses not valid until accepted by the competent superior,
from a superior's law, but only for the liceity of the Moreover, neither the non-use of a dispensation nor
act when a superior dispenses from his own law. the fact of having obtained another dispensation in*
Nevertheless, in this latter case a dispensation compatible with the former is, in itself, equivalent to a
granted without a motive would not (in se), except renunciation. Thus, if a girl had received a dispensa-
for some special reason, e. g. scandal, constitute a tion to marry Peter and another to marry P&uL she
serious fault. One may be satisfied with a probably would remain free to marry either of them, (b) A
sufficient cause, or with a cause less than one that, of dispensation ceases when it is revoked after due no-
itself and without any dispensation, would excuse tice to the recipient. The legislator can validly
from the law. It is always understood that a superior revoke a dispensation, even without cause, though in
DISPENSATION
43
DISPENSATION
the latter case it would be illicit to do so ; but without
a cause an inferior cannot revoke a dispensation, even
validly. With a iust cause, however, he can do so if
he has dispensed by virtue of his general powers
(ordinary or delegated); not so, however, when his
authority extended merely to one particular case,
since thereby his authority was exhausted, (c) A
dispensation ceases by the death of the superior when,
the dispensation having been granted in formd com-
mind, the executor had not vet begun to execute it.
But the grant holds good if given ex gratid (as a fav-
our) and even, more probably, if granted in formd com-
missd mixtd. In any case, the new pope is wont to re-
validate all favours granted in the immediately previous
year by his predecessor and not yet availed of. (d) A
conditional dispensation ceases on verification of the
condition that renders it void, e. g. the death of the
superior when the dispensation was granted with
the clause ad beneplacitum nostrum (at our good
pleasure), (e) A dispensation ceases by the adequate
and total cessation of its motive causes, the dispensa-
tion thereupon ceasing to be legitimate. But the
cessation of the influencing causes, or of a part of the
motive causes, does not affect the dispensation.
However, when the motive cause, though complex, is
substantially one, it is rightly held to cease with the
disappearance of one of its essential elements.
II. Matrimonial Dispensations. — A matrimonial
dispensation is the relaxation in a particular case of an
impediment prohibiting or annulling a marriage. It
may be granted: (a) in favour of a contemplated mar-
riage or to legitimize one already contracted: (b) in
secret cases, or in public cases, or in both (see Impedi-
ments of Matrimony) ; (c) in foro inferno only, or in
foro externa (the latter includes also the former),
rower of dispensing in foro interna is not always re-
stricted to secret cases {casus occuUi). These expres-
sions, as stated above, are by no means identical.
We shall classify the most important considerations in
this very complex matter, under four heads: (1) gen-
eral powers 01 dispensation; (2) particular moults of
dispensation; (3) causes for dispensations; (4) costs
of dispensations.
(1 ) General Powers of Dispensation. — (A) The Pope.
— The pope cannot dispense from impediments found-
ed on Divine law— except, as above described, in the
case of vows, espousals, and non-consummated mar-
riages, or valid and consummated marriage of neo-
phytes before baptism (see Neophytes). In doubtful
cases, however, ne may decide authoritatively as to
the objective value of the doubt. In respect of im-
pediments arising from ecclesiastical law the pope has
full dispensing power. Every such dispensation
granted by him is valid, and when he acts from a suffi-
cient motive it is also licit. He is not wont, however,
out of consideration for the public welfare, to exercise
this power personally, unless in very exceptional
cases, where certain specific impediments are in ques-
tion. Such cases are error, violence. Holy orders,
disparity of worship, public conjugiciae, consanguin-
ity in the direct line or in the first degree (equal) of
the collateral line, and the first degree of affinity (from
lawful intercourse) in the direct Tine. As a rule the
pope exercises his power of dispensation through the
woman Congregations and Tribunals.
Up to recent times the Dataria was the most im-
portant channel for matrimonial dispensations when
the impediment was public or about to become public
within a short time. The Holy Office, however, had
exclusive control in foro externa over all impediments
connected with or juridically bearing on matters of
faith, e. g. disparity of worship, mixta religio, Holy
orders, etc. The dispensing power in foro interna lay
with the Penitentiana, and in the case of pauperes or
quasi-pauperes this same Congregation haa dispensing
power over public impediments in foro externa. The
Penitentiana held as pauperes for all countries outside
of Italy those whose united capital, productive of a
fixed revenue, did not exceed 5370 lire (about 1050
dollars) ; and as quasi-pauperes, those whose capital
did not exceed 9396 lire (about 1850 dollars). It
likewise had the power of promulgating general in-
dults affecting public impediments, as for instance the
indult of 15 Nov., 1907. Propaganda was charged
.with all dispensations, both in foro interna and in foro
externa, for countries under its jurisdiction, as was the
Congregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs
for all countries depending on it, e. g. Russia, Latin
America, and certain vicariates and prefectures Apos-
tolic.
On 3 November, 1908, the duties of these various
Congregations received important modifications in
consequence of the Constitution "Sapienti", in which
Pope Pius X reorganised the Roman Curia. Dis-
pensing power from public impediments in the case of
Siuperes or quasi-pauperes was transferred from the
ataria and the renitentiaria to a newly established
Congregation known as the Congregatio de Disciplina
Sacramentorum. The Penitentiana retains dispens-
ing power over occult impediments in foro interna
only. The Holy Office retains its faculties, but re-
stricted expressly under three heads: (1) disparity of
worship; (2) mixta religio; (3) the Pauline Privilege
[see Divorce (in Moral Theology)]. Propaganda
remains the channel for securing dispensations for all
countries under its jurisdiction, but as it is required
for the sake of executive unity, to defer, in all matters
concerning matrimony, to the various Congregations
competent to act thereon, its function is henceforth
that of intermediary. It is to be remembered that
in America, the United States, Canada and New-
foundland, and in Europe, the British Isles are now
withdrawn from Propaganda, and placed under the
common law of countries with a hierarchy. The Con-
gregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs loses
all its powers; consequently the countries hitherto
subject to it must address themselves either to the
Holy Office or to the Congregatio de Disciplina Sacra-
mentorum according to the nature of the impediment.
It should be noted that the powers of a Congrega-
tion are suspended during the vacancy of the Holy
See, except those of the Penitentiana xn foro interna,
which, during that time, are even increased. Though
suspended, the powers of a Congregation may be used
in cases of urgent necessity.
(B) The Diocesan Bishops. — We shall treat first of
their fixed perpetual faculties, whether ordinary or
delegated, afterwards of their habitual and temporary
faculties. By virtue of their ordinary power (see
Jurisdiction) bishops can dispense from those pro-
hibent impediments of ecclesiastical law which are
not reserved to the pope. The reserved impediments
of this kind are espousals, the vow of perpetual chas-
tity, and vows taken in diocesan religious institutes
(see Religious Congregations), mixta religio, public
display and solemn blessing at marriages within for-
bidden times, the vetitum, or interdict laid on a mar-
riage by the pope, or by the metropolitan in a case of
appeal. The bishop may also dispense from diriment
impediments after the following manner: —
(a) By tacit consent of the Holy See he can dispense
in foro inferno from secret impediments from which
the pope is wont to exercise his power of dispensing,
in the three following cases: (1) in marriages already
contracted and consummated, when urgent necessity
arises (i. e. when the interested parties cannot be sep-
arated without scandal or endangering their souls, and
there is no time to have recourse to the Holy See or to
its delegate)— it is, however, necessary that such mar-
riage shall have taken place in lawful form before the
Church, and that one of the contracting parties at least
shall have been ignorant of the impediment; (2) in
marriages about to be contracted ana which are called
embarrassing (perplexi) cases, i. e. where everything
DISPENSATION
44
DISPENSATION
being ready a delay would be defamatory or would
cause scandal; (3) when there is a serious doubt of
fact as to the existence of an impediment; in this case
the dispensation seems to hold good, even though in
course of time the impediment becomes certain, and
even public. In cases where the law is doubtful no
dispensation is necessary; but the bishop may, if he
thinks proper, declare authentically the existence and
sufficiency of such doubt, (b) By virtue of a decree
of the Congregation of the Inquisition or Holy Office
(20 February, 1888) diocesan bishops and other ordina-
ries (especially vicars Apostolic, administrators Apos-
tolic, and prefects Apostolic, having jurisdiction over
an allocated territory, also vicars-general in spirituaU-
bus, and vicars capitular) may dispense in very urgent
(gravissimum) danger of death from all diriment im-
pediments (secret or public) of ecclesiastical law, except
priesthood and affinity (from lawful intercourse) in the
direct line. However, they can use this privilege only
in favour of persons actually living in real concubinage
or united by a merely civil marriage, and only when
there is no time for recourse to the Holy See. They
may also legitimize the children of such unions, ex-
cept those born of adultery or sacrilege. In the de-
cree of 1888 is also included the impediment of clan-
destinity. This decree permits therefore (at least
until the Holy See shall have issued other instructions)
to dispense, in the case of concubinage or civil mar-
riage, with the presence of the priest and of the
two witnesses required by the Decree "Ne temere"
in urgent cases of marriage in extremis. Canonists
do not agree as to whether bishops hold these fac-
ulties by virtue of their ordinary power or by general
delegation of the law. It seems to us more prob-
able that those just described under (a) belong to
them as ordinaries, while those under (b) are dele-
gated. They are, therefore, empowered to delegate
the former; in order to subdelegate the latter tney
must be guided by the limits fixed by the decree of
1888 and its interpretation dated 9 June, 1889. That
is, if it is a question of habitual delegation parish
priests only should receive it, and only for cases where
there is no time for recourse to the bishop.
Besides the fixed perpetual faculties, bishops also
receive from the Holy See habitual temporary indults
for a certain period of time or for a limited number of
cases. These faculties are granted by fixed "for-
mulae", in which the Holy See from t<me to time, or as
occasion requires it, makes some slignt modifications.
(See Faculties, Canonical.) These faculties call for a
broad interpretation . Nevertheless it is well to bear in
mind, when interpreting them, the actual legislation of
the Congregation whence they issue, so as not to extend
their use beyond the places, persons, number of cases,
and impediments laid down in a given indult. Facul-
ties thus delegated to a bishop do not in any way re-
strict his ordinary faculties; nor (in se) do the facul-
ties issued by one Congregation affect those granted
by another. When several specifically different im-
pediments occur in one and the same case, and one of
them exceeds the bishop's powers, he may not dis-
pense from any of them. Even when the bishop has
faculties for each impediment taken separately he
cannot (unless he possesses the faculty known as de
cumulo) use his various faculties simultaneously in a
case where, all the impediments being public, one of
them exceeds his ordinary faculties. It is not neces-
sary for a bishop to delegate his faculties to his vicars-
ceneral; since 1897 they are always granted to the
bishop as ordinary, therefore to the vicar-general also.
With regard to other priests a decree of the Holy
Office (14 Dec., 1898) declares that for the future tem-
porary faculties may be always subdelegated unless
the indult expressly states the contrary. These
faculties are valid from the date when they were
granted in the Roman Curia. In actual practice they
do not expire, as a rule, at the death of the pope nor
of the bishop to whom they were given, but pass on to
those who take his place (the vicar capitular, the
administrator, or succeeding bishop). Faculties
granted for a fixed period of time, or a limited number
of cases, cease when the period or number has been
reached ; but while awaiting their renewal the bishop,
unless culpably negligent, may continue to use them
provisionally. A bishop can use his habitual facul-
ties only in favour of his own subjects. The matri-
monial discipline of the Decree "Ne temere" (2 Aug.,
1907) contemplates as such all persons having a true
canonical domicile, or continuously resident for one
month within his territory, also vagi, or persons who
have no domicile anywhere and can claim no continu-
ous stay of one month. When a matrimonial impedi-
ment is common to both parties the bishop, in dispens-
ing his own subject, dispenses also the otter.
(C) Vicars Capitular and Vicars-General. — A vicar «
capitular, or in nis place a lawful administrator, en-
t'oys all the dispensing powers possessed by the
►ishop in virtue of his ordinary jurisdiction or of dele-
gation of the law; according to the actual discipline
he enjoys even the habitual powers which had been
granted the deceased bishop for a fixed period of time
or for a limited number of cases, even if the indult
should have been made out in the name of the Bishop
of N. Considering the actual praxis of the Holy See,
the same is true of particular indults (see below).
The vicar-general has by virtue of his appointment all
the ordinary powers of the bishop over prohibent im-
pediments, but requires a special mandate to give him
common-law faculties for diriment impediments. As
, for habitual temporary faculties, since they are now
addressed to the ordinary, they belong also ipso facto
to the vicar-general while he holds that office. He
can also use particular indults when they are ad-
dressed to the ordinary, and when they are not so ad-
dressed the bishop can always subdelegate him, unless
the contrary be expressly stated in the indult.
(D) Parish Priests and Other Ecclesiastics. — A par-
ish priest by common law can dispense only from an
interdict laid on a marriage by him or by his prede-
cessor. Some canonists of note accord him authority
to dispense from secret impediments in what are
called embarrassing (perplexi) cases, i. e. when there is
no time for recourse to the bishop, but with the obliga-
tion of subsequent recourse ad cautelam, i. e. for greater
security; a similar authority is attributed by them to
confessors. This opinion seems yet gravely probable,
though the Penitentiaria continues to grant among its
habitual faculties a special authority for such cases
and restricts somewhat its use.
(2) Particular Indults of Dispensation. — When there
is occasion to procure a dispensation that exceeds the
powers of the ordinary, or when there are special
reasons for direct recourse to the Holy See, procedure
is by way of supplica (petition) and private rescript.
The supplica need not necessarily be drawn up by
the petitioner, nor even at his instance; it does not,
however, become valid until he accepts it. Although,
since the Constitution "Sapienti , all the faithful
may have direct recourse to the Congregations, the
supplica is usually forwarded through the ordinary
(of the person's birthplace, or domicile, or, since the
Decree Ne temere", residence of one of the peti-
tioners), who transmits it to the proper Congregation
either by letter or through his accredited agent; out if
there is question of sacramental secrecy, it is sent direct-
ly to the Penitentiaria, or handed to the bishop's agent
under a sealed cover for transmission to the Peniten-
tiaria. The supplica ought to give the names (family
and Christian) of the petitioners (except in secret cases
forwarded to the Penitentiaria), the name of the
ordinary forwarding it, or the name of the priest to
whom, in secret cases, the rescript must be sent; the
age of the parties, especially in dispensations affecting
consanguinity and affinity; their religion, at least
DISPENSATION 45 DISPENSATION
when one of them is not a Catholic; the nature, de- unless he subdelegates to another ordinary. When
, and number of all impediments (if recourse is the impediment is common to, and known to, both
to the Congregatio de Discipline Sacramentorum parties, execution ought to be made for both ; where-
ortothe Holy Office in a public impediment, and to the fore, in a case in foro interno, the confessor of one of
Penitentiaria at the same time in a secret one, it is the parties hands over the rescript, after he has exe-
neceasary that the latter should know of the public cuted it, to the confessor of the other. The executor
impediment and that recourse has been had to the com- ought to observe with care the clauses enumerated in
petent Congregation). The supplica must, moreover, the decree, as some of them constitute conditions sine
contain the causes set forth for granting the dispensa- qud nan for the validity of the dispensation. As a
tion and other circumstances specified in the Propagan- rule, these clauses affecting validity may be recog-
da Instruction of 9 May, 1877 (it is no longer necessary, nized by the conditional conjunction or adverb of ex-
either for the validity or liceity of the dispensation, to elusion with which they begin (e. g. dummodo, "pro-
observe the paragraph relating to incestuous inter- vided that"; et nan editor, "not otherwise"), or by an
course, even when probably this very thing had been ablative absolute. When, however, a clause only
alleged as the only reason for granting the dispensa- prescribes a thing already of obligation by law it has
tion). When there is question of consanguinity in the merely the force of a reminder. In this matter also it
second degree bordering on the first, the supplica is weft to pay attention to the stylus curia, i. e. the
ought to be written by the bishop's own hand. He legal diction of the Roman Congregations and Tri-
ought also to sign the declaration of poverty made by bunals, and to consult authors of repute,
the petitioners when the dispensation is sought from (3) Causes for Granting Dispensations. — Following
the Penitentiaria in forma vauperum; when he is in the principles laid down for dispensations in general,
any way hindered from so aoing he is bound to com- a matrimonial dispensation granted without sufficient
mission a priest to sign it in his name. A false declar- cause, even by the pope himself, would be illicit ; the
ation of poverty henceforth does not invalidate a die- more difficult and numerous the impediments the
pensation in any case; but the authors of the false more serious must be the motives for removing them,
statement are bound in conscience to reimburse any An unjustified dispensation, even if granted ^y the
amount unduly withheld (regulation for the Roman pope, is null and void, in a case affecting the Divine
Curia, 12 June, 1908). For further information law; and if granted by other bishops or superiors in
on the many points already briefly described the cases affecting ordinary ecclesiastical law. Moreover,
reader is referred to the special canonical works, as it is not supposable that the pope wishes to* act
wherein are found all necessary directions as to what illicitly, it follows that if he has been moved by false
must be expressed so as to avoid nullity. When a allegations to grant a dispensation, even in a matter of
supplica is affected (in a material point) by obreption ordinary ecclesiastical law, such dispensation is invalid,
or subreption it becomes necessary to ask for a so- Hence the necessity of distinguishing in dispensations
called "reformatory decree" in case the favour asked between motive or determining causes (causa motive*)
has not yet been granted by the Curia, or for the let- and impulsive or merely influencing causes {causa im-
ters known as " Perinde ac valere" if the favour has puUiva). Except wheel the information given is false,
already been granted. If, after all this, a further still more when he acts spontaneously (moJuproprio) and
material error is discovered, letters known as " Perinde " with certain knowledge ", the presumption always is
ac valere super perinde ac valere ' ' must be applied for. that a superior is actingf rom j ust motives. It may be
See Gasparri, "Tractatus de matrimonio" (2nd ed., remarked that ifthepope refuses to grant a dispensation
Rome, 1892), I, no. 362. on a certain ground, an inferior prelate, properly au-
Dispensation rescripts are generally drawn up in thorized to dispense, may grant the dispensation in
formd commissd mixta, i. e. they are entrusted to an the same case on other grounds which in his judgment
executor who is thereby obliged to proceed to their are sufficient. ^ Canonists do not agree as to whether
execution, if he finds that the reasons are as alleged (si he can grant it on the identical ground by reason of
vera sint exposita). Canonists are divided as to whether his divergent appreciation of the Tatter's force,
rescripts in formd commissd mixta contain a favour Among the sufficient causes for matrimonial dis-
granted from the moment of their being sent off, or to pensations we may distinguish canonical causes, i. e.
be granted when the execution actually takesjriace. classified and held as sufficient by the common law and
Gasparri holds it as received practice that it suffices if canonical jurisprudence, and reasonable causes, i. e.
the reasons alleged be actually true at the moment not provided for nominally in the law, but deserving of
when the petition is presented. It is certain, how- equitable consideration m view of circumstances or %
ever, that the executor required by Penitentiaria re- particular cases. An Instruction issued by Propa-
scripts may safely fulfil his mission even if the pope ganda (9 May, 1877) enumerates sixteen canonical
should die before he had begun to execute it. The causes* The "Formulary of the Dataria" (Rome,
executor named for public impediments is usually the 1901) gives twenty-eight, which suffice, either alone or
ordinary who forwards the supplica and for secret concurrently with others, and act as a norm for all
impediments an approved confessor chosen by the sufficient causes. They are: smallness of place or
petitioner. Except when specially authorized the places; smallness of place coupled with the fact that
person delegated cannot validly execute a dispensa- outside it a sufficient dowry cannot be had; lack of
tion before lie has seen the original of the rescript, dowry; insufficiency of dowry for the bride; a larger
Therein it is usually prescribed that the reasons given dowry; an increase of dowry by one-third; cessation
by the petitioners must be verified. This verification, of family feuds; preservation of peace; conclusion of
usually no longer a condition for valid execution, can peace between princes or states; avoidance of law-
be made, in the case of public impediments, extra- suits over an inheritance, a dowry, or some important
judicially or by subdelegation. In foro interna it can business transaction ; the fact that a fiancee is an or-
be made by the confessor in the very act of hearing phan; or has the care of a family; the age of the fian-
the confessions of the parties. Should the inquiry cee over twenty-four; the difficulty of finding another
disclose no substantial error, the executor proclaims partner, owing to the fewness of male acquaintance, or
the dispensation, i. e. he makes known, usually in the difficulty the latter experience in coming to her
writing, especially if he acts in foro externa, the decree home ; the hope of safeguarding the faith of a Catholic
which dispenses the petitioners; if the rescript au- relation; the danger of a mixed marriage* the hope
thorises him, he also legitimises the children. Al- of converting a non-Catholic party; the keeping of
though the executor may subdelegate the preparatory property in a family; the preservation of an illustrious
acta, he may not, unless the rescript expressly says or honourable family; the excellence and merits of the
so, subdelegate the actual execution of the decree, parties; defamation to be avoided, or scandal pre*
46
rented; vAu&xum *\n*Ay having taken pbee be- frjwf hj/igw 1 g*qfr .i«R Ln. n P. U
tween the petftionen, or tape; the dinayr of a eml %Syff g, ^jf ySSS-i* '* " " ""
marriage; of marriage before a Protestant minister; fact. JCMwvLXXTlti;
levalidatiou of a marriage that wm null and roid; *-" u "
ftnefir, aB reasonable causes judged such in the opin- ^ j„— i ^ ««■>. a
ion of the pope fe. g, the pubbe good), or special ren- «i»paM. ■AaJoS^
sonabfe ranees actuating the petitioners and made #«• '*— »«*^ i**2* FSr*-Dr
known to the pone, L e, motives winch, owing to the v^^BcSt dT*£»
social statu* of the petitionees, it it opportune aboold Pokto. iv dfrp
unexplained out of respect for their reputation. M^Bo****.**
These various cause* hare been stated in their briefest JJJ!' gUiS/Sl.
terms. To reaeh their exact force, some acquaintance BfcTvTII; Gasp.
k nee* awry with the tftyhu curiae and the pertinent JX2^ »▼. i**
works of reputable authors, always a voiding anything J^f.
like exaggerated formalism. This list of causes is by Lm
no meaiis exhaustive; the Holy See, in granting a dis- p€?*%5_J*
pensation, will consider any weighty circumstances Sr^boESSL r^_, _ __ _
that render the dispensation really justifiable. Ktrdumr^ ijanrii.* VaqnTand Lxxvm, ai;
(4) CW* */ i>i#x*n*rf*m4,--The Council of Trent *"*& emdmt «w;P«. unn n. 3L5;
(8ess,XXIV.cap.rri>cref.matrim0d^ A»«^^«n^*^(T«^i8^nz
peneations should be free of all charges. Diocesan *Li-an\.j»*asjaaT.
chanceries ate bound to conform to this law (many i^muLm «■# *w * ■■«— /t^* tk-'-v j— ,_
pontifical document*, and at tinies clauses in induHs, ,2*2?%^?*^^^
remind them of H) and neither to exact nor accept J^rt'^SSiT^^
4M(.i« *. _^ 4.* ^ _i^j._a ^Wfc«._rt—^t-«. *^ au^ J,i.J.„«..lM wont ot tne rwetve Apostles, it ■ ceJeoratea as a
anytaing out tne modest eontnixition to tne enancery j-.-u- «_-;,««, ~- k i»i— on*-. £~* „ tv^ ^ *us-
i r? ^--^i^-j w«r -_ f«-*-.^*^« .tiMMr^ \S~ double major on 15 July, lne nmt vestige of tins
eentian Tu (Taxa Inncxentiana). Bo«et hold, thai ^^S^^^^J^^^^}^^^
H te «1*> l»Wul, when the dioceae k poor, to demand S£"~J ^E.^wM <w wJ TiTti
^■>rtt. ■.»■ ^ *ul . ,, u :««..•• /X. ,i;-»m.,— «;,,..- wnen provost of tne cnurcn ot uur .Lady, lne ae-
ESSS^l^H^ftS^S^&fiS^SS; 9"«« - «i*hentic beyond doubt (G. It Drevw,
2^^t^^yj«^^K^STJSt Jl Hymnomphi Latini, if 399, Leipzig, MW7; Idem,
revenues from tnis source snail De amployea for some ma^tMwyad bv William Durandus. BishoD of Mende
w^ aJtMt t~m Um mamu.'m peTsio , or i/ivisio Apostolorum it was universally
to eoltoct for ito execution. Sebrnted in the nortfiem countries of Europe, but
He Ages in Spain and Italy.
Godeacalcus) is to conunem-
shaa been employed. Tliia fee is fixed u^^^^!^^^^}jf\^^S^L llZ?
t~. *u- '•- ^ <M ^..».^.v>» f /i^ * way (4n~„\ ♦-* i^-v Jerusalem for tne various parts of the world, some four-
IS XT^A L SS rCSS^TL'nS *S5S^?S «* St PeteVand Tk Paul by St. Sylvester (Sehulting,
r^^.^JTM? ^teSSS ^S? ?ff ^f^™ Bibl. eecL, 1591, 2. 2, 173 sq ; M. irmellini, CWesea
m n^ey. paid undeV the tot two heads, do not Jj^ ^^Slo m^mTLffald^ch
affect, strictly speaking, the gratuity of the dispensa- SocesaT and Sitae tfodted StTtea ^^eeclea^ticS
tion. Thev constitute a just compensation for the SSSJEL^o^t^^
expenses the petitioner* obeasion the Curia. As for ^v^^^|t^uis, (^cago, Muwaukee, Dubuque,
the alma and the componendum, besides the fact that ^mSuwii i
they do not profit the pope nor the members of the
Curia personally, but are employed in pious uses, they
are justifiable, either as a fine for the faults which, as a w>-lfllHJ2- „ p „
rule, give occasion for the dispensation, or as a check • **" 11°LWBvx-
to restrain a too great frequency of petitions often Dispersion of the Jews. See Diaspora.
based on frivolous grounds. And if the Tridentine
prohibition be still urged, it may be truly said that the Dissen, Heinrich yon, b. 18 Oct., 1415, at Osna-
pope has the right to abrogate the decrees of councils, bruck, in Westphalia; d. at Cologne, 26 Nov., 1484.
and is the best judge of the reasons that legitimize After studying philosophy and theology at Cologne
suoh abrogation. We may add that the custom of under Heinrich von Gorinchem (Gorkum), a cele-
tax and componendum is neither uniform nor uni- brated divine of that time and vice-chancellor of the
venal in the Roman Curia. university, he became a monk in the Carthusian mon-
^l.V\»peoM^tiotM[n^enU8vARn,I^t4ffpm$^p\mA8S2)t astery of the same place, and took his solemn vows
^^.^t^igr^So&fe^!?^! " Jan., 1437 He remained there all bis life, wlu^
KoNtNOA-I'uTfsa, Comnuniariumin facuUaUt opoHoticas (New was a very laborious one, for he read much, copied
York, 1808), pt. I; thaoommmtaton on th« Decratate, atpeoially many books for the library of his monastery, and com-
tit. iv, 138; ton Scnsssa, Uandbuch de» Kirehmrechu pnor 23 March, 1457, and continued m that office until
Qiu, 1988). I. 172; Hinsckius, 8yUm d. kath. Kirchenr. his death. His literary productions, all in Latin,
&tS Wt^,2^^ S2SS&7SZ& compri*S<»n^entarie9onthePSalm8,on.the Apoc*-
Schkkmaniv, Propheten und ApottdUgenden (Lapsig, 1907);
Funk in Kirchenlex., I, 1151; Dabqel, Thesaurus kymnolofficus
(Halle, 1841), II, 45; cf. Kzixnsr, Heortologie (FrelburE, 1901),
DISSENTERS
47
DITHMAB
tate", "De multiplici bonorum verecundia", "Quo the intention to pray and therefore in the
pacto haereticorum fraudes deprehendi quean t ", "Ex- some formal advertence: otherwise a man
beginning
. , would not
positio in totum Missale", "Expositio Antiphonarii", know what he was doing, and his prayer could not be
"Consolationes in Cantica Canticorum", "De XIII described even as a human act. So long, however, as
inansionibus", etc. It does not appear that any of nothing is done outwardly which would be incompati-
these works have ever been printed. ble with any degree whatever of attention to the f unc-
Lb Vasbeub, Evhemerides Ord. Cartus (Montreuil, 1892), IV. tion of prayer, wie lack of explicit mental application
434; Petbkius, BMiotheea Carhu. (Cologne, 1609); Hubter, j-_- -1 •- i_ 1_ • iV» A *T_ .n._
Nomendator (Innsbruck, 1899). IV, 911.
Edmund Gurdon.
Dissenters. See Nonconformists.
Dissentis, Abbey of, a Benedictine monastery in
the Canton Grisons in eastern Switzerland, dedicated
does not, so to speak, invalidate prayer. In other
words, it keeps its substantial value as prayer, al-
though, of course, when the dissipation of thought is
wilful our addresses to the throne of mercy lose a
great deal in efficacy and acceptability. This doc-
trine has an application, for example, m the case of
to Our Lady of Mercy. Tradition ascribes its f ounda- those who are bound to recite the canonical Office and
tion to Sts. Placid and Sigebert, in the year 614, but who are esteemed to have fulfilled their obligation
Mabillon places the date two yeare earlier. The his- substantially even though their distractions have been
tory of the abbey has been somewhat chequered, but it
has at times risen to positions of great importance and
influence. It was destroyed by the Avars in 670,
when its abbot and thirty monks suffered martyrdom,
but was rebuilt by Charles Martel and Abbot rirmin-
ius in 711. Charlemagne visited the abbey on his re-
turn journey from Rome in 800 and bestowed upon it
many benefactions. Abbot Udalric I (1031-1055)
abundant and absorbing. Voluntary distractions,
that is the conscious deliberate surrender of the mind
to thoughts foreign to prayers, are sinful because of
the obvious irreverence for God with Whom at such
times we are presuming to hold intercourse. The
guilt, however, is judged to be venial. In the admin-
istration of the sacraments their validity cannot be
assailed merely because the one who confers them
was the first of its superiors to be made a prince of the fails to, here and now, think of what he is doing. Prov
empire, which dignity was subsequently held by vided he has the required intention and posits the es-
se veral other of its abbots ; many of them also became sentials of the external rite proper to each sacrament,
bishops of the neighbouring^ sees. In 1581 the abbey no matter how taken over ne may be by outside re-
was honoured by a visit from St. Charles Borromeo. flections, his act is distinctly a human one and as such
After enjoying independence for a thousand years it its value cannot be impugned. Such a state of mind,
was incorporated into the newly formed Swiss Con- however, when it is wilful, is sinful, but the guilt is
gregation m 1617, since which date it has, in common not mortal unless one has thereby laid himself open to
with the other five Benedictine abbeys of Switzerland, the danger of making a mistake in what is regarded as
been subject to the jurisdiction of the president of that essential for the validity of the sacrament in question.
Congregation. In 1799 it was burned and plundered Noldin, Sutnnm theoloffia moralia (Innsbruck, 1904): Lehm-
byJL eoldieni of Napoleon's anny when amongst j^SSS&rMSft&J"7* O^""-*"*"*
other valuable treasures, a seventh century MS. - — -
chronicle of the abbey perished. The printing press
that had"
same time
Joseph F. Delany.
id been set up in 1729 was also destroyed at the Distributions (from Lat. distribute), canoni-
same tune, but much of the melted type and other ^y termeci distrubtionea quotidians, are certain por-
metal was saved and from it were made the pipes of tkam of the revenue of a church, distributed to the
the organ of St. Martin's church at Dissentis, which is ^^ present at Divine service. There are many
still m use. The abbey was rebuilt by Abbot Anselm regulations concerning these distributions in the " Cor-
Huonder, thelast of its superiors to enjoy the rank pus JuriB». The latest law on the subject is found in
and title of Prince of the Empire. During the nine- a^ decrees of the Council of Trent (Sess. XXII, cap.
teenth century the monastery suffered greatly from m j^ ^j where it is ordained that bishops have
misfortunes of various lands, and so great was the p0wer to set aside one-third of the revenues of officials
relaxation of discipline in consequence that its recpv- J^d dignitaries of cathedral and collegiate chapters
ery was almost despaired of. Abbot Paul Birker ^ convert this third into distributions for those who
came from his abbey of St. Boniface at Munich to as- 8&tkiy exactiy their obligation of being personally
sist in restoring regular observance, but so little sue- present every day at the service to which they are
cess attended his efforts that he left Dissentis in 1861 found. Canons retired on account of their age retain
and returned to Munich as a simple monk. The ab- ^^ right to the distributions, as do also capitulars
bey has, however, survived those evil tunesL and is ma who have received coadjutors, and supernumerary
satisfactory and flourishing condition. Dom Bene- canong wno are waiting a regular stall in the chapter,
diet Prevost, the eightieth who has ruled over its for- To earn these distributions it is necessary to chant the
tunes, was abbot m 1908 of a community of between q^^ m common, according to the custom of the par-
thirty and forty monks, who, among theur other duties, ticular church to which the beneficiary belongs. A
served five public oratories and conducted successfully mere corporal presence, however, without mental ap-
a grmnasium of nearly a hundred boys. plication to the services performed, will not entitle one
Mabillon. Annalcs Ordxnxs Sanctx BeneaxcU (Pans. 1708- f_ -~T%Dri;--k,Wk *rt ♦I,-*-** *JU^l„™<>«+o
1739); Yifb, Chrtmiean General* Ord. 8. P. N. Bentdidi m conscience to these emoluments.
(Oologne1 1603): Brdnnkr, Bin Benediktinerbuch (WOribur*. Amd^-Waohml Diet, duDrv* Cath. (Pans. 1801); Fe«-
1880); Album Benedidinum (St. Vinccnfa. Penn.. 1880). Babm, BM. Can. (Rome, 1899), III.
G. Cyprian Alston. William H. W. Fanning.
Dissidents in Poland. See Poland.
Distraction (Lat. distrahere, to draw away, hence
to distract) is here considered in so far as it is wont to
happen in time of prayer and in administering the
sacraments. It hardly needs to be noted that the
idea of mental prayer and mind-wandering are de-
structive of each other. So far as vocal prayer is con-
cerned, the want of actual interior attention, if volun-
tary, will take from its perfection and be morally
reprehensible. Distractions, however, according to
the commonly accepted teaching, do not rob prayer of
its-essential character. To be sure one must nave had
District of Columbia. See Washington.
Dithmar (Thietmar), Bishop of Merseburg and
medieval chronicler, b. 25 July, 975; d. 1 Dec., 1018.
He was a son of Count Siegfried of Walbeck and a rela-
tive of the imperial family of the Saxon Ottos. After
receivinghis education in the monastic schools of Qued-
linburg, Bergen, and Magdeburg, he became, in 1002,
provost of the monastery of Walbeck which nad been
founded by his grandfather, was ordained priest in
1003 and consecrated fourth Bishop of Merseburg on
24 April, 1000. As bishop he worked with great en-
ergy for the spiritual and temporal restoration of his
r
DIURNAL 48 DIVINATION
diocese which had been almost ruined by Giseler, the parently always will be7 true, that there is no nation,
second Bishop of Merseburg, in his unholy ambition civilized or barbarian, which does not believe that
to become Archbishop of Madgeburg in 981. At the there are signs of the future and persons who can in-
same time he fearlessly defended the canonical liberty terpret them. Cicero divided divination into natural
of ecclesiastical elections against the encroachments and artificial. Natural (untaught, unskilled) in-
of the secular princes. eluded dreams and oracles in which the diviner was a
While Bishop of Merseburg he composed his famous passive subject of inspiration, and the prediction was
chronicle "Chronicon Thietmari", which comprises in from a power supposed to be then and there within
eight books the reigns of the Saxon Emperors Henry I him. Artificial (taught, studied) comprised all fore-
(called the Fowler;, the three Ottos, and Henry II telling from signs found in nature or produced by man.
(the Saint). The first three books, covering the Here the diviner was active, and the divination came
reigns of Henry I and the first two Ottos, are largely apparently from his own skill and observation. This
based on previous chronicles, most of which are still division is almost^, the same as that given by St.
extant; the fourth book, comprising the reign of Otto Thomas with respect to the invocation of demons:
III, contains much original matter; while the remain- divination with express invocation of spirits, embrac-
ing four books, which describe the reign of Henry II ing dreams, portents or prodigies, and necromancy,
to the year 1018, are the independent narrative of and divination with tacit invocation through signs and
Dithmar. As^ councillor of the emperor and partici- movements observed in objects in nature, such as
pant in many important political transactions, ne was stars, birds, figures, etc., or through signs and arrange-
well equipped for writing a history of his times. The ments produced by man/ such as molten lead poured
spirit of sincerity which pervades his chronicle is in water, casting of lots, etc. Dreams here mean
abundant compensation for the barbarous expressions those expressly prepared and prayed for with hope of
which occasionally mar the literary style. The last intercourse with gods or the dead. Portents or prodi-
four books, besides being the principal source for gies are unusual and marvellous sights coming from
Saxon history during the reign of the holy emperor the lower world. Here we are considering artificial
Henry II, contain valuable information, not to be divination.
found elsewhere, regarding the contemporary his- Methods. — The variety of divinatory methods is
tory and civilization of the Slavic tribes east of the very great. Scarcely an object or movement in the
river Elbe, especially the Poles and Hungarians, heavens, on the earth, or in the air or water escaped
Dithmar's original manuscript, with corrections and being metamorphosed into a message of futurity,
additions made by himself, is still preserved at Dres- Add to these the inventions of man, and there is a
den. A facsimile edition of it was prepared by L. glimpse of the immense entanglement of superstitions
Schmidt (Dresden, 1905). The chronicle was also in wnich pagan people groped their way. They can,
published by Kurze in "Script. Her. Germ.1' (Han- however, De grouped into three classes, as seen from
over, 1889). and by Lappenberg in " Mon. Germ. Hist.: St. Thomas's division. A detailed list has been given
Script." Ill, 733-87 1, whence it was reprinted in Migne, by Cicero, Clement of Alexandria in his " Stromata ' ',
P. L., CXxXIX, 1183-1422. A German translation and others of the Fathers. Under the first class, ex-
was made by Laurent (Berlin, 1848, and Leipzig, press invocation, come oneiromancy or divination by
1892). dreams; necromancy, by so-called apparitions of the
Kubzs in N. Archiv. der OfdUeh. far AlUre deuUcke Qe- dead or spiritism; apparitions of various kinds, which
iSSftSSSS^ inaybee^erextemaf^
teb, Nomendator (3d ed.f Innsbruck. 1903), 1. 060 sq ; Weuti serves ; Pythomsm or by possessed persons, as the Del-
ia KircfunUx., •. v. phic Pythoness; hydromancy, by signs in water; aero-
Michael Ott. mancy, by signs in air; geomancy, oy signs in terres-
-tj ,, v a tt trial substances (geomancy has also another meaning);
Diurnal (hom diurn jd) . See Hours. aruspices, by signs in the entrails of sacrificial victims,
Dives (Latin for rich).— The word is not used in the ?*• ,The ,8econ? .classi tacit Evocation *n.d *&»
Bible as a propernoun; but in the Middle Ages it came *"£{! ******** in nature, embraces judicial or ge-
to be employed the name of the rich \San in the ^tWiaf £**?&> Pending *> JeD the future
parable of the rich man and Lasarus, Luke, XVI, through the stars; augury, through the notes of
19-31. It has often been thought that in this lesson }»"**> »?d Jater /T™^ P"**"*10* ^^ *?*
on the use of riches Christ spoke of real persons and ?wde of acting, feeding, flying, and also the neigh-
events. The "House of Dives'' is still pointed out in "8 of horae8 *n? s^ng tof men> etc.— with us
tanas on this poaaaca of 8t. Luke. ' lar modes. The third class, tacit invocation and
W. S. Reillt. signs prepared by man, includes geomancy from points
or lines on paper or pebbles thrown at random; draw-
Divination, the seeking after knowledge of future ing of straws; throwing dice; cutting cards; letting
or hidden things by inadequate means. The means a staff fall or measuring it with the fingers saying, "I
being inadequate they must, therefore, be supple- will, I will not"; opening a book at random, called
men ted by some power which is represented all Sortes VirgiLianny so much was the JSneid used in this
through history as coming from gods or evil spirits, fashion by the Romans; etc. This last transferred to
Hence the word divination has a sinister signification, the Bible is still common in Germany and elsewhere.
As prophecy is the lawful knowledge of the future, Hypnotism is also used for purposes of divination,
divination, its superstitious counterpart, is the unlaw- History. — To attempt to trace the origin of divina-
ful. As magic amis to do, divination aims to know, tion is a waste of time, since like religion it is universal
Divination is practically as old as the human race. It and indigenous in one form or another. Some nations
is found in every ace and country, among the Egyp- cultivated it to a higher decree than others, and their
tians, Chaldeans, Hindus, -Romans, and Greeks; the influence caused certain modes of divination to spread,
tribes of Northern Asia had their shamans, the inhab- By its practice they gained a wide reputation for
Hants of Africa their mgangas, the Celtic nations their occult power. Pre-eminent in history stand the
druids, the aborigines of America their medicine-men Chaldeans as seers and astrologers, but the ancient
— all recognized diviners and wizards. Everywhere Egyptians and Chinese were also great adepts in elab-
divination flourished and nowhere, even to-day, is it orate mysterious rites. Which of them had priority
completely neglected. Cicero's words were, and ap- therein is still an open question, though the larger share
DIVUrATIOM
49
DIVINATION
1b the development of divination, especially in connex-
ion with celestial phenomena, is attributed to the Chal-
deans, a vague term embracing here both Babylonians
and Assyrians. In Greece from the earliest historical
times are found diviners, some of whose methods came
from Asia and from the Etruscans, a people famous
for the art. While the Romans had modes of their
own, their intercourse with Greece introduced new
forms, and principally through these two nations they
spread in the South and West of Europe. Before
Christianity divination was practised everywhere
according to rites native and foreign. In early days
priest and diviner were one, and their power was very
great. In Egypt the pharaoh was generally a priest;
in fact, he had to be initiated into all the secrets of the
sacerdotal class, and in Babylonia and Assyria almost
every movement of the monarch and his courtiers was
regulated by forecasts of the official diviners and as-
trologers. The cuneiform inscriptions and the papyri
are filled with magical formulae. Witness 'the two
treatises, one on terrestrial and the other on celestial
Shenomena, compiled by Sargon several centuries
efore our era. In Greece, where more attention was
paid to aerial signs, the diviners were held in high es-
teem and assisted at the public assemblies. The Ro-
mans, who placed most reliance in divination by sacri-
fices, had official colleges of augurs and amspices who
by an adverse word could postpone the most impor-
tant business. No war was undertaken, no colony
sent out without consulting the gods, and at critical
moments the most trifling occurrence, a sneese or a
cough, would be invested with meaning. Alongside
all this official divining there were practised secret
rites by all kinds of wizards, magicians, wise men, and
witches. Chaldean soothsayers and strolling sibyls
spread everywhere telling fortunes for gain. Be-
tween the regulars and the irregulars there was a very
bitter feeling, and as the lattervoften invoked gods or
demons regarded as hostile to the gods of the country,
they were regarded as illicit and dangerous and were
often punished and prohibited from exercising their
art. From time to time m various countries the number
and influence of the regular diviners were diminished
on account of their pride and oppression, and no doubt
at times they in turn may have adroitly mitigated the
tyranny of rulers. With an increase of knowledge the
fear and respect of the cultivated people for their
mysterious powers so decreased that their authority
suffered greatly and they became objects of contempt
and satire: Cicero's "De Divinatione" is not so
much a description of its various forms as a refuta-
tion of them; Horace and Juvenal launched many a
keen arrow at diviners and their dupes, and Cato's say-
ing is well known, that he wondered how two augurs
could meet without laughing at each other. Rulers,
however, retained them ana honoured them publicly,
the better to keep the people in subjection, and out-
side classical lands, workers of magic still held sway.
Wherever Christianity went divination lost most of
its old-time power, and one form, the natural, ceased
almost completely. The new religion forbade all
kinds, and after some centuries it disappeared as an
official system though it continued to have many ad-
herents. Hie Fathers of the Church were its vigorous
opponents. Hie tenets of Gnosticism gave it some
strength, and neo-Platonism won it many followers.
Wfrfeft* the Church itself it proved so strong and at-
tractive to her new converts that synods forbade it
and councils legislated against it. The Council of
Ancyra (c. xxiv) in 31f decreed five years penance to
eonsulters of diviners, ana that of Laodicea (c. xxxvi),
•bout 360, forbade clerics to become magicians or
to make amulets, and those who wore them were to be
driven out of the Church. A canon (xxxvi) of Orleans
(51 1) excommunicates those who practised divination,
auguries, or lots falsely called Sortes Sanctorum (Bibli-
orum), i. e. deciding one's future conduct by the first
passage found on opening a Bible. This method was
evidently a great favourite, as a synod of Vannes (c. xvi)
in 461 had forbidden it to clerics under pain of excom-
munication, and that of Agde (c. xlii) in 506 condemned
it as against piety and faith. Sixtus IV, Sixtus V.
and the Fifth Council of Lateran likewise condemned
divination. Governments have at times acted with
great severity. Constantius decreed the penalty of
death for diviners. The authorities may have feared
that some would-be prophets might endeavour to ful-
fil forcibly their predictions about the death of sov-
ereigns. When the races of the North, which swept
over the old Roman Empire, entered the Church, it
was only to be expected that some of their lesser su-
Siratitions should survive. All during the so-called
ark Ages divining arts managed to live in secret, but
after the Crusades they were followed more openly.
At the time of the Renaissance and again preceding
the French Revolution, there was a marked growth of
noxious methods. The latter part of the nineteenth
century witnessed a strange revival, especially in the
United States and England, of all sorts of supersti-
tion, necromancy or spiritism being in the lead. To-
day the number of persons who believe in signs and
seek to know the future is much greater than appears
on the surface. They abound in communities where
dogmatic Christianity is weak.
The natural cause of the rise of divination is not
hard to discover. Man has a natural curiosity to
know the future, and coupled with this is the desire of
personal gain or advantage; some have essayed,
therefore, m every age to* lift the veil, at least par-
tially. These attempts have at times produced re-
sults which cannot be explained on merely natural
grounds, they are so disproportionate or foreign to the
means employed. They cannot be regarded as the
direct work of God nor as the effect of any purely
material cause; hence they must be attributed to
created spirits, and since they are inconsistent with
what we know of God, the spirits causing them must
be evil. To put the question directly: can man know
future events? Let St. Thomas answer ii substance:
Future things can be known either in their causes or in
themselves. Some causes always and necessarily pro-
duce their effects, and these effects can be foretold with
certainty, as astronomers announce eclipses. Other
causes brine forth their effects not always and neces-
sarily, but they generally do so, and these can be fore-
told as well-founded conjectures or sound inferences,
like a physician's diagnosis or a weather observer's
prediction about rain. Finally there is a thini class
of causes whose effects depend upon what we call
chance or upon man's free will, and these cannot be
foretold from their causes. We can only see them in
themselves when they are actually present to our eyes.
Only God alone, to whom all things are present in His
eternity, can see them before they occur. Hence we read
in Isaias (xli, 23), " Shew the things that are to come
hereafter, and we shall know that ye are gods." Spirits
can know better than men the effects to come from
the second class of causes because their knowledge is
broader, deeper, and more universal, and many occult
powers of nature are known to them. Consequently
they can foretell more events and more precisely, just
as a physician who sees the causes clearer can better
prognosticate about the restoration of health. The
difference, in fact, between the first and second classes
of causes is due to the limitations of our knowledge.
The multiplicity and complexity of causes prevent us
from following their effects. Future contingent
things, the effects of the third class, spirits cannot
know for certain, except God reveal tnem, though
they may wisely conjecture about them because of
their wide knowledge of human nature, their long ex-
perience, and their judgments based upon our
thoughts as revealed to them by our words, counte-
nances, or acta. Unless we wish to deny the value of
^
DIVINATION
50
DIVINATION
human testimony, it cannot be doubted that diviners
foretold some contingent things correctly and magi-
cians produced at times superhuman effects. The
very survival of divination for so many centuries
would otherwise be inexplicable and its rdfe in history
an insoluble problem. On religious grounds, to say
that cUvination and kindred arts were complete im-
postures would be to contradict Scripture. In it we
read laws forbidding magic, we have facts like the
deeds of Jannes and Mambres before Pharaoh, and we
have a declaration of God showing it possible for a
sign or wonder to be foretold by false prophets and to
come to pass (Deut., xiii, 1-12). But, except when
God gave them knowledge, their ignorance of the
future resulted in the well-known ambiguity of the
oracles.
Attempts to give artificial divination a merely nat-
ural basis have not succeeded. Chrysippus (de Di-
vinatione, ii, 63) spoke about a power in man to recog-
nize and interpret signs, and Plutarch (de Oraculis)
wrote on the special qualifications an augur should
have and the nature of the signs; but a preternatural
influence was recognized in the end. Some modes
may have been natural in their origin, especially when
necessary causes were concerned, and many a predic-
tion made without occult intervention, but these must
have been comparatively rare, for the client, if not
always the seer, generally believed in supernatural
assistance. That some analogy may be traced between
an eagle and victory, an owl and sadness — though
to the Athenians a welcome omen — and that to lose
a tooth is to lose a friend, may readily be admitted,
but to try to connect these with future contingent
events would be to reason badly from a very slight
analogy, just as to stab an image, to injure the person
it represents, would be to mistake an ideal connexion
for a real one. Human instinct demanded a stronger
foundation and found it in the belief in an intervention
of some supernatural agency. Reason demands the
same. A corporeal sign is either an effect of the same
cause of which it is a sign, as smoke of fire, or it pro-
ceeds from the same catfse as the effect which it signi-
fies, as the falling of the barometer foretells rain, i. e. the
change in the instrument and the change in the weather
come from the same cause. Man's future actions and
signs in nature stand in no such relation. The sign is not
an effect of his future act; neither do the sign and his
act proceed from the same cause. The other kinds of
signs from living creatures can be passed over by al-
most the same reasoning. From those who believed in
fatalism, or pantheism, or that man, gods, and nature
were all in close communion, or that animals and plants
were divinities, a belief in omens and auguries of all
kinds might be expected (see Animism) . Everywhere, as
a matter of fact, divination and sacrifice were so closely
connected that no strict line could have been drawn in
practice between divination with and without express
invocation of gods or demons. The client came to
offer sacrifice, and the priest, the diviner, tried to an-
swer all his questions, while the private wizards
boasted of their "familiar spirits".
Theological Aspect. — From a theological stand-
point divination supposes the existence of devils who
nave great natural powers and who, actuated by
jealousy of man and hatred of God, ever seek to lessen
His glory and to draw man into perdition, or at least
to injure him bodily, mentally, and spiritually. Di-
vination is not, as we have seen, foretelling what
comes from necessity or what generally happens, or
foretelling what God reveals or what can be discov-
ered by human effort, but it is the usurpation of
knowledge of the future, i. e. arriving at it by inade-
quate or improper means. This knowledge is a pre-
rogative of Divinity and so the usurper is said to di-
vine. Such knowledge may not be sought from the
evil spirits except rarely in exorcisms. Yet every
divination is from them either because they are
expressly invoked or because they mix themselves
up in these vain searchings after the future that they
may entangle men in their snares. The demon is in-
voked tacitly when anyone tries to acquire informa-
tion through means which he knows to be inadequate,
and the means are inadequate when neither from their
own nature nor from any Divine promise are they cap-
able of producing the desired effect. Since the knowl-
edge of futurity belongs to God alone, to ask it directly
or indirectly from demons is to attribute to them a
Divine perfection, and to ask their aid is to offer them
a species of worship; this is superstition and a rebel-
lion against the providence of God Who has wisely
hidden many things from us. In pagan times when
divining sacrifice was offered it was idolatry, and even
now divination is a kind of demonolatry or devil-
worship (d'Annibale.) All participation in such at-
tempts to attain knowledge is derogatory to the dig-
nity of a Christian, and opposed to his love and trust in
Providence, and militates against the spread of the
Kingdom of God. Any method of divination with
direct invocation of spirits is grievously sinful, and
worse still if such intervention ensues; with tacit
invocation divination is in itself a grievous sin, though
in practice, ignorance, simplicity, or want of belief may
render it venial. If, however, notwithstanding the
client's disbelief the diviner acts seriously, the client
cannot be easily excused from grievously sinful co-
operation. If in methods apparently harmless strong
suspicion of evil intervention arises it would be sinful
to continue; if only a doubt arise as to the natural or
diabolical character of the effect protest should be
made against the intervention of spirits; if in doubt
as to whether it be from God or Satan, except a mirac-
ulous act be sought (which would be extremely rare),
it should be discontinued under pain of sin. A pro-
testation of not wishing diabolical interference in
modes of divination where it is expressly or tacitly ex-
pected is of no avail, as actions speak louder than
words. A scientific investigator in doubt about the
adequacy of the means can experiment to see if such
superhuman intervention be a fact, but he should
clearly express his opposition to all diabolical assist-
ance. The divining-rod, if used only for metals or
water, may perhaps be explained naturally; if used
for detecting guilty persons, or things lost or stolen
as such (which may be metals), it is certainly a tacit
method. To believe in most of the popular signs is
simply ignorance or weakness of mind (see Super-
stition).
Divination in the Bible. — The Hebrews coming
from Egypt, a land teeming with diviners, and dwell-
ing in a country surrounded by superstitious tribes
would have their inborn desire for foreknowledge in-
tensified by the spirit of the times and their environ-
ments ; but God forbade them repeatedly to have any-
thing to do with charmers, wizards, diviners, necro-
mancers, etc., all of whom were abomination in His
sight (Deut., xviii, 10, 11). The ideal was in Ba-
laam's day when "there is no soothsaying in Jacob
nor divination in Israel" (Num., xxiii, 23), and to
preserve this, the soul that went aside after diviners
God declared He would destroy (Lev., xx, 6), and the
man or woman in whom there was a divining spirit
was to be stoned to death (Lev., xx, 27). God, how-
ever, as St. Chrysostom puts it, humoured the Hebrews
like children, and to preserve them from excessive temp-
tation, lots were allowed under certain conditions (Jos.,
vii, 14; Num., xxvi, 55; Prov., xvi, 33, and in N. T.
See also Lot3). Hebrew seers were permitted to an-
swer when it pleased Him (Origen, c. Gels., I, xxxvi,
xxxvii), prophets might be consulted on private affairs
(I K., ix, 6), and the high priest could respond in greater
matters by the Urim and Thummim. Gifts were
offered to seers and prophets when consulted, but the
great prophets accepted no reward when they acted
as God's representatives (IV K., v, 20). When the
DIVOT 51 D1VUI
Hebrews fell into idolatry, divination, Which always Jannes and Mambres, and their modes are styled- sor*
accompanied idolatry, revived and flourished, but ceries (Vulg. veneficia) in IV K., ix, 22 and (Vulg.
all 'during their history it is evident that secretly maleficta) Micheas, v, 11.
and again more openly wrongful arts were used, 7. The word *6bh (31N) signifies the spirit called and
and as a result condemnations were frequent (I K.,. the person calling him, the necromancer. In Deut.,
xv, 23; IV K., xvii, 17; Zach., x, 2; Is... xliv, 25 etc.). xviii, 11, it is expressed by "seeking the truth from the
It should be borne in mind that their history is a very dead" (the best known case is that of the witch of
lone one, and when we reflect how completely other Endor) and elsewhere by Pythons (Is., viii, 19), divin-
nations were given over to all kinds of impious arts and ing spirits (I K., xxviii, 7). The Septuagint trans-
silly observances we shall readily admit that the He- lates the words by "ventriloquist" because when the
brews were in comparison remarkably free from super- necromancers failed or wished to deceive the people
stitions. When later on these flourished more strongly they muttered as if from under the ground as though
and permanently it was during the decay of faith pre- spirits so spoke; it recalls Shakespeare's "squeak and
ceding and following the time of Christ (see Jos., Ant. gibber". (Cf. Is., xxix, 4.) A bottle or skin water-
Jud., XX, v, i, viii, 6 ; Bell. Jud., VI, v, 2). The Talmud bag is 'dbh; the use of the word here may come from the
shows the downward tendency. diviner containing the spirit or being inflated by it.
The various methods of divining and kinds of di- 8. The Yidde 'onim (CPJJTP) were diviners whom we
vinersare not alwaysclearly distinguished in Scripture, generally find connected with necromancers, and the
the Hebrew words being differently interpreted and two terms are perhaps practically synonymous (I K.,
sometimes merely synonyms. The following list is xxviii, 3; IV K., xxi, 6; etc.).
based mainly upon Lesetre's article in Vigouroux's 9. Divining by Me'dnin (pWD) included appar-
* Diet, de la Bible": — ently many methods: divination by chance words, as
1. Divination by consulting the ferHphtm (tfD'tfl), when Abraham's servant sought a wife for Isaac (Gen.,
or small household gods of which we first read in the xxiv, 14; I K, xiv, 9; III K., xx, 33); auguries (Is.,
time of Abraham and Laban (Gen., xxxi, 19). How xi, 6); observers of dreams (Deut., xviii, 10), etc.
they were consulted is not known. It was apparently There were also modes by charming serpents (Jer.,
a Chaldean form, as Laban came from that country, viii, 17), astrology (Is., xlvii, 13), and by consulting
Tliey are met with in Judges, xvii, 5: IV K., xxiii, 24, the Ephod (I K, xxiii, 9).
and elsewhere. They sometimes deceived their in- ln the N. T. diviners are not specifically mentioned
quirers (Zach., x, 2). except in Acts, xvi, 16, concerning the girl who had a
2. The Hdrtummtm (DTOtnn), a name translated by pythonical spirit ; but it is altogether likely that Simon
"interpreters" (Vulg. conjectures) in the Douay ver- Magus (Acts, viii, 9), Elymas (Acts, xiii, 6), and others
Irion (Gen., xli, 8), but elsewhere (Dan., ii, 2) by adi- (II Tim., iii, 13), including the possessors of the mag-
viners" (Vulg. arioli) and other names, especially ical books burnt at Ephesus (Acts, xix, 19), practised
"Chaldeans". divination and that it is included in the wonders by
3. The gdJc&mfm (D^DDH) are the wise men (Vulg. which Antichrist will seduce many (Apoc., xix, 20).
mijnentes) of the Bible (Gen., xli, 8), a name given Under the New Law all divination is forbidden be-
to those skilled in divination in Egypt, Idumea cause, placed on a higher plane than under the Old
(Abd., 8), Persia (Esth., i, 13), and Babylon (Jer., Dispensation, we are taught not to be solicitous for the
If 35). morrow (Matt., vi, 34), but to trust Him perfectly
4. Qiaim or MiqaOm (QDp, DDpO) designated divi- Who numbers the very hairs of our heads (Matt., x,
nation in general and is always used in the Scrip- 30). In divination, apart from the fraud of the
ture in a bad sense except in Pro v., xvi, 10. By it the Fatherof lies, there was much merely human fraud and
witch of Endor raised up the dead Samuel (I K., endless deception: the predictions were generally a*
xxviii, 8). "The king of Babylon stood in the high- vague and as worthless as modern fortune-telling, and
way, at the head of two ways, seeking divination the general result then as now favoured vice and in
totstm], shuffling arrows; he inquired of the idols jured virtue. (See Astrology.)
Uer&pktm). and consulted entrails" (Ezech., xxi, 21). Tn-oa. Researches into the Early Hi*, of Mankind (London,
^Pk~ orrAwfl hnr» tho aitmn or nam ajj nf tnwnn And 1865); Id KM, Primitive Culture (London, 1891); Salebta
ti.- arrows bore tne signs or names of towns, Mia p^^y J Magic (New York, 1862); Ennkrmoseb. Hi*, of
rst name drawn was the One to be attacked. lniS Magic (Bonn); Anthon-Suith, Did. of Or. and Rom. Antiq.,
The
the first
was a Babylonian mode. The Arabs practised it so: J*voiwinHA*T.f D»d.><rftoB^(NewYork.i905)ts.v.ZHwio-
*1imm» .mvQ worn nrpnAtwH and thft drttt intmriheA '«•»• Whttbhoum, tbtd., 8. v. Soothsaying; Lenorma.nt, Chal-
three arrows were prepared ana tne nrst lnscnoea daan Ma^. (London. 1875). tr. of La Divination... chez UsChai-
"The Lord Wills it", the second "The Lord Wills it dSen$ (Paris. 1875); Lbbbtrs in Via. .Dict.de la BibU (Paris); Le-
not'\ and the third was blank. If the blank Came a cl«bq. Hist. d*la divination dan* FantimiiU (Pfris); Schol*.
new drawing followed until an insmbed arrow was ^^y^^^^X^^^^^^-
taken. The last method mentioned m text quoted De Oraculis- &r. Cuembntof Alex., Stromal*, I; Delrio, Dis-
was aruspicy (Vulg. exta consuluit). guiaitionea Maaiom (Louvain. 1509) often reprinted; eompen-
R KAhAah fmm*\ia QAA^aflvino fViilty munir>'itm\ in axum in French (Pans, 1611); Slater, Moral Theology (New
5. MMds* (PTO) IS 800thsaying( Vulg. augwnum) in York 19Q8) hunter, Outlines of Doom. Theol. (New York.
the Bible (Num., XX1U, 23). The precise method 1896); Lehmkuhl, Theol. Morali* (Freiburg. 1888); d'Anni-
aumified by it is in dispute. The versions make it bale. Summula Theol. Mor (Rome, 1908); Bt.Thouab, gumma,
^uivalen/to divination"^ the flight of birds, but this ^^^^^JS^AS^SS^SSS^
mode, so common among the Greeks and Komans, was jj. p# Graham.
apparently not used by the Hebrews except towards ^. ^. _^^_ n ._ _
the time of Christ. From its derivation, as com- Divine Charily, Society op (Societas Divine
sense in the Scriptures. Balaam's divination by ani- the social question through the pursuit of agriculture
mal sacrifices is so termed (Num.. xxiv, 1) and and trades (printing, etc.) as well as iby means lof mtel-
also Joseph's (Gen., xliv, 5. 15) which remains a lectual pursuits. The society consists of both priests
vexed question in spite of Calmet's triumphant and laymen,
solution (Diet, of the Bible. Ill, p. 30) except Tta*»^«0«»^
the reasonable explanation of Grotius be accepted
(Hummelauer, Com. in Gen., p. 561). Sisters of Divine Charity, founded at Besancon,
6. Mek&shsheph (v\VHQ) is the magician (Vulg. moZa- in 1799, by a Vincentian Sister, and modelled on the
ficus) in Ex., vii, 11, and the wisard in Deut.. xviii, 10, Sisters of Mercy of St. Vincent de Paul. The mother-
who not only seeks the secrets of the future but works house, originally at Naples, is now in Rome, and there
wonders St. Paul mentions two of their leaders, are many filial establishments in Italy, in Malta, and
DIVINE 52 DIVOTS
.'
Uosso. The sisters have charge of educational insti- the novitiate are a teacher's seminary and practice
tutions, orphanages, hospitals, and insane asylums. school.
Daughters of Divine Charity, founded at Vienna, II. The Society or Divine Providence, founded,
21 November, 1868, by Franziska Lechner (d. 1894) in 1842, at St. Maurits near Munster by Eduard Miohe-
on the Rule of St. Augustine, and approved by the Jis, chaplain and private secretary to Archbishop
Holy See in 1884 and definitively confirmed 22 July, Droste su Vischering of Cologne. He shared the im-
1891. The purpose of the congregation is to furnish prisonment of his archbishop and on his return went
girls without positions, shelter, care and the means of to St. Maurits, where, with the help of two other
obtaining a position, without compensation, likewise priests, he founded an orphan asylum. He selected
to care for servants no longer able to work. The sis- several teachers whom he sent to the Sisters of Divine
ters are also engaged in schools, orphan asylums, and Providence at Rappoltsweiler to be trained in the
kindergartens. The mother-house and novitiate are religious life. The rule followed there was adopted
at Vienna; the congregation has 36 filial houses, 766 with a few alterations by the new community and re-
sisters, and 59 postulants. ceived episcopal approbation. The congregation took
F. M. Rudge. as its special work the care of poor, neglected, and
orphaned children, as well as teaching in general. In
Divine Compassion, Institute op the, founded in 1878 the work of the sisters was interrupted by the
the City of New York, U. S. A., by the Rt. Rev. ?utt,wr*?w*/,/» and they were forced to take refuge at
Thomas Stanislaus Preston. On 8 September, 1869, Steyl, Holland. In 1887, when they resumed their
Father Preston began a semi-weekly gathering of the woric m Germany, the mother-house was removed to
poor and abject children of the street in one of the Friedrichsburg near Monster, where a boarding and a
most wretched quarters of the city; after this came » trade school were opened. In the city of Munster the
the opening of a house for -the reformation of young sisters have charge of the domestic management of
'girls not yet hardened in vice, and the preservation of five episcopal institutions, and in the city and diocese
children and older girls from the moral danger in which they conduct boarding schools, orphan asylums, pro*
they lived. The founder called it the House of the tectories, trade schools, elementary schools, Sunday
Holy Family and became its spiritual director. The «hools, a working-women's home (Rheine), and a
work was fostered by many prominent Catholic ladies Magdalen asylum (at Marienburg) . In Bremen they
of New York, under the name of The Association for direct an elementary school, Sunday school, and or*
Befriending Children and Young Girls. Foremost phanage. This congregation has 50 branch houses in
among these ladies was Mrs. MaryC. D. Starr (in relig- Germany and 14 in Holland, among the latter the
ion Mother Veronica: d. at White Plains, 9 Aug., convent of St. Joseph at Steyl, that of Mana-Roepaan
1904), who became the president of the association at Ottersum, and of St. Aloysius at Kessel. In 1895 a
and devoted all her time and energies to this work of colony of sisters went to Brazil, where thev now have
charity under the direction of Father Preston. Seeing «* institutions. The congregation numbers (1908)
the necessity of a religious community which should be 1115 members. F. M. Rudge.
trained to tnis work and perpetuate it, Father Preston __ rt ^ ^ -",««.
compiled a rule of life for those who desired to devote , ni- Sisters ofDivinr Providence, founded atFm-
their lives to it. The first draft was written 5 Septem- then near Mams (whence they are sometimes called the
ber, 1873, and was observed in its elemental form until Finthen Sisters) in 1851 by Bishop Wilhelm Emmanuel
1886, when it was elaborated and obtained the infor- Freiherr von Ketteler. The first superior was sent to
mal approbation of the Archbishop of New York. The theSistersof DivmeProvidenceatRibeauvillee. Alsace,
constitutions, which are an enlargement of the rule, to be formed in the religious life, and the rule followed
and represent the norm of living in the institute, were there was made the basis of the new institute, which
ical apprdbation of Archbishop Corrigan of New York, their duties as teachers. The right of corporation
The object of the institute is (1) the reformation of was not obtained until 1858, but as early as 1856 the
erring girls; and (2) the training, religious, mental, Finthen Sisters had charge of the orphan asylum of
and industrial of girls in moral danger from ignorance, Neustadt. At the time of the K^urkampf they had
indolence, or waywardness, or* dangerous influences. 24 foundations m the Grand Duchy of Hesse. When
The institute is composed of two classes, choir sisters they were allowed to resume their activities they de-
and little (or lay) sisters. In addition to the House of v0^ themselves less to purely educational work and
the Holy Family the sisters are in charge of a training took charge of hospitals, children s asylums, homes for
school for girls at White Plains, and a working-girls^ ^i industrial and housekeeping schools, orphan asy-
home in New York City. The institute comprises lumBt servants homes, endowed infirmaries, and alms-
about 40 sisters in charge of 215 girls. houses. Connected with the mother-house at Mams
are 76 branch houses with 730 members, 70 in the
Divine Office. See Office. Diocese of Mainz, and 6 in that of Limburg. In
Mainz the sisters conduct a boarding school with
Divine Providence, Sisters of. — I. Sisters of housekeeping and trade courses. At Oberursel they
Divine Providence of St. Vincent db Paul, direct the Johannesstift for abandoned children
founded at Molsheim, in the Diocese of Strasburg, by founded by Johannes Janssen. Wherever these sis-
Vicar Ludwig Kremp (1783). After the Revolution ters have nouses they care for the sick in their homes,
the community reassembled at Bindernheim and, in IV. Sisters of Divine Providence, mother-house
1807, received both ecclesiastical and civil approba- at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, U.-S. A., founded in 1876
tion, the former from the Archbishop of Strasburg, the by six sisters from Mainz (see III), who were later
latter from Napoleon I. In 1819 the mother-house joined by other sisters from Mainz. The congregation
was definitely located at Rappoltsweiler, and in 1869 now numbers about 200, in charge of 20 schools in the
the institute received papal confirmation. The con- Diocese of Pittsburg, one in the Wheeling, and 2 in the
gregation has (1908) 1800 members, over 1200 of them Columbus, Diocese,
teachers in 357 primary schools of Alsace. The sisters Sister M. Theresia.
have over 44K000 children under instruction; they
i asylums, Divine Providence, Congregation of the Sis-
school for ters of, founded in Lorraine, 1762, by the Venerable
Attached to Jean-Martin Moye (b. 1730; d. 1793), priest of the
DZYIHS 53 DIVINK
Diocese of Metz, afterwards missionary to China, for ther Anton Gapp, " for the Christian instruction of
"the propagation of the faith, the ensuring of a children in the primary schools and higher schools for
Christian education to children, especially those of girls". The congregation received the authorisation
the rural population, for the care of the sick, and of the French Government in 1826, and the mother-
other works of mercy". Approved by the Bishop of house was established at Forbach, Lorraine, but in
Metz in 1762, and recommended to the solicitude of 1839 was removed to Peltre. Destroyed in 1870 by
his clergy, within six years the congregation had ex- the flames which swept the whole district, it was re-
ceeded the limits of his diocese and planted itself on built after the close of the Franco-Prussian War. The
the banks of the Vosges. Marie Morel was the first congregation has now in Lorraine 138 institutions,
superior. Suppressed in 1792, the congregation was among them 7 higher schools for girls, 20 trade and
re-established after the Revolution; in 1816 the Rules several housekeeping schools, and 9 hospitals. In
and Constitutions were formally approved by Louis Belgium they have 35 foundations. There are alto-
XVIII. The mother-house general is at St-Jean-de- gether 900 sisters, who teach 17,000 children in Lor-
Bassel, in the Diocese of Metz, Lorraine, with' estab- raine and 4000 in Belgium.
lishments in Lorraine, Alsace, Belgium, and the Heimbuchbr, Die Orden und Kongregationen (Paderborn,
United States. There are about 500 sisters in the 1**). in; lDBM >n KirchenUx., n. v. Vonehung.
Diocese of Metz, and 300 in the Diocese of Stras-
burg, who direct schools, boarding schools, industrial Divine Redeemer, Daughters of the, mother-
schools, domestic economy institutes, hospitals, etc. house at Oedenburg, Hungary; founded in 1863 from
At St-Jean-de-Bassel there is a normal institute de- the Daughters of the Divine Saviour of Vienna. This
voted exclusively to the training of the young teachers congregation has 37 filial houses and 300 sisters, who
of the congregation, generally 185 in number, and conduct schools of all kinds and care for the sick,
connected with this institute is a model school, all
under the supervision of the educational boards of the Divine Saviour, Society op the, founded at
German Imperial Government. In Belgium there Rome, 8 Dec., 1881, by Johann Baptist Jordan (b.
are about 100 sisters. At Pecq, near Tournai, they 1848 at Gartweil im Breisgau), elected superior gen-
direct a normal school and a boarding school. Else- eral as Father Francis Mary of the Cross. The origi-
where they have charge of schools and kindergartens, nal name, Society of Catholic Instruction, was changed
Archives and Unpublished Annals of Congregation; Diredoire some years after its foundation to the present title.
£^r~*d£i1S^M&^ Th« ^B^# W*^ ~B«ntad » the " Deere-
I'Abbt Move (Paris, 1872). turn laudis of 27 May, 1005. The founder imposed on
his congregation, in addition to the vows of poverty,
Sisters of Divine Providence, of Kentucky, incor- chastity^and obedience, a fourth of apostolic mission
porated American provincial house at Mt. St. Martin's work. The rules and constitutions are based largely
convent, Newport, Kentucky. Mother Anna Houlne*, on those of the Society of Jesus. The habit is black
superior general (d. 1903) of the congregation sue- with a black cincture, in which four knots are tied to
ceeded in placing the Sisters of St-Jean-de-Bassel in remind the wearer of his four vows. In tropical coun-
the foremost ranks of teachers in Alsace-Lorraine, 'and tries the habit is white and the cincture is red.
then, like Moye, longed to see them labour for the On 13 Dec., 1889, the newly erected Prefecture Apos-
Christian education of youth in America, where she tolic of Assam was placed in charge of the society,
rightly judged the labourers to be few. In 1888 which has now 7 principal and 32 dependent stations,
Bishop Maes of Covington, Kentucky, visited the served by 13 missionaries, aided by 12 native cate-
mother-house general at St-Jean-de-Bassel, and ar- chists. The Fathers have published many books in
ranged to have the sisters introduced into his diocese, the Khasi dialect, and since September, 1906, a
Accordingly, in August, 1889, three sisters arrived in periodical, " Ka iing Khristan ". At Lochau, near
Covington and took up residence in one of the histori- Bregenz, a German college was established 15 Sept.,
cal mansions of northern Kentucky, now known as 1893; in the same year a station was founded at Cor-
Mt. St. Martin's convent. The .growth of the Ameri- vallis, Oregon, U. S. A.; in 1896 several members be-
can branch has necessitated the building of a new gan work in Brazil. At present (1908) missions are
convent. In October, 1908, a considerable estate given in thirteen languages from the various centres,
was acquired at Melbourne, Kentucky, the site of a The Salvatorians have establishments in Italy, Sicily,
new St. Ann's Convent, where it is designed to erect Austria, Poland, Moravia, Galicia, Hungary, Ger-
the new provincial house. Mother Anna visited the many, Switzerland, Belgium, England, the United
American Province in 1892. There are 215 sisters; States, Brazil, and Colombia. The congregation
until 1903 occasional small colonies were added from numbers 400 members, 175 priests, the rest scholas-
the mother-house general ; about one-third of the sub- tics, lay brothers, and novices, in 35 foundations, of
jects are American. At Mt. St. Martin's convent are which 28 are Marian Colleges and 7 mission centres,
the novitiate and normal school for the province. Among the periodicals issued by the society, in ad-
Teaching is the primary object of the sisters. They dition to the " Apostel-kalender (in German and
conduct an academy and many parish schools, an Hungarian), are the "Nuntius Romanus", "II Mis-
infant asylum, a home for French emigrant and work- sionario" (in German "Der Missionar", since 1907
' ing girls, and a home for the aged. The sisters are " IUustrierte Monatshefte furs christl. Haus"; also in
working in the dioceses of Covington, Providence, and Polish), " L'amico dei fanciulli " (in German " Manna
Cleveland, and the archdioceses of New York, Balti- fur Kinder"; also in Polish), and the "Salvatorian-
more, and Cincinnati. Sister M. Camillub. ische Mitteilungen " (German and Polish), containing
reports of the work of the society. Connected with the
VI. Sisters of Divine Providence, founded at society are a Third Order for lay men and women; the
Castroville, Texas, U. S. A., 1868, by Sister St. An- "Academia litteratorum", the members of which co-
drew ■ from the mother-house at St-Jean-de-Bassel, operate with the fathers in the advaneement of Catho-
Lorraine, at the instance of Bishop Dubuis of Galves- lie knowledge and literature; the Angel Sodality,
ton. In 1896 the mother-house was transferred to founded 8 Dec., 1884, for children under fourteen,
San Antonio. The Constitutions were approved by which has as its organ "L'amico dci fanciulli", and a
Pope Leo X, 28 May, 1907. The sisters have charge membership of 40,000.
v (1908) of 67 schools and academies in Texas, Louim- Sisters op the Divine Saviour, founded 8 Dec.,
ana, and Oklahoma. Mother Mart Florence. 1888, by Father Jordan, to supplement the work of the
VII. Sisters op Divine Providence op St. Andrew, Salvatorian Fathers, and placed under the Third Rule
founded at Hambourg-la-Forteresse, in 1806, by Fa- of St. Francis. The mother-house is in Rome and
DIVINE
54
DIVOROK
there are stations in Assam (where the sisters conduct
6 orphan asylums), Austria, Hungary, Belgium, Swit-
zerland, Italy, Sicily, British Burma, and m the
United States. They conduct orphan asylums, kin-
dergartens, and schools, and visit the sick in their
homes. The congregation numbers about 200.
Daughters of the Divine Saviour, mother-house
at Vienna, a branch of the Niederbrunn Sisters of the
Most Holy Saviour, established 1857. The congrega-
tion has over 1200 sisters, choir and lay, who care for
the sick in hospitals and in their own homes, and con-
duct schools for girls, primary and grammar schools,
trade schools, kindergartens, etc. The sisters have
72 houses in the Dioceses of Vienna, St. Pdlten, Seckau,
Kdniggratz, Brunn, Gran, Raab; and Parenco-Pola.
Heimbucher, Orden und Kongregattonen (Paderbora, 1908);
Die Gesellschaft dee gottlichen Heilandes (Rome, 1903); MttNZ-
loher. Die ap. Prafektur Assam (Rome, 1899).
F. M. Rudoe.
Divine Service. See Breviary ; Feasts ; Liturgy ;
Mass; Worship.
Divine Word, Society op the (Societas Verbi
Divini), the first German Catholic missionary society
established. It was founded in 1875 during the
period of the KuUurkampf at Steyl, near Tegelen,
Holland, by a priest, Rev. Arnold Janssen (d. 15
January, 1909), for the propagation of the Catholic
religion among pagan nations. It is composed of
priests and lay brothers. On completion of their
philosophical studies the students make a year of
novitiate, at the end of which they take the ordinary
vows binding for three years. Before ordination the
members of the society make perpetual vows. The
coadjutor brothers renew their vows every three
years for nine years, when they take perpetual vows.
The first mission of the society was established in
1882 in Southern Shantung, China, a district containing
158 Catholics and about 10,000,000 pagans. Accord-
ing to the statistics of 1906-07, this mission num-
bered 35,378 Catholics, 36,367 catechumens, 1 semi-
nary with 64 Chinese seminarians, 46 European priests,
12 Chinese priests, 13 coadjutor brothers of the society,
3 teaching brothers, and 19 nuns. The second mis-
sion founded was in Togo, West Africa, in 1892.
There were then scarcely a hundred Catholics in the
district. In 1906 the mission had a prefect Apostolic,
31 European priests, 12 coadjutor brothers, 14 nuns,
53 native teachers, and 68 mission stations. There
were nearly 3000 children attending the schools; the
Catholics numbered 3300. The third mission was in
German New Guinea. It is a comparatively new
colony. Dangerous fevers are common. The na-
tives are Papuans (Negritos). They are all savages,
recognizing no form of authority, having no fixed
customs, or administration of justice. The greatest
difficulty experienced by the missioners is the incred-
ible number of languages. Thus in the entire mission
district, 467 sq. m., probably more than a hundred
languages are spoken. The first Catholic missionaries
arrived in German New Guinea in August, 1896. At
the close of 1906, there were in the mission a prefect
Apostolic, 16 Europeanpriests, 13 coadjutor brothers,
18 nuns, 1000 native Catholics, and 400 children in
the schools.
In the Argentine Republic the society numbers
51 priests, 31 coadjutor brothers, and 41 nuns.
They have charge of colleges, seminaries, and of 12
parishes in the four Dioceses of Buenos Ayres, La
Plata, Santa Fe\ and Parana. Part of the mission dis-
trict includes the territory once occupied by the fa-
mous Jesuit Reductions of Paraguay. The mission
was established in 1898. In Brazil there are 39
priests, 14 coadjutor brothers, and 13 nuns. The so-
ciety also has a mission in the United States, at Sher-
merville Techny, Cook Co., Illinois. There are 13
priests and 37 coadjutor brothers in charge of a techni-
cal school, and 30 nuns who conduct a home for the
aged. In Europe the society has six houses or col-
leges with 126 pnests^46coa4jutor brothers, and 1089
students for the society. The training convent fo*
the nuns has 231 members. The colleges in Europe
are: (1) St. Michael, at Steyl near Tegelen, Holland,
founded 8 Sept., 1875. The superior general resides
here with 47 priests, 314 coadjutor brothers, and 282
students for the society. (2) Heiligkreus (Holy
Cross) near Neisse, Silesia, founded 24 Oct., 1892.
There are 23 priests, 84 coadjutor brothers, and 241
students. (3) St. Wendel, in the Diocese of Trier,
with 18 priests, 68 coadjutor brothers, and 185 stu-
dents. (4) St. Gabriel, near Vienna, established 4
Oct., 1889. There are 26 priests, 370 novices and
students of philosophy and theology, and 80 coadjutor
brothers. (5) St. Raphael, Rome, with 5 priests and
one coadjutor brother. (6) Bischofshofen, near Salz-
burg in Austria, established 17 Aug., 1904.
Nuns. — The Society of the Servants of the Holy
Ghost (Societas Servarum Spiritus Sanrti) was founded
in 1889, at Steyl, Holland, by the Rev. Arnold Jans-
sen. It numbers about 300 nuns who help the
fathers in their missions, chiefly by teaching.
Heimbucher, Die Orden und Kongregalionen der batholieclten
Kirche (Paderborn, 1808), III, 510-15.
Eb. Lmbrock.
Divinity of Christ. See Jesus Christ.
Divisch, Procopiub, Premonstratensian, b. at
Senftenberg, Bohemia, 26 March, 1698; d. at Prendits,
Moravia, 21 December, 1765. He was christened
Wenceslaus, but took the name of Procopius when he
became a religious. He began his studies at the
Znaym Gymnasium and later entered the cloister
school of the Premonstratensians at Bruck, Styria.
In 1726 he was ordained and soon after became pro-
fessor of philosophy at the school. His lectures on
physics were illustrated by numerous interesting ex-
Eeriments. He received the doctorate in theology at
alzburg in 1733, his thesis being "Tractatus de Dei
imitate sub inscriptione A et O . In 1736 he took
charge of the little parish of Prenditz near Znaym.
Here he had sufficient leisure for work and experiment
in his favourite subjects, hydraulics and electricity,
constructing the necessary instruments himself. His
fame soon spread abroad, and he was called to Vienna
to repeat his electrical experiments before the Em-
peror Francis and the Empress Maria Theresa. He
was one of the first to apply electricity in the treatment
of disease. In 1750, prior to the publication of the
French translation of Franklin's letters to Collinson
(1751), he knew of the discharging property of pointed
rods and applied his knowledge to the performance of
curious tricks. The first lightning-rod was erected by
Divisch at Prenditz, in 1754, before Franklin's sugges-
tions were known and before they had been carriedout
elsewhere. Divisch 's device is quite different from
that proposed by the Philadelphia^. He petitioned
the emperor in 1755 to put up similar rods ail over the
country and thus protect the land from lightning.
This proposal was rejected on the advice of the mathe-
maticians of Vienna. He also constructed the Deny-
dor (Denis, "Divisch", d'or, "of gold"), a musical in-
strument, imitating string and wind instruments and
producing orchestral effects. His theories are ex-
pounded in his published work, "Theoretischer
Tractat oder die langpt verlangte Theorie von der me-
teorologischen Electricitat" (Tubingen, 1765; Frank-
fort, 1768; Bohemian tr. Prague, 1899).
Pelzl, AbbUdungen bohm. and mahr. Gel. (Vienna, 1777);
Nc&l, Prokop Divii (Prague, 1899); Poogendorff, Geeeh. a.
Phyeik (Leipzig. 1879). WlLLIAM Fox.
Divorce. — This subject will be treated here under
two distinct heads: I. In Moral Theology; II. In
Civil Jurisprudence.
I. In Moral Theology. — The term divorce (divor-
Hum, from divertere, divortere, "to separate") was
DIVOROS
55
DIVOROS
employed in pagan Rome for the mutual separation
of married people. Etymologically the word does
not indicate whether this mutual separation included
the dissolution of the marriage bona, and in fact the
word is used by the Church and in ecclesiastical law in
this neutral signification. Hence we distinguish be-
tween divortium plenum or perfectum (absolute di-
vorce), which implies the dissolution of the marriage
bond, and divortium imperfectum (limited divorce),
which leaves the marriage bond intact and implies
only the cessation of common life (separation from
bed and board, or in addition separation of dwelling-
place). In civil law divorce means the dissolution
of the marriage bond; divortium imperfectum is called
separation (separation de corps).
The Catholic doctrine on divorce may be summed
up in the following propositions: A. In Christian
marriage, which implies the restoration, by Christ
Himself, of marriage to its original indissolubility,
there can never be an absolute divorce, at least after
the marriage has been consummated; B. Non-Chris-
tian marriage can be dissolved by absolute divorce
under certain circumstances in favour of the Faith; C.
Christian marriage before consummation can be dis-
solved by solemn profession in a religious order, or by
an act of papal authority; D. Separation from bed
and board (divortium imperfectum) is allowed for
various causes, especially in the case of adultery or
lapse into infidelity or heresy on the part of husband
or wife. These propositions we shall explain in detail.
A. In Christian marriage, which implies the restor-
ation, by Christ Himself, of marriage to its original
indissolubility, there can never be an absolute divorce,
at least after the marriage has been consummated.
1. The Original Indissolubility of Marriage and Its
Restoration by Christ. — The inadmissibility of absolute
divorce was ordained by Christ Himself according to
the testimony of the Apostles and Evangelists:
" Whosoever shall put away his wife and marry an-
other, committeth adultery against her. And if the
wife shall put away her husband, and be married to
another, she committeth adultery'' (Mark, x, 11, 12. —
Cf. Matt., xix, 9; Luke, xvi, 18). In like manner, St.
Paul: "To them that are married, not I but the Lord
commandeth, that the wife depart not from her hus-
band. And if she depart, that she remain unmarried,
or be reconciled to her husband. And let not the
husband put away his wife" (I Cor., vii, 10, 11). In
these words Christ restored the original indissolubility
of marriage as it had been ordained by God in the
Creation and was grounded in human nature. This is
expressly stated by Him against the Pharisees, who
gut forward the separation allowed by Moses : " Moses
y reason of the hardness of your heart permitted you
to put away your wives: but from the beginning it
was not so" (Matt., xix, 8); "He who made man
from the beginning, made them male and female.
And he said: For this cause shall a man leave father
and mother, and shall cleave to his wife, and they
two shall be in one flesh. Therefore now they are
not two, but one flesh. What therefore God hath
joined together, let no man put asunder11 (Matt., xix,
4-6). The indissolubility of all marriage, not merely
of Christian marriage, is here affirmed. The perma-
nence of marriage for the whole human race according
to natural law is here confirmed and ratified by a
Divine positive ordinance.
No Catholic can doubt that even according to the*
natural law marriage is in a certain sense indissoluble.
The following proposition is condemned in the
Syllabus of Pius IX (Proposition LXVII): "Accord-
ing to the natural law, the bond of marriage is not in-
dissoluble, and in certain cases divorce in the strict
sense can be sanctioned by civil authority/' The
meaning of this condemnation is clear from the docu-
ment whence it has been taken. This is the papal
Brief ("Ad apostolic® sedjs fastigium", 22 August,
1851, in which several works of the Turin professor,
J. N. Nuyta, and a series of propositions defended by
him were condemned, as is expressly said, "de Apos-
tolic® potestatis plenitudine". A certain indissolu-
bility of marriage whenever contracted must there-
fore be aoxnitted, even according to the natural law,
at least in the sense that marriage, unlike other con-
tracts, may not be dissolved at the pleasure of the
contracting parties. Such dissolubility would be in
direct contradiction with the essential purpose of
marriage, the proper propagation of the human race,
and the education of the children. That in excep-
tional cases, in which continued cohabitation would
nullify the essential purpose of marriage, the dissolu-
tion may nevertheless not be permitted, can hardly
be proved as postulated by the natural law from
the primary purpose of marriage. However, even
such dissolubility would not be in accord with the
secondary purposes of marriage, and it is therefore
regarded by St. Thomas (IV Sent., dist. xxxiii, Q. ii,
a. 1) and most Catholic scholars as against the sec-
ondary demands of the natural law. In this sense
marriage, considered merely according to the natural
law, is intrinsically indissoluble. That it is also ex-
trinsically indissoluble, i. e. that it cannot be dis-
solved by any authority higher than the contracting '
parties, cannot be asserted without exception. Civil
authority, indeed, even according to the natural law,
has no such right of dissolving marriage. The evil
consequences which would follow so easily, on account
of the might of passion, in case the civil power could
dissolve marriage, seem to exclude such a power; it is
certainly excluded by the original Divine positive
law: " What therefore God hath joined together, let
no man put asunder" (Matt., xix, 6). However, that
part of the proposition condemned by Pius IX, in
which it is asserted, " And in certain cases divorce in
the strict sense can be sanctioned by civil authority",
need not necessarily be understood of marriage ac-
cording to the purely natural law, because Nuyti,
whose doctrine was condemned, asserted that the
State had this authority in regard to Christian mar-
riages, and because the corresponding section of the
Syllabus treats of the errors about Christian marriage.
[Cf. Schrader, Der Papst und die modernen Ideen,
II (Vienna, 1865), p. 77.]
2. Divorce among the Israelites. — In spite of the
Divine law of the indissolubility of marriage, in the
course of time divorce, in the sense of complete dis-
solution of marriage, became prevalent to a greater or
less extent among all nations. Moses found this cus-
tom even among the people of Israel. As lawgiver,
he ordained in the name of God (Deut.. xxiv, 1) : " If
a man take a wife, and have her, ana she find not
favour in his eyes, for some uncleanness: he shall
write a bill of divorce, and shall give it in her hand,
and send her out of his house." The rest of the pas-
sage shows that this divorce was understood as justi-
fying the wife in her marriage with another husband,
hence as a complete annulment of the first marriage.
Some regard it only as a freedom from penalty, so
that in reality the remarriage of the divorced wife was
not allowed, and was adultery, because the bond of
the first marriage had not been dissolved. This
opinion was held by the Master of the Sentences,
Peter Lombard (IV Sent., dist. xxxiii, 3), St. Bona-
venture (IV Sent., dist. xxxiii, art. 3, Q. i), and
others. Others again, however, believe that there
was a real permission, a dispensation granted by God,
as otherwise the practice sanctioned in the law would
be blamed as sinful in some part of the Old Testament.
Moreover, Christ (loc. cit.) seems to have rendered illicit
what was illicit in the beginning, but what had really
been allowed later, even though it was allowed "by
reason of the hardness of your heart " (St. Thomas, III,
Supplem., Q. lxvii, a. 3; Bellarmine, "Controvers. de
matrira.", J, xvii; Sanchez, "De matrim.", X, disp. L
Divoaos
56
Divoaos
n. 7; Palmieri, " De matrimonio christ.", Rome, 1880,
133 sqq.; Werna, "Jus decretalium", IV, n. 696, not.
12; etc.)* This second opinion maintains and must
maintain that the expression "for some uncleanness"
(in Hebrew *m nV"iy) does not mean any slight cause,
but a grievous stain, something shameful directed
against the purpose of marriage or marital fidelity.
A separation at will, and for slight reasons, at the
pleasure of the husband, is against the primary prin-
ciples of the natural moral law, and is not subject to
Divine dispensation in such a way that it could be
made licit in every case. It is different with separ-
ation in serious cases governed by special laws.
This, indeed, does not correspond perfectly with
the secondary purposes of marriage, but on that
account it is subject to Divine dispensation, since the
inconvenience to be feared from such a separation can
be corrected or avoided by Divine Providence. In
the time of Christ there was an acute controversy
between the recent, lax school of Hillel and the
strict, conservative school of Schammai about the
meaning of the phrase "OT DTty. Hence the question
with which the Pharisees tempted Our Lord: "Is it
lawful ... for every cause? " The putting-away of
the wife for frivolous reasons had been sharply cpn-
demned by God through the Prophets Micheas (ii, 9)
and Malachias (ii, 14), but in later days it became
very prevalent. Christ abolished entirely the per-
mission which Moses had granted, even though this
permission was strictly limited; He allowed a cause
similar to the "OT nvw as reason for putting away the
wife, but not for the dissolution of the marriage bond.
3. The Dogmatic Basis and Practical Application of
the Complete Indissolubility of Consummated Marriage
within the Catholic Church. — (a) Its Foundation m
Scripture. — The complete exclusion of absolute
divorce (divortium perfectum) in Christian marriage
is expressed in the words quoted above (Mark,
x; Luke, xvi; I Cor., vii). The words in St. Mat-
thew's Gospel (xix, 9), "except it be for fornica-
tion ", have, however, given rise to the question
whether the putting-away of the wife and the dis-
solution of the marriage bond were not allowed on
account of adultery. The Catholic Church and Cath-
olic theology have always maintained that by such an
explanation St. Matthew would be made to contradict
Sts. Mark, Luke, and Paul, and the converts instructed
by these latter would have been brought into error in
regard to the real doctrine of Christ. As this is in-
consistent both with the infallibility of the Apostolic
teaching and the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture, the
clause in Matthew must be explained as the mere dis-
missal of the unfaithful wife without the dissolution of
the marriage bond. Such a dismissal is not excluded
by the parallel texts in Mark and Luke, while Paul
(I Cor<: vii, 11) clearly indicates the possibility of such
a dismissal: "And if she depart, that she remain un-
married, or be reconciled to her husband1'. Gram-
matically, the clause in St. Matthew may modify one
member of the sentence (that which refers to the put-
ting-away of the wife) without applying to the follow-
ing member (the remarriage of the other), though we
must admit that the construction is a little harsh. If
it means, " Whoever shall put away his wife, except it
be for fornication, and shall marry another, commit-
eth adultery", then, in case of marital infidelity, the
wife may be put away; but that, in this case, adultery
is not committed by a new marriage cannot be con-
cluded from these words. The following words,
"And he that shall marry her that is put away" —
therefore also the woman who is dismissed for adul-
tery— " committeth adultery", say the contrary, since
they suppose the permanence of the first marriage.
Moreover, the brevity of expression in Matthew, xix,
9. which seems to us harsh, is explicable, because the
Evangelist had previously given a distinct explana-
tion of the same subject, and exactly laid down what
was justified by the reason of fornication: "Whoso-
ever shall put away his wife, excepting for the cause
of fornication, maketh her to commit adultery: and he
that shall marry her that is put away, committeth
adultery" (Matt., v, 32). Here all excuse for remar-
riage or for the dissolution of the first marriage is ex-
cluded. Even the mere dismissal of the wife, if this is
done unjustly, exposes her to the danger of adultery
and is thus attributed to the husband who has dis-
missed her — "he maketh her to commit adultery".
It is only in the case of marital infidelity that com-
plete dismissal is justified — " excepting for the cause
of fornication". In this case not be, but the wife
who has been lawfully dismissed, is the occasion, and
she will therefore be responsible should she commit
further sin. It must also be remarked that even for
Matthew, xix, 9, there is a variant reading supported
l>y important codices, which has "maketh ner to
oommit adultery" instead of the expression "com-
mitteth adultery". This reading answers the diffi-
culty more clearly. (Cf. Knabenbauer, "Comment,
in Matt.", II, 144.)
Catholic exegesis is unanimous in excluding the per-
missibility of absolute divorce from Matthew, xix, but
the exact explanation of the expressions, " except it be
for fornication" and "excepting for the cause of for-
nication ", has given rise to various opinions. Does it
mean the violation of marital fidelity, or a crime com-
mitted before marriage, or a diriment impediment?
(See Palmieri, "De matrim. christ.", 178 sqq.; Sasse,
"De sacramentis", II, 418 sqq.) Some have tried to
answer the difficulty by casting doubt on the authen-
ticity of the entire phrase of Matthew, xix, but the
words are in general fully vouched for by the most
reliable codices. Also, the greater number, and the
best, have "committeth adultery". (See Knaben-
bauer, loc. cit., and Schans, " Kommentar uber das
Evang. d. hi. Matth.", 191, 409.) That absolute
divorce is never allowable is therefore clear from Scrip-
ture, but the argument is cogent only for a con-
summated marriage. For Christ founds His law on the
words: "They two shall be in one flesh", which are
verified only in consummated marriage. How far
divorce is excluded, or can be allowed, before the con-
summation of the marriage must be derived from
other sources.
(b) Tradition and the Historical Development in
Doctrine and Practice. — The doctrine of Scripture
about the ilUcitness of divorce is fully confirmed by
the constant tradition of the Church. The testimo-
nies of the Fathers and of the councils leave us no
room for doubt. In numerous places they lay down
the teaching that not even in the case of adultery can
the marriage bond be dissolved or the innocent party
proceed to a new marriage. They insist rather that
the innocent party must remain unmarried after the
dismissal of the guilty one, and can only enter upon a
new marriage in case death intervenes.
We read in Hennas (about the year 150), " Pastor",
mand. IV, i, 6: "Let him put her [the adulterous
wife] away and let the husband abide alone; but if
after puttmg away his wife he shall marry another, he
likewise committeth adultery" (ed. Funk. 1901).
The expression in verse 8, "For the sake of her re-
pentance, therefore, the husband ought not to
marry", does not weaken the absolute command,
.but it gives the supposed reason of this great com-
mand. St. Justin Martyr (d. 176) says (Apolog., I,
xv, in P. G., VIt 349), plainly and without exception:
"He that marneth her that has been put away by
another man committeth adultery." In like manner
Athenagoras (about 177) in his "Legatio pro christ.",
xxxiii (P. G-, VI, 965): "For whosoever shall put
away his wife and shall marry another, committeth
adultery"; Tertullian (d. 247), "Demonogamia", c.
(P. L.t II, 991): "They enter into adulterous
IX
unions even when they do not put away their wives;
DIVOROK 57 DIVOEOK
ire are not allowed even to marry, although we the same time the illicit character of Buch a second
§ut our wives away"; Clement of Alexandria (d. marriage, because it says of these husbands, "They
17), "Strom.", II, xxiii (P. G., VIII, 1096), mentions are forbidden to marry' (prohikentur nubere, Labbe.
the ordinance of Holy Scripture m the following II, 472). The same declaration is to be found
words: " You shall not put away your wife except for in the Second Council of Mileve (416), canon xvii
fornication, and pBtoly ScriptureJ considers as adultery (Labbe, IV, 331); the Council of Hereford (673),
a remarriage while the other of the separated persons canon x (Labbe, VII, 554) ; the Council of Friuli
survives." Similar expressions «are found in the (Forum Julii), m northern Italy (791), canon x
course of the following centuries both in the Latin and f Labbe, IX, 46) ; all of these teach distinctly that the
in the Greek Fathers, e. g. St. Basil of Cssarea, marriage bond remains even in case of dismissal for
"Epist. can.", ii, "Ad Amphilochium", can. xlviii adultery, and that new marriage is therefore forbid-
(P. G., XXXII. 732); St. John Chrysostom, "De den.
hbello repud." (P. G., LI, 218); Theodoretus, on I The following decisions of the popes on this subject
Cor., vii, 39, 40 (P. G., LXXXII, 275): St. Ambrose, deserve special mention: Innocent I, "Epist. ad Ex-
"in Luc", VIII, v. 18 sqq. (P. L.. XV, 1855); St. super.", c. vi, n. 12 (P. L., XX, 500): "Your diligence
Jerome, Epist. lv (aa Amana.), n. 3 (P. L., XXII, 562) ; has asked concerning those, also, who, bv means of a
St. Augustine, "De adulterinis conjugiis", II, iv (P. deed of separation, have contracted another marriage.
L., XL, 473), etc., etc. The occurrence of passages in It is manifest that they are adulterers on both sides."
some Fathers, even among those just quoted, which Compare also with " Epist. ad Vict. Rothom.", xiii, 15
treat the husband more mildly in case of adultery, or (P. L., XX, 479) : " In respect to all cases the rule is
seem to allow him a new marriage after the infidelity kept that whoever marries another man, while her
of his spouse, does not prove that these expressions are husband is alive, must be held to be an adulteress, and
to be understood of the permissibility of a new mar- must be granted no leave to do penance unless one of
riage, but of the lesser canonical penance and of ex- the men shall have died." The impossibility of ab-
emption from punishment by civil law. Or if they solute divorce during the entire life of married people
refer to a command on the part of the Church, the could not be expressed more forcibly than by declaring
new marriage is supposed to take place after the aeath that the permission to perform public penance must be
of the wife who was dismissed. This permission was refused to women who remarried, as to a public sinner,
mentioned, not without reason, as a concession for the because this penance presupposed the cessation of sin,
innocent party, because at some periods the Church's and to remain in a second marriage was to continue in
laws in regard to the guilty party forbade forever any sin.
further marriage 'cf. can. vii of the Council of Com- Besides the adultery of one of the married parties,
piegne, 757). It is well known that the civil law, even the laws of the empire recognized other reasons for
of the Christian emperors, permitted in several cases a which marriage might be dissolved, and remarriage
new marriage after the separation of the wife. Hence, permitted, for instance, protracted absence as a pns-
without contradicting himself, St. Basil could say of oner of war, or the choice of religious life by one of the
the husband, "He is not condemned", and "He is spouses. In these cases.. also, the popes pronounced
penance imposed for adultery. St. Epiphanius, who is LXXVII, 833, and Epist. ad Hadrian, notar. , .u
especially reproached with teaching that the husband P. L., LXXVII, 1169. This last passage, which is
who had put away his wife because of adultery or an- found in the "Decretum " of Gratian (C. xxvii, Q. ii. c.
other crime was allowed by Divine law to marry an- xxi), is as follows: "Although the civil law provides
other (Hseres., lix, 4, in P. G., XLI, 1024) . is speak- that, for the sake of conversion (i. e. for the purpose of
ing in reality of a second marriage after the death of the choosing the religious life), a marriage may be dis-
divorced wife, and, whilst he declares in general that solved, though either of the parties be unwilling, vet
such a second marriage is allowed, but is less honour- the Divine law does not permit it to be done." That
able, still he makes the exception m regard to this last the indissolubility of marriage admits of no exception
part in favour of one who had long been .separated is indicated by Pope Zacharias in his letter of. 5 Janu-
rrom his first wife. The other Fathers of the following ary, 747, to Pepin and the Frankish bishops, for in chap-
centuries, in whose works ambiguous or obscure ex- ter vii he ordains " by Apostolic authority", in an-
pressions may be found, are to be explained in like swer to the questions that had been proposed to him:
manner. # v " If any layman shall put away his own wife and marry
The practice of the faithful was not indeed always in another, or if he shall marry a woman who has been
perfect accord with the doctrine of the Church. On put away by another man, let him be deprived of
account of defective morality, there are to be found commumon"[Monum. Germ. Hist.: Epist., Ill: Epist.
regulations of particular synods which permitted un- Merovingici et Karolini sevi, I (Berlin, 1892), 482J
justifiable concessions. However, the synods of all (c) Laxer Admissions and their Correction. —
centuries, and more clearly still the decrees of the Whilst the popes constantly rejected absolute divorce
popes, have constantly declared that divorce which in all cases, we find some of the Frankish synods of
annulled the marriage and permitted remarriage was the eighth century which allowed it in certain acute
never allowed. The Svnod of Elvira (a. d. 300) cases. In this regard the Councils of Verberie (752)
maintains without the least ambiguity the perma- and Compiegne (757) erred especially. Canon ix of
nence of the marriage bond, even in the case of adul- the first council is undoubtedly erroneous (Labbe,
tery. Canon ix decreed: " A faithful woman who has VIII, 407). In this canon it is laid down that if a
left an adulterous husband and is marrying another man must go abroad, and his wife, out of attachment
who is faithful, let her be prohibited from marrying: to home and relatives, will not go with him, she must
if she has married, let her not receive communion until remain unmarried so long as the husband is alive
the man she has left shall have departed this life, un- whom she refused to follow; on the other hand, in con-
less illness should make this an imperative necessity " trast to the blameworthy woman, a second marriage
(Labbe, " Concilia", II, 7). The Synod of Aries (314) is allowed to the husband: " If he has no hope of re-
speaks indeed of counselling^ as far as possible, that turning to his own country, if he cannot abstain, he
trie young men who had dismissed their wives for can receive another wife witn a penance." So deeply
adultery should take no second wife" (nt, in quart- was the pre-Christian custom of the people engraven in
turn possit, consilium eU detur) ; but it declares at their hearts that it was believed allowance would be
DIVOROK 58 DIVOROS
made for it to some degree. Canon v seems also to (d) Dogmatic Decision on the Indissolubility of
grant the unauthorized permission for a second mar- Marriage. — The Council of Trent was the first to make
riage. It treats of the case in which the wife, with the a dogmatic decision on this question. This took place
help of other men, seeks to murder her husband, and in Session XXI V? canon v: "If anyone shall say that
he escapes from the plot by killing her accomplices in the bond of matrimony can be dissolved for the cause
self-defence. Such a husband is allowed to take an- of heresy, or of injury due to cohabitation, or of wilful
other wife: "That husband can put away that wife, desertion; let him be anathema", and in canon vii: "If
and, if he will, let him take another. But let that anyone shall say that the Church has erred in having
woman who made the plot undergo a penance and re- taught, and in teaching that, according to the teaching
main without hope of marriage. Some explain this of the Gospel and the Apostles, the bond of matri-
canon to mean that the husband might marry again mony cannot be dissolved, and that neither party —
after the death of his first wife, but that the criminal not even the innocent, who has given no cause by
wife was forbidden forever to marry. This last is in adultery-^can contract another marriage while the
agreement with the penitential discipline of the age, other lives, and that he, or she, commits adultery who
because the crime in question was punished by life- puts away an adulterous wife, or husband, and mar-
long canonical penance, and hence by permanent ex- ries another; let him be anathema." The decree de-
clusion from married lite. fines directly the infallibility of the church doctrine in
In its thirteenth canon (according to Labbe, VIII, regard to the indissolubility of marriage, even in the
452; others call it the sixteenth), the Council of Com- case of adultery, but indirectly the decree defines the
piegne gives a some what ambiguous decision and may indissolubility of marriage. Doubts have .been ex-
seem to allow absolute divorce. It says that a man who pressed here and there about the dogmatic character
has dismissed his wife in order that she might choose of this definition (cf. Sasse, "De Sacramentis". II,
the religious life, or take the veil, can marry a second 426). But Leo XIII, in his Encyclical " Arcanum , 10
wife when the first has carried out her resolution. February, 1880, calls the doctrine on divorce con-
Nevertheless, the intended choice of the state of Chris- demned by the Council of Trent " the baneful heresy "
tian perfection seems to imply that this canon must be (hoeresim deterrimam). The acceptance of this in-
limited to a marriage that has not been consummated, dissolubility of marriage as an article of faith defined
Hence it gives the correct Catholic doctrine, of which by the Council of Trent is demanded in the creed by
we shall speak below. This must also be the meaning which Orientals must make their profession of faith
of canon xvi (Labbe, VIII, 453; others, canon xix), when reunited to the Roman Church. The formula
which allows the dissolution of a marriage between a prescribed by Urban VIII contains the following sec-
leper and a healthy woman, so that the woman is auth- tion: "Also, that the bond of the Sacrament of Matri-
oroed to enter upon a new marriage, unless we suppose mony is indissoluble; and that, although a separation
that here there is question of the diriment impediment tori et cohabUationis can be made between the parties,
of impotence. If these canons were really intended in for adultery, heresy, or other causes, yet it is not law-
any other sense, then they are contrary to the general ful for them to contract another marriage/' Exactly
doctrine of the Church. Other canons, in which sepa- the same declaration in regard to marriage was made
ration and second marriage are allowed, refer un- in the short profession of faith approved by the Holy
doubtedly to the diriment impediments of affinity and Office in the year 1890 (Collectanea S. Congr. de Prop,
spiritual relationship, or to a marriage contracted in Fide, Rome, 1893, pp. 639, 640). The milder indirect
error by persons one of whom is free and the other not form in which the Council of Trent pronounced its
free. Hence they have no reference to actual divorce, anathema was chosen expressly out of regard for the
and cannot be interpreted as a lax concession to popu- Greeks of that period, who would have been very much
lar morals or to passion. It is true that several of the offended, according to the testimony of the Venetian
Penitential Books composed about this time in the ambassadors, if the anathema had been directed
Frankish regions contain the cases mentioned by against them, whereas they would find it easier to ao-
these two synods and add others in which the real dis- oept the decree that the Roman Church was not guilty
solution of the marriage bond and a new marriage with of error in her stricter interpretation of the law (ralla-
another wife might be allowed. The following cases vicini," Hist. Cone. TVid.". XXII, iv).
are mentioned in several of these Penitential Books: (e) Development of the Doctrine on Divorce outside
adultery, slavery as punishment for crime, imprison- of the Catholic Church. — In the Greek Church, and the
ment in war, wilful desertion without hope of reunion, other Oriental Churches in general, the practice, and
etc. (Schmitz, "Bussbucher", II, 129 sqq.). These finally even the doctrine, of the indissolubility of the
Penitential Books had indeed no official character, but marriage bond became more and more lax. Zmshman
they influenced for a time the ecclesiastical practice in (Das Eherecht der orientalischen Kirchen, 729 sqq.)
these countries. However, their influence did not last testifies that the Greek and Oriental Churches separ-
long. In the first decades of the ninth century, the ated from Rome permit in their official ecclesiastical
Church began to proceed energetically against them documents the dissolution of marriage, not merely on
(cf. the Synod of Chalons, in the year 813, canon account of adultery, but also "of those occasions and
xxxviii; Labbe, IX, 367). They were not completely actions the effect of which on married life might be re-
suppressed at once, especially as a general decay of garded as similar to natural death or to adultery, or
Christian morality took place in the tenth and early which justify the dissolution of the marriage bond in
part of the eleventh century. Towards the end of the consequence of a well-founded supposition of death or
eleventh century, however, every concession to the adultery". Such reasons are, first, high treason; sec-
laxer practice as regards divorce had been corrected, ond, criminal attacks on life; third, frivolous conduct
The complete indissolubility of Christian marriage had giving rise to suspicion of adultery; fourth, intentional
become so firmly fixed in tne juridical conscience that abortion; fifth, acting as sponsor for one's own child in
the authentic collections of church laws, the Decretals baptism; sixth, prolonged disappearance; seventh, in-
of the twelfth century, do not even see tne necessity of curable lunacy rendering cohabitation impossible;
expressly declaring it, but simply suppose it, in other eighth, entrance of one party into a religious order with
juridical decision^ as a matter of course and beyond the permission of the other party,
discussion. This is shown in the entire series of cases Among the sects that arose at the time of the Refor-
in IV Decretal., xix. In all cases, whether the cause mation in the sixteenth century, there can hardly be
be criminal plotting, adultery, loss of faith, or any- question of any development of church law about di-
thing else, the bond of marriage is regarded as abso- vorce. Jurisdiction in matrimonial affairs was rele-
lutely indissoluble and entrance upon a second mar- gated, on principle, to the civil law, and only the bless-
riage as impossible. ing of marriage was assigned to the Church. It is true
DIVORCE
59
DlVOftOB
that the interpretation of the so-called ecclesiastical
officials, their approbation or disapprobation of the
civil marriage laws, might find expression in certain
cases shouldthey refuse to bless an intended marriage
of people who had been divorced when the reason for
the divorce seemed to them to be too much opposed to
Scripture. It is not surprising that in this respect the
tendency should have been downwards, when we re-
member that in the various sects of Protestantism the
growth of liberalism has advanced even to the denial
of Christ [Dr. F. Albert, Verbrechen und Strafen als
Ehescheidungsgrund nach evangel. Kirchenrecht (in
Stuts JCirchenr. Abhandlungen, Stuttgart, 1903) ,1, IV1.
4. Declaration of Nullity. — The declaration of nul-
lity must be carefully distinguished from divorce
proper. It can be called divorce only in a very im-
proper sense, because it presupposes that there is and
has been no marriage. However, as there is question
of an alleged marriage and of a union which is consid-
ered by the public as a true marriage, we can under-
stand why a previous ecclesiastical judgment should
be required, declaring the presence of a diriment im-
pediment and the consequent invalidity of a supposed
marriage, before the persons in question might be free
to separate or to enter upon a new marriage. It is
only when the invalidity of a marriage becomes pub-
licly known, and further cohabitation gives scandal,
or when other important reasons render a prompt
separation of domicile necessary or advisable, that
such a separation should take place at once, to be
made definitive by a later Judicial sentence. When
the invalidity of a marriage is publicly known, official
procedure is necessary, and the ecclesiastical process
of nullification must be introduced. In the case of
impediments which refer exclusively to the rights of
the husband and wife, and which can be removed by
their consent, only the one of the supposed spouses
whose right is in question is permitted: to impugn the
marriage by complaint before the ecclesiastical court,
provided it is desired to maintain this right. Such
cases are the impediments of fear or violence, of essen-
tial error, of impotence on the part of the other not
fully established, and failure to comply with some fixed
condition. In cases of the other possible impediments,
every Catholic, even a stranger, may enter a com-
Elaint of nullity if he can brine proofs of such nul-
ty. The only plaintiffs excluded are those who, on
account of private advantage, were unwilling to de-
clare the invalidity of the marriage before its disso-
lution by death, or who knew the impediment when
the banns of marriage were proclaimed and culpably
kept silence. Of course it is aUowed to the married
parties to disprove the reasons alleged by strangers
against their marriage (Wernz, "Jus decretalium'V
IV, n. 743).
That separation and remarriage of the separated
parties may not take place merely on account of pri-
vate convictions of the invalidity of a supposed mar-
riage, but only in consequence of an ecclesiastical
judgment was taught by Alexander III and Innocent
III in IV Decretal., xix, 3, and II Decretal., xiii, 13.
In the earlier centuries the summary decision of the
bishops sufficed; at present the Constitution of Bene-
dict XTV, " Dei miseratione", 3 November, 1741, must
be followed. This prescribes that in matrimonial
oases a "defender of the matrimonial tie" (defensor
matrimonii) must be appointed. If the decision is for
the validity of the marriage, there need be no appeal in
the second instance. The parties can be satisfied with
the first decision and continue in married life. If the
decision is for the invalidity of the marriage, an appeal
must be entered, and sometimes even a second appeal
to the court of third instance, so that it is only after two
concordant decisions on the invalidity of the marriage in
question that it can be regarded as invalid, and the
res are allowed to proceed to another marriage.
Ill Cone. plen. Baltim., App. 262 sqq.; Cone.
Americ. latin., II, n. 16; Laurentius, "Instit. iuris
eccl.",2nd ed., n. 696 sqq. ; Wera," J us decretal.", IV,
n, 744 sqq.) Sometimes, however, in missionary
countries, Apostolic prefects are permitted to give
summary decision of cases in which two concordant
opinions of approved theologians or canonists pro-
nounce the invalidity of the marriage to be beyond
doubt. Moreover, in cases of evident nullity, because
of a manifest impediment of blood-relationship or
affinity, of previous marriage, of the absence of form,
of lack of baptism on the part of one party, a second
sentence of nullity is no longer demanded (Deer, of the .
Holy Office, 5 June, 1889. and 16 June, 1894. Cf . Acta
S. Sedis, XXVII, 141; also Deer, of the Holy Office,
27 March, 1901, Acta S. Sedis, XXXIII, 756). The
court of first instance in the process of nullification is
the episcopal court of the diocese, of second instance
the metropolitan court, of third instance the Roman
See. Sometimes, however, Rome designates for the
third instance a metropolitan see of the country in
question (Laurentius, above, 697, not. 6). No one, how-
ever, is prohibited from immediate application in the
first instance to the Holy See. Custom reserves to the
Holy See matrimonial cases of reigning princes.
In the Decretals the declaration of nullity is treated
under the title "De Divortus1'. But it is important
that these matters should be carefully. distinguished
from one another. The lack of exact distinction be-
tween the expressions " declaration of invalidity" and
" divorce '\ and the different treatment of invalid mar-
riages at different periods, may lead to incorrect judg-
ments of ecclesiastical decisions. Decisions of partic-
ular Churches are too easily regarded as dissolutions
of valid marriages, where in fact they were only dec-
larations of nullity; and even papal decisions, like
those of Gregory II communicated to St. Boniface and
of Alexander III to the Bishop of Amiens, are looked
on by some writers as permissions granted by the popes
to the Frankish Churches to dissolve a valid marriage in
certain cases. The decision of Gregory II, in the year
726, was embodied in the collection of Gratian (C.
xxxii. Q. vii, c. xviii), and is printed in "Mon. Germ.
Hist. , III: Epist. (Epist. Merovingici et Karolini&vi
I), p. 276; the decision of Alexander III is given in the
Decretals as pars decisa, i. e., a part of the papal letter
(IV Decretal., xv, 2) left out in the Decretal itself. In
both cases there was question of a declaration of the
invalidity of a marriage which was invalid from the
very beginning because of antecedent impotence. A
certain concession to the Frankish Churches was, how-
ever, made in these cases. According to Roman custom
such supposed husband and wife were not separated,
but were bound to live together as brother and sister.
In the Frankish Churches, however, a separation was
pronounced and permission to contract another mar-
riage was allowed to the one not afflicted with abso-
lute impotence. This custom Alexander III granted
to the Frankish Churches for the future. If. there-
fore, the union in question is spoken of as a tegitima
conjunctio, or even as a legitimum matrimonium, this is
done only on account of the external form of the mar-
riage contract. That in such cases a diriment impedi-
ment according to the natural law was present, and an
actual marriage was impossible, was well understood
by the pope. He says this expressly in the part of his
letter that has been embodied m the Decretals (IV De-
cretal., xv, 2. Cf. SagmQller, " Die Ehe Heinrichs II »
in the Tubingen "Theol. Quartalschr.,\ LXXXVII,
1905, 84 sqq.). That in similar cases decision has
been given sometimes for separation and sometimes
against it, need excite no surprise, for even at the pres-
ent day the ecclesiastical idea of impotence on the part
of the woman is not fully settled (cf . controversy in
" The American Eccl. Review " XXVIII, 51 sqq.).
B. Non-Christian Marriage Can Be Dissolved by Ab-
solute Divorce under Certain Circumstances in Favour of
the Faith.
t
Divoaos
60
DIVOROI
1. The Pauline Privilege. — The Magna Charta in
favour of Christian faith is contained in the worth of
the Apostle, I Cor., vii, 12-15: " If any brother hath a
wife that believeth not, and she consent to dwell with
him, let him not put her away. And if any woman
hath a husband that believeth not, and he consent to
dwell with her, let her not put away her husband. For
the unbelieving husband is sanctified by the believing
wife, and the unbelieving wife is sanctified by the be-
lieving husband: otherwise your children should be
unclean; but now they are holy. Bvt if the unbeliever
depart, let him depart. For a brother or sister is not under
servitude in such cases. But God hath called us in
peace.9* (On the interpretation of these words see
Comely on I Cor., 175 sqq.) The exegetical contro-
versy, as to whether these words are dependent on the
preceding sentence, " For to the rest I speak, not the
Lord ", or whether that sentence refers to the one pre-
ceding it, is of no importance in this question. In the
first supposition, we should seem to have here an ordi-
nance which is not immediately Divine, but was es-
tablished by the Apostle through the power of Christ.
In the second supposition, it may be an immediately
Divine ordinance.
These words of the Apostle tell us that in all cases
when one of the married parties has received the
Christian Faith, and the other remains an infidel and is
not willing to hve in peace with the Christian, the be-
liever is not bound but is free. The Apostle does not
indeed, say expressly and formally that the marriage
bond has been dissolved, but if it were not at least m
the power of the Christian to dissolve the previous
bona and to enter upon another marriage, the words
would not have their full truth. Henee the Church
has understood the words in this sense, and at the
same time has fixed more exactly how and under what
conditions this so-called Pauline privilege may be ex-
ercised. Innocent III declares authoritatively (IV
Decretal., xix, 7, in cap. "Quanto") that the convert
is justified in entering upon another marriage if he
will, provided the non-Christian is unwilling either to
hve with the other or such cohabitation would cause
the blasphemy of the Divine name or be an incentive
to mortal sin: "Si enim alter infidelium coniugum ad
fidem convertatur, altera vel nullo modo, vel non sine
blasphemia divini nominis, vel ut eum pertrahat ad
mortale peccatum ei cohabitare volente: qui relinqui-
tur, ad secunda, si voluerit. vota transibit: et in hoc
casu intelligimus quod ait Apostolus: Si infidelis dis-
cedit, etc., et canonem etiam in quo dicitur: Contumelia
areolaris solvit jus matrimonii circa eum qui rclinquir
tur.n According to the Church's interpretation and
practice, the dissolution of the marriage that was con-
tracted before conversion is not effected by the separa-
tion of the married parties, but only when a new mar-
riage is contracted by the Christian party because of
this privilege. The Holy Office says this expressly in
the decree of 5 August, 1759, ad 2: "Then only may
the yoke of the matrimonial bond with an infidel be
understood to be loosed when the convert spouse . . .
proceeds to another marriage with a believer (Collec-
tan. S. Congr. de Prop. F., n. 1312). The manner of
obtaining this right to enter upon a new marriage is
fixed by the Church under penalty of invalidity, and
consists in a demand (interpellatio) made of the non-
Christian party whether he or she be willing to live with
the other m peace or not. If this interpellation is not
possible, an Apostolic dispensation ab interpeUatione
must be obtained (Collectanea, n. 1323). If the
spouse that remains in infidelity agrees to live in
peace, but later on acts contrary to this agreement by
abusing the Christian religion, or tempting the Chris-
tian to infidelity, or preventing the children from
being educated in the Christian Faith, or becomes a
temptation for the Christian to commit any mortal sin,
,the latter regains the right to proceed to a new mar-
* riage after any lapse of time. This consequence which
follows from the very nature of the privilege was ex*
Sressly declared by the Holy Office in the decree of 27
eptember, 1848, and was confirmed by Pius IX (Col-
lectan., n. 1337; Ballerini-Palmieri, "Opus theol.
Mor.", 3d ed., VI, n. 468). If, however, the non-
Christian party refuses to continue further in married
life, not from hatred of the Faith or for other sinful
reasons, but because the Christian, by sinful conduct
(for instance by adultery), has given just reason for
separation, the Christian would not be justified in en-
tering upon a new marriage. The privilege, however,
would still be his if the non-Christian party wished to
maintain as reason for separation adultery committed
before the time of conversion. (Collectan., n. 1312, 1318,
1322.) The interpellation of the non-Christian party,
which must take place before the remarriage of the
Christian, must as a general rule be about living to-
gether in peace or not, but as peaceful cohabitation
can only be imagined in a case where there are no seri-
ous dangers, and such dangers may arise in certain cir-
cumstances from continued living with the non-
Christian party, it is readily understood that the" Holy
See is justified in making the interpellation mean,
whether the non-Christian party be willing to accept
the Christian Faith; and in case the non-Christian re-
fuses after careful deliberation, then, as a result of this
refusal, permission may be granted to the Christian
party to enter upon a new marriage and thereby to
dissolve the previous one. This procedure, allowed
by Sixtus V, received new confirmation and direction
under Leo XIII by the decree of the Holy Office, 29
November, 1882 (Collectan., n. 1358, ad 3).
The Pauline privilege is said to be in favour of the
Christian Faith, but the meaning of the privilege and
the right in such cases to absolute divorce is not ex-
actly defined thereby. Doubt, might arise in regard
to catechumens, and also in regard to such as join a
Christian denomination but do not belong to the Ro-
man Catholic Church. The solution of these doubts is
contained in the following proposition: the Pauline
privilege is attached to baptism. That the privilege is
granted to nobody before the actual reception of bap-
tism is beyond question from the decree of the Sacred
Congregation of Propaganda, 16 January, 1803
(Collectan., n. 1319), and also from the decree of the
Holy Office, 13 March, 1901 (Acta S. Sedis, XXXIII,
550). Even the interpellation of the non-Christian
party ought to be postponed until after the baptism of
the other. It requires a papal dispensation to pro-
ceed to such an interpellation validly before baptism
(Cf. Instructio S. Officii, under the authorisation of
Pius IX,- 3 June, 1874. in Collectan., n. 1357). It is
also certain that the dissolubility here in question is
not limited to the marriages of pagans, but to all mar-
riages of unbaptized persons, even though they should
belong to some non-Catholic Christian denomination
(Acta S, Sedis, loc. cit.) . Whether, however, the privi-
lege is so joined to baptism that it belongs to Christian
adherents of a non-Catholic denomination when they
profess the Christian Faith by the reception of bap-
tism is a question disputed by theologians. Some
theologians of repute assert that the privilege is granted
in this case, and that a practical decision to this effect
has been made by a Roman Congregation, according
to the testimony of Konings, "Theol. mor.", II, 394
(New York, 1878). (Cf. Palmieri, "De matrim.
christ.", th. xxvii, p. 224; Tarquini in "Archiv fur
kath. Kirchenrecnt , L, 224 sqq.; Wernz, "Jus de-
cretal.", IV, n. 702, not. 59; Gasparri, "De matrim.",
II, n. 1331; Ballerini-Palmieri, "Opus theol. mor.",
3d ed., VI, 457 sqq.) Even in the early ages, the
Venerable Bede ana St. Augustine seem to have
understood the passage from St. Paul (I Cor.) in this
sense.
2. The Papal Authority to Dissolve a Non-Christian
Marriage. — From the ecclesiastical decisions that
have been already quoted, it is clear that the Church
DIVOROI 61 DIVOEOI
has at least the authority of explaining the Pauline infidelity is not absolutely indissoluble according to
privilege, of limiting, and extending it. This would Divine right, it follows from the general power ofloos-
give rise to no difficulties if the Pauline privilege, as ing which was granted to the successor of St. Peter,
expressed in I Cor., vii, 15, were ah immediate Apos- Matt., xvi. 19— " Whatsoever thou shalt loose on
tone ordinance ana only mediately Divine, inasmuch earth, it shall be loosed also in heaven" — that this
as Christ would have granted the power in general in a power extends also to our present matter. Moreover,
case of necessity to dissolve in favour of the Faith a the successors of St. Peter are themselves the best in-
marriage contracted in infidelity. For the entire terpreters of their power. Whenever the exercise of
Apostolic power passed to the supreme head of the an authority that has not hitherto been clearly recog-
Ghurch, and as the Apostle could determine fixed nised occurs, not merely on one occasion but fre-
rules and conditions for the dissolution of the mar- quently, there can be no more doubt that such au-
riages in question, the pope would have precisely the tnority is rightfully exercised. Now this is precisely
same authority. Yet on this point there is a diversity what took place in the grants of Pius V, Gregory XIII,
of opinion among theologians, and the Church has not and Urban VIII for the vast territories of India, the
settled the dispute. For, even if the privilege as pro- West Indies, etc.
mulgated bv St. Paul was of immediate Divine right, 3. The Dissolution of Marriage Contracted in InjU-
the Church's power to make at least modifications in delity by Profession in a Rdiaums Order. — When the
case of necessity can readily be explained because such doctrine explained above, which now is practically
a power belongs to her without a doubt in other matters admitted beyond doubt, has been established, the
that are of Divine right. The first opinion seems to question, whether a marriage contracted in infidelity
have been held in the fourteenth century by eminent can be dissolved by the religious profession of the
scholars like P. de Palude and de Tudeschis, and in converted party, is not very important. It is so to be
the fifteenth century by St. Antoninus; in recent times understood that the baptised party may choose the
it is defended by Gasparri, Rossi. Fahrner, and others, religious life, even against the will of the one still un-
The second opinion is held by Th. Sanches, Benedict baptised, and, in consequence of this, the other may
XIV, St. Alphonsus, Perrone, Billot. Werns, and enter upon a new marriage. According to the doc-
others. The instruction of the Holy Office, 11 July, trine we have just explained, it is clear that the pope,
1866 (Collectan., n. 1353), calls the privilege a Di- at least in single oases, can permit this. Whether, ac-
vine privilege "promulgated by the Apostle . How- cording to a general law, and by immediate Divine
ever, m spite of the disagreement in regard to the Pau- ordinance, without the intervention of the pope, this
tine privilege, the defenders of both opinions agree privilege belongs to the baptised party, is somewhat
that there is another method for the dissolution of the connected with another question, vis., for what reason
marriage of infidels when one of the parties receives Christian (i. e. sacramental) matrimony, not yet con-
baptism, namely, by papal authority. This power is summated, can be dissolved by religious profession,
indeed not admitted by all theologians. Even Lam- This leads us to the third proposition about this sub-
bertini (who later became Pope Benedict XIV) ject of divorce.
doubted it when he was secretary of the Sacred Con- C. Christian Marriage before Consummation Can Be
gregation of the Council, in the causa Florentina, in Dissolved by Solemn Profession in a Religious Order, or
the year 1726. But earlier papal decisions, as well as by an Act of Papal Authority.
the actual decision in this very case, leave no room for 1. Dissolution by Solemn Profession. — The fact that
doubt that the popes attribute to themselves this religious profession causes the dissolution of the mar-
power and act accordingly. riage bond, provided the marriage has not been con-
If the Pauline privilege alone be applied, it will fol- summated, is distinctly taught m the Extrav. Joan,
low that when a pagan is converted who has been liv- XXII (tit. VI. cap. unic), and was solemnly defined
ing in polygamy, he can be permitted to choose any by the Council of Trent (Sees. XXIV, can. vi). The
one of his wives who may be willing to receive bap- reason why this dissolution takes place is a theological
tiam, provided his first wife is unwilling to live with Question. The definition reads: If anyone shalfsay
him in peace or, under the circumstances, to be con- tnat a* marriage contracted, but not consummated, is
verted to the Faith. Hence it is that the answers of not dissolved by the solemn religious profession of
Roman Congregations based on the Pauline privilege either one of the parties to the marriage, let him be
always include the phrase nisi prima vcluerit converts,, anathema." The expression, by the solemn profession,
Now several of the popes have at times granted per- is important. Neither the mere entrance into a re-
mission to whole nations to choose any one of the sev- ligious order, nor life in the novitiate, nor the so-called
era! wives, without adding the clause " unless the profession ot simple vows, even though they be for
first be willing to be converted "• This was done for life, as is customary in modern congregations, is capa-
India by St. Pius V, 2 August, 1571, in the Constitu- ble of dissolving a previous marriage. The simple
tibn "Romani Pontificis". Urban VIII, 20 October, vows which are pronounced in the Society of Jesus,
1626, and 17 September, 1627, did the same for the either as vows of scholastics or as vows of formed co-
South American nations, andexpre8slydeclares:"Con- adjutors, do not dissolve a marriage which has been
Palmieri, Opus theol. mor.", 3d ed., VI, nn. 444, 451, son such marriage is dissolved by solemn religious pro*
452). The theological proof of this papal authority is fession is answered by some by pointing to an imme-
easy for those who, as nas been saia, regard the Pau- diate Divine right, as if God himself had so ordained
line privilege as an immediate Apostolic ordinance, immediately. Others, however, ascribe it to the
For it is then expressly testified by Holy Scripture power which the Church has received from God, and
that the Apostolic authority, hence also the papal au- to its ordinance. The first opinion is defended by
thority, can allow in favour of the Faith the dissolution Dominic Soto, Th. Sanches, Benedict XIV, Perrone,
of marriage contracted in infidelity. The method of Rosset, Palmieri, and others; the second by Henry de
procedure and the precise application in various cases Segusia (commonly called Hostiensis), Suares, Lay-
would naturally be committed to the bearer of the mann, Kugler, the Wurzburg theologians, Werni,
Apostolic authority. Those who consider that the Gasparri, Laurentius, Fahrner. and others. The
Pauline privilege is an immediate Divine determina- tradition of the Christian Church for centuries bears
tion of tne case in which marriage may be dissolved, witness that Christian marriage before consummation
prove the papal authority in another way. Since it has not the same indissolubility as a consummated
follows from I Cor., vii, 15, that marriage contracted in marriage. Scholars, however, are not unanimous
fl
DIVOROI 62 DIVOROK
about the limits of its dissolubflity. Many facts from tells us that he had seen several Bulls of these popes
the lives of the saints, of St. Thecla, St. Cecilia, St. which granted such a dispensation or a dissolution of a
Alexius, and others, such for example as are narrated marriage that had not Deen consummated, so that
by Gregory the Great (III Dialog., xiv, in P. L., thereafter they might proceed to a new marriage
XXXIfi) and by the Venerable Sede (Hist AngL, (Summa theol., III, tit. i, c. xxi). We can find traces
Six, in P. L., XCV, 201 sqq.), are proof of the uni- of such a practice even in much'earlier times. A de-
versal Christian conviction that, even after mar- cretal of Alexander III, namely, IV Decretal., xiii, 2,
riage had been contracted, it was free for either of the seems, according to a probable interpretation, to refer
married parties to separate from the other in order to to a possible concession of such a dissolution. Perhaps
choose a life of evangelical perfection. Now this the decision of Gregory II to St. Boniface, in 726 (see
would be a violation of the right of the other spouse if above under A. 4). nught possibly be explained in the
in such circumstances the marriage bond were not dis- same sense, though it is very uncertain, for it seems
solved, or at least could not easily be dissolved under to refer neither to the dissolution of a consummated
certain conditions, and thereby the right granted to marriage, as some supposed, nor to the dissolution
the other to enter upon another marriage. The pre- of a real marriage that had not been consummated,
cise conditions under which this dissolution of the mar- but rather to a declaration of invalidity. For
riage bond actually took place, and still takes-place, several centuries the exercise of this power of dissolv-
can only be decided with certainty by the authentic ing such marriages has belonged to the ordinary f uno-
declaration* of the Church. Such a declaration was tions of the Holy See, and is exclusively papal; for the
made by Alexander III, according to III Decretal., work of the Roman Congregations in such cases is only
xxxii, 2: "After a lawfully accorded consent affecting preparatory. However, exceptional instances occur
the present, it is allowed to one of the parties, even when it has been delegated to bishops (Werns, op. cit.,
against the will of the other, to choose a monastery n. 698, not. 41). The judicial procedure in such cases
(just as certain saints have been called from marriage) , was exactly prescribed by Benedict XIV in his Bull of
provided that carnal intercourse shall not have taken judicial procedure ("Dei miseratione", 3 November,
place between them; and it is allowed to the one who 1741 (section 15), obligatory on the whole Latin
is left to proceed to a second marriage." A similar Church. Any uncertainty about this ecclesiastical
declaration was made by Innocent III, op. cit., cap. power (cf. Fahrner, Geschichte des Unauflostichkei ta-
xi v. From this latter declaration we learn that re- princips, p. 170 sqq.) was removed by this Bull; for if
ligious profession alone has this effect, and that there- this power did not belong to the Church, then the Bull
fore those who wished to practise a life of higher per- in question would have approved and originated an in-
fection in any other manner could be obliged by the stitution against all good morals. It is, however, in-
other spouse either actually to choose the religious conceivable that the pope could issue a general pre-
state or else to consummate the marriage, under scription that would contain an attack on morality
earlier ecclesiastical conditions, no long delay was im- and could formally sanction bigamy in certain cases,
posed upon the other party before entering upon an- Several of the older canonists, especially those of Bo-
other marriage, because religious profession might be logna, brought forward some special reasons which are
made without a long novitiate. The introduction of a supposed to j ustif y the dissolution of a marriage before
novitiate of at least one year by the Council of Trent, consummation. If thereby they wish to assert the
and the time of three years prescribed by Pius IX and right of dissolution by private authority, then they
Leo XIII for simple vows Wore the solemn profes- erred. If they intended to speak of a dissolution that
sion. and the general restriction of solemn profession could be granted by the Church, that is, by its su-
by the establishment of simple profession, which does preme head, and the permission for a new marriage,
not dissolve the marriage bona, have rendered diffi- then they had merely collected the cases in which such
cult the-dissolution of unconsummated marriage by a dissolution might take place in virtue of the papal
religious profession. So that now it seems practically authority j ust spoken of, but they had not given a new
necessary that if one of the married parties should title to such dissolution. Some held the erroneous
choose the state of evangelical perfection before the opinion of private dissolubility, because they regarded
consummation of the marriage, the marriage bond such a union as no real marriage) but simply as a be-
should be dissolved by papal authority. trothal, and therefore they treated it according to the
2. Dissolution by the Pope of Marriage not yet Con- juridical principles in regard to betrothal. This the-
summated. — The pope's authority as supreme head of ory of marriage, however, was not often defended, and
the Church to dissolve Christian marriage not yet con- has lone disappeared from theological schools ; neither
summated is proved on the one hand from the words does it deserve any consideration at present, because it
of Christ to Peter, Matt., xvi. 19 (see above, under B is in conflict with established Cathouc dogmas.
2), and on the other, from the dissolubility of such a D. Limited Divorce, or Separation from Bed and
marriage by religious profession, 'inasmuch as this pro- Board (Divortium Imperfectum) is allowed for various
fession must be solemn, for according to the declara- causes, especially in tne case of adultery or lapse into
tion of Boniface VIII (III Sexti Decretal., xv, c. infidelity or heresy on the part of husband or wife,
unic), solemn vows as such depend entirely upon the A separation of married parties leaving the marriage
ordinance of the Church — "voti solemnitas ex sola bond intact is mentioned by St. Paul, ICor., Vii, 11:
constitutione Ecclesue est inventa ". Hence it follows " If she depart, that she remain unmarried, or be re-
without a doubt that the dissolution of a marriage by conciled to her husband." From the very nature of the
solemn profession could never take place without the case it follows that occasions may arise in which fur-
exercise of the Church's authority. Now if the ther cohabitation is unadvisable or even unseemly and
Church can cause such a dissolution according to a morally impossible. If such circumstances do not
general law, a fortiori she can do this in single cases — bring about a dissolution of the marriage bond, at
not indeed arbitrarily, but for grave reasons — because least a cessation of married life must be permitted,
this power has been granted by God to dispense in Hence it is that the Council of Trent, immediately
matters of Divine right, and a delegated authority after its definition of the indissolubility of the marriage
may not be exercised without a sufficient reason (cf. bond, even in case of adultery, added another canon
Werns, " Jus decretal. ", IV, n. 698, not. 39). The ac- (SesB. XXIV, can. viii) : " If anyone shall say that
tual exercise of this power on the part of the popes, the Church errs when she, for many causes, decrees
which has become constant and general, is a further a separation of husband and wife m respect to bed
proof of its propriety and its actual existence. Clear and dwelling-place for a definite or an indefinite
Instances occur during the pontificates of Martin V period; let turn be anathema." The cessation of mar-
(1417-31) and Eugene IV (1431-47). St. Antoninus riedlife in common may have different degrees. There
DIVORCE
63
DIVOROK
can be the mere cessation of married life (separatio
quoad torum), or a complete separation as regards
dwelling-place (separatio quoad cohabitationem). Each
of these may be permanent or temporary. Tempo-
rary abstinence from married life, or separatio a toro,
may take place by mutual private consent from higher
religious motives, not, however, if such continence be
the occasion of moral danger to either of the parties.
Should such danger threaten either, it would become
their duty to resume married life. The Apostle
speaks of this in I Cor., vii, 5: "Defraud not one an-
other, except, perhaps, by consent, for a time, that you
may give yourselves to prayer; and return together
again, lest Satan tempt you for your incontinency."
1. The Choice of Evangelical Perfection. — For a per-
manent separation on account of entrance into the
state of Christian perfection, i. e. entrance into reli-
gious life on the part of the wife or of the husband, or
by the reception of Holy orders on the part of the hus-
band, there is required not only mutual consent, but
also some arrangement on the part of ecclesiastical au-
thority, according to the laws about such cases. This
holds in regard to the reception of the major orders
immediately after the contraction of marriage, even
before it is consummated. In regard to the choice of
religious life, it holds only after consummated mar-
riage. For, as we have said above, by the religious
life marriage which has not yet been consummated can
be dissolved, and on that account newly-married par-
ties have the right to a delay of two months to con-
sider the choice of the state of perfection, and during
which the consummation of the marriage may be re-
fused (St. Alphonsus, " Theol. mor.^-, VI, n. 958). In
case the marriage is not dissolved, the reception of
Holy orders or religious profession cannot take place
before provision has been made for a continent life on
the part of the other party. In accordance with the
judgment of the diocesan bishop, he or she must either
enter a religious order, or, if ace and other circum-
stances remove all suspicion ana all danger of incon-
tinency, at least take a private vow of perpetual chas-
tity. In no case can it ever be allowed that the
husband who should receive Holy orders might dwell in
the same house with the wife bound only by a private
vow (of. Lauren ti us, " Instit. jur. eccl.", 2nd ed., n. 694).
2. Adultery of One of the Parties. — Cause for the
cessation of complete community of life, which in itself
is perpetual, is given to the innocent party by adul-
tery of the spouse. In order, however, that this right
may exist, the adultery must be, first, proven; second,
not attributable to the other spouse either entirely or
as accomplice; third, not already condoned; fourth,
not, as it were, compensated by the adultery of the
other party (cf. IV Decretal., xiii, 6, and xix, 4, 5;
Wernz, "Jus decret.", IV, n. 707 sq.; St. Alphonsus,
VI, n. 960). If the innocent party is certain of the sin
of the other, he or she has a right immediately to re-
fuse the continuation of married life. If the crime is
manifest, then the innocent party is justified in leav-
ing at once the guilty one, or in dismissing him or her
from the house. If, however, the crime is not known,
or not proved with certainty, then complete separa-
tion can follow only after a judicial investigation and
a judicial decision, which must be made by ecclesias-
tical authority (IV Decretal., xix. 4, 5; i, 9; Wernz,
"Jus decretal.", IV, n. 711). All sexual intercourse
outside of married life is regarded as equivalent to
adultery in justifying complete separation, even the
unnatural sins of sodomy and bestiality. As proof of
the crime may be alleged what are called susmciones
vehementes. In the first centuries of the Churcn, there
was often a commandment, and the duty was im-
posed on the innocent party, to separate from the
party guilty of adultery. There never, however, was
any such general legislation. The duty, however, of
separation was founded partly on the canonical pen-
ance imposed for adultery that was publicly known
(and this penance was incompatible with marital life),
and partly on the duty of avoiding scandal, as contin-
ued living with a husband or wife addicted to adultery
might seem to be a scandalous approval of this criminal
life. For this latter reason, even nowadays, circum-
stances may arise making the dismissal of the guilty
garty a duty (cf. St. Alphonsus, VTj n. 963 sq<q.).
ommonly, however, at least for a single violation,
there is no duty of separation; still less is there any
duty of permanent separation; in fact, charity may in
certain cases demand that after a temporary separa-
tion the contrite party might be invited or admitted to
a renewal of the married life. There is, however, never
any obligation of justice to receive again the guilty
party. The most that some theologians recognize' is
an obligation of justice when the party originally in-
nocent has meanwhile become guilty of the same
crime. The innocent party always retains the right
in justice to recall or to demand the return of the
guilty party. If the innocent husband or wife wishes
to give up this right forever, then he or she can enter a
religious order, or he may receive Holy orders, without
the necessity of consent on the part of the guilty wife
or husband who has been dismissed, or without any
further obligation being imposed upon this party (III
Decretal., xxxii, 15, 16). The guilty party can, how-
ever, proceed to the religious life or to the reception of
Holy orders only with the consent of the innocent.
This consent must either be granted expressly or be
deduced with certainty from the constant refusal to be
reconciled. It is the business of ecclesiastical author-
ity to decide in any case, whether such certainty ex-
ists or not. A further obligation, such as the vow of
perpetual chastity, is not imposed upon the innocent
party, but the freedom to remarry is allowed after the
death of the other spouse (cf. Ill Decretal., xxxii, 19;
Wernz, op. cit., n. 710, not. 126; St. Alphonsus, VI, n.
969). .
3. Heresy or Defection from the Faith. — Next to
adultery, a reason for separation almost equivalent to
it is defection from the Faith, whether by tne rejection
of Christianity or by heresy (IV Decretal., xix, 6, 7).
However, there are some important differences to be
noted: —
(a) In the case of adultery, a single action, if proven,
is enough for permanent separation, but in the case oi
infidelity or heresy, a certain persistence in the sin is
required (cf. St. Thomas, IV Sent., dist. xxxv, Q. i, a.
1), such for example as adhesion to a non-Catholic de-
nomination.
(b) An ecclesiastical sentence is necessary in this
case for the right of permanent separation. If this
has not been obtained, the innocent party is bound to
receive the guilty party after conversion and recon-
ciliation with the Church. This is expressly decided
by IV Decretal., xix, 6. When, however, the right to
permanent separation has been granted, the innocent
party can proceed at once to the religious life or re-
ceive Holy orders, and thereby- render it impossible to
return to married life. It need hardly be mentioned
that infidelity or heresy, as such, gives no just cause
for separation of any kind, if it existed before the mar-
riage was contracted, and if a dispensation from the.
impediment of disparity of worship between a bap-
tized and a non-baptized person has been granted, or
if a valid marriage, even without ecclesiastical dis-
pensation, has taken place between a Catholic and a
baptized non-Catholic. In such cases, passage from
one denomination to another does not give a reason
for separation.
4. Danger to Body or Soul. — Besides these special
cases of separation founded on ecclesiastical law,
many other cases may arise, which, of their nature, jus-
tify temporary separation. They are summon up
under the general notion of " danger to body or soul1'
(periculum corporis aut anima). There must, of
course, be question of an approximate danger of great
0IVORO1
64
DIVOBCS
barm, because this very important right of the other
party may not be set aside, or even partially limited,
for trivial reasons. The reasons tor a temporary
separation are as various as the evils which may be in-
flicted. To judge the gravity correctly, reasonable
consideration is demanded of all the circumstances.
Danger to the soul, which is given as a reason for
separation, almost always supposes a crime on the
part of the other party. It consists in temptation to
some mortal sin, either to the denial of the Catholic
Faith, or the neglect of the proper education of the
children, or to some other grievous sin and violation
of the moral law. Dangerous solicitation, or pres-
sure, or intimidation, or threats inflicted either by, or
with the consent of, one party, or silent approbation to
induce the other to a grievous violation of duty would
give justification — and even the obligation, if the dan-
ger were great — to proceed to separation, which should
bust as lone as the danger exists. Such a reason as
this might later on justify a separation in the case of a
mixed marriage. Danger to the body, which is a fur-
ther reason for a separation, means any great danger
to life or health, as well as other intolerable condi-
tions. Such are, without doubt, plotting against
one's life, ill-treatment which in the circumstances
should be regarded as gross, well-grounded fear of
dangerous contagion, insanity, serious and constant
auarrelling, etc. It is to be noted that in every case
there must be a very serious evil to justify separation
for any length of time. Other inconveniences must be
borne with Christian patience. Great crimes of one
party, provided they are not against marital fidelity,
or do not include any incentive to sin on the part of
the other, do not, according to Catholic law. of them-
selves give any right to separation; neither do punish-
ments that might be inflicted on the guilty party in
consequence 01 such crimes, even when this punish-
ment be joined with dishonour. The Catholic view of
this matter is directly opposed to the non-Catholic,
which, as we have seen above under A. 3. (e), permits
in such cases the dissolution of the marriage bond.
By private authority, i. e. without previous ap-
plication to an ecclesiastical court and its decision, a
temporary separation may take place when delay
would bring danger. - The church law does not allow
a separation in other cases (Wernz, "Jus Decret.",
IV. n. 714; St. Alphonsus, "Theol. mor.", VI, n. 971),
although, where there are evident and public reasons
for separation, the non-observance of the Church's
regulations can more easily be overlooked. Separa-
tion because of the mere decision of a civil judge is
never allowed to Catholics. (Cf. Ill Cone. plen.
Baltim., tit. IV, c. ii.)
Fahrner, Oeachichte der Ehcatkodung (Freiburg, 1903), I;
BcHNRBif ann, Die JrrtUmer uber <Lc Ehe in Die Encydica Pitta
IX. vom 8 Det.t 186U (Freiburg, 1866), III: Avoorado, Teorica
delT latituzione del matrimonii) (Turin, 1853-1860); Perrons,
De matrimonio chrialiano (Rome, 1858); Palmieri, De matri-
monii) chrialiano (Rome, 1880); Ballkrini-Palmieri, Opus
theol. mor. (Prato, 1900). VI; Same, De sacramenlis (Friburg,
1898); Pmch, Praiectiones doffmat.iFriburx, 1900), VII;
St. Alphonsus, Theoiogia moral., VI; Wernz, Jut decretalium,
IV: Jus matrimoniale (Rome, 1904), Esmzin, he manage en
droit canonique (Pari*, 1891); Laurentiub, Institution** juris
cedes. (Friburg. 1908); Gasparri, De matrtmonio tract, canon.
(Paris, 1904); KossBT, De eacramento matrimonii tract, dogm.
etc. (Paris, 1895-1896); Freisen, Geackichte der hath. Eherechts
hie turn VerfallderGloeeenliteratur (Tubingen, 1888); Ciooz, Die
Unauflfielichkeit der christl. Ehe und die Ehescheidung nach
Schrift und Tradition (Paderborn, 1895); Cornelt, Commentar.
in Ep. ad Rom. (Paris, 1896); Knabenbauer, Commentar. in
Matth. (Paris, 1903); Prat, La theologie de S. Paul (Paris,
1908); Schanz, Kommentar uber doe Evanp. d. hi. Matth. (Frei-
burg, 1879); 8cHum,Die Buaabucher una die Bussdisciplxn der
Kirche (Mains, 1883; Dusseldorf, 1893); Collectanea S. Conor, de
Prop. Fide (Rome, 1893); Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orien-
taliachen Kirchen (Vienna, 1864); Slater, Manual of Moral
Theology (New York. 1908), II, 278 sqq.; Devinb, The Law of
Christum Marriage (New York, 1908), 85-114.
For divorce among the Jews: Amram, The Jewish Law of
Divorce (Philadelphia, 1896: London, 1897); Jewish Encyclope-
dia, a. v. Divorce (New York and London, 1901-1906); S eld en,
Uxor Bbraica absolvens nuptiae et divortia Ebraorum (Witten-
berg, 1712). T
Aug. Lehmkuhl.
II. In Civil Jurisprudence. — Divorce is defined
in civil jurisprudence as " the dissolution or partial sus-
pension by law of the marriage relation" (Bouvier's
Law Dictionary). Strictly speaking, there is but one
form of absolute divorce, known, under the name
derived from the civil and canon law, as divorce a,
vinculo matrimonii, i. e. from the marriage tie. In the
states where it is administered this form of divorce
£uts an end legally to the marriage relation. There is,
owever, a limited form of divorce which is, more
accurately speaking, a suspension, either for a time or
indefinitely, of the marriage relation, and is known as
divorce a mensd et toro, or from bed and board. In
addition, in some states courts grant decrees declaring
marriages absolutely void, ab initio, i. e. from the be-
ginning. Such marriages never having been valid,
the parties cannot be said to have been divorced ; how-
ever, proceedings for nullity are frequently provided
for under divorce statutes.
Pre-Christian Divorce Legislation among the
Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans. — Before the adoption
of Christianity as the state religion of the Roman
Empire, it would appear that divorce in some
form existed among all ancient peoples, from whom
European civilization is derived. Among the Hebrews
no precedent for divorce can be found prior to the
Mosaic Law. It became frequent afterwards, though
it would seem that the husband alone possessed
the power, at least until the reign of Herod.
Divorce was prevalent among the Greeks, especially in
Athens, but the party suing had to appeal to the
magistrate, state the grounds of complaint, and sub-
mit to his judgment; if the wife was theprosecutor,
she was obliged to appear in person. The lax cus-
toms of the Spartans made divorce rare. Among the
Romans the law of Romulus permitted divorce to
men, but refused it to women. Adultery, poisoning of
children, and falsification or counterfeiting of keys,
were sufficient grounds. While divorce was so far
free that there was no one authorized by the civil
power to oppose it, this freedom was restrained by
the moral feeling of the people and their respect for
the marriage bond. It was necessary to consult the
family council and there was fear of the authority of
the censors. There were three forms of marriage
among the Romans: the confarreatio, which was cele-
bratea with certain highly religious ceremonies pecu-
liar to that form of .wedding; the conventio in manum,
effected by a simulated purchase (coemptio), a much
more simple ceremony: and the urns or prescription,
where, after living with her husband for one year with-
out being absent for three days, the woman came, as
in the other forms of marriage, in manum mariti, that
is to say, under the control of her husband. No in-
stance of divorce is known before a. u. c. 520 or 523.
It is thought by many that this was the first instance
of divorce under the Roman Republic, but it would
seem probable that it was the first divorce for the
special purpose of retaining the wife's dower (dos).
This is the suggestion of Becker, who points out that
the divorce ofAntonius took place in a. u. c. 447,
and states that other proof exists that in much earlier
times divorce was properly established and strictly or-
dained by laws. He quotes also from Cicero (Phil.,
ii, 28) where he says jokingly of Antonius, who had
dismissed his wife Cytheris under the same formalities
as those of divorce, " that he commanded her to have
her own property according to the Twelve Tables; he
took away her keys and drove her out."
The causes for divorce on the 'part of the woman
were capital offences, adultery, and drinking. After
the Punic wars the number of divorces reached scan-
dalous proportions. Sulla, Caesar, Pompey, Cicero,
Antony, Augustus, and Tiberius all put away their
wives. Under Augustus an effort was made to curb
the licence of divorce. In the interest of publicity,
that emperor made it necessary for the party seeking
MVOEOI
65
DIVOBOE
a divorce to make his declaration in the presence of
seven witnesses, all Roman citizens of full ace. Di-
vorce remained, however, a private legal act. Women
could obtain divorce without any fault of their hus-
bands. Under the Roman law of the early imperial
period, there was a separation pronounced, first, be-
tween parties whose marriage engagement was not
legally contracted ; second, where parties were separ-
ated when the contract of espousals had been made
but not consummated by actual marriage. This was
known as repudium. uivortium was a separation
of persons already married, and included divorce a
mensd et toro and a vinculo matrimonii.
Imperial Christian Legislation. — In 331 Constantino
the Great restricted the causes for divorce to three
On the part of the man, viz., if he was a mur-
derer, a poisoner, or a robber of graves; and three on
the part of the woman, viz., if she was an adulteress, a
poisoner, or a corrupter of youth. Among soldiers an
absence of four years was sufficient to entitle the
petitioner to a divorce. This edict was ratified by
Theodosius the Great and Honorius. Under Justinian
several reasons for divorce were added, and liberty of
divorce by mutual consent was restored by his
nephew Justin (565-78). No change was now made
in the Roman law until after a lapse of 34Q years,
when Leo the Philosopher (886-912) made a collection
of laws known as the "Libri Basilici", from which
he excluded the edicts of Justin.
English Legislation. — According as Catholic doc-
trine penetrated more profoundly the medieval life,
the laws of European nations were gradually accom-
modated to its demands. In this way, for example, the
teaching of the Council of Trent (1563), which anathe-
matized the error that matrimony could so far be
dissolved by divorce that it was lawful to marry again,
was universally accepted among the nations adhering
to the Catholic Church. This council, however, in-
troduced thereby no essential change in the divorce
law of the Church. Originally, under the common
law. of England, there was no jurisdiction on the
subject of divorce excepting in the ecclesiastical
courts, they having jurisdiction in all matters re-
lating to marriage and divorce, the restitution of
conjugal rights, suits for limited divorce and for
annulment of marriage. This followed from the
Catholic doctrine that marriage, being a sacrament,
could not be dissolved; for the same reason any
question relative to its validity or to a suspension
of conjugal relations must necessarily pertain to
the ecclesiastical courts. The ecclesiastical law of
England, though originating differently from the other
branches of the common Taw and distinguished by
special rules, was part of the unwritten law of the
State, just as what are technically called the common
law, the law of admiralty, and equity.
The Protestant Reformers rejected the sacramental
theory of marriage, and agreed that absolute divorce
should be granted for adultery and for malicious de-
sertion, and that the innocent party might then re-
marry. As they also rejected the jurisdiction of the
ecclesiastical courts it was for some time a question
among them whether marriage was dissolved ipso facto
by the commission of one of these offences, or whether
it was necessary to have the dissolution declared by
public authority. Luther recommended the parish
priest as the proper tribunal. Appeals were some-
times taken to the prince or sovereign. Gradually
" consistorium courts" were created, of both lay and
ecclesiastical members, under sanction of the civil
power. In England under Henry VIII. after his sepa-
ration from the Catholic Church, the law relative to
divorce remained practically unchanged. An effort
was made in the time of Edward VI to secure the
adoption of a new code of ecclesiastical laws, drafted
mainly by Cranmer, under which separation a mensd
«t tere was not recognized and complete divorce was
V.— 6
granted in cases of extreme conjugal faithlessness; in
cases of conjugal desertion or cruelty; in cases where a
husband not guilty of desertion of nis wife, had been
several years absent from her, provided there were
reason to believe him dead; and in cases of such vio-
lent hatred as rendered it in the highest degree im-
probable that the husband and wife would survive
their animosities and again love one another. Di-
vorce was denied when both parties were guilty of un-
faithfulness, and when only one was guilty the inno-
cent party might marry again. The ecclesiastical
court was to decide all questions concerning these
causes. It is said by Howard (Hist, of Matrim. Insti-
tutions, p. 80) that the principles of this code, known as
the " Reformatio Legum ' ', were carried out in practice,
though not enacted into law. He adds that " according
to the ancient form of judgment divorce was prob-
ably still pronounced only a mensa et thoro; but what-
ever the shape of the decrees, there is strong evidence
that from about 1548 to 1602, except for the short
period of Mary's reign, 'the community, in cases of
adultery, relied upon them as justifying a second act
of matrimony'". He says also that throughout
nearly the whole of Elizabeth's reign new marriages
were freely contracted after obtaining divorce from
unfaithful partners. However, in 1602 the Star
Chamber pronounced a marriage invalid which had
been contracted after separation from bed and board
by the decree of an ecclesiastical judge (Foljambe's
case, 3 Salk. 138).
Following this decision the canon law was adminis-
tered in the English spiritual courts with such rigour
that it required an Act of Parliament to permit a re-
marriage after divorce. In the tenth year of James I
(1613) an Act was passed to restrain remarriage by one
party while the other was alive, excepting, however,
cases where sentences of divorce had been pronounced
by ecclesiastical courts. There were some cases
where, after sentences had been pronounced by an ec-
clesiastical court, a second marriage was upheld, but
the decisions are generally to the effect that a perfect
marriage cannot do dissolved excepting by death.
Oughton says (tit. 215) "that the marriage tie once
perfected cannot be dissolved by man, but only by
natural death. The parties may be separated, but
they remain man and wife". The Puritans of Eng-
land strongly advocated the right of divorce, but with-
out effect, and until 1857 there was no English statute
which permitted the granting of a decree of absolute
divorce by any court, the only jurisdiction being
vested in Parliament. Precedents of divorce by Par-
liament strictly so called are not found earlier than
1698, but it came to be understood that if a divorce a
mensd had been granted by the spiritual court, a di-
vorce would be granted by Parliament absolutely dis-
solving the marriage, though only for the cause of
adultery on the part of the wife. By the Act of 1857
the entire jurisdiction in matrimonial questions was
transferred to a new civil court for divorce and matri-
monial causes, and since the judicature Act of 1873
this jurisdiction has been vested in the probate, di-
vorce, and admiralty division of the High Court of
Justice. Its power is restricted, however, to England
alone. The principles upon which divorce legislation
may be based and which may be traced in the legisla-
tion of those countries that permit divorce, are stated
by Bishop (Marriage, Divorce and Separation, §46, ed.
of 1891) as follows: —
"Matrimony is a natural right, to be forfeited only
by some wrongful act. Therefore the government
should permit every suitable person to be the husband
or wife of another, who will substantially perform the
duties of the matrimonial relation ; and when it is in
good faith entered into, and one of the parties without
the other's fault so far fails in those duties as prac-
tically to frustrate its ends, the government should
provide some means whereby, the failure being estab-
n
DIVORCE
66
DIVOEOI
fished and shown to be permanent, the innocent party
may be freed from the mere legal bond of what has in
fact ceased to be marriage, and left at liberty to form
another alliance. The guilty party would have no
claim to be protected m a second marriage; and
whether it should be permitted to him or not is a ques-
tion, not of right with him, but of public expediency,
upon which there is considerable diversity of opin-
ion."
Modern European Legislation. — A full collection of
laws and statistics relating to marriage and divorce
in European countries will be found in the report of
the United States Commissioner of Labor, Carroll
D. Wright, for 1889. It is therein stated that " prior
to 1868 the ecclesiastical courts had in most of
the countries named more or less complete jurisdic-
tion over matrimonial causes, but the civil courts have
now exclusive jurisdiction over such matters in all of
them1'. In Austria-Hungary absolute divorce is not
allowed to members of the Catholic Church. Prior to
1 January, 1876, all the cantons of Switzerland had
their own peculiar laws of divorce, but subsequent to
' that date a general law governing the subject took
effect. In Germany perpetual separation equivalent
to limited divorce was abolished throughout the em-
pire, and the causes for such separation were made
causes for absolute divorce. In Hungary divorce has
been legal for Protestants since 1786 and for Hebrews
since 1863. The laws of their respective churches ap-
ply to Latin Catholics, Greek Catholics, and Orthodox
Ureeks. Questions of divorce or validity of marriage
among Protestants are subject to the jurisdiction of
the civil courts. Excepting for Protestants and He-
brews, the ecclesiastical courts of other bodies have
jurisdiction. In case of mixed marriage the court of
the defendant's confession has jurisdiction. In Italy,
Spain, and Portugal, still Catholic countries, no abso-
lute divorce is permitted. In Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil,
Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay,
Mexico, and Cuba, limited divorce alone is permitted.
The following causes in Austria and in Hungary for
absolute divorce are typical: in Austria, adultery;
commission of a crime punishable by five years im-
prisonment; malicious abandonment or non-appear-
ance after one year's solicitation where the absentee's
residence is known; assault endangering life or health ;
repeated cruelty; unconquerable aversion, on account
of which both parties demand a divorce. In the last
case a limited divorce or separation from bed and
board must $rst be obtained. In Belgium, where the
husband is at least twenty-five years of age and the
wife twenty-one, and the parties have been married
two years or longer, divorce may be obtained by mu-
tual consent on certain terms and conditions, but
must be approved by the courts. In France divorce
was introduced by the law of 1792. This law was
modified in 1798 and in 1803 (Code Napoleon), was
subsequently abrogated in 1816, and reintroduced in
1884; the grounds of divorce being adultery of either
party; excesses, cruelty, grave injury inflicted by one
3K>use on the other; condemnation to infamous pen-
ty of either of the spouses; mutual and persevering
agreement of the wedded to separate, if said consent
is expressed and established as prescribed. By recent
legislation, after the lapse of a fixed period of time, a
decree of separation can be changed into a judgment
of divorce on the application of either of the parties.
(Civil Code. Sec. 307.) In the German Empire perpet-
ual judicial separations have been abolished, and all
subjects of the empire, without regard to their relig-
ious status may avail themselves of the laws of di-
vorce which exist in their respective states. In Prus-
sia there are seven causes known as major causes for
divorce and six as minor causes. Among the major
causes are: false accusations of serious crimes pre-
ferred by one of the parties against the other, and en-
dangering the life, honour, or office of the other spouse ;
among the minor causes are: insanity, disorderly con-
duct or mode of living, refusal of maintenance or sup-
port by the husband. It may be noted that in the
divorce laws of European states the/e exists much
similarity as regards the causes for divorce. In Scot-
land divorce is granted for adultery and malicious de-
sertion; the former since 1560; the latter since 1573.
The injured party has the right to choose either a judi-
cial separation or an absolute divorce. In Ireland the
civil courts have no jurisdiction to grant decrees of
absolute divorce. In Canada exclusive authority
was conferred upon the Parliament by the British
North America Act of 1867 (Sec. 91). At that time
courts of divorce existed in Nova Scotia, New Bruns-
wick, Prince Edward Island, and British Columbia,
and they still continue to exercise their functions.
Excepting in Prince Edward Island, the divorce
courts appear to have been modelled upon the English
court of divorce and matrimonial causes. A court
of divorce and alimony was established in Prince Ed-
ward Island as early as 1836. In the other provinces
of Canada no divorce court has ever been constituted
and divorces are granted only by special Act of Fed-
eral Parliament. The courts of Quebec, however, can
grant separation de carps under the English divorce
court practice and annul marriage on the ground of
impotence.
In Australia, at the time of the formation of the.
Federal Commonwealth, there were divorce courts in
all or almost all of the constituent states. Under the
Constitution (Act 63-64, Vict., ch. xii, part V, Sec. 51),
power was granted to the Parliament of the Com-
monwealth of Australia, comprising the states of New
South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland,
Tasmania, and Western Australia, with respect to di-
vorce and matrimonial causes and in relation to pa-
rental rights and the custody and guardianship of in-
fants. The object of this subsection is stated to have
been to avoid " the great mistake made by the framers
of the Constitution of the United States of America,
who left the question to the states to deal with as they
respectively thought proper' ' and " to provide for uni-
formity in the law of divorce" (Quick and Garran,
Aust. Const., pp. 262-609). The local statutes in the
various states still prevail, however, with the right of
appeal to the High Court with respect to judgments
of the Supreme Court of a state (Act of 1903, 2 Com.
Stat., p. 148). In New Zealand, which does not form
a part of the Australian Commonwealth, divorce is
allowed for adultery on the part of the wife, and adul-
tery with certain aggravating circumstances, or with
cruelty, on the part of the husband. (New Zealand
Statutes, Vol. I, p. 229.)
Divorce in the United States. — Colonial Period
(1607-1787). — At the time of the settlement of the
various colonies which subsequently declared their in-
dependence of Great Britain, there were no ecclesias-
tical courts; as in England, therefore, the practice of
special acts of legislatures obtained. Sometimes it
was in the form of a private statute directly dissolving
the marriage; sometimes the court was empowered to
investigate the cause andgrant the divorce if the com-
{)laint was sustained. There are many instances of
egislative divorces granted in the New England col-
onies, all being divorces a vinculo. Adultery and de-
sertion were sufficient reasons, though male adultery
would require additional circumstances. In the
Southern colonies there was no court having jurisdic-
tion to grant divorce, though in some of them an ap-
peal for alimony would be considered in a court of
equity. Under the Dutch government of New York
divorce jurisdiction was exercised by the courts for
absolute, as well as for limited, separation, but when
the English took possession of the colony, this juris-
diction was no longer recognized. In Pennsylvania
under "The Great Law of 1682* ' divorce was author-
ized for adultery. The legislature also granted di-
DIVOR01
67
DIYOROS
vorces. In New Jersey there was no divorce jurisdic-
tion granted the courts. It may be said, therefore,
that outside of New England during the colonial period
there was no such thing as a judicial divorce.
From 1787-1906.— The Constitution of the United
States does not grant the Federal Government any
power over the subject of divorce. In this matter,
therefore, Congress can legislate only for the District
of Columbia and for the territories. The organic acts
creating the territories give power to their legislatures
over all" rightful subjects of legislation not inconsist-
ent with the constitution of the laws of the United
States"; special and general divorce laws are, there-
fore, within the power of territorial legislatures, but by
the Act of 30 July, 1886, all special divorce acts have
bean expressly forbidden. Tne various states of the
Union succeeded to the full sovereign rights exercised
by the Parliament of England over all subjects relat-
ing to marriage and divorce, but in the absence of
special divorce statutes, there being no tribunal hav-
ing jurisdiction, the law would remain the same as in
the colonies prior to the Revolution. However, all
states of the Union have adopted divorce statutes, ex-
cepting South Carolina, and have clothed the courts
with full jurisdiction to administer relief. In most of
the states and territories divorces a vinculo and a
mensd et toro are provided for, and in some of the
states courts of equity take jurisdiction over special
proceedings for a decree of nullity of marriage. In
some states, however, decrees a mensd are expressly
forbidden. The causes for which a decree may be
granted vary from the single cause of adultery on the
part of either husband or wife (law of New York and
the District of Columbia) to nine separate causes in
the State of Washington, the last being known as the
" omnibus provision , which permits a divorce for any
other cause deemed by the court sufficient, provided
that the court shall be satisfied that the parties can no
longer live together. In most of the states there is no
restriction upon the parties remarrying after divorce,
though in some, as in New York, the court may forbid
the guilty party to remarry during the lifetime of the
innocent, and in others, as in Pennsylvania, marriage
of the guilty party with a paramour during the lite-
time of the innocent party is null and void.
Great uncertainty as to the effect of the divorce stat-
utes of the different states has arisen where relief has
been sought by a party whose husband or wife was
resident of a different state from that in which the pro-
ceeding was brought. While it is a fundamental
principle that the courts of any state have entire con-
trol over the citizens of that state in divorce proceed-
ings, a different question arises where the husband is a
resident of one state and the wife of another. The
English doctrine that the domicile of the husband is
that of the wife, irrespective of where she may actu-
ally be living during coverture, does not prevail in the
United States. For the purposes of a divorce pro-
ceeding the wife may have a domicile separate from
that of her husband. In consequence of this rule of
American law it has frequently happened that actions
for divorce have been initiated and carried to a con-
clusion without the respondent receiving any actual
notice of the proceeding. This is made possible by
provisions in the state statutes providing for service
of notice by publication, where actual service cannot
be had upon a respondent by reason of absence from
the state. While decrees granted in accordance with
the statutes of any particular state are valid in that
state, there is no power to enforce a recognition of their
validity in other states, and in consequence it fre-
quently happens that a divorce may be valid in one
state and invalid in another; the children of a second
marriage legitimate in one state and illegitimate in
another; the property rights of the former husband
and wife terminated in one state and in full force in
another. The Constitution of the United States (Art.
IV, Sec. I) provides that "full faith and credit shall be
given in each state to the public acts, records and
judicial proceedings of every other state, and the Con-
gress may by general laws prescribe the manner in
which such acts, records and proceedings shall be
E roved, and the effect thereof." This provision,
owever, does not require the recognition of a divorce
where one of the parties is not a citizen of the state
that has granted tne decree. Thus in a case where a
husband abandoned his wife without justifiable cause,
and removed to another state and acquired a domicile
therein, and the wife remained in the matrimonial
domicile, since her domicile did not follow that of her
husband when he sued for a divorce in the state of his
new domicile, and a decree was rendered upon a
merely constructive service of process, it was held by
the Supreme Court of the United States that the court
of the husband's domicile did not acquire such juris-
diction over the wife as would entitle a decree to ob-
ligatory enforcement in the state of her domicile,
though the state in which the decree was rendered had
power to enforce it within its borders, and the state of
the wife's domicile had the power to give the decree
efficacy if it saw fit to do so. (Haddock vs. Haddock.
201, U. S., 562.) While the courts of the states called
upon to administer divorce statutes receive their juris-
diction by reason of the theory adopted by the legisla-
tures representing the actually predominant sentiment
of the various communities that marriage results
from a civil contract, bringing about a civil status
with certain rights and duties appertaining to hus-
band and wife, they by no means accept the theery
that it is such a relation or status that the parties by
their own agreement can dissolve it. The difference
between the marriage relation and that of a contract
is set out by Bishop in the following language: — "Be-
cause the parties cannot mutually dissolve it; be-
cause an act of God incapacitating one to discharge its
duties will not release it; because there is no accepted
performance that will end it; because a minor of mar-
riageable age can no more recede from it than an
adult ; because it is not dissolved by failure of the orig-
inal consideration ; because no suit for damages will
lie for the non-fulfillment of its duties; because legisla-
tion mav annul it at pleasure; and because none of its
other elements are those of contract but are all of
status." (I. Marriage and Divorce, § 46.)
Keeping this distinction in mind, it will be perceived
that a suit for divorce is not an action on a contract,
but is a proceeding sui generis founded on the violation
of duty enjoined by law and resembling more an action
of tort than of contract. The law looks upon marriage
as a permanent status, to be ended only by the death of
one of the parties, a promise of competent persons to
marry at their pleasure requiring a marriage licence
merely to attest their competency. To change this
status by divorce it is necessary to satisfy the court
that the purpose of the marriage relation has been
ended by the fault of the guilty party, and that greater
evil will follow from maintaining the marriage status
than from terminating it. Therefore, in theory, the
divorce statutes embrace only such causes as are re-
cognized as being of such a nature as to defeat the ends
for which the marriage was entered into. In the great
majority of the United States six causes are included
in this category: (1) adultery, (2) bigamy, (3) convic-
tion of crime in certain classes of cases, (4) intolerable
cruelty, (5) wilful desertion for two years, (6) habitual
drunkenness. These are recognized as just causes,
either for absolute divorce or for divorce a mensd.
The following causes are also considered such impedi-
ments to a lawful marriage that upon their being made
to appear, the courts wul decree such marriages null
and void, in some jurisdictions under a separate pro-
ceeding for nullity, and in others under the form of a
proceeding for divorce. These causes are (1) im-
potence, (2) consanguinity and affinity properly lim-
r
DIVORCE 68 DIVORCE
{ted, (3) existing marriage, (4) fraud, force, or coercion, divorces were returned as contested and probably in
(5) insanity unknown to the other party. many of these cases the contesting was hardly more
The growth of divorce in the United States under the than a formality. Alimony was demanded in 18 per
general divorce laws has been unprecedented, and ex- cent of the divorces granted to the wife and was
ceeds in number those of any other modern nation, granted in 12.7 per cent. The proportion of husbands
excepting Japan. An analysis of the statistics prepared who asked for alimony was 2.8 per cent and the pro-
by Carroll D.Wright, Commissioner of Labor, in 1889, portion obtaining it was 2 percent. The average
showed the total number of divorces for a period of duration of marriages terminated by divorce is about
twenty years, from 1867 to 1887, to be 328,716, an in- ten years. Sixty per center three-fifths last less than
crease of 157 per cent, while the increase inpopulation ten years and forty per cent last longer. Of the di-
for the same period was 60 per cent. The Census vorced couples known to have been married in the
Bulletin upon marriage and divorce in the United United States 88.5 per cent were married in the same
States, issued by the Department of Labor and Com- state in which thev were divorced. Of the divorced
merce under authority of an Act of Congress, in 1908, couples known to nave been married in foreign coun-
shows that the total number of divorces for the entire tries 36.9 per cent were married in Canada, 12.7 per
country from 1887 to 1906 inclusive was 945,625. cent in England, 16.1 per cent in Germany and
For the earlier investigation covering the twenty 1.9 per cent in Ireland. Children were reported in
years, from 1867 to 1886 inclusive, the number re- 39.8 per cent of the total number of divorced cases,
ported was 328,716, or hardly more than one-third The proportion is much larger for divorces granted to
of the number reported in tha second twenty years, the wife than for divorces granted to the husband;
At the beginning of the forty-year period covered children being present in 46.8 per cent of the former
by the two investigations, divorces occurred at the class of divorces and 26 per cent of the latter. A rea-
rate of 10,000 a year. At the end of that period the son suggested for this is that the children are usually
annual number was about 66,000. This increase, assigned by the court to the mothers, and to her,
however, must be considered in connexion with the therefore, divorce does not imply separation from her
increase in population. An increase of 30 per cent in children, while to the husband it involves a severance
population between the years 1870 to 1880, was ac- of the parental as well as the marital relation. In
companied by an increase of 79 per cent in the num- Canada during 1900 there were eleven divorces ; in
ber of divorces granted. In the next decade, 1880 to 1901 nineteen. In England there were 284 in 1902,
1890, the population increased 25 per cent and divor- as compared with 177 in 1901. In Germany at the
ces 70 per cent. In the following decade, 1890 to same time there were about 10,000 annually, and in
1900, an increase of 21 per cent in population was ac- France 21,939, with a tendency towards a rapid in-
companied by an increase of 66 per cent in the number crease. Among the Japanese there are about 100,000
of divorces. In the six years from 1900 to 1906, pop- divorces per annum. It is estimated that about fifty
ulation, as estimated, increased 10.5 per cent ana ai- per cent of divorced couples have children, and it is
vorces 29.3 per cent. It thus appears at the end of urged " that consideration for the children of divorced
the forty-year period that divorces were increasing people should be a first concern in stimulating re-
about three times as' fast as the population, while in strictive legislation11. It has been stated that tnree-
the first decade, 1870 to 1880, they increased only quarters of the boys in two reformatories, one in Ohio
about two and two-thirds as fast. and one in Illinois, come from families broken up by
The divorce rate per 100,000 population increased death or divorce, "mainly by divorce" (The Divorce
from 29 in 1870 to 82 in 1905. In the former year Question in New Hampshire, Rev. W.Stanley Emery),
there was one divorce for every 3441 persons and in Divorce Congress of 1906. — A well concerted effort
the latter year one for every 1218. The rate per 100,- was made in 1906, upon the initiative of the State
000 married population was 81 in the year 1870 and of Pennsylvania, to secure uniform legislation by the
200 in the year 1900. This comparison indicates that various states and territories of the Union so as to
divorce is at present two and one-half times as com- eliminate as far as possible fraudulent proceedings for
mon, compared with married population, as it was divorce. It resulted in the meeting of a Divorce Con-
forty years ago. Divorce rates appear to be much gress in the City of Washington, where all of the states,
higher in the United States than in any of the foreign excepting Nevada, Mississippi, and South Carolina,
countries for which statistics relating to this subject were represented, in addition to the District of Colum-
have been obtained. Two-thirds of the total number bia and the territory of New Mexico. The outcome of
of divorces granted in the twenty-year period covered this congress was the adoption of a form of statute
by this investigation were granted to the wife. The designed to overcome flagrant evils arising from lack
most common single ground for divorce is desertion, of uniformity, and also from inherent objections to
This accounts for 38.9 per cent of all divorces (period various existing methods of procedure. A summary of
1887 to 1906), 49.4 per cent or almost one-half of these points will show how far the existing statutes
those granted to the husband, and 33.5 per cent or one- were considered to need amendment. Having in mind
third of those granted to the wife. The next most the evils that have arisen from migratory divorce (that
important ground of divorce is. for husbands, adul- is, where the plaintiff has left his or her own state to
tery, and for wives, cruelty. Of the divorces granted obtain a residence for the purpose of divorce in another)
to husbands (1887 to 1906), 28.8 per cent were for the congress recommended that all suits for divorce
adultery, and of those granted to wives 27.5 per cent should be brought and prosecuted only in the state
were for cruelty. Only 10 per cent of the divorces where one of the parties has a bona fide residence; that
granted to wives were for adultery of the husband, and when the courts are given cognizance of suits where
10.5 per cent of divorces granted to husbands were for the plaintiff was domiciled in a foreign jurisdiction at
cruelty on the part of the wife. Drunkenness was the the time the cause of complaint arose, relief should not
ground for divorce in 5.3 per cent of the cases for be granted unless the cause be included among those
which the wife brought suit, and in 1.1 per cent of the recognized in the foreign domicile, and the same rule
cases in which the suit was brought by the husband, should apply in the case of the defendant. At least
Intemperance was reported as an indirect or contribu- two years residence should be required of one of the
tory cause for divorce in 5 per cent of the divorces parties before jurisdiction should be assumed. The
granted to the husband, and in 18 per cent of the di- defendant should be given every opportunity to ap-
vorces granted to the wife, and appeared as a direct or pear and make defence, and one accused as co-respon-
indirect cause in 19.5 per cent of all divorces, and 26.3 dent should be permitted to defend in the same suit.
per cent of those granted to wives, and 6.1 per cent of Hearings and trials should always be before the court
those granted to husbands. Only 15 per cent of the and not before a delegated representative of it, and in
DIXON 69 DLUGOSZ
all uncontested cases, and^n any other case where in reform the civil statutes in the interest of honest trials,
the judgment of the court it is wise, a disinterested may succeed in abating some of the evils flowing from
attorney should be assigned to defend the cause. No lax methods of administering the divorce statutes in
decree should be granted on affirmative proof aside some of the states, and in obtaining restrictive legisla-
from the admission of the respondent. A decree dis- tion in all of them, but it is not probable that the de-
solving marriage so as to permit remarriage of either moralization will be stopped until the majority of the
party should not become operative until the lapse of a people of the civilized nations return to the belief in
reasonable time after hearmg or trial upon the merits the supernatural sanction of marriage and " that it is a
of the case. If an inhabitant of one state should go sacramental union, productive of the graces necessary
Into another state or territory to obtain a divorce for a to bear with one another's shortcomings ; an indissolu-
cause which occurred in the matrimonial domicile, or ble union as that of soul and body, which can be
for a cause which would not authorize a divorce by the dissolved only in death. This means a return to the
laws of that domicile, such divorce should have no Catholic view of marriage, and this return alone can
force or effect in the state of the domicile. Fraud or remove the national evil of divorce". (See Marriage;
collusion in obtaining or attempting to obtain divorces Woman; Parents; also the articles on the various
should be made a statutory crime. The legitimacy of states and countries for divorce legislation.)
children bom during coverture, except in the case of TEBB. Essay on Adultery and Divorce; Becker, QaUus and
bigamous marriages, should not b
of the parents. On the subject
. .„ .. _. ^w 0 - — ,---«. — — . ~ 0 ~« — ~w w ~0 ~„ gee Marnage ana uxvorce Bibliography oj the worta luomp
the marriage contract of SO serious a character as to tive Law Bureau of the American Bar Association, 1908).
defeat the /purpose of the marital relation. The con- Walter George Smith.
cress expressed the hope that the number of causes for
divorce would be reduced rather than increased and Dixon, Joseph, Archbishop of Armagh, Ireland,
declared its opinion that in such jurisdictions as New fc. at Coalisland, Co. Tyrone, in 1806 ; d. at Armagh, 29
York and the District of Columbia, where the only April, 1866. Having entered Maynooth College at the
cause is adultery, no change is called for. It was ageof sixteen he was ordained priest in 1829. In 1834
recommended that where conviction of crime is made he was appointed to the chair of Sacred Scripture and
a cause, it must be followed by imprisonment for two Hebrew, a post he worthily occupied for the next
yearsj but no absolute divorce should be granted for eighteen years. His class had an average of 200 stu-
lnsanity, and that desertion should not be a cause un- dents, amongst whom was John McEvilly, afterwards
less persisted in for at least two years. Practically Archbishop of Tuam and a distinguished writer on
the same causes for divorce a mensd et toro were Scriptural subjects. Dr. Dixon's professorship was
enumerated. The provisions of this statute have al- signalized by his "Introduction to the Sacred Scrip-
ready been adopted in Delaware and New Jersey and fares", a work highly praised by Cardinal Wiseman
are under consideration (1908) in other states. While ^d which was very much needed at the time. The
the reforms thus suggested will not put an end to what first edition appeared in 1852 and a second in 1875.
is known as the divorce evil, it is believed that they As Primate of Armagh he held an important synod in
will have the effect of safeguarding trials and abating 135^ at which all the bishops of the northern province
fraud upon the courts. assisted with their theologians. In the same year he
Philosophical thinkers recognize the fact that the began the heavy task of completing the unfinished
prevalence of divorce in the United States arises from cathedral of Armagh and almost accomplished the
two causes. The first of these causes is the gradual Work before his death. In 1856 he formed the dio-
change in the attitude of society towards women in cesan chapter consisting of thirteen members. Dur-
the recognition of their individual rights to their own mg his incumbency he brought some religious congre-
property, and of theircapacity to earn their own living gations into the diocese, viz. the Sisters of Charity of
in many vocations heretofore closed to them. The §t. Vincent de Paul (1855), who opened a house in
legal fiction that the identity of the woman was merged Drogheda; the Marist Fathers (1861) who opened a
in that of her husband has given place to a growing college and novitiate in Dundalk, and the Vincentian
recognition of her individuality in all relations of life. Fathers who were placed in charge of the ecclesiastical
This has weakened the dependence of women upon seminary the same year. The primate was a stanch
their husbands for support and has affected the con- ^d fearless defender of the rights of the Holy See and
cept of the family relation. The theory of the at a public meeting in Drogheda denounced Napoleon
Protestant leaders of the sixteenth century, that mar- m for complicity Si the acts of the Italian revoiution-
riage is but a civil contract, devoid of sacramental fets. His speech and subsequent letter to the "Free-
character, has been strengthened by the vicissitudes of man'8 Journal" created a great sensation and the em-
modern life, while the facility with which divorces can peror made them a subject of complaint to Pius IX.
be obtained has tended to a constant increase of their fog primate was the organizer of the Irish Brigade in
number. Marriage, not being accounted a sacrament the papal service.
by non-Catholic Christians, is entered into with greater Cuback, Life of Dr. Dixon; Stuart. History of Armagh, od.
ease than a contract of far less moment affecting prop- Coleman (1900), 306 sqq.
erty alone. The knowledge that in case of disagree- Ambrose Coleman.
ment the parties may obtain a divorce no doubt has
its effect. The second cause is the gradual increase Dlugoss (Lat. Longinus), Jan, an eminent medie-
and development of irreligion and materialism among val Polish historian, b. at Brzeznica, 1415; d. 19 May,
non-Catholic members of the community. Leaders of 1480, at Cracow. He was one of the twelve sons born
the Protestant Churches in the United States have be- to John and Beata. He received his primary educa-
come alarmed at the progress of divorce, and have tion in Nowy Korczyn, then entered the Academy of
been endeavouring in their various denominations to Cracow, where he studied literature and philosophy,
adopt such regulations as would restrict it to flagrant He was ordained priest in 1440, and appointed secre-
cases or abolish it entirely . It is evident that the prev- tary of Cardinal Zbigniew Ole^nicki, Bishop of Cra-
alence of divorce is an indication of an unsound con- cow. Later he became a prelate of the cathedral
dition of society. Those who now endeavour to and preceptor for the children of the Polish King,
\
DOBXNSOS
70
DOOKTJE
Casimir IV, Jagielonczyk. He was employed as the
ambassador of the Polish king to different foreign
countries, and especially to Bohemia and Hungary,
where he settled political disturbances. His ecclesi-
astical superiors sent him as their representative to
Pope Eugenius IV, and as delegate to the Council of
Basle. He declined the Archbishopric of Prague, but
shortly before his death was appointed Archbishop of
Lemberg. Dlugosz expended his great income for
religious and philanthropic purposes; he founded both
churches and monasteries, also burses for the mainte-
nance of poor scholars.
The most beautiful church which he founded, and
beneath which he was buried, is in Cracow, and is
called Na Skalce (meaning, "Upon Rock", as the
church was built on an enormous rock). As a Polish
historian he outranks all who preceded him. He was
not content to repeat the statements made by other
chroniclers, but examined for himself the oldest Pol-
ish, Bohemian, Hungarian, Ruthenian, and German
documents, to understand which thoroughly he stud-
ied, in his old age, several foreign languages. His
works offer abundant and reliable material not only
for Polish, but also for general, history.
Dlugosz paid less attention to beauty of style than
to veracity of statement, and wrote in a philosophic
manner, as one who saw the action and purposes of
Providence in all historical events. His great history
of Poland (Historia Polonica in twelve volumes) was
composed by order of his friend and master Cardinal
01e£nicki. The works of Dlugosz were first published
incompletely in 1614, and fully in 1711. The best
edition is that in fourteen volumes by Carl Mecher-
zynski: " Joannis Dlugosz Senioris Canonici Cracovi-
ensis Opera Omnia" (Cracow, 1863-87). It includes
his heraldic work "Banderia P^uteno^um,,, also his
"Life of St. Stanislaus", "Life of St. Kinga'', lives of
many Polish bishops (Sees of Wroclaw. PoznaA, Plock,
Cracow, etc.), "Liber beneficiorum aicecesis Cracov-
iensis", " Lites ac res gestae inter Polonos ordinemque
Crucif erorum ", "Annales seu cronic® incliti regni
Polonise ".
Caro, J. Longinua (Jena, 1863); Zeisbbero, Die polniache
Oeachichtachreioung dea MiUeloUera (Leipzig, 1873); BrOcknbr,
Dxieje Literotury Polakiej (Warsaw, 1908), 1.
John Godrycz.
Dobeneck. See Cochi^eus.
Dobmayer, Marian, a distinguished Benedictine
theologian, b. 24 Oct., 1763, at Schwandorf, Bavaria;
d. 21 Dec., 1805, at Amberg, Bavaria. He first en-
tered the Society of Jesus, and after its suppression in
1773 joined the Benedictines in the monastery of
Weissenohe, Diocese of Bamberg, where he was pro-
fessed in 1775, and in 1778 ordained priest. He was
successively professor of philosophy at Neuburg, Ba-
varia (1781-&7), of dogmatic theology and ecclesias-
tical history at Amberg (1787-94), and of dogmatic
theology and patrology at the University of Ingolstadt
(1794-99). On the reorganization of the latter school
in 1799 he returned to his monastery of Weissenohe,
where he remained until its secularization. He then
retired to Amberg, where he taught theology until
his death. In 1789 he published at Amberg a "Con-
spectus Theologiae Dogmatics". His chief work is
tne "Systema Theologize Catholic©", edited after his
death by Th. P. Senestrey in eight volumes (Sulzbach.
1807-19) . The work is very learned and devoid of all
harshness in its controversial parts.
Lindner, Die Schriftsteller . . . dea Benedictiner-Ordena im
hetUigm Konigreich Bayern (Ratisbon, 1880), I; Hurter,
Nomendator (Innsbruck, 1895), III; Fischer in KirchenUz., s.v.
Francis J. Schaefer.
Dobrizhoffer, Martin, missionary, b. in Graz,
Styria, 7 Sept., 1717 ; d. in Vienna, 17 July, 1791. He
became a Jesuit in 1736, and twelve years later set out
for the missions of South America, where he laboured
among the Guaranis and the Abipones for eighteen
years. On the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Span-
ish possessions in 1767, he returned to his native land.
The Empress Maria Theresa frequently sent for Do-
brizhoffer that she might hear his adventures from his
own lips ; and she is said to have taken great pleasure
in his cheerful and animated conversation. He is the
author of a work in three volumes entitled " Historia
de Abiponibus, equestri bellicosaque Paraguaina na-
tione" etc. (Vienna, 1783-1784), a German transla-
tion of which, by Professor Keil of the University of
Pesth, was published in Vienna the same year. This
work is of great ethnological value. In the preface he
says, "A seven years residence in the four colonies of
the Abipones has afforded me opportunities of closely
observing the manners, customs, superstitions, mili-
tary discipline, slaughters inflicted and received, polit-
ical and economical regulations, together with the
vicissitudes of the colonies". He further declares
that what he learned amongst the Paraguayans in the
course of eighteen years, what he himself beheld in the
colonies of the Indians and the Spaniards, in frequent
and long journeys, through woods, mountains, plains
and vast rivers, he sets forth, if not in an eloquent and
brilliant narrative, certainly in a candid and an accu-
rate one, which is at least deserving of credit. In the
course of the work, Dobrizhoffer frequently takes occa-
sion to refute and expose the erroneous statements of
other writers respecting the Jesuits in Paraguay, and
the malicious calumnies by which the ruin of their
institutions in that country was unhappily effected.
The English translation (An Account of the Abipones,
an Equestrian People of Paraguay, London, 1822),
commonly ascribed to Southey, is the work of Sara
Coleridge, daughter of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, who
i'udged it a performance " unsurpassed for pure mother-
Cnglish by anything I have read for a long time".
Dobrizhoffer in 1773 was appointed preacher to the
Court in Vienna', a post which he held till his death.
BOsching, Wdchentliche Nachrichten (1775), 358; Biog.
Univen. (Paris, 1852), XI; Diet., of Nat. Biog. (New York,
1908), IV, 773; Memoirs and Letters of San Coleridge, edited by
her daughter (London, 1873); Edinburgh Review, CXXXIX, 23;
Sommkbvoqel, Bxbl. de la c. de J. (Brussels, 1892), III, 108;
Azara, Voyage dans V Amerique MSrxdionale (Paris, 1809).
Edward P. Spillane.
Doceta (Gr. AomjraO, a heretical sect dating back
to Apostolic times. Their name is derived: from
$6*170-1 j, "appearance" or "semblance", because they
taught that Christ only "appeared" or "seemed" to
be a man, to have been born, to have lived and suf-
fered. Some denied the reality of Christ's human
nature altogether, some only the reality of His human
body or of His birth or death. The word Docetce,
which is best rendered by "Illusionists", first occurs
in a letter of Serapion, Bishop of Antioch (190-203) to
the Church at Rhossos, where troubles had arisen
about the public reading of the apocryphal Gospel of
Peter. Serapion at first unsuspectingly allowed, but
soon after forbade, this, saying that he had borrowed a
copy from the sect who used it, "whom we call
Docette". He suspected a connexion with Marcion-
ism and found in tnis Gospel "some additions to the
right teaching of the Saviour". A fragment of this
apocryphon was discovered in 1886 and contained
three passages which savoured strongly of Illusionism.
The name further occurs in Clement Alex. (d. 216),
Strom., Ill, xiii,VII, xvii, where these sectaries are men-
tioned together with the Haematites as instances of
heretics being named after their own special error.
The heresy itself, however, is much older, as it is com-
bated in the New Testament. Clement mentions a
certain Julius Cassianus as 6 rrji toicfaews i%&pxwr,\
"the founder of Illusionism". This name is known
also to St. Jerome and Theodoret; and Cassianus is
said to be a disciple of Valentinian, but nothing more
is known of him. The idea of the unreality of Christ's
human nature was held by the oldest Gnostic sects and
DOOKTA
71
DOOKTA
cannot therefore have originated with Cassianus. As
Clement distinguished the Docetee from other Gnostic
sects, he probably knew some sectaries the sum-total
of whose errors consisted in this illusion theory; but
Docetism, as far as at present known, was always an
accompaniment of Gnosticism or later of Manichaeism.
The Docetae described by Hippolytus (Philos., VIII,
i-iv, X, xii) are likewise a Gnostic sect; these perhaps
extended their illusion theory to all material sub-
stances.
Docetism is not properly a Christian heresy at all,
as it did not arise m trie Church from the misunder-
standing of a dogma by the faithful, but rather came
from without. Gnostics starting from the prin-
ciple of antagonism between matter and spirit,, and
making all salvation consist in becoming free from the
bondage of matter and returning as pure spirit to the
Supreme Spirit, could not possibly accept the sen-
tence, "the Word was made Flesh' , in a literal sense.
In order to borrow from Christianity the doctrine of
a Saviour who was Son of the Good God, they were
forced to modify the doctrine of the Incarnation.
Their embarrassment with this dogma caused many
vacillations and inconsistencies ; some holding the in-
dwelling of an Aeon in a body which was indeed real
but was not his own; others denying the actual objec-
tive existence of any body or humanity at all ; others
allowing a "psychic", but not a " hylic* ' or really ma-
terial body; others believing in a real, yet not human
but "sidereal" body; others again accepting the
reality of the body but not the reality of the birth
from a woman, or the reality of the passion and death
on ihe cross. Christ only seemed to suffer, either be-
cause He ingeniously and miraculously substituted
some one else to bear the pain, or because the whole
occurrence on Calvary was a visual deception. Simon
Magus first spoke of a "putative" passion of Christ
and blasphemously asserted that it was really he,
Simon himself, who underwent these apparent suffer-
ings. "As the angels governed this world badly be-
cause each angel coveted the principality for himself,
he [Simon] came to improve matters, and was trans-
figured and rendered like unto the Virtues and Powers
and Angels, so that he appeared amongst men as man
though ne was no man and was believed to have suf-
fered in Judaea though he had not suffered" (possum
in Judced putatum cum rum esset passu* — Irenaeus, Adv.
Haer., I, xxiii sqcj.). The mention of the demiurgic
angels stamps this passage as a piece of Gnosticism.
Soon after a Syrian Gnostic of Antioch, Saturninus or
Saturnilus (about 125) made Christ the chief of the
Aeons, but tried to show that the Saviour was unborn
(kyirvriTOp) and without body (do-ttytaTov) and with-
out form (ArelSeov) and only apparently (Qarrafftg!)
#«en as man (Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., XXI V, ii).
Another Syrian Gnostic, Cerdo, who came to Rome
under Pope Hyginus (137) and became the master of
Marcion, taught that "Christ, the Son of the Highest
God, appeared without birth from the Virgin, yea
without any birth on earth as man". All this is nat-
ural enough ; for matter not being the creation of the
Highest God but of the Demiurge, Christ could have
none of it. This is clearly brought out by Tertuliian
in his polemic against Marcion. According to this
heresiarch (140) Christ, without passing through the
womb of Mary and endowed with only a putative
body, suddenly came from heaven to Capharnaum in
the fifteenth year of Tiberius ; and Tertuliian remarks:
"All these tricks about a putative corporeality Mar-
cion has adopted lest the truth of Christ's birth should
be argued from the reality of his human nature, and
thus Christ should be vindicated as the work of the
Creator [Demiurge] and be shown to have human
flesh even as he had human birth" (Adv. Marc., Ill,
xi). Tertuliian further states that Marcion's chief
disciple,, Apelles, slightly modified his master's sys-
tem, accepting indeed the truth of Christ's flesh, but
strenuously denying the truth of His birth. He con-
tended that Christ had an astral body made of supe-
rior substance, and he compared the Incarnation to the
appearance of the angel to Abraham. This, Tertul-
iian sarcastically remarks, is getting from the frying-
pan into the fire, de calcarid in carbonariam. VbJ-
entinus the Egyptian attempted to accommodate his
system still more closely to Christian doctrine by ad-
mitting not merely the reality of the Saviour's body
but even a seeming birth, saying that the Saviours
body passed through Mary as through a channel
(<fa ftt& <Tto\fjv<ri) though he took nothing from her, but
had a body from above. This approximation to or-
thodoxy, however, was only apparent, for Valentinus
distinguished between Christ and Jesus. Christ and
the Holy Ghost were emanations from the Aeon Nous;
and from all Aeons together proceeded Jesus the
Saviour, who became united with the Messias of the
Demiurge.
In the East, Marinus and the school of Bardesanes,
though not Bardesanes himself, held similar views
with regard to Christ's astral body and seeming
birth. In the West, Ptolemy reduced Docetism to
a minimum by saying that Christ was indeed a real
man, but His substance was a compound of the
pneumatic and the psychic (spiritual and ethereal).
The pneumatic He received from Achamoth or
Wisdom, the psychic from the Demiurge; His psychic
nature enabled him to suffer and feel pain, though He
possessed nothing b\uc6v, i. e. nothing grossly material.
(Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., I, xii, II, iv) . Ab the Docetae ob-
jected to the reality of the birth, so from the first they
particularly objected to the reality of the passion.
Hence the clumsy attempts at substitution of another
victim by Basilides and others. According to Basi-
lides, Christ seemed to men to be a man and to have
performed miracles. It was not, however, Christ who
suffered but Simon of Cyrene, who was constrained to
carry the cross and was mistakenly crucified in Christ's
stead. Simon having received Jesus' form, Jesus as-
sumed Simon's and thus stood by and laughed. Simon
was crucified and Jesus returned to his father (Irenaeus,
Adv. Haer., I, xxiv). According to some apocrypha
it was Judas, not Simon the Cyrenean, who was thus
substituted. Hippolytus describes a Gnostic sect who
took the name of Docetae, though for what reason is not
apparent, especially as their semblance theory was the
least pronounced feature in their system. Their views
were m close affinity to those of the Valentinians. The
primal Being is, so to speak, the seed of a fig-tree, small
in size but infinite in power j from it proceed three
Aeons, tree, leaves, fruit, which, multiplied with the
perfect number ten, become thirty. These thirty Aeons
together fructify one of themselves, from whom pro-
ceeds the Virgin-Saviour, a perfect representation of
the Highest God. The Saviour's task is to hinder fur-
ther transference of souls from body to body, which
is the work of the Great Archon, the Creator of the
world. The Saviour enters the world unnoticed, un-
known, obscure. An angel announced the glad tid-
ings to Mary. He was born and did all the things
that are written of him in the Gospels. But in bap-
tism he received the figure and seal of another boay
besides that born of the Virgin. The object of this
was that when the Archon condemned his own pecu-
liar figment of flesh to the death of the cross, the soul of
Jesus — that soul which had been nourished in the body
born of the Virgin — might strip off that body and nail
it to the accursed tree. In trie pneumatic body re-
ceived at baptism Jesus could triumph over the
Archon, whose evil intent he had eluded.
This heresy, which destroyed the very meaning and
purpose of the Incarnation, was combated even by
the Apostles. Possibly St. Paul's statement that in
Christ dwelt the fullness of the Godhead corporaliter
(Col., i, 19, ii, 9) has some reference to Docetic errors.
Beyond doubt St. John (I John, i, 1-3, iv, 1-3; II
t
DOOETZSM
72
DOCTOR
John, 7) refers to this heresy; so at least it seemed to
Dionysius of Alexandria (Eusebius, H. E., VII, xxv)
and Tertullian (De came Christi, xxiv). In sub-
Apostolic times this sect was vigorously combated by
St. Ignatius and Polycarp. The former made a warn-
ing against Docetists the burden of his letters; he
speaks of them as " monsters in human shape " (Sripltow
dvOfHOTopApftov) and bids the faithful not only not to
receive them but even to avoid meeting them.
Pathetically he exclaims: "If, as some godless men
[A0eo<], I mean unbelievers, say. He has suffered only
m outward appearance, they themselves are nought
but outward show. Why am I in bonds? Why
should I pray to fight with wild beasts? Then I die
for nothing, then I would only be lying against
the Lord" (Ad Trail., x; Eph., vii, xviii; Smvrn.,
i-vi). In St. Ignatius day Docetism seems to have
been closely connected with Judaism (cf. Magn., viii,
1, x, 3; Phil., vi, viii). Polycarp in his letter to
the Phitippians re-echoes I John, iv, 2-4, to the same
purpose. St. Justin nowhere expressly combats Do-
cetic errors, but he mentions several Gnostics who
were notorious for their Docetic aberrations, as Basi-
lideans and Valentinians, and in his " Dialogue with
Trypho the Jew" he strongly emphasizes the Dirth of
Christ from the Virgin. Tertullian wrote a treatise
"On the flesh of Christ" and attacked Docetic errors
in his "Adversus Marcionem". Hippolvtus in his
"Philosophoumena" refutes Docetism m the different
Gnostic errors which he enumerates and twice gives
the Docetic system as above referred to.
The earlier Docetism seemed destined to die with
the death of Gnosticism, when it received a long lease
of life as parasitic error to another great heresy, that
of Manicnseism. Manichaean Gnostics started with
a twofold eternal principle, good (spirit) and evil
(matter). In order to add Christian soteriology to
Iranian dualism, they were forced, as the Gnostics
were, to tamper with the truth of the Incarnation.
Manichees distinguished between a Jesus patibilis and
a Jesus impatitnlis or Christ. The latter was the
light as dwelling in, or symbolized by, or personified
under, the name of the Sun : the former was the light
as imprisoned in matter ana darkness; of which light
each human soul was a spark. Jesus patibilis was
therefore but a figure of speech, an abstraction for the
Good in the world; Jesus impatibilia, the unalloyed
Good, the pure light above. In the reign of Tiberius
Christ appears in Judea, Son of the Eternal Light and
also Son of Man; but in the latter expression 'man"
is a technical Manichaean term for the AAyos or World-
Soul; both ArBponroi and xredfM* are emanations of the
Deity. Though Christ is son of man He has only a
seeming body, and only seemingly suffers, His passion
being called the mystical fiction of the cross. It is
obvious that this doctrine borrowed from that of the
Incarnation nothing but a few names. Scattered in-
stances of Manichaean Docetism are found as far West
as Spain among the Priscillianists of the fourth and
the nfth century. The Paulicians in Armenia and the
Selicians in Constantinople fostered these errors.
The Paulicians existed even in the tenth century,
denying the reality of Christ's birth and appealing to
Luke, vii, 20. God, according to them, sent an angel
to undergo the passion. Hence they worshipped not
the cross but the Gospel, Christ's word. Among the
Slavs the Bogomilse renewed the ancient fancy that
Jesus entered Mary's body by the right ear, and re-
ceived from her but an apparent body. In the West a
council of Orleans in 1022 condemned thirteen Cathar-
ist heretics for denying the reality of Christ's life and
death. In modern theosophio and spiritist circles this
early heresy is being renewed by ideas scarcely less
fantastic than the wildest vagaries of old.
Tixeront. La ThSotogie antenicienne (Paris, 1905); Mead,
Fragments of a Faith Forgotten (London, 1906); HjivGenfeld,
KeUergeschichte des Urchrtstenthums (Leipaig, 1884); Salmon iu
DicL Christ. Biog., s. vv. Docetos and Docetism; KOnstlk, Anti-
prisciUiana (Freiburg im Br., 1905); Dippel, Der neuere Spit*
ttismus (Munich, 1897).
J. P. Arendzen.
Docetism. See Docemj.
Docimium, a titular see of Phrygia in Asia Minor.
This city, as appears from its coins where the inhab-
itants are called Macedonians, must have been
founded by Antigonos Dokimos. Its name is written
Dokimeion, Dokimia Kome, Dokimaion, later Doki-
mion. It was famous for its marble-quarries, and is
now identified with Istcha Kara Hissar, a village
north-east of Anon Kara Hissar, in the vilayet of
Brusa. On this site have been found many Christian
inscriptions, later than Constantino. Docimium was
a suffragan of Synnada in Phrygia Salutaris. Six or
seven bishops are known, from 344 to 879 (Lequien,
Or. Christ., 1, 853); another bishop is mentioned in an
inscription.
Texikr, Description de VAsie Mineure, I, 149; Leake, Asia
Minor, 54; Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, passim
and 742; Idem in Milanges d'ardUolagie et d'histotre (Kome,
1882), II, 290; Pebdrxzbt in Bulletin de correspondance hcl-
Unique (1900), XXIV, 291. S. PETRIDfcs,
Doctor (Lat. docere, to teach), the title of an au-
thorized teacher. In' this general sense the term oc-
curs in the O. T.; the "doctors" are mentioned with
the "princes and ancients" (Deut., xxix, 10; xxxi,
28), and Azarias prophesies (II Paral., xv, 3) that
" many days shall pass in Israel, without the true God,
and without a priest a teacher, and without the law"
(absque saceraote doctore, et absque lege). It was
the duty of these doctors to expound the Jaw, and this
they performed at the time of Christ, who was found in
the Temple "in the midst of the doctors" (St. Luke, ii,
46). Another meeting of Our Lord with the " doctors
of the law" is recorded in St. Luke; v, 17. The later
Jewish teachers also received the title {doctor gemari-
cus, doctor mischnicus — see Talmud) . Under the New
Law the doctors are those who have received a special
gift or charisma (see Charismata) such as the " proph-
ets and doctors" of the Church at Antioch (Acts, xiii,
1), and of whom St. Paul says that " God indeed hath
set some in the church; first apostles, secondly proph-
ets, thirdly doctors (I Cor., xii, 28; Eph., iv, 11). St.
Paul speaks of himself as a doctor of the Gentiles in
faith and truth (I Tim., ii, 7), and Doctor gentium is
one of the titles given him in the Liturgy. In the
early Church, teachers in the catechetical schools were
known as doctores audientium (Cyprian, Ep. xxix, ed.
Hartel) ; and finally, in the course of time, some of the
most illustrious theologians were designated as " Doc-
tors of the Church" (q. v.).
The use of Doctor as an academic title dates from
the founding of the medieval universities. Before
these were regularly organized, any teacher who gath-
ered about him a number of students was a doctor,
dominus, or magister. During the first half of the
twelfth century, the title Doctor acquired a more spe-
cial significance, though it still implied personal excel-
lence rather than official position. The "Four Doc-
tors" who succeeded Irnerius at Bologna were the
distinguished jurists, Martinus (d. before 1166), Bul-
garia (d. 1166), Hugo (d. 1168), and Jacobus (d.
1178). But when the doctors formed a collegium
they prescribed conditions on which other persons
might become members of the teaching body, and thus
laid the foundation of the system of academic degrees.
The doctorate was first granted in civil law {doctores
legum), later in canon law (doctores decretorum)l and,
during the thirteenth century, in medicine, grammar,
logic, and philosophy. The doctorate in music was
conferred at Oxford and Cambridge in the fifteenth
century. For graduates in arts and theology, magis-
ter was more generally employed than doctor, but for
a long time these titles were synonymous. The
English universities, adopting the usage of Paris, at
first designated teachers of law as doctors, and pro-
DOCTOR
73
DOCTOR
feasors of theology as masters; but in the course of
time the former title was given to all the superior fac-
ulties, and the latter was reserved for grammar and
arts. In Germany, doctor and magisier were inter-
changeable (Kaufmann, "Geschichte" etc., II, 268
sqq.)i and though the mastership is no longer con-
ferred as a separate degree, a trace of the medieval
practice is still found in the diploma which styles its
recipient " Doctor of Philosophy and Master of Arts".
Bologna at first conferred only the doctorate, but
Paris and the English universities very soon intro-
duced the preparatory degrees of baccalaureate and
licentiate. Later, it is true, the licentiate was granted
in the Italian university also at the first examination
(privata); but this merely implied permission to pro-
ceed to the second, more formal, examination (pub-
lico) in which the licentia docendi was given. At
Paris, the licentiate meant a real authorization to
teach, besides being a pre-requisite for admission ta the
final examination (inceptio) at which the doctorate
was conferred. There was a corresponding difference
in the length of the course for the degree. Bologna
required six years of study for the doctorate in canon
law, and seven or eight for the doctorate in civil law;
the student might begin his course at the age of four-
teen and become a doctor at twenty or twenty-one.
At Paris the statutes drawn up in 1215 by the Cardinal
Legate Robert de Courcon provided that no one
should lecture in theology as a master unless he was
thirty-five years of age, nad studied for eight years,
and taken a five-years course in theology. According
to Denifle (Universitaten, 100-102), the eight years
meant three years in arts and five years in theology.
(Cf. Rashdall, "Universities", I, 462 sqo.) At Ox-
ford, candidates who had already taken the M.A. de-
gree were required to study theology seven years more
for the licentiate. In medicine, ALA. candidates had
a six-years' course for the doctorate. For the sub-
jects reauired in these courses see University. (Cf .
Rashdall, op. cit., II, 452 sq.)
In regard to examinations there seems to have been
considerable* leniency: at times they were reduced to
mere formalities, at other times they were dispensed
with. The degree was awarded by the chancellor on
the advice of the regent masters of the faculty as to
the candidate's fitness. The ceremony of inception
was conducted by a regent; it consisted in the tradi-
tion of the book and ring, the imposition of the biretta,
and the kiss of fellowship. At Paris, however, the de-
gree in theology was conferred by the chancellor him-
self, who placed the biretta upon the candidate's head
with the words, " Incipiatis in nomine Patris et Filii et
Spiritus Sancti. Amen." Then followed a disputa-
tion (aulica) In which the chancellor, the masters, and
one of the bachelors took part. It was customary also
to hold, on the evening before inception, an elaborate
disputation known as vesperim (see, for details, " Char-
tularium", II, App.J p. 693).
Among the various doctorates, that in theology
ranked first. It was no uncommon thine for those
who had received the degree in the other faculties to
take additional courses for the S. T. D. In the Ger-
man universities, for instance, licentiates in law or
medicine might become bachelors in theology after
five years of theological study; they would tnen be
obliged to pursue the course prescribed for the other
candidates. Conversely, theologians were sometimes
permitted to follow courses in civil law and medicine.
This privilege was granted to Bologna by Clement V
(10 March, 1310) for a period of ten years but it ap-
plied only to ecclesiastical persons other than priests,
religious, and bishops elect. It was renewed twice by
John XXII (1317 and 1330); but when the university
(1343-44) petitioned for an indefinite extension of the
privilege, Clement VI refused. Innocent VT, how-
ever, renewed it (30 June, 1360) for ten years (Denifle,
op. cit., 209)
The chief significance of the doctorate lay in the fact
that it authorised the recipient to teach everywhere
without undergoing further examination — jus ubique
docendi. This prerogative developed gradually out of
the licentia docendi which the degree itself implied, i. e.
the right to teach in the university which conferred
the doctorate. But as the older universities, Bologna.
Paris, and Oxford, grew in importance and attracted
students from all parts, the idea naturally spread that
their graduates had the right to teach everywhere.
Subsequently, this authorization was expressly
granted to newly founded universities: by Gregory
IX to Toulouse (1233), and by Alexander IV to Sala-
manca (1255). It was long, however, before the uni-
versities came to a mutual recognition of their degrees.
Paris held tenaciously to its rights; Oxford was more
liberal, but would not permit a Parisian doctor to
teach merely on the strength of his degree. The doc-
tors themselves were not always anxious to exercise
their prerogative; the teaching devolved in large
measure upon the bachelors, and the masters were
classified as regents (those who taught) and as non-
regents, who were content with the prestige implied by
their degree or were eager for other occupations^.
The essential meaning of the doctorate as fixed by
the medieval universities is preserved in modern aca-
demic usage; the degree implies a qualification to
teach. It nas, however, undergone various modifica-
tions which are due partly to the development of the
sciences and partly to chances in educational theory
and practice. The degrjee, Doctor of Laws, is often
conferred as an honorary title. The doctorate in the-
ology, or divinity, has been retained by Catholic insti-
tutions as a degree to be given either after a course of
study and an examination or as a distinction (honoris
causa) ; while the tendency among non-Catholic uni-
versities is to confer it only as an honorary degree. Of
late the doctorate in philosophy has attained great
importance, and its value has been enhanced as the
result of stricter requirements. For this and for the
other doctorates, research is now generally considered
the principal qualification, and m consequence the
candidate's work is becoming more specialized.
The influence of the Holy See, in regard to the doc-
torate, especially in theology, has been exerted in
various ways, e. g. by authorizing universities to con-
fer the degree, by prescribing through papal legates
the conditions for obtaining it, and by correcting
abuses, notably laxity of reauirements, which crept in
from time to time. The historical details will be
found in the article University. Legislation con-
cerning the ecclesiastical side of the subject may be
summarized as follows:—
1. The power of creating doctors belongs to the
pope; but he may, and often does, delegate it to uni-
versities, seminaries, and other institutions of learn-
ing. Charters granted by civil authority are valid;
but to obtain canonical recognition, doctorates in
theology and canon law must be conferred in virtue of
pontifical authorization.
2. The candidate for the degree must be a baptized
Christian and must subscribe to the profession of faith
formulated by Pius IV. As a rule, only priests receive
the doctorate in theology and canon law. It is not,
however, necessary that the recipient should be in
Sacred orders. Laymen as well as priests are allowed
to appear as advocates before the Roman tribunals
(Rota, Signature,) and they are required to have the
aoctorate at least in canon law (Const. " Sapienti con-
silio", 29 June, 1908).
3. The doctoral biretta, or four-cornered cap. may
be worn on academic occasions, but not in choir (Cong,
of Rites, " In Venusina", 1844, and reply to the Arch-
bishop of Santiago de Chile, 6 Sept., 1895); the ring
may be worn at all times except at Mass and other ec-
clesiastical functions (Cong, of Rites, 12 Feb., 1892).
i. T^e Council of Trent (Sess. XXII, c. ii, "de
DOCTOR
74
DOCTOR
Ref .**) decreed that a bishop must be either doctor or
licentiate in theology or in canon law; if a religious, he
should have proper testimonials from his superiors.
It enacted the same requirement for the archdeacon
(Sess. XXIV. c. xii, " de Ref.") . Regarding the vicar
capitular ana the pomitentiarius, it prescribed that
they should either have the degree or be otherwise
well qualified. The Congregation of Studies recently
decided (7 March, 1908) that the penitentiary and
theologian of the cathedral chapter, if not already
doctors, must receive the degree within a year. The
Const. "Sapienti consilio" (29 June, 1908) prescribes
the doctorate in theology and canon law for the offi-
cials of the Rota and Signatura. It has been a matter
of controversy whether the vicar-jgeneral is obliged to
be a doctor, and whether the Tndentine decree con-
cerning the archdeacon is still in force. For the diver-
gent opinions, see Card. Gennari, " Questioni Canon-
lche" (Rome, 1908), pp. 372, 292. The whole tenor
of ecclesiastical legislation has been in favour of re-
auirements which secure scientific qualifications in
those who are appointed to official positions in the
Church.
Ekman-Horn, Bibiiooraphie d. deuUchen Universitaten (Leip-
sig, 1904), I, 252; Deniflb, Die Universitaten des Mittelalters
(Berlin, 1886); Kaufmann, Die Oesch. d. deuUchen UniversitA-
ten (Stuttgart, 1888); Rashdall, The Universities of Europe,
etc. (Oxford, 1805); Laurie, The Rise and Early Constitution of
Universities (New York, 1898); Battandier, Annuaire Ponti-
fical (Paris, 1906).
Doctors, Surnames of Famous. It was custom-
ary in the Middle Ages to designate the more cele-
brated among the doctors by certain epithets or sur-
names which were supposed to express their charac-
teristic excellence or dignity. This was especially the
case with the doctors m law and theology. The fol-
lowing list exhibits the principal surnames with the
dates of death.
Doctors in Theology: —
Abstractionum — Francis Mayron, O.F.M., 1325 or
1327.
Acutissimus — Sixtus IV, 1484.
Acutus — Gabriel Vasquea, S.J., 1604.
Amamus — Robert Conton, O.F.M., 1340.
Angdicus — St. Thomas Aquinas. O.P., 1274.
Area testamenti — St. Anthony of Padua, 1231.
Authenticus — Gregory of Rimini, O.S.A., 1358.
Averroistaet philosophic parens — Urbanus, O.S.M.,
1403.
Beatus et jundatissimus — JSgidius of Colonna,
O.S.A., 1316.
Bonus— Walter Brinkley, O.F.M., 1310.
Chris tianus — Nicholas of Cusa, 1464.
Clarus — Louis of Montesinos, 1621.
Clarua oc subtilis — Denis of Clteaux, 15th cent.
Collectivus — Landolfo Caracciolo, O.F.M., 1351.
Columna doctorum — William of Champeaux,
O.S.B., 1121.
Contradictionum — Johann Wessel, 1489.
DivinustEcstaticus — John Ruysbroeck, Can. Reg.,
1381.
Doctor doctorum, Scholasticus — Anselm of Laon,
1117.
Dulcifluus — Antonius Andreas, O.F.M., 1320.
Ecstaticus — Denys the Carthusian, 1471.
Eminent— St. John of Matha, O. Trin., 1213.
Emporium thsologice — Laurent Gervais, O.P., 1483.
ExceUenti8simus — Antonio Corsetti, 1503.
Eximius — Francisco Suarez, S.J., 1617.
Facundus— Petrus Aureoli, O.F.M., 1322.
Famosis8imus — Petrus Alberti, O.S.B., 1426.
Famosus— Bertrand de la Tour, O.F.M., 1334.
FertMs— Francis of Candia, O.F.M., 15th cent.
Flos mundi— Maurice O'Fiehely, O.F.M., Abp. of
Tuam, 1513.
Fundamentalis — Joannes Faber of Bordeaux, 1350.
Fundatissimus — see Beatus.
Fundatu*— William Ware, O.F.M., 1270.
lUibatus — Alexander Alamannicus, O.F.M., 15th
cent.
lUuminatus — Francis Mayron, O.F.M., 1325-27:
Raymond Lully, O.F.M., 1315.
lUuminatus et sublimis — Joannes Tauler, O.P..
1361.
lUustratus — Franciscus Picenus <0.F.M., 14th cent.
IUustris — Adam of Marisco, O.F.M., 1308.
Inclytus— William Mackelfieid, O.P., 1300.
lngeniosissimus — Andrew of Newcastle, O.F.M.,
1300.
Inter Aristotelicos Aristotelicissimus — Haymo of
Faversham, O.F.M., 1244.
InvincibMs — Petrus Thomas, O.F.M., 14th cent.
Irrefragibilis — Alexander of Hales, O.F.M., 1245.
M agister Sententiarum — Peter Lombard, 1 164.
Magnus — Albertus Magnus, O.P., 1280; Gilbert of
Clteaux, O.Cist., 1280.
Marianus — St. Anselm of Canterbury, O.S.B.,
1109.
MeUiftuus— St. Bernard, O.Cist., 1153.
Miraoilis — Antonio Perez, S.J., 1649; Roger
Bacon, O.F.M., 1294.
Moralis— Gerard Eudo, O.F.M., 1349.
Notabilis— Pierre de Tile, O.F.M., 14th cent.
OrdinaHssimus — Johannes de Bassolis, O.F.M.,
c. 1347.
Ornatissimus et sufflciens — Petrus de Aquila,
O.F.M., 1344.
Parisiensis — Guy de Perpignan, O.Carm., 1342.
Planus et utilis — Nicolas de Lyre, O.F.M., 1340.
PrcBclarus — Peter of Kaiserslautern, O.Prwm.,
1330.
Prwstantissimus — Thomas Netter (of Walden),
O.Carm., 1431.
Profundissimus — Paul of Venice, O.8.A., 1428;
Gabriel Biel, Can. Reg., 1495; Juan Alfonso Curiel,
O.S.B., 1609.
Profundus — Thomas Bradwardine, 1349.
Refulgidus — Alexander V, 1410.
Resolutissimus — Durandus of Sain^Pourcain,
O.P., 1334.
Resolutus — John Bacon, O.Carm., 1346.
Scholaslicus — Peter Abelard, 1142; Gilbert de la
Porree, 1154; Peter Lombard, 1164; Peter of Poi-
tiers, 1205; Hugh of Newcastle, O.F.M., 1322.
Seraphicus— St. Bonaventure, O.F.M., 1274.
Singularis et invincibilis — William of Occam,
O.F.M., 1347 or 1359.
Solemnis — Henry of Ghent, 1293.
Solidus, Copiosus — Richard of Middleton, O.F.M.,
1300.
Speculativus — James of Viterbo, O.S.A., 1307.
Sublimis — Francis de Bachone, O.Carm., 1372;
Jean Courte-Cuisse, 1425.
Subtilis— Duns Scotus, O.F.M., 1308.
Subtilissimus — Peter of Mantua, 14th cent.
Succinctus — Francis of Ascoli, c. 1344.
Universalis — Alanus of Lille, 1202; Gilbert,
Bishop of London, 1134.
Venerabilis et Christianissimus — Jean Gerson,
1429.
Venerandus — Geoffroy de Fontibus, O.F.M.,
1240.
Vita Arbor— Johannes Wallensis, O.F.M., 1300.
Doctors in Iaiw: —
Aristotelis anima — Johannes Dondus? 1380.
Doctor a dodoribus — Antonius Franciscus, 1528.
Fans canonum — Johannes Andrea, 1348.
Fons juris utriusque — Henry of Susa (Ostia),
1267-81.
Lucerna juris — Baldus de Ubaldis, 1400.
Lucerna juris pontificii — Nicholas Tedeschi,
O.S.B., 1445.
Lumen iuris — Clement IV, 1268.
Lumen legum — Imerius, 13th cent.
*
THE MADONNA
AND
DOCTORS OF THE CHURCH
— MORETTO
ST.
ST.
AMBROSE
GREGORY
AtT INSTITUTE, FRAN
ST.
ST
AUGUSTINE
JEROME
DOCTOR
75
DOOTROT
Memoriosissimus — Ludovicus Pontanus, 1439.
Monarcha juris — Bartholomew of Saliceto, 1412.
Os aureum — Bulgarus, 1166.
Pacificus (Profauus) — Nicolas Bonet, O.F.M.,
1360.
Pater Decretalium — Gregory IX, 1241.
Piter et organum veritatis — Innocent IV, 1254.
Pater juris — Innocent III, 1216.
Pater peritorum — Pierre de Belleperche, 1307.
Planus ac perspicuus — Walter Burleigh, 1337.
Prihceps subtUitatum — Francesco d'Accolti, 1486.
Speculator — William Durandus, 1296.
Speculum juris — Bartholus of Sassoferrato, 1359.
SubtUis — Benedict Raymond, 1440; Filippo
Corneo, 1462.
Verus — Thomas Doctius, Siena, 1441.
E. A. Pace.
Doctor Angelicas* See Thomas Aquinas, Saint.
Doctor of the Law. See Law; Scribe.
Doctors of the Church (L&t. DoctoresEcdesice). —
Certain ecclesiastical writers have received this title on
account of the great advantage the whole Church has
derived from their doctrine. In the Western Church
four eminent Fathers of the Church attained this
honour in the early Middle Ages: St., Gregory the
Great. St. Ambrose. St. Augustine, and St. Jerome.
The four Doctors became a commonplace among
the Scholastics, and a decree of Boniface VIII (1298)
ordering their feasts to be kept as doubles in the whole
Church is contained in his sixth book of Decretals (cap.
" Gloriosus", de reliqu. et vener. sanctorum, in Sexto,
III, 22). In the Eastern Church three Doctors were
pre-eminent: Chrysostom, Basil, and Gregory Nazian-
zen. The feasts of these three saints were made obli-
gatory throughout the Eastern Empire by Leo VI, the
Wise, the deposer of Photius. A common feast was
later instituted in their honour on 30 January, called
" the feast of the three Hierarchs "• In the Mensea for
that day it is related that the three Doctors appeared
In a dream to John, Bishop of Euchaitae, ana com-
manded him to institute a festival in their honour, in
order to put a stop to the rivalries of their votaries and
panegyrists. This was under Alexius Comnenus
(1081-1118; see "ActaSS.", 14 June, under St. Basil.
c. xxxviii). But sermons for the feast are attributed
in MSS. to Cosmas Vestitor, who flourished in the
tenth century. The three are as common in Eastern
art as the four are in Western. Durandus (i, 3) re-
marks that Doctors should be represented with books
in their hands. In the West analogy led to the venera-
tion of four Eastern Doctors, St. Athanasius being
very properly added to the three hierarchs.
To these great names others have subsequently
been added. The requisite conditions are enumerated
as three: eminens doctrina, insignis vita sanctitas,
Ecclesiot dedaratio (i. e. eminent learning, a high de-
S*ee of sanctity, and proclamation by the Church),
enedict XIV explains the third as a declaration by
the supreme pontiff or by a general council. But
thougn general councils have acclaimed the writings
of certain Doctors, no council has actually conferred the
title of Doctor of the Church. In practice the pro-
cedure consists in extending to the Universal Church
the use of the Office and Mass of a saint in which the
title of Doctor is applied to him. The decree is issued
by the Congregation of Sacred Rites and approved by
the pope, after & careful examination, if necessary, of
the saint's writings. It is not in any way an ex cath-
edra decision, nor does it even amount to a declaration
that no error is to be found in the teaching of the
Doctor. It is, indeed, well known that the very great-
est of them are not wholly immune from error. No
martyr has ever been included in the list, since the
Office and the Mass are for Confessors. Hence, as
Benedict XIV points out, St. Ignatius, St. Irenseus,
and St. Cyprian are not called Doctors of the Church.
The proper Mass of Doctors has the Introit "In
medio , borrowed from that of the Theologus par excel-
lence, St. John the Evangelist, together with special
prayers and Gospel. The Creao is said. ^ The princi-
pal peculiarity of the Office is the antiphon to the
Magnificat at ooth Vespers. "O Doctor optime", and it
is rather by this antiphon than by the special Mass that
a saint is perceived to be a Doctor (S. R. C, 7 Sept., '
1754) . In fact, St. John Damascene has a Mass of his
own, while Athanasius, Basil, Leo, and Cyril of Jeru-
salem have not the Gospel of Doctors, and several have
not the collect. The feasts of the four Latin Doctors
were not added to until the sixteenth century, when
St. Thomas Aquinas was declared a Doctor by the
Dominican St. Pius V in his new edition of the Brev-
iary (1568), in which the feasts of the four Greek Doc-
tors were also raised to the rank of doubles. The
Franciscan Sixtus V (1588) added St. Bonaventure.
St. Anselm was added by Clement XI (1720), St. Isi-
dore by Innocent XIII (1722), St. Peter Chrysologus
by Benedict XIII (1729), St. Leo I (a well-deserved
but belated honour) by Benedict XIV (1754), St. Peter
Damian by Leo XII (1828), St. Bernard by Pius VIII
(1830). Pius IX gave (1851) the honour to St. Hilarjr
and to two more modern saints, Alphonsus Liguori
(1871) and Francis de Sales (1877). Leo XIII pro-
moted (1883) the Easterns, Cyril of Alexandria, Cyril
of Jerusalem, and John Damascene, and last of all the
Venerable Bede (1899). The same pope, when, in
1882, he introduced the simplification of double feasts,
made an exception for Doctors, whose feasts are al-
ways to be transferred.
There are therefore now twenty-three Doctors of the
Church; of whom seven are Eastern, sixteen Western.
Two are popes, two are cardinals, all but five are bish-
ops. They include a Dominican, a Franciscan, a
Redemptorist, and five Benedictines. For some of
these the Office had previously been granted to certain
{daces or orders— St. Peter Damian to the Camaldo-
ese, St. Isidore to Spain, St. Bede to England and to
all Benedictines. St. Leander of Seville and St. Ful-
gentius are kept as Doctors in Spain2 and the former
dv Benedictines also, as he was m earlier times
claimed as a monk. St. Ildephonsus has the Introit
"In medio" in the same order (for the same reason)
and in Spain, without the rank of Doctor.
Pohle in Kirchliche* Handlcxikon (Munich. 1907). II, 384;
Fekler-Jungm ann, Itutit. PatrolomcB (Innsbruck, 1800); Bar-
denhbwer, PatnAogy, tr. Shah an (Freiburg im Br., St. Louis,
1008), 2-3. On the early Latin Doctors see Weyman in J/tsf.
Jahrimch (1804), XV. 06, and in Rev. d'hiat. et de liU. religieuKa
(1898\ III, 562; for the Greek Doctors see Nillbs in Zetiachrxfi
l kath. Theolome (1804), XVIII, 742. See also Botnrr, Le%
Peres de VEgiiw in Rev. Auguttinienne (1004;, 461-86, and .
Pesch. Protect. Dogmat. (Freiburg, 1003), 346 sqq.
John Chapman.
Doctrinarians* See Bus, Cesar de, Venerable.
Doctrine, Christian. — Taken in the sense of "the
act of teaching1' and "the knowledge imparted by
teaching", this term is synonymous with Catechesis
and Catechism. Ai&avicaXla, 8t8ax4, in the Vulgate,
doctrina. are often used in the N. T., especially in the
Pastoral Epistles. As we might expect, the Apostle
insists upon " doctrine " as one of the most important
duties or a bishop (I Tim., iv, 13, 16; v, 17; II Tim., iv,
2, etc.).
The word Karllxv*1* means instruction by word of
mouth, especially by questioning and answering.
Thougn it may apply to any subject-matter, it is com-
monly used for instruction in the elements of religion,
especially preparation for initiation into Christianity.
The word and others of the same origin occur in St.
Luke's Gospel: "That thou mayest know the verily
of those things in which thou hast been instructed "
(Karrtxtyrit, in quibus eruditus es — i, 4). In the Acts,
xviii, 25, Apollo is described as " instructed [k*tvxv-
piros, edoctus] in the way of the Lord". St. Paul uses
the word twice: "I had rather speak five words with
<]
D00TBIN1
76
DOCTRINE
my understanding, that I may instruct [ic*Tnxh*<* in-
struam] others also " (I Cor., xiv, 19); and "Let nim
that is instructed [6 Kar^xotf/xem, is qui catechizatur]
in the word, communicate to him that instructeth [rtfi
KaTijxovm, eCqui catechizat] him, in all good things'1
(Gal., vi, 6). Hence the word, with its technical mean-
• ing of oral religious instruction, passed into ecclesias-
tical use, and is applied both to the act of instructing
and the subject-matter of the instruction. The word
catechism was also formerly used for the act of in-
structing (" To say ay, and no, to these particulars, is
more than to answer in a catechism" — As You Like
It, act iii, sc. 2), as caUchisme is still used in French :
but it is now more properly applied to the little printed
book in which the questions and answers are contained.
The subject will be treated in this article under the
three heads: I. History op Catbchetics; II. Prac-
tical Catechetics; III. Modern Catechisms.
I. History of Catechetics. — (1) Oral instruction by
means of questions and answers has occupied a promi-
nent place in the scholastic methods of the moral and
religious teachers of all countries and of all ages. The
Socratic dialogues will occur to every one as brilliant
examples. But many centuries before Socrates' day
this method was practised among the Hebrews (Exod.,
xii, 26 j Deut., vi, 7, 20, etc.). They had three forms of
catechizing: domestic, conducted by the head of the
family for the benefit of his children and servants;
scholastic, by teachers in schools; and ecclesiastical,
by priests and Levites in the Temple and the syna-
gogues* Proselytes were carefully instructed before
being admitted to become members of the Jewish
faith. The regular instruction of children began when
they were twelve years old. Thus we read of Christ
"in the temple, sitting in the midst of the doctors
[Z&ogk&Xuiv], hearing them, and asking them questions.
And all that heard nim "were astonished at his wisdom
and his answers" (Luke, ii, 46, 47). During His public
life He frequently made use of the catechetical method
to impart instruction: "What think ye of Christ?
Whose son is he?" "Whom do men say that the son
of man is? • . . Whom do you say that I am?" etc.
In His final charge to His Apostles He said: " Teach
ye [/udhiTefaraT*, "make disciples, or scholars"] all
nations; .... Teaching [StS&ffKorret, "instructing"]
them to observe all things whatsoever I have com-
manded you" (Matt., xxviii, 19). And after this
instruction they were to initiate them into the Church,
w baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Ghost" (ibid.).
(2) In obedience to Christ's command, St. Peter,
"standing up with the eleven", declared to the Jews
on Pentecost day, and proved to them from the Scrip-
tures that Jesus, whom they had crucified, was " Lord
and Christ". When they had been convinced of this
truth, and had compunction in their heart for their
crime, they asked, "What shall we do?" And Peter
answered, " Do penance, and be baptized .... in the
name of Jesus Christ, for the remission of your sins."
"And with very many other words did he testify and
exhort them" (Acts, ii). We have here an abridgment
of the first catechetical instruction given by the Apos-
tles. It is both doctrinal and moral — the hearers are
to believe and to repent. This twofold element is also
contained in St. Peter's second discourse after healing
the lame man in the Temple (Acts, iii). St. Stephen
goes further, and brings out that belief in Jesus as the
Christ (Messias) meant the ending of the Old Covenant
and the coming in of a New (Acts, vi, vii). St. Philip
the Deacon preached "of the kingdom of God, in the
name of Jesus Christ": and the Samaritans "were
baptized, both men and women" (Acts, viii). Fur-
thermore, St. Peter and St. John came from Jerusalem
and "prayed for them, that they might receive the
Holy Ghost"; and doubtless declared to them the
doctrine of that Holy Spirit (ibid.). The same deacon's
discourse to the eunuch deals with the proof from Scrip-
ture, and notablv Isaias (tin, 7)K that "Jesus Christ
is the Son of God", and the necessity of baptism. No
mention is made of penance or repentance, as the
eunuch was a just man anxious to do God's will. So,
too, Cornelius, " a religious man, and fearing God with
all his house, giving much alms to the people, and
always praying to God", did not need mucn moral
instruction; accordingly St. Peter speaks to him of
Jesus Christ who " is lorq of all . . . Jesus of Nazareth :
how God anointed him with the Holy Ghost, and with
power, who went about doing good, and healing all
that were oppressed by the devil, for God was with
him. And we are witnesses of all things that he did
in the land of the Jews and in Jerusalem, whom they
killed, hanging him upon a tree. Him God raised up
the third day, and gave him to be made manifest . . .
even to us who did eat and drink with him after he
arose again from the dead ; and he commanded us to
preach to the people, and to testify that it is he who
was appointed by God, to be judge of the living and of
the dead. To him all the prophets give testimony, that
by his name all receive remission of sins, who believe
in him " (Acts, x). In this discourse we have the chief
articles of the Creed: the Trinity (God, Jesus Christ
" Lord of all things", the Holy Ghost), the Crucifixion,
Death, and Resurrection of Our Lord; His coming to
judge the living and the dead, and the remission of sins.
These are also the subjects of St. Paul's discourses,
though, of course, in addressing the paeans, whether
peasants at Lystra or philosophers at Athens, he deals
with the fundamental truths of the existence and
attributes of God (Acts, xiii, xiv, xvii). As he himself
summed up the matter, he taught "publicly, and from
house to house, testifying both to Jews and Gentiles
Senance towards God, and faith in [els] our Lord
esus Christ" (Acts, xxf). We find also that though
Apollo was "instructed [icaTrjxvph**] in the way of
the Lord". Priscilla and Aquila "expounded to nim
the way of the Lord more diligently (d#c/u/9&repoi> —
Acts, xviii. — See Apostles' Creed).
(3) The materials for describing the catechetical
teaching of the ages immediately succeeding the
Apostles are scanty. The books of the New Testa-
ment were available, and all that would be needed
would be to supplement these. Thus, in the Didache
we find little but moral instruction; but it is clear
that those to whom it is addressed must have already
received some knowledge of what they were to be-
lieve. Later on we find more explicit dogmatic teach-
ing, for instance, in St. Justin's Apologies and in the
writings of Clement of Alexandria. Still, even this is
not much more advanced than what we have seen
above as taught by St. Peter, except that Justin
dwells on the Creation and proves tne Divinity of
Christ, the Logos and only-begotten Son of the
Father.
(4) In the ages of persecution it became necessary
to exercise great caution in admitting persons to mem-
bership in the Church. The danger of falling away,
or even of betrayal, must be guarded against by a
careful doctrinal and moral training. Hence the in-
stitution of the catechumenate and the Discipline of
the Secret. The work of the Apologists had been
to remove prejudices against Christianity, and to
set forth its doctrines and practices in such a way
as to appeal to the fair-minded pagan. If anyone
was moved to embrace the true religion, he was not at
once admitted, as in the days of the Apostles. At
first he was treated as an inquirer, and only the funda-
mental doctrines were communicated to him. As
soon as he had given proof of his knowledge and fitness
he was admitted to the catechumenate proper, and
was further instructed. After some years spent in
this stage he was promoted to the ranks of the Com-
petentes, i. e. those ready for baptism. As might be
expected, he was now instructed more especially in
the rites for this purpose. Even when he had been
DOGTROTE
77
DOCTRINE
initiated, his instruction was not vet at an end. Dur-
ing the week after Easter, while the grace of first
fervour was still upon him, the various rites and mys-
teries in which he had just participated were more
fully explained to him.
In considering the catechetical writings of the
Fathers we must bear in mind the distinction of these
different grades. When addressing a mere inquirer
they would naturally be more guarded and less ex-
plicit than if they had to do with one who had passed
through the catechumenate. Sometimes, indeed, the
language was so chosen that it conveyed only half the
truth to the catechumen, while the initiated could
understand the whole. The distinction between the
elementary and advanced instruction is noted by St.
Paul : " As unto little ones in Christ. I gave you mdk to
drink, not meat; for you were not able as yet" (I Cor.,
iii, 2). For our present purpose it will be best to take
as typical examples of catecnesis in the patristic times
the works of St. Cyril of Jerusalem (315-386) and St.
Augustine (354-430), merely noting by the way the
work done by St. Ambrose (the instructor of St. Au-
gustine) and St. Gregory of Nyssa ("The Catechetical
Oration", ed. J. H. Strawley, 1903). We have from
St. Cyril twenty-four catechetical discourses, forming
together a complete course of moral and doctrinal
instruction. In the first of these, called the "Pro-
catechesis", he sets forth the greatness and efficacy of
the grace of initiation into the Church. The "Cate-
cheses1' proper (numbered i to xviii) are divided into
two groups: i-v, repeating the leading ideas of the
"Procatechesis", and treating of sin and repentance,
baptism, the principal doctrines of the Christian
religion, and the nature and origin of faith * vi- xviii,
setting forth, article by article, the baptismal Creed of
the Church of Jerusalem. The " Procatechesis' ' and
the eighteen discourses were intended for the compe-
ientes during Lent, in immediate preparation for re-
ception into the Church. The remaining discourses
(xix-xxiv), called the "Catecheses Mystagogicse".
were delivered during Easter week to those who had
been baptized at Easter; and these, though much
shorter than the others, treat clearly and openly of
baptism, confirmation, and the Holy Eucharist, the
veil of secrecy being now removed. This is not the
Slace to point out how completely in accord with
atholic teaching are the doctrines of St. Cyril (see
Cyril of Jerusalem; Transubstantiation), and
what valuable information he gives of the details of
the Liturgy in his day. In studying these "Cate-
cheses" we should bear in mind that they were in-
tended for erown-up persons; hence they are not
couched in the simple language which we have to use
in our instructions to children. They resemble,
rather, the instruction given to converts, for which
purpose they are still of great use. The same remark
applies to all the catechetical writings of the Fathers.
St. Augustine's treatise "De Catechizandis Rudi-
bus" deals with both the theory and the practice of
catechizing. It is divided into twenty-seven chap-
ters: i-xiv theory, xv-xxvii practice. This short
work, written about the year 400, shows that the
great Doctor did not disdain to devote most careful
attention to the work of instructing those who wished
to learn the rudiments of the Faith. It could be
written only by one who had much experience of the
difficulties and tediousness of the task, and who had
also pondered deeply on the best method of dealing
with the different classes of converts. The deacon
Deogratias, who had consulted Augustine on the sub-
ject, complained (as so many of us still do) of the
weariness of going over the same old ground, and of
his inability to put any fresh life into his instructions.
St. Augustine begins by words of encouragement,
pointing out that we must judge of our discourses not
By their effect upon ourselves, but by their effect upon
our hearers. The story may be familiar enough to us,
who go on repeating it over and over again, but it is
not so to those who are listening to it for the first
time. Bearing this in mind, the catechist should put
himself in the position of the hearer, and speak as
though he were telling something new. Hilaritas.
a bright and cheerful manner, must be one of the chief
qualifications of an instructor; "God loveth a cheer-
ful giver" applies to the giving of the word as well as
to the giving of wealth, 'lie should so speak that the
hearer hearing should believe, believing should hope,
and hoping should love (Quidquid narras ita narra,
ut ille cui Toqueris audiendo credat, credendo speret,
sperando amet — iv, 11). But the foundation oi all is
tne fear of God, "for it seldom, or rather never, hap-
pens that anyone wishes to become a Christian with-
out being moved thereto by some fear of God". If
he comes from some worldly motive he may be only
pretending, though indeed a mere pretender may
sometimes be turned into a genuine convert by our
efforts. Hence, continues the holy Doctor, it is of
great importance to ascertain the state of mind and
the motives of those who come to us. If we are satis-
fied that they have received a Divine call, we have a
good opening for instruction on the care of God for us.
We should go briefly through the story of God's deal-
ings with men, from the time when He made all things
even to our own days; showing especially that the
Old Testament was a preparation for the New, and the
New a fulfilment of the Old (in veteri testamento est
occultatio novi, in novo testamento est manifestatio
.veteris). This is a theme developed at greater length
in the " De Civitate Dei". After we have finished our
story we should go on to excite hope in the resurrection
of the body— a doctrine as much ridiculed in St. Au-
gustine's day as it was in St. Paul's day, and as it is in
ours. Then should come the account to be rendered
at the last judgment, and the reward of the just, and
the punishment of the wicked. The convert should be
put on his guard against the dangers and difficulties
m trying to lead a good life, especially those arising
from scandals within as well as without the Church.
Finally, he should be reminded that the grace of his
conversion is not due either to his merits or to ours,
but to the goodness of God. So far the saint has been
speaking of persons of little or no education. In
chap, viii he goes on to deal with those who are well
educated, and are already acquainted with the
Scriptures and other Christian writings. Such per-
sons require briefer instruction, and this should be
imparted in such a way as to let them see that we are
aware of their knowledge of the Faith. Doubtless St.
Augustine had in mind his own case, when he pre-
sented himself to be received into the Church by St.
Ambrose. We note, too, the wisdom of this piece of
advice, especially when we have to deal with Anglican
converts. But though less instruction is needed in
such cases, continues the holy Doctor, we may rightly
inquire into the causes which have induced these per-
sons to wish to become Christians; and in particular
as to the books which have influenced them. If these
are the Scriptures or other Catholic books we should
praise and recommend them; but if these are heretical
we should point out wherein they have distorted the
true faith. Throughout our instruction we should
speak with modesty, but also with authority, that he
who hears us may have no scope for presumption but
rather for humility. Humility is also the principal
virtue to be urged upon that intermediate class of
converts who have received some education but not of
the higher sort. These are disposed to scoff at Chris*
tian writings, and even at the Scriptures for their
want of correctness of language. They should be
made to see that it is the matter rather than the lan-
guage which is of importance; it is more profitable to
listen to a true discourse than to one which is eloquent.
The whole of this chapter should be taken to heart by
many who join the Cnurch nowadays. After dealing
CI
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78
DOOTRINX
with these different classes of inquirers, the saint de-
votes no less than five lengthy chapters (x to xiv) to
the causes of weariness (the opposite of hilaritaa)
and the remedies for it. This portion is perhaps the
most valuable of the whole treatise, at least from a
g radical point of view. Only the merest outline of
t. Augustine's advice as to the remedies can be given
here. We must bring ourselves down to the level of
the lowest of our hearers, even as Christ humbled
Himself and took upon Himself "the form of a serv-
ant". We must vary the subjects, and we must in-
crease in earnestness of manner so as to move even the
most sluggish. If it seems to us that the fault is ours,
we should reflect, as already pointed out, that the in-
struction, though not up to our ideal, may be exactly
suited to our hearer and entirely fresh and new to
him; in any case the experience may be useful as a
trial to our humility. Other occupations may be
pleasanter, but we cannot say that they are certainly
more profitable; for duty should come first, and we
should submit to God's will and not try to make Him
submit to ours. After laying down these precepts,
St. Augustine goes on to* give a short catechetical in-
struction as an example of what he has been inculcat-
ing. It is supposed to be addressed to an ordinary
type of inquirer, neither grossly ignorant nor highly
educated (xvi to xxv), and might well be used at the
present day. What specially strikes one in reading it
is the admirable way in which the saint brines out the
prophetical and typical character of the Old-Testa-
ment narrative, ana insinuates gradually all the arti-
cles of the Creed without seeming to reveal them.
The dketch of Christ's life and passion, and the doc-
trine of the Church and the sacraments are also note-
worthy. The discourse ends with an earnest exhorta-
tion to perseverance. This short work has exercised
the greatest influence on catechetics. In all ages of
the Church it has been adopted as a textbook.
(5) When all fear of persecution had passed away,
and the empire had become almost entirely Christian,
the necessity for a prolonged period of trial and in-
struction no longer existed. About the same time the
fuller teaching on the subject of original sin, occa-
sioned by the Pelagian heresy, gradually led to the
administration of baptism to infants. In such cases
instruction was, of course, impossible, though traces
of it are still to be seen in the rite of infant baptism,
where the godparents are put through a sort of cate-
chesis in the name of the child. As the child grew, it
was taught its religion both at home and at the ser-
vices in church. This instruction was necessarily more
simple than that formerly given to grown-up catechu-
mens, and gradually came to be what we now under-
stand by catechetical instruction. Meantime, L. "'-
ever, the barbarian invaders were being brought into
the Church, and in their case the instruction had to be
of an elementary character. The missionaries had to
go back to the methods of the Apostles and content
themselves with exacting a renunciation of idolatry
and a profession of belief in the great truths of Chris-
tianity. Such was the practice of St. Patrick in Ireland,
St. Remigius among the Franks, St. Augustine in Eng-
land. St. Boniface in Germany. We should bear in
mind that in those ages religious instruction did not
cease with baptism. Set sermons were rarer than in our
time; the priest spoke rather as a catechist than as a
Treacher. We may take the practice among the Anglo-
axons as typical of what was done in other countries.
" Among the duties incumbent on the parish priest
the first was to instruct his flock in the doctrines and
duties of Christianity, and to extirpate from among
them the lurking remains of paganism. ... He was
ordered to explain to his parishioners the ten com-
mandments; to take care that all could repeat and
understand the Lord's Prayer and the Creed; to ex-
pound in English on Sundays the portion of Scripture
proper to the Mass of the day, ana to preach, or, if he
were unable to preach, to read at least from a book
some lesson of instruction" (Lingard, "Anglo-Saxon
Church ' ', c. iv). The laws enacting these duties will be
found in Thorpe, "Ecclesiastical Institutes", i, 378;
ii, 33, 34, 84. 191.
(6) It is the custom with non-Catholic writers to
assert that during the Middle Ages, "the Ages of
Faith", religious instruction was entirely neglected,
and that the Protestant Reformers were the first to
restore the practice of the Early Church. In the "Diet,
de theol. cath.", s. v. "Catechisme", and in Bareille,
" Le Catechisme Romain", Introd., pp. 36 sqq., will be
found long lists of authorities showing how false are
these assertions. We must here content ourselves with
stating what was done in England. Abbot Gasquet
has thoroughly gone into the subject, and declares that
"in pre-Reformation days the* people were well in-
structed in their faith by priests who faithfully dis-
charged their plain duty m their regard" (Old English
Bible and other Essays, p. 186). In proof of this he
quotes the constitutions of John Peckham, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury (1281), in which it is enjoined
that every priest shall explain to his people in English,,
and without any elaborate subtleties (yulgarUer absque
cujuxlibet evbtuiiatis texturd fantasticd), four times a.
year, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, the two pre-
cepts of the Gospel (viz. love of God and man), the
seven deadly sins, the seven chief virtues (theological
and cardinal); and the seven sacraments. In these
constitutions is contained a brief instruction on all
these heads, "lest anyone should excuse himself on
the ground of ignorance of these things which all the
ministers of the Church are bound to know". This
legislation, after all, was nothing but an insisting on a
practice dating from Saxon days, as we have already
seen. Moreover, it is constantly referred to in subse-
quent synods and in countless catechetical writings.
One of Peckham 's predecessors, St. Edmund Rich
(1234-1240), was not only a man of great learning, but
also a zealous teacher of Christian doctrine among the
people. He wrote familiar instructions on prayer, the
seven deadly sins, the Commandments, ana the sacra-
ments. Cardinal Thoresby, Archbishop of York, pub-
lished in 1357 a catechism in Latin and English, the
"Lay Folks Catechism", for the purpose of carrying
out Peckham 's Constitutions, and it is based on Peck-
ham's instruction. The two, with the' English transla-
tion in rude verse, have been reprinted by the Early
English Text Society, No. 118. In the episcopal Regis-
ters and Visitations we read how the people were asked
whether their pastor fulfilled his duties, and they con-
stantly answer that they are taught bene et optima..
Chaucer's Poor Parson may be taken as a type: —
But riche he was of holy thought and work.
He was also a lerned man, a clerk,
That Christes Gospel trewly wolde preche,
His parischens devoutly wolde he teche.
His tale is practically a treatise on the Sacrament of
Penance. As regards catechetical manuals we need
only mention the "Pars Oculi Sacerdotis" (about the
middle of the fourteenth century) which was very
popular; "Pupilla Oculi", by John de Burgo (1385);
"Speculum Christiani", by John Wotton, containing
simple English rhymes as well as the Latin text. " One
of tne earliest books ever issued from an English press
by Caxton was a set of four lengthy discourses,
published, as they expressly declare, to enable priests
to fulfil the obligation imposed on them by the Consti-
tutions of Peckham" (Gasquet, op. cit., p. 191). The
part which pictures, statues, reliefs, pageants, and
especially miracle plays took in the religious instruc-
tion of the people must not be forgotten. All of these
give proof of an extensive knowledge of sacred history
and an astonishing skill in conveying doctrinal and
moral lessons. It is enough to refer to Kuskin's " Bible
of Amiens", and to the Townley, Chester, and Coven-
try miracle plays. (Cf. Bareille, op. cit., pp. 42 sqq.)
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79
DOCTRINE
(7) The invention of printing and the revival of
(earning naturally had great influence on catechetical
instruction. The first great name to be mentioned,
though indeed it belongs to a slightly earlier period,
is that of John Gerson (1363-1429). He realized that
the much-needed reform of the Church should begin
by the instruction of the young; and though he was
chancellor of the University of Paris he devoted.him-
self to this work. He composed a sort of little cate-
chism entitled " The A B C of Simple Folk". To en-
able the clergy to catechize he also composed the " Opus
Tripartitum de Praeceptis Decalogi, de Confessione, et
de Arte bene Moriendi", in which he briefly explained
the Creed, the Commandments of God, the sins to be
mentioned in confession, and the art of dying well.
This was printed many times and was translated into
French. It was the forerunner of the Catechism of the
Council of Trent. In the year 1470, before Luther was.
born, a German catechism, "Christenspiegel" (the
Christian's Mirror), written by Dederich, was printed,
and at once became very popular. Two other cate-
chisms, "The Soul's Guide ' and "The Consolation of
the Soul", were printed a little later and issued in
many editions.' In Janssen's great "History of the
German People at the Close of the Middle Ages" will
be found a complete refutation of the popular notion
that the Protestant Reformers, and especially Luther,
were the first to revive catechetical instruction and to
print catechisms. It is, however, proper to acknowlr
edge their activity in this matter, and to note that this
activity stirred up the zeal of the Catholics to counter-
act their influence. Luther's famous "Enchiridion",
which was really the third edition of his smaller cate-
chism, was published in 1529, and speedily ran through
a number of editions; it is still used in Germany and
in other Protestant countries. In 1536 Calvin com-
posed a catechism in French: "Le formulaire d'in-
struire les enf ans en la chrestiente*, fait en manidre de
dialogue ou le ministre interroge et I 'enfant repond".
He candidly admits that it was always the custom in
the Church to instruct children in this way. Of course
he takes care to introduce the chief points of his
heresy: the certainty of salvation, the impossibility
of losing justice (righteousness), and the justification
of children independently of baptism. It is note-
worthy that as regards the Eucharist he teaches that
we receive not merely a sign, but Jesus Christ Him-
self, "really and effectually by a true and substantial
union". In England the first Book of Common Prayer
(1549) contained a catechism with a brief explanation
of the Commandments and the Lord's Prayer. The
explanation of the sacraments was not added until the
year 1604. If this catechism be compared with that of
Cardinal Thoresby, mentioned above, it will be seen
that the instruction given to Protestant children in
the middle of the sixteenth century was far inferior
to that given in pre-Reformation ofays. In 1647 the
Westminster Assembly of Divines drew up the Pres-
byterian "Larger" and "Smaller" Catechisms.
On the Catholic side Bl. Peter Canisius published
three catechisms, or rather one catechism in three
forms: major (1555), minor (1558), and minimus
(1556). Taking as his foundation Ecclus., i, 33, he
divides his treatment into two great parts: wisdom
and justice. In the first he deals with Faith (the
Creed), Hope (the Lord's Prayer and the Hail Mary),
Charity (the Commandments). In the second he deals
with avoiding evil (sin and the remission of sin) and
doing good (prayer, fasting and almsdeeds, the cardinal
virtues, the gifts and fruits of the Holy Ghost, the
beatitudes, the evangelical counsels, and the Four
Last Things). To obtain and to preserve both wisdom
and justice the sacraments are necessary, and hence
he places the treatment of the sacraments between the
two parts. After the Council of Trent (1563) Canisius
added a chapter on the Fall and Justification. The
form of the three books is that of questions and an-
swers, some of the latter being as long as four or five
pages. In striking contrast to the Protestant cate-
chisms, the tone throughout is calm, and there is an
absence of controversial bitterness. The success of
Canisius' catechisms was enormous. They were trans-
lated into every language in Europe, and were re-
printed in many hundreds of editions, so that the
name Canisius came to be synonymous with Cate-
chism (Bareille, op. cit., p. 61).
The Catechism of the Council of Trent (Catechismus
Romania) is not a catechism in the ordinary sense of
the word. It is rather a manual of instruction for the
clergy {Catechismus ad Parochos) to enable them to
catechize those entrusted to their spiritual care. The
fathers of the council " deemed it of the utmost impor-
tance that a work should appear, sanctioned by the
authority of the Holy Synod, from which parish
priests and all others on whom the duty of imparting
instruction devolves may be able to seek and derive
certain precepts for the edification of the faithful; that
as there is 'one Lord one Faith' so also there may be
one common rule and prescribed form of delivering
the faith, and instructing the Christian people unto
all the duties of piety" (Praef., viii). The composition
of the work was entrusted to four distinguished theo-
logians (two of them archbishops and one a bishop),
under the supervision of three cardinals. St. Charles
Borromeo was the presiding spirit. The original draft
was turned into elegant Latin by Pogianus and Manu-
tius, and this version was translated by command of
the pope (St. Pius V) into Italian, French, German,
and Polish. Brought out under such conditions (1566),
the authority of this catechism is higher than that of
any other, but is, of course, not on a level with that of
the canons and decrees of a council. As to its value
Cardinal Newman's estimate may be gathered from
these words: "I rarely preach a sermon, but I go to
this beautiful and complete Catechism to get both my
matter and my doctrine" (Apologia, p. 425} (See
Roman Catechism.)
Cardinal Bellarmine's Catechism was ordered by
Clement VIII to be used in the Papal States, and
was recommended for use throughout the world.
It appeared in two forms : " Dottrina Cristiana Breve"
(1597) and " Dichiarazione piu Copiosa della Dottrina
Cristiana" (1598). The first is for scholars, the second
for teachers; in the first the teacher asks the questions
and the scholar replies, whereas in the second this pro-
cess is reversed. The first, which is meant to be learnt
by heart, contains eleven chapters and ninety-five
questions, and is arranged in the following order: the
Calling of the Christian and the Sign of the Cross* the
Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Hail Mary ; the Com-
mandments of God, the Commandments of the Church,
and the Counsels; the Sacraments, the Theological and
Cardinal Virtues, the Gifts of tne Holy Ghost, the
Works of Mercy, Sins, the Last Things, and the Rosary.
It is an improvement on Canisius' catechisms, and
hence it was recommended at the Vatican Council to
serve as a model for the projected universal catechism.
The first catechism in English after the Reforma-
tion was " A Catechisme or Christian Doctrine neces-
sarie for Children and Ignorante People, briefly com-
piled by Laurence Vaux, Bacheler of Divinitie"; 1st
ed., 1567: reprinted 1574, 1583 (twice), 1599, 1605;
18mo. This has been reprinted for the Chetham So-
ciety, new series, vol. IV, Manchester, 1 883. Next came
a small volume, "A Briefe Instruction by way of
Dialogue concerning the principall poyntes of Christian
religion gathered out of the Holy Scriptures, Fathers
ancT Councels. By the Reverend M. George Doulye,
Priest. Imprinted at Louvaine by Laurence Kellam,
anno 1604''; " A Shorte Catechisme of Cardll. Bellar-
mine illustrated with Images. In Augusta, 1614: A
briefe Christian Doctrine to be lerned By heart"; "A
Summe of Christian Doctrine composed in Latin by
Father Petrus Canisius of the Society of Jesus with an
1
DOOTBINI
80
DOCTRINE
Appendix of the Fall of Man and Justification. Trans-
lated into English [by Fr. Garnet 7J at St. Omen for
John Heigham. With permission of Superiors : 1 622 ' ' ;
*A Catechisme of Christian Doctrine in fifteen Con-
ferences. Paris: 1637", 2nd ed., 1659. The author
was Thomas White, alias Blacklow, of Lisbon and
Douai. The most important, however, was the book
which came to be known as "The Doway Catechism",
"An Abridgement of Christian Doctrine with proofs
of Scripture for points controverted. Catechistically
explained by way of question and answer", printed at
Douai, 1st ed., 1649; again 1661, and so constantly.
The last editions mentioned by Gillow are London,
1793, and Dublin, 1828; the author was Henry Tur-
berville, a Douai priest. There was also a smaller edi-
tion, "An Abstract of the Douay Catechism. For the
use of children and ignorant people. London, printed
in the year 1688"; it was reprinted many times, and
continued in use until the Douai students came to Eng-
land. In 1625, the Franciscan Florence O'Conry pub-
lished an Irish catechism at Lou vain, entitled "Mirror
of a Christian Life". This, like the catechisms of
CHussey (Louvain. 1608) and Stapleton (Brussels,
1639), was written for the benefit of the Irish troops
serving in the Netherlands. In the same century an-
other member of the Franciscan order, Father Francis
Molloy, a native of the County Meath, Ireland, and at
the time professor of theology in St. Isidore's College,
Rome, published a catechism in Irish under the title
" Lucerna Fidelium ' ' (Rome, Propaganda Press, 1676).
We should also mention Andrew Donlevy's "The
Catechism or Christian Doctrine by way of question
and answer. Paris, 1742". This was in English and
Irish on opposite pages. "The Poor Man's Catechism
or the Christian Doctrine explained with short ad-
monitions", 1st ed., 1752; it was edited by the Rev.
George Bishop. The author's name does not appear,
but a later work tells who he was: "The Poor Man's
Controversy, By J. Mannock, O. S. B., the author of
the Poor Man's Catechism, 1769." Dr. James Butler
Archbishop of Cashel, published his catechism in 1775,
and it was soon adopted by many Irish bishops for
their dioceses. An account of it was given by Arch-
bishop Walsh in the " Irish Eccl. Record ", Jan., 1892.
In 1737 Bishop Challoner published "The Catholic
Christian instructed in the Sacraments, Sacrifice, Cere-
monies, and Observances of the Church by way of
question and answer. By R. C. London 1737."
There is also "An Abridgement of Christian Doctrine
with a short Daily Exercise", "corrected by the late
Bp. Challoner", 1783. Bishop Hay's admirable works:
"The Sincere Christian instructed in the Faith of
Christ from the Written Word" (1781) ; "The Devout
Christian instructed in the Faith of Christ" (1783);
and "The Pious Christian" are catechisms on a large
scale in the form of question and answer.
During the eighteenth century catechetical instruc-
tion received a fresh impulse from Pope Benedict XIII,
who issued (1725) three ordinances prescribing in de-
tail the methods: division into small classes and special
preparation for confession and Communion. Against
the rationalistic tendencies in the pedagogical move-
ment of the century, Clement XIII uttered a protest
in 1761. Pius VI wrote (1787) to the Orientals, pro-
posing for their use a catechism in Arabic prepared by
the Propaganda. In Germany the "Pastoral Instruc-
tion" issued by Raymond Anton, Bishop of Eichst&dt
(1768; new ed., Freiburg, 1902) emphasized the need
and indicated the method of instruction (Tit. XIV,
Cap. V). Prominent among the writers on the subject
were Franz Neumayr, S. J., in his "Rhetorica cate-
chetica" (1766); M. I. Schmidt, "Katechisten", and
J. I. von Felbigpr, "Vorlesungen uber die Kunst zu
katechisieren " (Vienna, 1774). In France, during the
same century, great activity was shown, especially by
the bishops, in publishing catechisms. Each diocese
had its own textbook, but though occasional attempts
were made at uniformity, they were not successful.
Several catechisms composed by individual writers
other than the bishops were put on the Index (see
Migne. "Catechismes'\ Paris, 1842). The French orig-
inal of "An Abridgment of the Quebec Catechism"
(Quebec, 1817) appeared in Paris (1702) and Quebec
(1782).
The pedagogical activity of the nineteenth century
naturally exerted an influence upon religious instruc-
tion. German writers of the first rank were Overberg
(d. 1826). Sailer (d. 1832), Gruber (d. 1835), and
Hirscher (d. 1865), all of whom advocated the psycho-
logical method and the careful preparation of teachers.
Deharbe's "Catechism" (1847) was translated be-
tween 1853 and 1860 into thirteen languages, and his
"Erklarungen des Katechismus" (1857-61) has passed
through numerous editions. In France, Napoleon
(1806) imposed upon all the churches of the empire
uniformity in the matter of catechisms and, in spite
of the opposition of Pius VII, published the "Imperial
Catechism ", containing a chapter on duties towards the
emperor. This was replaced after the fall of the empire
by a large number of diocesan catechisms which again
led to various plans for securing uniformity. Dupan-
loup. one of the foremost writers on education, published
his "Catechisme chrgtien" in 1865. At the time of the
Vatican Council (1869-1870) the question of having
a single universal catechism was discussed. There was
7 great diversity of opinion among the Fathers, and
consequently the discussion led to no result (see
Martin, "Lee travaux du concile du Vatican", pp.
113-115). The arguments for and against the project
will be examined when we come to speak of catechisms
in the third part of this article. The most important
event in the recent history of catechetics has been
the publication of the Encyclical "Acerbo nimis" on
the teaching of Christian doctrine (15 April, 1905).
In this document Pius X attributes the present relig-
ious crisis to the widespread ignorance of Divine truth,
and lays down strict regulations concerning the duty
of catechizing (see below). For the purpose of discuss-
ing the best methods of carrying out these orders a
number of catechetical congresses have been held:
e. g., at Munich, 1905 and 1907; Vienna, 1905 and
1908; Salzburg, 1906; Lucerne, 1907; Paris, 1908, etc.
At these gatherings scientific, yet practical, lectures
were delivered, demonstrations were given of actual
catechizing in school, and an interesting feature was
the exhibition of the best literature and appliances.
Two periodicals have likewise appeared: "Kateche-
tische Bl&tter" (Munich) and ''Christlich-padago-
gische Blatter" (Vienna).
In the United States, the few priests who in the early
days toiled in this vast field were so overburdened
with work that they could not produce original text-
books for religious instruction; they caused to be re-
printed, with slight alterations, books commonly used
in Europe. Others were composed in the manner de-
scribed W Dr. England, first Bishop of Charleston,
who, in 1821, published a catechism which, he writes,
"I had much labor in compiling from various others,
and adding several parts which I considered necessary
to be explicitly dwelt upon under the peculiar circum-
stances of my diocese.'' The first to edit a catechism,
so far as is known, was the Jesuit Father Robert
Molyneux, an Englishman by birth and a man of ex-
tensive learning, who, till 1809, laboured among the
Catholics in Maryland and Pennsylvania. Copies of
this work are not known to exist now, but, in letters
to Bishop Carroll. Father Molyneux mentions two
catechisms which ne issued — one in 1785, " a spelling
primer for children with a Catholic catechism an-
nexed". In 1788 a catechism was published in New
York which in all likelihood was a reprint of " Butler's
Catechism ' ' mentioned above. Bishop Hay's " Abridge-
ment of Christian Doctrine" (152 pp.) appeared in
Philadelphia in 1800; another edition (143 pp.) in 1803,
DOCTRINE
81
DOGTROT*
and one with some alterations in the language in Balti-
more in 1809 (108 pp.). Many editions were published
of the catechism entitled "A Short Abridgement of
Christian Doctrine, Newly Revised for the Use of the
Catholic Church in the United States of America1'.
The size of these small catechisms is from 36 to 48
pages. One edition, with title page torn, bears on the
last page the record: "Bought September 14, 1794".
The Philadelphia edition of 1796 is styled the thir-
teenth edition ; that of Baltimore, 1798, the fourteenth.
Whether all these editions were printed in America, or
some of the earlier ones in Europe, cannot be ascer-
tained.
This "Short Abridgement of Christian Doctrine",
approved by Archbishop Carroll, was generally used
throughout the United States until about 1821. In
that year Bishop England published his catechism for
his own diocese, and m 1825 appeared the " Catechism
of the Diocese of Bardstown ', recommended as a
class-book by Bishop Flaget of Bardstown, Kentucky.
The author of the latter catechism was Jean-Baptiste
David, coadjutor of Bishop Flaget. It comprised the
"First or Small Catechism for Little Children" (13
gp.), and the "Second Catechism" (149 pp.). The
nglish was criticized by Archbishop Marechal and
others. Still more defective and inexact in language
was the catechism of Bishop Conwell of Philadelphia,
and, at the request of the archbishop, the author sup-
pressed the book. An old English catechism, the
"Abridgement of Christian Doctrine", by Henry Tur-
berville, first published at Douai in 1649, was re-
printed in New York in 1833. Whereas this edition
preserved the quaint old language of the original, an-
other edition of the same book appeared in Philadel-
phia, as "revised by the Right Rev. James Doyle and
prescribed by him for the united dioceses of Kildare
and Leighlin" (Ireland). In the New England States
the "Boston Catechism" was used for a long time,
the "Short Abridgement of Christian Doctrine",
newly revised and augmented and authorized by
Bishop Fenwick of Boston. But the catechisms which
were used most exclusively during several decades
were Butler's "Larger Catechism" and "Abridged
Catechism". In 1788 Samuel Campbell, New York,
published "A Catechism for the Instruction of Chil-
dren. The Seventh Edition with Additions, Revised
and Corrected by the Author". This seems to be the
first American edition of Butler's Catechism; for Dr.
Troy, Bishop of Ossory, wrote, soon after Butler's
Catechism had appeared: "It has been printed here
under the title: 'A Catechism for the Instruction of
Children', without any mention of Dr. Butler". But-
ler's Catechism became very popular in the United
States, and the First Provincial Council of Canada
(1851) prescribed it for the English-speaking Catholics
of the Dominion. Some other American catechisms
may be briefly mentioned: the so-called "Dubuque
Catechism" by Father Hattenberger; the Small and
the Larger Catechism of the Jesuit missionary, Father
Weninger (1865) ; and the three graded catechisms of
the Redemptorist Father M tiller (1874). Far more ex-
tensively used than these was the English translation
of Deharbe. From 1869 numerous editions of the
small, medium, and large catechisms, with various
modifications, were published in the United States.
An entirely new and much improved edition was
issued in New York in 1901.
Repeated efforts have been made in the United
States towards an arrangement by which a uniform
textbook of Christian Doctrine might be used by all
Catholics. As early as 1829, the bishops assembled in
the First Provincial Council of Baltimore decreed : " A
catechism shall be written which is better adapted to
the circumstances of this Province; it shall give the
Christian Doctrine as explained in Cardinal Bellar-
mine'8 Catechism, and when approved by the Holy
See, it shall be published for the common use of
V.-
Catholics" (Deer, xxxiii). The clause recommending
Bellarmine's Catechism as a model was added at the
special request of the Congregation of Propaganda. It
may be mentioned here that Bellarmines "Small
Catechism", Italian text with English translation, was
published at Boston, in 1853. The wish of the bishops
was not carried out, and the First and Second Plenary
Councils of Baltimore (1852 and 1866) repeated the
decree of 1829. In the Third Plenary Council (1884)
many bishops were in favour of a "revised" edition
of Butler's Catechism, but finally the matter was given
into the hands of a committee of six bishops. At last,
in 1885, was issued "A Catechism of Christian Doc-
trine, Prepared and Enjoined by Order of the Third
Council of Baltimore". Although the council had
desired a catechism "perfect in every respect" (Acta
et Deer., p. 219), theologians and teachers criticized
several points (Nilles, "Commentaria". II, 265, 188).
Soon various editions came forth with additions of
word-meanings, explanatory notes, some even with
different arrangements, so that there is now a con-
siderable diversity in the books that go by the name
of Catechism of the Council of Baltimore. Besides, in
recent years several new catechisms have been pub-
lished, "one or two a decided improvement over the
Council Catechism" (Messmer, "Spirago's Method",
p. 558). Among the recent catechisms are the two of
Father Faerber, the large and small catechisms of
Father Greenings, S. J., and the " Holy Family Series
of Catholic Catechisms", by Francis H. Butler, of the
Diocese of Boston (1902). The three graded cate-
chisms of this series give on the left page the questions
and answers, on the right a "Reading Lesson", deal-
ing in fuller, and connected, form with the matter con-
tained in the auestions and answers. Some very prac-
tical features (reading part, followed by questions and
answers, appropriate hymns, and pictorial illustra-
tions) mark the "Text-books of Religion for Parochial
and Sunday Schools", edited since 1898 by Father
Yorke. These last two series to some extent depart
from the traditional method and indicate a new move-
ment in catechetical teaching. A more radical change
in the style of the catechism, namely the complete
abandonment of the question-and-answer method,
has recently been proposed (see below, under II ana
III of this article, and "Am. Eccl. Rev.", 1907; Jan.
and Feb., 1908). The First Plenary Council of Balti-
more (1852) appointed Bishop Neumann to write, or
revise, a German catechism the use of which, after its
approbation by the archbishop and all the German-
speaking bishops, should be obligatory. This decree
snared the fate of the council's demand for a uniform
English catechism. The Third Plenary Council (1884)
decreed that the catechism to be issued by its order
should be translated into the languages of those par-
ishes in which religious instruction is given in any
other than the English tongue. But the translation of
the council catechism met with little favour. Another
regulation, however, contained in the same decree of the
council (ccxix), was gradually carried into effect. The
bishops assembled expressed an earnest desire that in
schools where English was not used the Christian Doc-
trine should be taught not only in the foreign tongue
there used, but also in English. Undoubtedly this was
a wise provision. For the young people of the second
or third generation find it difficult to understand the
native language of their parents; hearing discussions
or attacks on their religion, they are hardly able to
answer if they have not learnt the catechism in Eng-
lish. Moreover, after leaving school many young peo-
ple have to live among English-speaking people, in
places where there is no congregation of their own
nationality ; if they have not been taught religion in
English they are tempted not to attend sermons, they
feel embarrassed in going to confession, and thus may
gradually drift away from the Church. In order to
obviate these dangers, various catechisms (Deharbe,
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DOCTRINE
Faerber, Groenings, etc.) have been published with
German and English texts on opposite pages. Simi-
larly, there are Polish-English, Bohemian-English,
and other editions with double text. In most Italian
schools catechism is taught chiefly in English, and
only the prayers in Italian. Unwise as it would be to
force a change of languages in catechetical teaching,
it would be equally injudicious to artificially retard
the natural development. The slow but steady ten-
dency is towards the gradual adoption of the English
language in preaching and teaching catechism, and it
seems but reasonable to think that some day there
will be among the Catholics in the United States not
only unity in faith in the substance of the catechism,
but also in its external form and language.
A number of German immigrants entered Pennsyl-
vania about 1700, a considerable portion of them being
Catholics. In 1759 the German Catholics in Philadel-
phia outnumbered those of the English tongue, and
in 1789 they opened the church of the Holy Trinity,
the first exclusively national church in the United
States. Since 1741 German Jesuits have ministered to
the spiritual needs of their countrymen, and Catholic
schools have been established in the Pennsylvania
settlements. It was natural that the German Jesuits
should introduce the Catechism of Canisius, which for
centuries had been universally used throughout Ger-
many. The best known American edition of this fa-
mous catechism is that printed in Philadelphia, in 1810 :
"Catholischer Catechismus, worin die Catholische
Lehre nach den f unf Hauptstucken V. P. Petri Canisii,
aus der Gesellschaft Jesu, erkl&rt wird". The author
or editor of this book was Adam Britt, pastor of the
Holy Trinity Church, Philadelphia, who died at Cone-
waga (1822) as a member of the Society of Jesus. Dur-
ing several decades the Catechism of Canisius was
generally used by the German Catholics in the United
tates. The Redemptorists came to this country in
1833 and soon had charge of flourishing German par-
ishes in nearly all the more important cities. The
Venerable John N. Neumann, afterwards Bishop of
Philadelphia, wrote, while rector of the Redemptorist
house at Pittsburg, about the year 1845, a small and a
large catechism. These texts, also known as the " Re-
demptorist Catechisms", had a wide circulation,
whereas those written later by Father Weninger, S. J.f
and Father Mailer, C. SS. R., never became popular.
Ihe second half of the nineteenth century may be
called the era of Deharbe's Catechism. In 1850 the
" Katholischer Katechismus der Lehrbegriffe" was
issued in Cincinnati, which by this time had become a
centre of German Catholic population with flourishing
parochial schools. Bishop Furcell declares in the ap-
probation that the German catechisms previously
published were not to be reprinted, but that this
"Regensburg [Ratisbon] Catechism, long in use in
Germany", was to be the only one in his diocese. Al-
though the name of the author was not given, it was
in reality Father Deharbe's " Large Catechism ' '. Since
that time numerous editions of the different cate-
chisms of Deharbe appeared with various adaptations
and modifications, and for nearly fifty years Deharbe
reigned supreme. This supremacy has been challenged
within the last two decades. Father Muller, C. SS. R.,
in the preface to his catechism, severely criticized
Deharbe's as a book " which it is difficult for children
to learn and to understand". Father Faerber, who
devoted forty years to catechetical instruction, pro-
duced in 1895 a textbook which commends itself by
its simplicity and clearness, although the critics, who
charged it with incompleteness and a certain lack of
accuracy, were not altogether wrong. Almost simul-
taneously with Father Faerber's book appeared an
excellent, thoroughly revised, edition of Deharbe's
texts, from which many defects had been expunged.
Finally, in 1900, Father Groenings, S. J., published
two catechisms, a small and a large one.
Development of Catechizing after (he Council of Trent.
— Mindful that the work of catechizing was more im-
portant than the issue of catechisms, the Council of
Trent decreed that "the bishops shall take care that
at least on the Lord's day and* other festivals the
children in every parish be carefully taught the rudi-
ments of the faitn and obedience to God and their
parents" (Sess. IV, De Ref., c. iv). In 1560the Confra-
ternity of Christian Doctrine was founded in Rome by
a Milanese, and was approved by St. Pius V in 1571.
St. Charles Borromeo in his provincial synods laid
down excellent rules on catechizing; every Christian
was to know the Lord's Prayer, the Hail Mary, the
Creed, and the Ten Commandments; confessors were
ordered to examine their penitents as to their knowl-
edge of these formularies (V Prov. Concil., 1579). He
also established schools in the villages, in addition to
increasing the number in the towns. Besides the re-
newed activity of the older orders, the Jesuits, the
Barnabites, and the Clerks Regular of Pious Schools
(Piarists), who devoted themselves to the education
of the young, took special care of the religious instruc-
tion of those entrusted to them. In this connexion
three names are especially worthy of mention: St.
Vincent de Paul, St. Francis de Sales, and M. Olier.
One of St. Francis's first acts as a bishop was to organ-
ize catechetical instruction throughout his diocese,
and he himself took his turn with his canons in this
holy work. St. Vincent founded his congregation of
Priests of the Mission for the purpose of instructing
the poor, especially in the villages. The missionaries
were to teach the catechism twice a day during each
mission. In his own parish of Chatillon he established
the Confraternity for the Assistance of the Poor, and
one of the duties of the members was to instruct as
well as to give material aid. So, too, the Sisters of
Charity not only took care of the sick and the poor
but also taught the children. M. Olier, both in the
seminary and in the parish of Saint-Sulpice, laid
special stress on the work of catechizing. The method
which he introduced will be described in the second
part of this article. The Brothers of the Christian
schools, founded by .St. Jean-Baptiste de la Salle, de-
voted themselves especially to religious as well as
secular instruction. Finding that the very poor were
unable to attend school on weekdays, the saintly
founder introduced secular lessons on Sundays. This
was in 1699, nearly a century before such teaching was
given in Protestant England.
II. Practical Catechetics.— Catechizing (cate-
chesis), as we have seen, is instruction which is at once
religious, elementary, and oral.
Catechizing is a religious work not simply because it
treats of religious subjects, but because its end or
object is religious. The teacher should endeavour to
influence the child's heart and will, and not be content
with putting a certain amount of religious knowledge
into its head; for, as Aristotle would say, the end of
catechizing is not knowledge, but practice. Knowl-
edge, indeed, there must be, and tne more of it the
better in this age of widespread secular education ; but
the knowledge must lead to action. Both teacher and
child must realize that they are engaged in a religious
work, and not in one of the ordinary lessons of the day.
It is the neglect to realize this that is responsible for
the little effect produced by long and elaborate teach-
ing. Religious knowledge comes to be looked upon by
the child merely as a branch of other knowledge, and
having as little to do with conduct as the study of
vulgar fractions. "When the child is fighting its way
through the temptations of the world, it will have to
draw far more largely on its stock of piety than on its
stock of knowledge'' (Furniss, "Sunday School or
Catechism?"). "The work of a teacher in the
Church will be directed chiefly to this, that the faith-
ful earnestly desire ' to know Jesus Christ and Him
crucified', and that they be firmly convinced and with
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DOGTROT
the innermost piety and devotion of heart believe,
that 'there is no other name under heaven given to
men whereby we must be saved ', for ' He is the propiti-
ation for our sins'. But as in this we do know that we
have known Him, if 'we keep His commandments',
the next consideration and one intimately connected
with the foregoing, is to show that life is not to be
spent in ease and sloth, but that we 'ought to walk
even as He walked1, and with all earnestness 'pursue
justice, godliness, faith, charity, mildness'; for He
'save Himself for us that He might redeem us from
all iniquity, and purify unto Himself a people accept-
able, pursuing good works': which things the Apostle
commands pastors to 'speak and exhort'. But as our
Lord and Saviour has not only declared, but has also
shown by His own example, that the Law and the
Prophets depend on love, and as also, according to the
confirmation of the Apostle, ' the end of the command-
ments and the fulfilment of the Law is charity, no one
can doubt that this, as a paramount duty, should be
attended to with the utmost assiduity, that the faith-
ful oeople be excited to a love of the infinite goodness
of God towards us ; that, inflamed with a sort of divine
ardour, they may be powerfully attracted to the su-
preme and all-perfect good, to adhere to which is solid
nappiness" (Catech. of the Council of Trent, Pref., x).
The persons concerned in catechizing (teachers and
taught) and the times and places for catechizing can
hardly be treated apart. But it will be best to begin
with the persons. Tne duty of providing suitable relig-
ious instruction for children is primarily incumbent on
their parents. This they may fulfil either by teaching
them themselves or by entrusting them to others.
Next to the natural parents the godparents have this
duty. The parish priest should remind both the par-
ents and godparents of their obligation; and he, too,
as the spiritual father of those entrusted to his care,
is bound to instruct them. In Pius X's Encyclical
Letter on the teaching of Christian doctrine it is
enacted " (1) that all parish priests, and in general, all
those entrusted with the care of souls, shall on every
Sunday and feast day throughout the year, without
exception, give boys and girls an hour's instruction
from the catechism on those things which every one
must believe and do in order to be saved ; (2) at stated
times during the year they shall prepare boys and
girls by continued instruction, lasting several clays, to
receive the sacraments of penance and confirmation;
(3) they shall likewise and with special care on all the
weekdays in Lent, and if necessary on other days
after the feast of Easter, prepare boys and girls by
suitable instruction and exhortations to make their
first Communion in a holy manner; (4) in each and
every parish the society, commonly called the Con-
fraternity of Christian Doctrine, shall be canonically
erected; through this the parish priests, especially in
the places where there is a scarcity of priests, will have
lay nelpers for the catechetical instruction in pious
lay persons who will devote themselves to the office of
teaching. " In countries where there are Catholic
schools religious instruction is given on weekdays
either before or after the secular instruction. As is well
known, for the sake of this privilege the faithful have
contributed enormous sums of money to build and
support schools. Where this is the case the difficulty
is only a financial one. Nevertheless, the First Provin-
cial Council of Westminster warns the pastor not to
make over this duty of catechizing "so far to others,
however good or religious they may be, as not to visit
the schools frequently and instil into the tender minds
of youth the principles of true faith and piety". We
see, then, that the work of giving religious instruction
belongs to the parents, to priests with the care of souls,
to the teachers in Catholic schools, and to other lay
helpers.
Turning now to those who are to be taught, we may
consider first the young and then those who are grown
up. The young may be divided into those who are
receiving elementary education (primary scholars)
and those who are more advanced (secondary schol-
ars). Although in many dioceses the scholars are ar-
ranged in classes corresponding to the secular classes,
we may consider them for our present purpose as divi-
ded into three groups: those who have not been to con-
fession; those who have been to confession but have
not made their first Communion; and those who have
made their first Communion. In the case of the first
group the instruction must be of the most rudimentary
kind ; but, as already pointed out, this does not mean
that the little ones should be taught nothing except the
first part of some catechism : they should have the Creed
and the Commandments, tne Qur Father and the Hail
Mary, explained to them, together with the forgive-
ness of sin by the Sacraments of Baptism and Pen-
ance. The principal events in the life of Christ will be
found to be an ever-interesting subject for them. How
far it is wise to talk to them about Creation and the
Fall, the Deluge and the stories of the early patri-
archs, may be a matter of discussion among teachers.
In any case great care should be taken not to give
them any notions which they may afterwards have to
discard. It is of importance at this stage to tell the
children in the simplest language something about the
services of the Church, for they are now beginning to
be present at these. Any one who has charge of them
there, or, better still, who will recall his own early
memories, will understand what a hardship it is to a
child to have to sit through a high Mass with a sermon.
The second group (those preparing for first Commun-
ion) will of course be able to receive more advanced
instruction in each of the four branches mentioned
above, with special reference to the Holy Eucharist.
In instructing both groups the subjects should be
taught dogmatically, that is, authoritatively, appeal-
ing rather to the children's faith than to their reason-
ing powers. The after-Communion instruction of
elementary scholars will be almost similar to the in-
struction given to younger secondary scholars, and
will consist in imparting wider and deeper knowledge
and insisting more upon proofs. When they grow up
their difficulty will be not only the observance of the
law, but the reason of it. They will ask not only,
What must I believe and do? but also, Why must I
believe it or do it ? Hence the importance of thorough
instruction in the authority of the Church, Scripture
texts, and also appeals to right reason. This brings us
to the subject of catechizing grown-up persons. Pius
X goes on to speak of this matter, after laying down
the regulations for the young: "In these days adults
not less than the young stand in need of religious
instruction. All parish priests, and others having the
care of souls, in addition to the homily on the Gospel
delivered at the parochial Mass on ail days of obliga-
tion, shall explain the catechism for the faithful in an
easy style, suited to the intelligence of their hearers, at
such time of the day as they may deem most conven-
ient for the people, but not during the hour in which
the children are taught. In this instruction they shall
make use of the Catechism of the Council of Trent;
and they shall so order it that the whole matter of the
Creed, the Sacraments, the Decalogue, the Lord's
Prayer, and the Precepts of the Church shall be
treated in the space of four or five years."
The subjects to be treated of are laid down by
Pius X: "As the things divinely revealed are so many
and so various that it is no easy task either to acquire
a knowledge of them, or, having acquired that knowl-
edge, to retain them in the memory, . . . our prede-
cessors have very wisely reduced this whole force and
scheme of saving doctrine to these four distinct heads:
the Apostles' Creed; the Sacraments; the Ten Com-
mandments; and the Lord's Prayer. In the doctrine
of the Creed are contained all things which are to be
held according to the discipline of the Christian Faith,
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DOGTROT
whether they regard the knowledge of God, or the
creation and government of the world, or the redemp-
tion of the human race, or the rewards of the good and
the punishments of the wicked. The doctrine of the
Seven Sacraments comprehends the signs and as it
were the instruments for obtaining divine grace. In
the Decalogue is laid down whatever has reference
to the Law, Uhe end' whereof 'is charity*. Finally,
in the Lord's Prayer is contained whatever can be de-
sired, hoped, or salutarily prayed for by men. It fol-
lows that tnese four commonplaces, as it were, of
Sacred Scripture being explained, there can scarcely
be wanting anything to be learned by a Christian
man" (ib., xii). It must be borne in mind that cate-
chetical instruction should be elementary* but this
of course is a relative term, according as the pupil is
an adult or a child. This difference has been dealt with
above in speaking of the persons concerned in cate-
chizing. It may be pointed out here, however, that
elementary knowledge is not the same as partial
knowledge. Even young children should be taught
something of each of the four divisions mentioned
above, viz., that they have to believe in God and
•to do God's will, and to obtain His grace by means
of prayer and the sacraments. Further instruction
will consist in developing each of these heads. Be-
sides what is ordinarily understood by Christian
doctrine, catechizing should treat of Christian his-
tory and Christian worship. Christian history will
include the story of the Old Testament, the New
Testament, and the Church. Christian worship will
include the Church's calendar (the feasts and fasts)
and her services and devotions. These three —
doctrine, history, and worship— are not altogether
distinct, and may often be best taught together. For
example, the second article of the Creed should be
taught in such a way as to bring out the doctrine of
the Incarnation, the beautiful story of Christ's birth
and childhood, and the meaning and the services of
Advent and Christmas. The Bible history and the
history of the Church will afford countless instances
bearing on the various doctrines and heresies of the
doctrinal part of the catechism, and the virtues and
contrary vices of the practical part.
The question of catechetical methods is difficult and
has given rise to much controversy. Father Furniss
lone ago, in his ''Sunday School or Catechism?" and
Bishop Bellord later on, in his "Religious Education
and its Failures", passed a wholesale condemnation
on our present method, and attributed to it the falling
away of so many Catholics from the Faith. "The
chief cause of the 'leakage' is the imperfection of our
systems of religious instruction. Those methods seem
to be antiquated, injudicious, wasteful, sometimes
positively injurious to the cause" (Bp. Bellord, op.
cit., p. 7). Part of the blame is laid upon catechizing,
and part upon the catechisms. Of the latter we shall
speak presently. Again, the blame is twofold and is not
altogether consistent. The children are declared not
to know their religion, or, knowing it quite well,
not to put it into practice. In either case they are of
course lost to the Church when they grow up. Both
the bishop and the Redemptorist complain that relig-
ious instruction is made a task, and so fails either to be
learnt at all, or, if it is learnt, it is learnt in such a way
as to become hateful to the child and to have no bear-
ing on his conduct in after-life. Both are especially
severe on the attempt to make the children learn by
heart. The bishop quotes a number of experienced
missionary priests who share his views. It seems to us
that, in considering the methods of catechizing, we
have to bear in mind two very different sets of condi-
tions. In some countries religious instruction forms
part of the daily curriculum, and is mainly given on
weekdays by trained teachers. Where this is the case
it is not difficult to secure that the children shall learn
by heart some official textbook. With this as a foun-
dation the priest (who will by no means restrict bis
labours to Sunday work) will be able to explain and
illustrate and enforce what they have learnt by heart.
The teachers' business will be chiefly to put the cate-
chism into the child's head; the priest must get it into
his heart. Very different are the conditions which
Father Furniss and Bishop Bellord are dealing with.
Where the priest has to .get together on a Sunday, or
one day in the week, a number of children of all ages,
who are not obliged to be present; and when he has to
depend upon the assistance of lay persons who have
no training in teaching; it is obvious that he should do
his best to make the instruction as simple, as interest-
ing, and as devotional as possible. As in other branches
of instruction we may follow either the analytical or
the synthetical method. In the former we take a text-
book, a catechism, and explain it word for word to the
scholar and make him commit it to memory. The book
is of prime importance; the teacher occupies quite a
secondary place. Though it might convey a wrong
impression to call this the Protestant method, yet it is
exactly in accordance with the Protestant system of
religious teaching generally. The written, printed
word (Bible or Catechism) is to them all in all. The
synthetical method, on the other hand, puts the
teacher in the forefront. The scholars are bidden to
look up to him and listen to his voice, and receive his
words on his authority. " Faith cometh by hearing. "
After they have thoroughly learnt their lesson in this
way, a book may be then set before them, and be ex-
plained to them and committed to memory, as con-
taining in a fixed form the substance of what tney have
received by word of mouth. Whatever may be said of
the relative advantages of the two methods in the
teaching of secular subjects, there can be no doubt
that the synthetical method is the proper one for cate-
chetical instruction. The office of catechizing belongs
to the Church's magisterium (teaching authority), and
so is best exercised by the living voice. "The lips of
the priest 6hall keep knowledge, and they shall seek
the law at his mouMi" (Mai., ii, 7);
(a) The SxdpCcian Method of catechizing is cele-
brated throughout the world, and has produced won-
derful fruits wherever it has been employed. We can-
not, therefore, do better than give a short account of
it here.
The whole catechism consists of three principal
exercises and three secondary ones. The principal
are: (1) the recitation of the letter of the catechism,
with an easy explanation of it by way of question and
answer; (2) the instruction; (3) the reading of the
Gospel and the homily. The secondary exercises are:
(1) the admonitions from the head catechist; (2) the
hymns; (3) prayers. These should be interspersed with
the former. The duration fixed by St. Francis de Sales
for a complete catechism is two hours. The place
should be the church, but in a separate chapel rather
than in the body of the church. Great importance is
attached to the "game of the good mark" (le jeu du
bon point) and the analyses. The former consists in
selecting the child who has answered best in the first
part (the questioning on the catechism), and putting
to him a series of short, clear, and definite questions
upon the matter in hand, and doing this as a sort of
challenge to the child. The other children are roused
to interest at the notion of a contest between the cate-
chist and one of themselves, and this gives occasion
for a better understanding of the subject under treat-
ment. If the child is considered to have won, he *e-
ceives a small card of reward (le bon point). "For the
success of the game of the bon point it is important to
prepare beforehand and to write down the questions
which are to be put to the children, even the common-
est ones." The children should be made to write out
a short account of the instruction given after the ques-
tioning. These analyses should be corrected by the
teacher, and a mark ("fair", "good", "very good")
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DOGTROT
should be attached to each. In order to secure regular
attendance, registers should be carefully kept, and
rewards (pictures, medals, etc.) should be given to
those who have not missed a catechism. Treats and
feasts should also be given. The spirit of emulation
should be encouraged both for attendance and good
answering and analyses. Various minor ofhVes should
be conferred upon the best children. Punishment
should very seldom be resorted to.
Though the Sulpician method insists upon a thor-
ough knowledge of the letter of the catechism, it is
clear that the teacher is of prime importance rather
than the book. Indeed, the success or failure of the
catechism may be said to depend entirely upon him.
It is he who has to do the questioning and give the
instruction and the homily on the Gospel. Unless he
can keep the attention of the children fixed upon him,
he is bound to fail. Hence, the greatest care should be
taken in selecting and training the catechists. These
are sometimes seminarists or nuns, but lay persons
must often be taken. By far the larger portion of*
"The Method of Saint Sulpice" is devoted to the in-
struction of the catechists (cap. iv, " Of the instruction
of the children"; cap. v, "Of the sanctification of the
children"; cap. vi, "Of the necessity of making the
catechism pleasant to the children, and some means
fqr attaining this object"; cap. vii, "How to turn the
catechism into exercises of emulation"; cap. viii,
" How to maintain good order and ensure the success
of the catechisms ") . ,
So far the "Method" has dealt with the catechisms
generally. Next comes the division of the catechisms.
These are four in number: the Little Catechism, the
First-Communion Catechism, the Weekday Cate-
chism, and the Catechism of Perseverance. The Week-
day Catechism is the only one which requires any ex-
planation here. A certain time before the period of
first Communion a list is made out of such children as
are to be admitted to the Holy Table, and these are
prepared by more frequent exercises, held on week-
days as well as on Sundays. As a rule, only children
who have attended for twelve months are admitted to
the weekday catechisms, and the usual age is twelve
years. The weekday catechism is held on two days of
the week and for about three months. The order is
much the same as that of the Sunday catechism, ex-
cept that the Gospel and the homily are omitted. The
children are examined twice during the weekday cate-
chisms: the first time about the middle of the course;
the second, a week before the retreat. Those who have
often been absent without cause or who have an-
swered badly, or whose conduct has been unsatisfac-
tory, are rejected.
A complete account of the method will be found in
"The Method of Saint Sulpice" (Tr.), and also in
"The Ministry of Catechising" (Tr.) by Mgr. Dupan-
loup.
(b) The Munich Method.— In 1898 Dr. A. Weber,
editor of the " Katechetische* Blatter" of Munich,
urged the adaptation of the Herbart-Ziller system in
teaching Christian doctrine. This system requires,
" first, a division of the catechetical matter into strict
methodical units, so that those questions are co-ordi-
nated which are essentially one. Secondly, it insists
on a methodical following of the three essential steps,
viz., Presentation, Explanation, and Application —
with a short Preparation before Presentation, then
Combination after Explanation, as more or less non-
essential points. It therefore never begins with the cate-
chetical questions, but always with an objective Presenta-
tion— in the form of a story from life or the Bible, a
catechetical, Biblical or historical picture, a point of
liturgy, church history, or the lives of the saints, or
some such objective lesson. Out of this objective les-
son only will the catechetical concepts be evolved and
abstracted, then combined into the catechism answer
and formally applied to life. These catechists aim at
capturing the child's interest from the start and pre*
serving nis good- will and' attention throughout"
(Amer. Eccl. Rev., March, 1908, p. 342). "Prevara~
tion turns the attention of the pupil in a definite direc-
tion. The pupil hears the lesson-aim in a few well-
chosen worcls. At this stage of the process the pupil's
ideas are also corrected and made clearer. Presentation
gives an object-lesson. If at all possible, use one such
object only. There are sound psychological reasons
for this, although it becomes occasionally useful to
employ several. Explanation might also be called con-
cept-formation. Out of the objective lesson are here
construed, or evolved, the catechetical concepts.
From the concrete objective presentation we here pass
to the general concept. Combination gathers all the
ideas derived from the lesson into the text of the cate-
chism. Application finally strengthens and deepens
the truths we have gathered and variously widens
them for purposes of life. We can here insert further
examples, give additional motives, apply the lessons
to the actual life of the child, train the child in judging
his own moral conduct, and end with some particular
resolution, or an appropriate prayer, song, hymn, or
quotation" (Amer. Eccl. Rev., Apr., 1908, p. 465). In
the same number of the Review (p. 460) will be found
an excellent lesson on " Sin", drawn up on the lines of
the Munich Method. Further information will be
found in Weber's "Die Milnchener katechetische
Methode", and Gottler's "Der Milnchener kateche-
tische Kurs, 1905".
Instruction of Converts. — The careful instruction of
those who apply for admission into the Church, or who
wish information about her doctrines and practices, is
a sacred duty incumbent at times on almost every
priest. No one may prudently embrace the Christian
religion unless he sees clearly that it is credible. Hence
the motives of credibility, the sure arguments that
convince the understanding and move the will to com-
mand the assent of faith, must be clearly set forth.
The higher the social or intellectual position of in-
quirers, the more thorough and diligent should be the
instruction. Each one is to be guided not merely to
understand the Church's dogmas, as far as he can, but
to practise the exercises of Christian perfection. Be-
fore the usual profession of faith, converts ought to be
examined on tneir knowledge of all matters that must
be known in order to be saved. This should be done
with great care, for at this time they are docile. After
their admission to the sacraments some may easily
fancy themselves fully instructed, and for want of
further study remain ignorant until death, unable to
train properly their children or dependents. In the
case of uneducated persons who are drawn to the
Church, the prudent director will avoid such contro-
versy as might lead his pupil to defend errors hitherto
unknown. Better educated inquirers are to be fully
satisfied on all points that they have held against
Catholic doctrine and must be provided with the
means of resisting both internal and external tempta-
tions. The length of time and the character of the
instruction will vary with each individual.
It follows from what has been said that the times
and places will vary according to the different sorts of
persons to be instructed and the habits of the different
countries. Speaking generally, however, at least some
instruction should t>e given on Sundays and in the
church, so as to bring out the religious character of
catechizing.
III. Modern Catechisms. — When speaking of the
history of catechetics we saw that, though the method
was originally and properly oral, the custom soon
arose of composing catechisms — i. e. short manuals of
elementary religious instruction, usually by means of
questions and answers.
A catechism is of the greatest use both to the teacher
and the scholar. To the teacher it is a guide as to the
subjects to be taught, the order of dealing with them,
1
BOOTBINI
86
DOOTRXHS
and the choice of words in which the instruction should
be conveyed ; above all, it is the best means of securing
uniformity and correctness of doctrinal and moral
teaching. The use which the teacher should make of
it must be understood in connexion with what has
been said above about the methods of catechizing. To
the scholar a catechism gives in a brief form a sum-
mary of what the teacher has been imparting to him;
and by committing it to memory he can be sure that
he has grasped the substance of his lesson. As already
observed, this is not a difficult matter where there are
Catholic schools under trained expert teachers accus-
tomed to making the children learn by heart; but
where the teaching has to be done in evening or Sun-
day schools by inexperienced persons, and the scholars
are not under the same control as in the day schools,
the portions to be committed to memory must be
reduced to a minimum.
A good catechism should conform strictly to the
definition given above. That is to say, it should be
elementary, not a learned treatise of dogmatic, moral,
and ascetical theology; And it should be simple in lan-
guage, avoiding technical expressions as far as consist-
ent with accuracy. Should the form of question and
answer be maintained? No doubt it is not an interest-
ing form for grown-up persons; but children prefer it
because it lets them know exactly what they are likely
to be asked. Moreover, this form keeps up the idea of
a teacher and a disciple, and so is most in conformity
with the fundamental notion of catechizing. What
form the answers should take — Yes or No, or a cate-
gorical statement — is a matter of disagreement among
the best teachers. It would seem that the decision
depends on the character of the different languages ■
and nations; some of them making extensive use of
the affirmative and* negative particles, while others
reply by making statements. Archbishop Walsh of
Dublin, in his instructions for the revision of the cate-
chism, recommended "the introduction of short read-
ing lessons, one to be appended to each chapter of the
catechism. These reading lessons should deal, in some-
what fuller form, with the matter dealt with in the
questions and answers of the catechism. The insertion
of such lessons would make it possible to omit without
loss many questions the answers to which now impose
a heavy burden on the memory of the children. ... If
these lessons are written with care and skill, and in a
style attractive as well as simple, the children will soon
have them learned by heart, from the mere fact of
repeatedly reading them, and without any formal
effort at committing them to memory" (Irish Eccl.
Record, Jan., 1892). An excellent means of assisting
the memory is the use of pictures. These should be
selected with the greatest care; they should be accu-
rate as well as artistic. The catechism used in Venice
when Pius X was patriarch was illustrated.
As there are three stages of catechetical instruction,
so there should be three catechisms corresponding
with these. The first should be very short and simple,
but should give the little child some information about
all four parts of religious knowledge. The second cate-
chism, for those preparing for first Communion, should
embody, word for word, without the slightest change,
all the questions and answers of the first catechism.
Further questions and answers, dealing with a more
extensive knowledge, should be added in their proper
places, after the earlier matter; and these will have
special reference to the sacraments, more particularly
the Holy Eucharist. The third catechism, for those
who have made their first Communion, should in
like manner embody the contents of the first and sec-
ond catechisms, and add instruction belonging to the
third stage mentioned above. For scholars beyond the
elementary stages this third catechism may be used,
with additions not in the form of question and answer
and not necessarily to be learnt by heart. The great
running through all the catechisms should be that
the later ones should grow out of the earlier ones, and
that the children should not be confused by differently
worded answers to the same questions. Thus, the an-
swer to the questions: What is charity? What is a
sacrament? should be exactly the same m all the cate-
chisms. Further information can be introduced by
fresh questions. In some rare cases additions may be
made at the end of the earlier answers, but never in
the middle.
It was mentioned in the historical portion of this
article that at the time of the Vatican Council a pro-
posal was made for the introduction of a uniform cate-
chism for use throughout the Church. As the proposal
was not carried out, we may here discuss the advan-
tages and disadvantages of a universal catechism.
There can be no doubt that the present system of
Allowing each bishop to draw up a catechism for use
in his diocese is open to strong objection. Happily, in
these days there is no difficulty on the head of diver-
sity of doctrine. The difficulty arises rather from the
importance attached to learning the catechism by
heart. People do not nowadays remain stationary in
the neighbourhood in which they were born. Their
children, in passing from one diocese to another, are
obliged to unlearn the wording of one catechism (a
most difficult process) and learn the different wording
of another. Even where all the dioceses of a province
or country have the same catechism the difficulty
arises in passing into a new province or country. A
single catechism for universal use would prevent all
this waste of time and confusion, besides being a
strong bond of union between the nations. ^ At the
same time it must be recognized that the conditions of
the Church vary considerably in the different countries.
In a Catholic country, for instance, it is not necessary
to touch upon controversial questions, whereas in non-
Catholic countries these must be thoroughly gone into.
This will notably be the case with regard to the intro-
duction of texts in the actual words of the Holy Scrip-
tures. Thus, in the Valladolid Catechism there is not
a single quotation from the Old or New Testament
except the Our Father and the first part of the Hail
Mary — and even of these the source is not mentioned.
The Commandments are not given in the words of
Scripture. There is no attempt to prove any doctrine :
everything is stated dogmatically on the authority of
the Church. A catechism on these lines is clearly un-
suited for children living among Protestants. As al-
ready pointed out, the instruction of those who have
made their first Communion should embrace proof as
well as statement. The Fathers of the Vatican Council
recognized the difficulty, and endeavoured to meet
it by a compromise. A new catechism, based upon
Bellarmine's Catechism and other catechisms of ap-
proved value, was to be drawn up in Latin, and was
to be translated into the different vernaculars with
the authority of the bishops, who were empowered to
make such additions as they might think fit ; but these
additions were to be kept quite distinct from the text.
The unhappy events of the latter part of the year 1870
prevented this proposal from being carried out.
(a) The present pontiff, Pius X, has prescribed a cate-
chism for use in tne Diocese of Rome and in its eccle-
siastical province, and has expressed a desire that it
should be adopted throughout Italy. It has been
translated into English, French, Spanish, and German,
and a movement has begun with a view to extending
its use to other countries besides Italy, especially to
Spain, where the conditions are similar. (See "Irish Eccl.
Record", March, 1906, p. 221; " Amer. Eccl. Rev.",
Nov., 1906.) This catecnism consists of two parts, or
rather two distinct books: one for " lower classes" and
one for u higher classes ' \ The first, or " Shorter Cate-
chism", is meant for those who have not made their
first Communion; the second, or " Longer Catechism",
for those who have already been through the other.
Both are constructed on the same lines: an introduo-
DOCTRINE 87 DOOTBIMI
tory portion, and then five sections treating in turn rigid repetition of the words of the question. Various
of the Creed, Prayer, the Commandments, the Sacra- important improvements have been suggested by
ments, the Virtues, etc. The "Longer Catechism "con- Archbishop Walsh (see "Irish Eccl. Record", Jan.,
tains, in addition, in catechetical form, an instruction 1892, and following numbers). There is also a smaller
on the feasts of Our Lord, the Blessed Virgin, and the edition of the Maynooth Catechism. The manuals used
Saints, and a short "History of Religion" (the Old in the advanced classes are much the same as those
Testament, the New Testament, and the Church) in used in Great Britain, together with the "Companion
the form of a narrative. But though the two cate- to the Catechism" (Gill). Religious inspection is
chisms are on the same main lines, they have very general.
little connexion with each other. Hardly any of the (For the United States, see above under History
questions and answers are the same; so that a knowl- of Catechetics.)
edge of the wording of the first is of little use, but (d) The First Provincial Council of Quebec (1852)
rather an obstacle, in learning the second. It is worthy ordered two catechisms for use in Canada: Butler's
of note that, though texts of Scripture are not quoted, Catechism for those speaking English, and a new
the second catechism contains a large number of ques- French catechism for those speaking French. The
tions and answers relating to the Holy Scriptures, latter is called "The Quebec Catechism", and is also
among others the following: "Is the reading of the issued in an abridged form.
Bible necessary to all Christians? — The reading of the (e) In Australia the Maynooth Catechism is gener-
Bible is not necessary to all Christians, because they ally used. But the bishops in the Plenary Council of
are taught by the Church; still, the reading of, it is 1885 decreed that a new catechism should be drawn up
very useful and recommended to all." Many of the for use throughout Australia.
answers in the second catechism are much longer than From this enumeration it will be seen how far we are
those in other catechisms. The catechism itself, with- from having any uniform catechism for the English-
out counting the lengthy instruction on the feasts and speaking peoples. If we consider the Gontinent of
the "History of Religion", fills more than 200 pages Europe, we find that in France, Germany, and Spain
12mo in Bishop Byrne's translation. different catechisms are in use in the different dioceses.
(b) Throughout Great Britain only one catechism is In the German-speaking provinces of Austria there is
officially in use. It was drawn up by a committee one single catechism for all the dioceses, approved by
appointed by the Second Provincial Council of West- the whole episcopate in 1894. It is issued in three
minster (1855), and is based upon the Douai Catechism, forms: small, middle, and large. All of these are ar-
It has undergone several revisions, the last of these ranged on exactly the same lines: a short introduction,
being for the purpose of eliminating the particles Yes Faith and the Apostles' Creed, Hope and Prayer,
and No, and making all the answers distinct categori- Charity and the Commandments, Grace and the Sac-
cal statements. It is remarkable for its frequent ap- raments, Justification and the Last Things. The mid-
peal to proofs from Holy Scripture. Though it has die catechism contains all the questions and answers
been subject to many attacks, it is justly considered of the small, in exactly the same words, and adds a
to be a clear and logical statement of Catholic belief considerable number of fresh ones. In like manner,
and practice, fitted to the needs of both children and the large catechism makes further additions. The,
grown-up persons seeking instruction. Perhaps it has small catechism has no texts from Scripture ; the other
this latter class too much in view, and hence it is some- two contain many texts, usually placed in notes at the
times wanting in simplicity. The omission of Yes and foot of the page. The chief difference between the
No and the avoidance of pronouns in the answers have middle and large catechisms is that the latter deals
been carried to a pedantic excess. Besides this ordi- more with reasons and proofs, and consequently gives
nary catechism there is a smaller catechism, for a greater number of Scripture texts. Austria is, there-
younger children, which goes over the whole ground fore, better off than most countries in the matter of
in a more elementary form; it is to some extent free the catechism. She has none of the difficulties arising
from the objection just mentioned; but this advan- from a multiplicity of manuals, and her single text-
tage involves some verbal differences between the book is in the three forms described above as the ideal
answers of the two catechisms. There is no official for all countries. Schuster's excellent Bible History
advanced catechism. For the more advanced classes is also in universal use, and is arranged by means of
accommodated to
ious training
iticized by Dr.
rata 'a "The Catechism, Simply Explained"; Fander's Pichler, a high authority in that country. He con-
(Deharbe's) "Catechism". Howe s "Catechist" and siders the catechism as cumbersome, the work of a
Spirago's "Method of Christian Doctrine" (ed. Mess- good theologian but a poor catechist; he advocates the
mer) are used by those who are being trained to be compilation of a new Bible History on the lines of
teachers. Short Bible Histories, none of them official, Knecht's manual; and he advocates the adoption of
are used in the more elementary classes, especially inductive methods. See "Unser Religionsunterricht,
Formby's volumes; in the higher classes, Wenhanrs seine Mangel und deren Ursachen".
"New Testament Narrative", Richards' "Scripture One of tne best of the German catechisms is that of
History", and Knecht's "Practical Commentary", the Diocese of Augsburg, mainly the work of Kinsel
There are also separate books of the New Testament, and Hauser, and published in 1904. It is on the lines
edited by Mer. Ward and by Father Sydney Smith, of Deharbe, but much simplified, and copiously illus-
etc. It should be added that the elementary schools trated. So, too, is the new Hungarian catechism
and the training colleges, besides many of the sec- (1907), which is issued in three editions: one for the
ondary schools and colleges, are examined in religious first and second grade of elementary schools, one for
knowledge by inspectors appointed by the bishops. the remaining four grades, and one for the high
(c) In Ireland tne catechism most commonly used at schools. Bishop Mailath of Transylvania has had the
the present time is the " Catechism ordered by the Na- direction of the work. Poland has not been behindhand
tional Synod of Maynooth .... for General Use through- in reforming her catechetical teaching. A catechism
out the Irish Church". After a short Introduction on has iust been drawn up for the fourth, fifth, and sixth
God and the creation of the world and on man and the grades by Bishop Likowski and Valentine Gadowski.
end of his creation, it treats in turn of the Creed, the The answers to be learnt by heart are limited to forty
Commandments, Prayer, and the Sacraments. The in each year, and are short and simple. Each is fol-
answers are short and clear, and, though Yes and No lowed by a fairly long explanation. This catechism
are excluded, the form of the answers is not always a contains 215 illustrations.
DOOTBINI 88 DOOTRXNB
ItshouldbenotedthatallContinentalreformershave k later than Eusebius, being founded on the story of
dropped the idea of making the answers theologically St. Helena. Addai then preaches to the people, who
complete. The subsequent explanations supply what are converted. The heathen altars are thrown down,
may be wanting. The answers are complete sentences, and the people are baptized. King Abgar induces the
Yea and No being seldom used by themselves, and the Emperor Tiberius to chastise the Jews for having
order of the words in the answers follows that in the crucified the Saviour. Churches are built by Addai,
questions. and he makes deacons and priests. On his death-bed
On the History of CotccheHca: Bareille, Le CoUchisme Ro- he appoints Aggai his successor, ordains the deacon
main. Introduction (Montrfjeau, 1906); Hezard, HUtoire du Palut priest, and gives his last admonitions. He was
catechisme deputa la naissance de I Eglise jusgua noa jours; l.. -^ • ii,_ „^v„i«u«^ ^r av. 1 • t *.
Thalhofeb, Entwicklung des kotholtschen Kotechismis in guned in the sepulchre of the king's ancestors.
DeuUchland von Canisiu* bis Deharbe; Probst, Geachiehu der Many years after his death, Aggai, who ordained holy
l^oliachenKatechese (Paderborn .1887); Spirago, .Method of priests for the country, was martyred as he taught in
Christian Doctrine, tr. Messmer (New York, 1901), vi; Ba- fv- -v„^u u,, « ««u^if:i. ~~ c al tt-
beille in Diet, de thiol. cath.,s. v. Catichese; ^angei^t, ibid., the church by a rebellious son of Abgar. His succes-
8. v. Catechisme; Knecht in Kirchenlex., s. vv. Katechese, Kate- SOr, Palut, was obliged to CO to Antioch in order to get
chete.Katechismus. episcopal consecration, which he received from Sera-
On Catechizing, Methods, etc.: Dtjpanloup, Method of Cote- _J__ b;«kA.* ~t A«+:~iv ~.u~ «u- i* i • j
chising (tr.); The Method of S. Stdnice (tr.); Spirago. ut supra; P">n* Bishop of Antioch, who "himself also received
Walsh, Irish Ecd. Record, Jan.. 1892; Lambing. The Sunday the hand from Zephyrinus, Bishop of the city of
School Teactor's Manual {IS7Z); Furniss, How to Teach at Rome, from the succession of the hand of the priest-
Catechism; Sunday School or Catechismt; Bellord. Religious t,~~i 1* a:.~ n-o. vuu ' a t r\
Education and its Failures (Notre Dame, 1901); bAREiLLE. J00*} of Simon Cephas, which he received from Our
M angenot, and Knecht, ut supra: Glancy, Preface to Knecht, Lord, who was there Bishop of Rome twenty-five years,
Bite Commentary for Schools (Freiburg 1894): Gibson The m the davs of the Caesar, who reigned there thirteen
Catechism made Easy (London, 1882); Carr, A Lamp of the „>» /*. «j *i xt • a u • j t
Word and Instructor's Guide (Liverpool, 1892): How*, The yeareL (evidently Nero is meant, who reigned from
Catechist: or Headings and Suggestions for the Explanation of the October, 54, to June, 68). The anxiety of the* writer
?a^^ (^^^on-Tyne, 1895); Sloan, The Sunday to connect the Edessene succession with Rome is in-
School Teacher 8 Guide to Success (New York, 1907); Amer. * *• :, % . . ,. t *l t> a • a t a *•
Ecd. Rev., Jan.-May, 1908; Weber, Die Munchener kateche- teresting; its denvation from the Petrine See of Anti-
tische Methods; Gottler, Der Munchener katechetische Kurs, Och does not suffice him.
™S2£SL. Manuals, etc. -It would not be possible to give J^**^ °f th.e ft0"1 ^ unorthodox, though
anything like a complete lUt of thete. We shall content our- so™6 expressions might be understood m an Apolli-
selves with mentioning a few of the best-known in use in Eng- narian sense. The mention of Holy Scripture must be
ftriSrtftH "TnT'u • ~m/™a™, •alr^5j ^^ menti°ne^ noticed: "They read in the Old Testament and the
in the- article. — A Catechism of Christian Doctrine, prepared and xt -. ~ j *l~ t5 i» * j x\. a j. t *v A xi
enjoined by order of the Third Council of Baltimore (1885); The Wew» and tne Prophets, and the Acts of the Apostles,
Catechism ordered by the National Synod of Maynooth and ap- every day they meditated on them"; "a large number
&^e^a^tr^H^^t^'c^^^.i^. of P«0Ple ^sembled day by day and came to the
A Short Catechism extracted from the Catechism ordered, etc. prayer of the service, and to [the reading} of the Old
(Dublin, s. d.); A Catechism of Christian Doctrine approved by and New Testament, of the Diatessaron , "But the
^^^Va&tfj^^^XS^k *** *nd the Prophete and the Gospel, which ye read
notes); The Little Catechism; an Abridgement of the Catechism of every day before the people, and the Epistles of Paul.
Christian Doctrine (London, s. d.); Butler, Catechism (Dublin, which Simon Peter sent US from the city of Rome, and
151™ R^Fn^frZ^hZLttn^l v!Titif^dTon (a^° the Acts of the twelve Apostles, which John, the son
known as panders Catechism) (New York, 1887); Companion r n \^ j a r •£ u ai. ui j
to The Catechism (Dublin); Spiraoo, The Catechism Explained, of Zebedee, sent us from Ephesus, these books read ye
ed. Clarke; Gerard, Course of Religious Instruction for in the Churches of Christ, and with these read not any
?^iiiZ^rl^^}W)Tl; D£ Zuweta. I*tfer» on Chris- others, as there is not any other in which the truth
turn Doctrine; Lafferata, The Catechism Simply Explained .-, . ' i u . ... J . .i • , , ,. ,
(London, 1897): A Manual of Instruction in Christian Doc- that ye hold IS written, except these books, which re-
trine — approved by Card. Wiseman and Card. Manning, tain you in the faith to which ye have been called."
B^tt&£±r&i^>;^,£^^ ]?«. ^fore exclude, the Apocalypse and all
an Aid to the intelligent knowledge of the Catechism (London, the Catholic Epistles; in this it agrees With Aphraates,
1881); Power, Catechism: Doctrinal, Moral, Historical, and Theodore of Mopsuestia, the Syriac stichometrical list
^l^^M^^^r}890^ v 4 ,* n . i.- m * of Cod. Sin. 10 (in Mrs. Lewis's Catalogue of Sinai
Anglican: Maclear, A Class Book of the Catechism of the ^jroa \ j u ui -*u t? i V o •
Church of England (London, 1886). MSS.), and probably with Ephrem. The Syriac
There are many Bible Histories in use, but none of them Church, indeed, never accepted the Apocalypse and
??™Hfi ^™mmlnd£^ though^Puyjstl?d ,™*h ePJ^P*1 the four shorter Catholic Epistles; the three longer
approval. The best-rknown are: The Children s Bible History , ... j . u . \ . A Anrk , °
for Home and School Use (a small elementary work of which were admitted at all events later than 400, at an un-
nearly a million and a half have been printed; it is capable of certain date. The Diatessaron was employed by the
improvement) (London. 1872); FoRmby Pictorial BMe and 3^0 Church from its composition by Tatian C 160
Church History Stories, including Old Testament History, the ^ ..1 .. .1 1 • ^ .1 r r»* u t
life of Christ, and Church History (London. 1871); Knecht, until it was proscribed by the famous Bishop of
Bible Commentary for Schools, ed. Glancy (Freiburg im Edessa, Rabbula (d. 435).
Breisgau, 1894); wenham Readings from the Old Testament We seem to find firm historical ground in the state-
New Testament Narrative (Condon, 1907); Richards, Manual a xu a r» 1 * ~ 4. a t- u u o
of. Scripture History (London, 1885); dosxELLo. The Gospel ment that Palut was consecrated bishop by Serapion,
Story (London, 1900); Scripture Manuals for Catholic Schools, who Was Bishop of Antioch C. 191-212 and really a
ed. Smith (London. 1899): St Edmund s College Series of contemporary of Pope Zephyrinus. But this shows
Scripture Manuals, Ward ed. (London, 1897). alxaJj-l S d f/ .. . -
Vp g' Scannell. ^na* Addai, who made Palut a priest, was not one of
•* *_! Tk a t^ the seventy-two Disciples of Christ. The first Chris-
Doctrine, Development of. See Revelation. tian King of ^^ wafl in reality Ab IX (i79_2l4)
Doctrine of Addai (Lat. Dodrina Addai), a Syriac who was converted soon after 201, and this date tallies
document which relates the legend of the conversion of with that of Palut. It is possible that Palut was the
Edessa. It begins with the story of the letter of King first Bishop of Edessa; but it is surely more likely that
Abgar to Christ (see Abgar) and the reply of the lat- there was already a Church and a bishop under the
ter, with some variations from the account drawn by pagan kings in so important a city. An early date for
Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., I, xiii) from the Edessene ar- the Abgar legend is sometimes based upon the promise
chives. The reply was not a letter, as Eusebius says, in the message of Christ: "Thy city shall be blessed,
but a verbal message, together with a portrait of and no enemy shall again become master of it for
Christ (not in Eusebius). After the Ascension Judas ever." It is argued that this could not have been in-
Thomas sent Addai, one of the seven tv-two Disciples, vented after the sacking of the city under Trajan in
to Abgar. Addai (Thaddeus in Eusebius) healea the 116; but the writer might havepassed over this event
king of his sickness, and preached before him, relating after a century and a half. The confusion of dates
the discovery of the True Cross by Protonice. wife of can hardly have arisen before the latter half of the
the Emperor Claudius; this, with all that follows, third century, and the Edessene Acts used by Euse-
DOOTRINB
89
DOGMA
T>ius were probably not very old when he wrote. The
" Doctrine of Addai " is yet later. The Finding of the
Cross must be dated some time later than St. Helena;
the miraculous picture of Christ was not seen by the
Abbess Etheria when she visited Edessa c. 385. Hence
the date of the work may be c. 400.
The "Doctrine of Addai" was first published in
Syriac in a fragmentary form by Cureton, " Ancient
Syriac documents" (London, 1864, a posthumous
work), with a translation; another translation in
" Ante-Nicene Chr. Libr.", XX. The full Syriac text
was published by Phillips, with a translation (London,
1876). An Armenian version and (separately) a French
translation, by the Mechitarist Father Leo Alishan,
"Laboubnia, Lettre d'Abgar" (Venice, 1868).
The literature of the subject (including the Abgar legend, the
Finding of the Cross, the Greek legend in the Acta Thaddari,
and the origins of the Church of Edessa) is very large. The
following works may be specially mentioned: Lipsiub, Die
edeaaeniache Abgaraage kritisch untersuchl (Brunswick, 1880);
Tixeront, Lea originea de VEgliae d'Edeaae et la Ugende d'Abgar
(Paris, 1888); Mabtin, Les originea de VEgliae d'Edeaae et dea
giliaea ayriennea (extr. from Revue dea ac. eccl., Paris, 1889);
urkitt. Early Eastern Christianity (London, 1004): Nestle,
De aaneta cruet (Berlin, 1880); on the picture of Christ, Von
Dobs ch On, Chriatuabilder (Leipzig, 1800). Further references
will be found- in Bardenhewer, Geach. der oltkirchl. LiU., I,
458; Chevalier, Repertoire, s. v. Abgar.
John Chapman.
Doctrine of the Twelve Apostles. See Didache.
Dodd, Charles. See Tootell, Hugh.
Dodone. See Bodone.
Doering, Henry. See Poona.
Dogma. — I. Definition. — The word dogma (Gr.
067fux, from boicciv) signifies, in the writings of the
ancient classical authors, sometimes, an opinion or
that which seems true to a person; sometimes, the
philosophical doctrines or tenets, and especially the
distinctive philosophical doctrines, of a particular
school of philosophers (cf. Cic. Ac, ii, 9) ; and some-
times, a public decree or ordinance, as dtryfta roieTadai.
In Sacred Scripture it is used, at one time, in the sense
of a decree or edict of the civil authority, as in Luke,
ii, 1: "And it came to pass, that in those days there
went out a decree [edictum, 867/Aa] from Caesar Au-
gustus" (cf. Acts, xvii, 7; Esther, iii, 3); at another
time, in the sense of an ordinance of the Mosaic Law,
as in Eph., ii, 15: "Making void the law of command-
ments contained in decrees" (doyiuurLv); and again, it
is applied to the ordinances or decrees of the first
Apostolic Council in Jerusalem: "And as they passed
through the cities, they delivered unto them tne de-
crees [dogmata] for to keep, that were decreed by the
apostles and ancients who were at Jerusalem" (Acts,
xvi, 4). Among the early Fathers the usage was prev-
alent of designating as dogmas the doctrines and
moral precepts taugnt or promulgated by the Saviour
or by the Apostles ; and a distinction was sometimes
made between Divine, Apostolical, and ecclesiastical
dogmas, according as a doctrine was conceived as hav-
ing been taught by Christ, by the Apostles, or as hav-
ing been delivered: to the faithful by the Church. But
according to a long-standing usage a dogma is now
understood to be a truth appertaining to faith or
morals, revealed by God, transmitted from the Apos-
tles in the Scriptures or by tradition, and proposed by
the Church for the acceptance of the faithful. It
might be described briefly as a revealed truth defined
by the Church ; but private revelations do not consti-
tute dogmas, and some theologians confine the word
defined to doctrines solemnly defined by the pope or
by a general council, while a revealed truth becomes
a dogma even when proposed by the Church through
her ordinary magisterium or teaching office. A dogma
therefore implies a twofold relation: to Divine revela-
tion and to the authoritative teaching of the Church.
Theologians distinguish three classes of revealed
truths: truths formally and explicitly revealed; truths
revealed formally, but only implicitly; and truths only
virtually revealed. A truth is said to be formally re-
vealed, when the speaker or revealer really means to con-
vey that truth by his language, to guarantee it by the
authority of his word. The revelation is formal and
explicit, when made in clear express terms. It is formal
but only implicit, when the language is somewhat
obscure, when the rules of interpretation must be
carefully employed to determine the meaning of the
revelation. And a truth is said to be revealed only vir-
tually, when it is not formally guaranteed by the word of
the speaker, but is inferred from something formally re-
vealed. Now, truths formally and explicitly revealed
by God are certainly dogmas in the strict sense when
they are proposed or defined by the Church. Such
are the articles of the Apostles' Creed. Similarly,
truths revealed by God formally, but only implicitly,
are dogmas in the strict sense when proposed or defined
by the Church. Such, for example, are the doctrines
of Transubstantiation (q. v.), papal infallibility
(q. v.), the Immaculate Conception (q. v.), some of the
Church's teaching about the Saviour, the sacraments,
etc. All doctrjnes defined by the Church as being
contained in revelation are understood to be formally
revealed, explicitly or implicitly. It is a dogma of
faith that the Church is infallible in defining these two
classes of revealed truths; and the deliberate denial
of one of these dogmas certainly involves the sin of
heresy. There is a diversity of opinion about virtu-
ally revealed truths, which has its roots in a diversity
of opinion about the material object of faith (see
Faith). It is enough to say here that, according to
some theologians, virtually revealed truths belong to
the material object of faith and become dogmas in the
strict sense when defined or proposed by the Church;
and according to others, they do not belong to the
material object of faith prior to their definition, but
become strict dogmas when defined; and, according
to others, they do not belong to the material object of
Divine faith at all, nor become dogmas in the strict sense
when defined, but may be called mediately-Divine or
ecclesiastical dogmas. In the hypothesis that virtu-
ally revealed conclusions do not belong to the material
object of faith, it has not been defined that the Church
is infallible in defining these truths; the infallibility
of the Church, however, in relation to these truths is a
doctrine of the Church theologically certain, which
cannot lawfully be denied; and though the denial of
an ecclesiastical dogma would not be heresy in the
strict sense, it could entail the sundering of the bond
of faith and expulsion from the Church by the
Church's anathema or excommunication.
II. Divisions. — The divisions of dogma follow the
lines of the divisions of faith. Dogmas can be (1)
general or special; (2) material or formal; (3) pure or
mixed ; (4) symbolic or non-symbolic ; (5) and tney can
differ according to their various degrees of necessity. —
(1) General dogmas are a part of the revelation meant
for mankind and transmitted from the Apostles ; while
special dogmas are the truths revealed in private
revelations. Special dogmas, therefore, are not,
strictly speaking, dogmas at all; they are not re-
vealed, truths transmitted from the Apostles ; nor are
they defined or proposed by the Church for the accept-
ance of the faithful generally. — (2) Dogmas are called
material (or Divine, or dogmas in themselves, in «c)
when abstraction is made from their definition by the
Church, when they are considered only as revealed;
and they are called formal (or Catholic, or "in relation
to us", quoad nos) when they are considered both as
revealed and denned. Again, it is evident that mate-
rial dogmas are not dogmas in the strict sense of the
term. — (3) Pure dogmas are those which can be known
only from revelation, as the Trinity (q. v.), Incarna-
tion (q. v.), etc. : while mixed dogmas are truths which
can be known from revelation or from philosophical
reasoning, as the existence and attributes of God.
1
DOGMA 90 DOGMA
Both classes are dogmas in the strict sense, when con- that Augustus was Emperor of the Romans, and that
eidered as revealed and defined. — (4) Dogmas con- George Washington was first President of the United
tained in the symbols or creeds of the Church are States.
called symbolic; the remainder are non-symbolic. (2) Abstracting from the Church's definition, we are
Hence all the articles of the Apostles' Creed are dog- bound to render to God the homage of our assent to
mas; but not all dogmas are called technically articles revealed truth once we are satisfied that He has
of faith, though an ordinary dogma is sometimes spoken. Even atheists admit, hypothetically, that if
rken of as an article of faith. — (5) Finally, there are there be an infinite Being distinct from the world, we
jmas belief in which is absolutely necessary as a should pay Him the homage of believing His Divine
means to salvation, while faith in others is rendered word.
necessary only by Divine precept; and some dogmas (3) Hence it is not permissible to distinguish re-
must be explicitly known and believed, while with vealed truths as fundamental and non-fundamentai
regard to others implicit belief is sufficient. in the sense that some truths, though known to have
III. Objective Character of Dogmatic Truth; been revealed by God, may be lawfully denied. But
Intellectual Belief in Dogma. — As a dogma is a while we should believe, at least implicitly, every
revealed truth, the intellectual character and objective truth attested by the word of God, we are free to admit
reality of dogma depend on the intellectual character that some are in themselves more important than
and objective truth of Divine revelation. We will others, more necessary than others, ana that an ex-
here apply to dogma the conclusions developed at plicit knowledge of some is necessary while an implicit
greater length under the heading of revelation (q. v.). faith in others is sufficient.
Are dogmas, considered merely as truths revealed by IV. Dogma and the Church. — Revealed truths be-
God, real objective truths addressed to the human come formally dogmas when defined or proposed bv
mind? Are we bound to believe them with the mind? the Church. There is considerable hostility, in mod-
Should we admit the distinction between fundamental em times, to dogmatic religion when considered as a
and non-fundamental dogmas? body of truths defined by the Church, and still more
(1) Rationalists deny the existence of Divine super- when considered as defined by the pope. The theory
natural revelation, and consequently of religious of dogma which is here expounded depends for its ac-
dogmas. A certain school of mystics has taught that ceptance on the doctrine of the infallible teaching
what Christ inaugurated in the world was "a new office of the Church and of the Roman pontiff. It
life". The " Modernist " theory by reason of its re- will be sufficient to notice the following points; (1)
cent condemnation calls for fuller treatment. There the reasonableness of the definition of dogmas; (2) the
are different shades of opinion among Modernists, immutability of dogma; (3) the necessity for Church
Some of them do not, apparently, deny all intellectual unity of belief in dogma ; (4) the inconveniences which
value to dogma (cf. Le Roy, "Dogme et Critique"), are alleged to be associated with the definition of
Dogma, like revelation, they say, is expressed in dogma.
terms of action. Thus when the Son of God is said (1) Against the theory of interpretation of Scripture
"to have come down from heaven", according to. all by private judgment, Catholics regard as absolutely
theologian* He did not come down, as bodies descend unacceptable the view that God revealed a body of
or as angels are conceived to pass from place to place, truths to the world and appointed no official teacher
but the hypostatic union is described in terms of ac- of revealed truth, no authoritative judge of contro-
tion. So when we profess our* faith in God the versy; this view is as unreasonable as would be the
Father, we mean, according to M. Le Roy, that we notion that the civil legislature makes laws, and then
have to act towards God as sons; but neither the commits to individual private judgment the right and
fatherhood of God, nor the other dogmas of faith, the duty of interpreting the laws and deciding con-
such as the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Resurrection troversies. The Church and the supreme pontiff are
of Christ, etc. imply of necessity any objective intel- endowed by God with the privilege of infallibility in
lectual conception of fatherhood, Trinity. Resurrec- discharge of the duty of universal teacher in the
tion, etc.. or convey any idea to the mina. Accord- sphere of faith and morals; hence we have an infalli-
ing to other writers, God has addressed no revelation ble testimony that the dogmas defined and delivered
to the human mind. Revelation, they say, began as a to us by the Church are the truths contained in Divine
consciousness of right and wrong; and the evolution revelation.
or development of revelation was but the progressive (2) The dogmas of the Church are immutable,
development of the religious sense until it reached its Modernists hold that religious dogmas, as such, have
highest level, thus far, in the modern liberal and demo- no intellectual meaning, that we are not bound to be-
cratic State. Then, according to these writers, the lieve them mentally, that they may be all false, that it
dogmas of faith, considered as dogmas, have no mean- is sufficient if we use them as guides to action ; and
ing for the mind ; we need not believe them mentally; accordingly they teach that dogmas are not immuta-
we may reject them ; it is enough if we employ them ble, that they should be changed when the spirit of the
as {guides for our actions. (See Modernism.) Over age is opposed to them, when they lose their value as
against this doctrine the Church teaches that God has rules for a liberal religious life. But in the Catholic
made a revelation to the human mind. There are, no doctrine that Divine revelation is addressed to the
doubt, relative Divine attributes, and some of the human mind and expresses real objective truth,
dogmas of faith may be expressed under the symbol- dogmas are immutable Divine truths. It is an im-
ism of action, but they also convey to the human mind mutable truth for all time that Augustus was Emperor
a meaning distinct from action. The fatherhood of of Rome and George Washington first President of the
God may imply that we should act towards Him as United States. So according to Catholic belief, these
children towards a father; but it also conveys to the are and will be for all time immutable truths: that
mind definite analogical conceptions of our God and there are three Persons in God, that Christ died for us,
Creator. And there are truths, such as the Trinity, that He arose from the dead, that He founded the
the Resurrection of Christ, His Ascension, etc. which Church, that He instituted the sacraments. We may
are absolute objective facts, and which could be be- distinguish between the truths themselves and the
lieved even if their practical consequences were ig- language in which they are expressed. The full mean-
nored or were deemed of little value. The dogmas of ing of certain revealed truths has been only gradually
the Church, such as the existence of God, the Trinity, brought out; the truths will always remain. Lan-
the Incarnation, the Resurrection of Christ, the sacra- guage may change or may receive a new meaning; but
ments, a future judgment, etc. have an objective we can always learn what meaning was attached to
reality and are facts as really and truly as it is a fact particular words in the past.
DOGMA 91 DOGMA
(3) We are bound to believe revealed truths irre- against the dogma of Creation, miracles, the human
spective of their definition by the Church, if we are soul, and supernatural religion, have been dressed in a
satisfied that God has revealed them. When they are new garb and urged by a modern school of scientists
proposed or defined by the Church, and thus become principally from the discoveries in geology, palaeontol-
dogmas, we are bound to believe them in order to ogy, bioldjgy, astronomy, comparative anatomy, and
maintain the bond of faith (see Heresy). physiology. But Protestants, no less than Catholics,
(4) Finally, Catholics do not admit that, as is some- profess to believe in God, in the Creation, in the soul,
times alleged, dogmas are the arbitrary creations of m the Incarnation, in the possibility of miracles; they
ecclesiastical authority, that they are multiplied at too, maintain that there can be no discord between
will; that they are devices for keeping the ignorant in the true conclusions of science and the dogmas of the
subjection, that they are obstacles to conversions'. Christian religion rightly understood. Protestants,
Some of these are points of controversy which cannot therefore, cannot consistently complain that Catholic
be settled without reference to more fundamental ques- dogmas impede scientific investigation. But it is
tions. Dogmatic definitions would be arbitrary if urged that in the Catholic system beliefs are not deter-
there were no Divinely instituted infallible teaching mined by private judgment; behind the dogmas of
office in the Church ; but if, as Catholics maintain, the Church there is the living bulwark of her episco-
God has established in His Church an infallible office, pate. True, behind dogmatic beliefs Catholics recog-
dogmatic definitions cannot be considered arbitrary, nize ecclesiastical authority; but this puts no further
The same Divine Providence which preserves the restraint on intellectual freedom; it only raises the
Church from error will preserve her from inordinate question as to the constitution of the Church. Catho-
multiplication of dogmas. She cannot define arbi- lies do not believe that God revealed a body of truths
trarily. We need only observe the life of the Church to mankind and appointed no living authority to
or of the Roman pontiffs Ao see that dogmas are not unfold, to teach, to safeguard that body of Divine
multiplied inordinately. And as dogmatic definitions truths, to decide controversies; but the authority of
are but the authentic interpretation and declaration the episcopate under the supreme pontiff to control
of the meaning of Divine revelation, they cannot be intellectual activity is correlative with, and arises
considered devices for keeping the ignorant in subjec- from their authority to. teach supernatural truth.
tiOn, or reasonable obstacles to conversions; on the The existence of judges and magistrates does not ex-
contrary, the authoritative definition of truth and tend the range of our civil laws; they are rather a liv-
condemnation of error, are powerful arguments lead- ing authority to interpret and apply the laws. Bind-
ing to the Church those who seek the truth earnestly, larly, episcopal authority has for its range the truth of
V. Dogma and Religion. — It is sometimes charged revelation, and it prohibits only what is inconsistent
that in the Catholic Church, in consequence of its with the full scope of that truth.
dogmas, religious life consists merely in speculative (2) In discussing the question with unbelievers we
beliefs and external sacramental formalities. It is a note that science is "the observation and classifica-
strange charge, arising from prejudice or from lack of tion, or co-ordination, of the individual facts or phe-
acquaintance with Catholic life. Religious life in con- nomena of nature". Now a Catholic is absolutely
ventual and monastic establishments is surely not a free in the prosecution of scientific research according
merely external formality. The external religious to the terms of this definition. There is no prohibition
exercises of the ordinary Catholic layman, sucn as or restriction on Catholics in regard to the observation
public prayer, confession, 'Holy Communion, etc. and co-ordination of the phenomena of Nature. But
suppose careful and serious internal self-examination some scientists do not confine themselves to science as
and self-regulation, and various other acts of internal defined by themselves. They propound theories often
religion. We need only to observe the public civic unwarranted by experimental observation. One will
life of Catholics, their philanthropic works, their maintain as a ''scientific" truth that there is no God,
schools, hospitals, orphanages, charitable organiza- or that His existence is unknowable; another that the
tions, to be convinced that dogmatic religion does not world has not been created; another will deny in the
degenerate into mere external formalities. On the name of "science" the existence of the soul; another,
contrary, in non-Catholic Christian bodies a general the possibility of supernatural revelation. Surely
decay of supernatural Christian life follows the disso- these denials are not warranted by scientific methods,
lution of dogmatic religion. Were the dogmatic sys- Catholic dogma and ecclesiastical authority limit
tem of the Catholic Church, with its authoritative intellectual activity only so far as may be necessary
infallible head, done away with, the various systems of for safeguarding the truths of revelation. If non-
private judgment would not save the world from re- believing scientists in their study of Catholicism would
lapsing into and following pagan ideals. Dogmatic apply the scientific method, which consists in observ-
belief is not the be-all and end-all of Catholic life ; but ing, comparing, making hypotheses, and perhaps f or-
the Catholic serves God, honours the Trinity, loves mulating scientific conclusions, they woula readily see
Christ, obeys the Church, frequents the sacraments, that dogmatic belief in no way interferes with the le-
assists at Mass, observes the Commandments, be- gitimate freedom of the Catholic in scientific research,
cause he believes mentally in God, in the Trinity, in the discharge of civic duty, or any other form of activ-
the Divinity of Christ, in the Church, in the sacra- ity that makes for true enlightenment and progress,
ments and the Sacrifice of the Mass, in the duty of The service rendered by Catholics in every depart-
keeping the Commandments ; and he believes in them ment of learning and of social endeavour, is a fact
as objective immutable truths. which no amount of theorizing against dogma can set
VI. Dogma and Science. — But, it is objected, dogma aside. (See Faith, Infallibility, Revelation, Sci-
checks investigation, antagonizes independence of ence, Truth.)
thought, and makes scientific theology impossible. A ^ ^ „..„ . . „ „ „ ,„.,
TWs difnculty may be supposed to be put by &st- ^tSSFtilf^JtgZZZg b^J?5&&
ants or by Unbelievers. We Will Consider it from De Luoo, Optra: De fide; Vacant, Etudes thioloaiques sur les
both points of view. constitutions du concile du Vatican (Paris, 1805); Grandebath,
(1) Beyond scientific investigation and freedom of Constitutions doamatica Sacrosancti (Ecumenici Concilii Vati-
., v Vvv; .V °~* v "^ *«Yvovm«»vw * « \a *»v^**v,»** vi can% tx w M aclX8 explicate* atque xUustrala (Freiburg lm
thought, Catholics recognize the guiding Ulfluence of Br.. 1892); Scheeben, Handbuch der katholiachen Dogmotik
dogmatic beliefs. But Protestants also profess to (Freiburg im Br., 1873); Sen wane, Dogmenpeschichte (2nd ed.,
adTere to certain great dogmatic truths which are sup- ^^^^^^^^^^^T^^^i
posed to impede scientific investigation and to conflict Virtutibus lnfusis (Rome, 1906); Newman, Idea of a University
with the findings of modern science. Old difficulties (London, 1899).
against the existence of God or its demonstrability, Daniel Coghlan*
DOGMATIC 92 DOGMATIC
Dogmatic Pacts.— (1) Definition. — By a dogmatic tion, but also in defining virtually revealed truths, or
fact, in wider sense, is meant any fact connected with generally in all definitions and condemnations which
a dogma and on which the application of the dogma to are necessary for safe-guarding the body of revealed
a particular case depends. The following questions truth. Whether it is to be regarded as a defined doc-
involve dogmatic facts in the wider sense: Is Pius X, trine, as a doctrine de fide, that the Church is infallible
for instance, really and truly Roman pontiff, duly in definitions about dogmatic facts, is disputed among
elected and recognized by the Universal Church? theologians. The reason of this difference of opinion '
This is connected with dogma, for it is a dogma of will appear below (3). The Church, in all ages, has
faith that every pontiff duly elected and recognized by exercised the right of pronouncing with authority on
the Universal Church is a successor of Peter. Again dogmatic facts ; and this right is essential to her teach-
Was this or that council oecumenical? This, too, is ing office. She has always claimed the right of defin-
connected with dogma, for every oecumenical council ing that the doctrine of heretics, in the sense in which
is endowed with infallibility and jurisdiction over the it is contained in their books, or in their discourses, is
Universal Church. The question also whether canon- heretical ; that the doctrine of an orthodox writer, in
ized saints really died in the odour of sanctity is con- the sense in which it is contained in his writings, is
nected with dogma, for every one who dies in the orthodox. We can scarcely imagine a theory like
odour of sanctity is saved. In the stricter sense the that of the Jansenists advanced within the sphere of
term dogmatic fact is confined to books and spoken the civil authority. We can scarcely conceive it to be
discourses, and its meaning will be explained by a held that a judge and a jury may pronounce on an
reference to the condemnation by Innocent X of five abstract proposition of libel, but cannot find that a
propositions taken from the posthumous book of Jan- particular paragraph in a book or newspaper is libel-
semus, entitled " Augustinus". It might be asked, lous in the sense in which it is written. If the Church
for example, whether the pope could define that Jan- could not define the orthodox or unorthodox sense of
senius was really the author of the book entitled" Au- books, sermons, conferences, and discourses generally,
gustinus". It is conceded that he could not. He she might still be infallible in regard to abstract doc-
may speak of it as the work of Jansenius, because, in trine, but she could not fulfil her task as practical
Seneral repute, at least, it was regarded as the work of teacher of humanity, nor protect her children from
ansenius. The precise authorship of a book is called actual concrete dangers to their faith and morals,
a personal fact. The question turned on the doctrine (3) Faith and Dogmatic Facts. — The more extreme
of the book. The Jansenists admitted that the doc- Jansenists, distinguishing between dogma and fact,
trine enunciated in the condemned propositions was taught that the dogma is the proper object of faith but
heretical; but they maintained that the condemned that to the definition of fact only respectful silence is
doctrine was not taught in the "Augustinus". This due. They refused to subscribe the formula of the
brings us to what are called " particular facts of doc- condemnation of Jansenism, or would subscribe only
trine". Thus it is a fact that God exists, and that with a qualification, on the ground that subscription
there are three Persons in God ; here the same thing is implied internal assent and acquiescence The less ex-
fact and dogma. The Jansenists admitted that the treme party, though limiting the Church's infallibil-
pope is competent to deal with particular facts of doc- ity to the question of dogma, thought that the formula
trine, but not to determine the meaning of a book, might be signed absolutely and without qualifica-
The controversy was then carried to the meaning of tion, on the ground that, by general usage, subscript
the book. Now it is conceded that the pope cannot tion to such a formula implied assent to the dogma,
define the purely internal, subjective, perhaps singu- but, in relation to the fact, only external reverence,
lar meaning, which an author might attach to his But the definitions of dogmatic facts demand real in-
words. But the pope, in certain cases, can determine ternal assent; though about the nature of the assent
the meaning of a book judged by the general laws of and its relation to iaith theologians are not unanim-
interpretation. And when a book or propositions ous. Some theologians hold that definitions of dog-
from a book are condemned, " in the sense of the au- matic facts, and especially of dogmatic facts in the
thor", they are condemned in the sense in which the wider acceptation of the term, are believed by Divine
book or propositions would be understood when inter- faith. For instance, the proposition, "every pope
preted according to the ordinary laws of language, duly elected is the successor of Peter", is formally
The same formula may be condemned in one author revealed. Then, say these theologians, the proposi-
and not in another, because, interpreted by the con- tion, "Pius X has been duly elected pope", only
text and general argument of the author, it may be shows that Pius X is included in the general revealed
unorthodox in one case and not in the other. In the proposition that "every pope duly elected is the suc-
strict sense, therefore, a dogmatic fact may be defined cessor of Peter". And they conclude that the propo-
as "the orthodox or heterodox meaning of a book or sition, "Pius X is successor to Peter", is a formally
§roposition"; or as a "fact that is so connected with revealed proposition; that it is believed by Divine
ogma that a knowledge of the fact is necessary for faith ; that it is a doctrine of faith, de fide; that the
teaching and conserving sound doctrine". When we Church, or the pope, is infallible in defining such doc-
say that a book contains unorthodox doctrine, we con- trines. Other theologians hold that the definitions of
vey that a certain doctrine is contained in the book dogmatic facts, in the wider and stricter acceptation,
and that the doctrine is unorthodox ; here we have are received, not by Divine faith, but by ecclesiastical
close connexion between fact and dogma. faith, which some call mediate Divine faith. They
(2) The Church and Dogmatic Facts. — Jansenists hold that in such syllogisms as this: "Every duly
distinguished between "fact" and "dogma". They elected pontiff is Peter's successor; but Pius X, for
held that the Church is infallible in defining revealed example, is a duly elected pontiff; therefore he is a
truth and in condemning errors opposed to revealed successor of Peter", the conclusion is not formally
truth ; but that the Church is not infallible in defining revealed by God, but is inferred from a revealed and
facts which are not contained in Divine revelation, an unrevealed proposition, and that consequently it is
and consequently that the Church was not infallible believed, not by Divine, but by ecclesiastical faith,
in declaring that a particular doctrine, in a particular It would then also be held that it has not been for-
sense, was found in the " Augustinus" of Jansenius. mally defined de fide that the Church is infallible in the
This would confine the infallible teaching of the definition of dogmatic facts. It would be said tech-
Church to mere abstract doctrines, a view that cannot nically to be theologically certain that the Church is
be accepted. Theologians are unanimous in teaching infallible in these definitions; and this infallibility
that the Church, or the pope, is infallible, not only in cannot lawfully be questioned. That all are bound to
defining what is formally contained in Divine revela- give internal assent to Church definitions of dogmatic
facta is evident from the correlative duties of teacher is recorded that ir
inted a
proposition, correlatively it is the duty of the subjects
who are taught to accept this meaning. (See Dogma,
Faith, Infallibility, Jansenism.)
Hmmn, OtOlina of Dogmatic TM.. I: Bolqbni, Fattidom*
wa/tW. r U: lUreflcia. 17KKi; Shiufb w i„ ifjrvJs.TuVj., u. v. FwXa
Dt Ecetaia. Daniel CoghlaN.
Dogmatic Theology. See Theology.
Dolbeau, Jean, Recollect friar, b. in the Province
of Anjou, France, 12 March, 1686; d. at Orleans, 9
June, 1852. He entered the order at the age of nine-
teen at Balmette,near Angers, and was one of the four
Recollects who were the first missionaries of Canada.
heads — usually of Christ and the Virgin — and seldom
undertook a large-sized canvas. He is celebrated for
the soft, gentle, and tender expression of his faces, the
transparency of his colour, the excellent management
of chiaroscuro, and the careful and ivory-like finish of
his pictures. The simplicity and tranquillity on the
faces of his paintings of Christ and the Virgin seem
little short of inspired. Hinds calls him mawkish and
affected; but Dolci was the last of the Florentine
School, the last real "master of the Renaissance";
and tut decadent sweetness permeated all Italian art,
his pictures hut reflected the dominant character of
the close of the seventeenth century. Patient and
slow, he painted pictures that are perfectly finished ir
every detail. His masterpiece (1646) is "St. Andrew
praying befere his Crucifixion" (Pitti Gallery, Flor-
T' of the few works where his figures.
He landed at Quebec in May, 1615, and celebrated the always well drawn and standing out in beautiful relief,
first Mass ever said there. He became commissionary .- .- . ... ., .....
provincial of V- -■■■■■■- ■- ":i" ---■• >- - j *■>--
first jubilee accorded to Canada. This zealous mis- lorosa" called "Madonna del Dito" (of the thumb) is
sionary built the first monastery of the Recollects at known throughout the civilized world b
Quebec in 1620. He returned to France in 1625, taking many reproductions. In 1662 Dolci si
i because of its
aw with chagrin
with him a young Indian boy who was later baptiseS Giordano accomplish in a few hours what would have
at Angers. Endowed with many striking qualities, taken him weeks, and it is said he was thereupon
Father Dolbeau was remarkable for extraordinary seized with melancholy which ultimately led to his
spiritual insight and profound humility. He was sue- death. Loma, Mancini, Mariani, and Agnese Dolci
cessively master of novices, guardian, definitor, and (his daughter) were a few of his pupils and imitators.
provincial delegate at the general chapter of the order Contemporary copyists have filled European collec-
held in Spain in 1633. He died in the forty-seventh tiona with spurious Dolcis. Agnese Dolci, who died
year of his religious life.
Y MSS. (Public
la ffouttUt Franc
< h.n
[001]
s
Odoric
M.
rk. IWilj.
h spurious Dolcis. Agnese Dolci, who died
...le year as her father, not only made marvellous
^s of the master's pictures, but was herself ai
p "Cnmtf-^mt.inn t
Dolci, Carlo, painter, b. in Florence, Italy, 25
May, 1616; d. 17 January, 1686. The grandson of a
painter, he seems to have inherited a talent for art.
He studied under J. Vignali, and when only eleven
years old he attracted attention by the excellence of
his work, notably a figure of Saint John and a head of
the Infant Jesus. The precocious youth made a care-
fully-finished picture of his mother, and thereafter Euphrntesia). It
ceftent painter. Her Consecration of the Bread and
Wine" is in the Louvre. Other works by him are:
" Virgin and Child", National Gallery, London; "The
Saviour seated with Saints", Florence; "Madonna
and Child", Borghese Gallery, Rome.
Blanc, Ecole florenlint (Pans. 1877): Mohelu, Italian ■
Mailer, in German Oallrric* (London, 1883); Chowe and
CatAlcasklI*, Hist, of Poiatfas in Holy (London. 1871).
Lei mi Hunt.
Doliche, a titular s
was kept busy filling the numerous commissions he
received in Florence, a city he seldom left during his
long life, which he devoted to art. Dolci was one of
the few masters whose pictures were eagerly sought
for by his countrymen during his lifetime. "
Zeugma (Ptolemy, V, 15, 10; Itiner.
%' V-'
at Tell Dultlk, three miles northwest of Atatab.in the,
very pious and painted religious works exclusively. It .vilayet of Aleppo. Doliche was at an early date an
D6LUN0EB
94
dOlxjnoeb
episcopal see suffragan of Hierapolis (Mabboug, Mem-
bidj). Lequien (Or. Christ., II, 937) mentions eight
Greek bishops: Archelaus, present at Nicsea in 325,
and at Antioch in 341; Olympius at Sardica in 344;
Gyrion at Seleucia in 359; Maris at Constantinople
in 381; Abibus, a Nestorian, in 431, deposed in 434;
Athanasius, his successor; Timothy, a correspondent
of Theodoret, present at Antioch in 444 and at Chalce-
don in 451 ; Philoxenus, a nephew of the celebrated
Philoxenus of Hierapolis, deposed as a Severian in 518,
reinstated in 533 (Brooks* The Sixth Book of the
Select Letters of Severus, London, 1904, II, 89, 90,
345-350, 352). The see figures in the first "Notitia
Episcopatuum" ed. Parthey, about 840. At a later
time Doliche took the place of Hierapolis as metrop-
olis (Vailhe\ in Echos d'Orient, X, 94 sqq. and 367
sqa.). For a list of fourteen Jacobite Bishops of
Doliche (eighth to ninth century), see •" Revue de
TOrient chrttien", VI, 195. S. Petrides.
D&llinger, Johann Joseph Iqnaz von, historian
and theologian, b. at Bamberg, Bavaria, 28 February,
1799; d. at Munich, 10 January, 1890.
Family and Education. — DOllinger's father was a
professor of medicine in the University of Bamberg,
and his son was influenced, in an unusual degree, by
the family traditions and his whole environment.
The medical faculty of the University of Bamberg
owed its foundation to his grandfather, whose son, the
father of Ignaz (as Dollinger was usually called), be-
came regular professor of medicine in the same uni-
versity in 1794, but in 1803 was called to Wiirzburg.
It was only natural that amid surroundings predom-
inantly academic the youthful Ignaz should acquire a
strong love of books, the best of which were then
written in French, which language the future histo-
rian of the Church learned from his father. In the
gymnasium he acquired a knowledge of Italian. A
Benedictine monk taught him English privately,
and he learned Spanish at the university. An or-
derly acquisition of learning and the full development
of all his rich gifts would have led to extraordinary
achievements. He had also sufficient means to satisfy
any reasonable wishes for foreign travel and the pur-
chase of books. All these circumstances, doubtless,
combined to render his mind particularly receptive;
at the same time the multitude of impressions daily
made on the young student led him to outline a plan
of studies by far too comprehensive.
On entering the University of Wurzburg at the age
of sixteen, he took up at once history, philosophy,
philology, and the natural sciences. In this choice
there is already evident a certain mental irregularity,
the more remarkable if we recall what he said, two
years Letter, apropos of his choice of a vocation, viz..
that, " no professor in the faculty of philosophy had
been able to attract him to his particular science".
The conversion of such men as Eckhart, Werner,
Schlegel, Stolberg, and Winkelmann turned his
thoughts to theology, which he took up in 1818, but
without abandoning botany,^ mineralogy, and ento-
mology, to which studies he continued for many years
to devote considerable time. We quote from Fried-
rich the following noteworthy utterance of Dollinger:
" To most other students theology was only a means to
the end. To me, on the contrary, theology, or science
in general based on theology, was the end, the choice of
a vocation only the means. " During his student days
he seldom attended the regular lectures on theology,
but he was assiduous at the lectures in the faculty of
philosophy and law; privately, however, he read
many works on theology. His studies were better
regulated when in 1820 ne entered the ecclesiastical
seminary at Bamberg and followed the theological
courses given at the lyceum. The year and a half
spent in this manner made up, but not sufficiently, for
tne previous lack of a systematic training in theology.
He was ordained priest 22 April, 1822, spent the
summer at his home, and in November, was appointed
chaplain at Marktscheinfeldt in x Middle Franconia.
Despite the profound grasp of do§pna and moral theol-
ogy that his works at times exhibit, his career gives
evidence enough that he never took tne pains to round
out satisfactorily the insufficiency of his early training
in theology. The elder Dollinger had hoped to see his
son follow an academic career and opposed his choice
of the priesthood; among the reasons for his opposi-
tion was the conviction, openly expressed (and then
prevalent enough among the German clergy), that for
physiological reasons a celibate life was impossible.
Career. — Dollinger's father soon obtained (Novem-
ber. 1823) for him a place as professor of canon law
ana church history in the lyceum of Aschaffenburg.
It was here that in 1826 he published his first work,
"Die Eucharistie in den drei ersten Jahrhunderten",
an eloquent and solid treatise, still much appreciated.
It obtained for him from the theological faculty of the
Bavarian University of Landshut the title of Doctor
of Theology in absentid. In the same year he was
called to Munich as professor extraordinary of canon
law and church history, and in 1827 was made profes-
sor in ordinary. In 1839 the king gave him a canonry
in the royal chapel (Hofkottegiatstift) of St. Cajetan at
Munich, and on 1 Jan., 1847, he was made mitred
provost or head of that body of canons. In the same
year he was dismissed from his chair, in punishment
of his protest as representative of the university in the
Bavarian Landtag, to which he had been appointed in
1844, against the dismissal of several university pro-
fessors. But in 1848 he was chosen representative to
the Frankfort Parliament and remained in attendance
until the middle of 1849. Then followed (24 Dec.,
1849; according to some authorities 1 Jan., 1850) his
reappointment as professor, which office he held until
18 April, 1871, when Archbishop von Scherr publicly
excommunicated him. Thereupon he laid down his
ecclesiastical charges, recognized the binding force of
his excommunication and, though he held his profes-
sorate another year, taught only a course of modern
history. In 1868 King Louis II of Bavaria had ap-
pointed him royal councillor, and maintained him m
his office as provost of St. Cajetan, even after his ex-
communication; practically, this meant only the
continuance to him of the revenue of the position.
Dollinger received in 1873 another evidence of the
royal favour, when, on the death of the famous chemist
Liebig, he was named by the king to the presi-
dency of the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences and
feneral conservator of the scientific collections of the
tate. As early as 1837 he had been made member
extraordinary of the Academy, in 1843 a regular mem-
ber, and from 1860 was secretary of its historical
section.
Many attempts were made, by ecclesiastics and lay-
men, to induce Dollinger to return to the Church.
The personal conviction of the latter may be read in
his correspondence (edited by Friedrich, Munich,
1899-1901) with Archbishop Steichele and the nuncio.
Monsignor Ruffo-Scilla. In 1886 and 1887 both of
these prelates together with Bishop von Hefele of
Rottenburg besought Dollinger to abandon his Old-
Catholic attitude and be reconciled with the Church.
His response to the archbishop contained these words:
" Ought I (in obedience to your suggestion) to appear
before the Eternal Judge, my conscience burdened
with a double perjury? " At the end of his letter to
the nuncio he said: " I think that what I have written
so far will suffice to make clear to you that with such
convictions one may stand even on the threshold of
eternity in a condition of inner peace and spiritual
calm". He died aged ninety-one, still outside the
communion of the Church.
Life and Writings. — It was at Munich that Dol-
linger began his life-work. Formally, he was pro-
DdLLIHOEB fi
feasor of canon law sad ecclesiastical history, but was
soon burdened with the teaching of dogma and New-
Testament exegesis, a task to which a weaker or in-
ferior mind would not have proved equal. He de-
clined, in 1829, a call to Breslau, although King Louis I
heartily wished him out of Bavaria; he also refused a
later call to Freiburg in the Breiagau. He was offered,
in 1839, a professorship at an English college, but pre-
ferred to remain in Munich. To facilitate the coming
of Johann Adam Mohler from Tubingen to Munich
(1835), he gave over to him the courses of ecclesiastical
history and New-Testament exegesis, and when
Mohler died (12 April, 1838) he collected a number of
essays of this great theologian which for the most part
were already in print, but were widely scattered, and
published them in two volumes (1839) under the title
of "Gesaramelte Schriften und Aufsatze". While
Mohler taught at Munich, Bollinger lectured on the
history of dogma (Hiatoriiiche Dogmalik). At the
request of Abel, Minister of the Interior, Dollinger
began, in 1838, a course of lectures in the Vacuity of
Philosophy on the philosophy of religion in opposition
to the teaching of tne honorary professor Von Baader,
tory. From November, 1846, to February, 1848.
Bavarian public affairs were disturbed by the royal
attachment to Lola Montez, a Spanish ballerina; the
Abel ministry was dismissed, "and professors Lasaulx,
Moy, Phillips, Holler, and Deutinger either dismissed
or reprimanded; Dollinger, finally, as stated above,
was removed from his office. After his restoration in
1850 he continued to the end as professor of church
history. In 1862 he was made Knight of the Order of
Maximilian for science and art.
Apart from his aforesaid offices of canon ana pro-
vost, Dollinger held but one other ecclesiastical office
in Munich. After the conflict concerning mixed mar-
riages (1832), he was made defensor matrimonii in the
matrimonial court of first instance, later in that of
second instance, which office he held until 1862. His
circle of friends was from the beginning quite exten-
sive; the physicians and professors of the natural
sciences who frequented his father's house were them-
selves men of distinction. As a student he formed the
acquaintance of the poet, Graf von Platen, and of
Victor Aims' Huber. Later, Platen wished to study
Sanskrit with Dollinger, and visited him twice at
Marktscheinfeld. In the ecclesiastical seminary of
Bamberg he met Prince Alexander von Hohenlohe
(q. v.), of whose miraculous cures he said later: "Cures
there were, but such as often happen in the history of
the Church ; the deep stirring of the emotions suffices
easily enough to explain them", a remark that fails to
account for the presence of deep emotions in the absent
sick. On a visit to Platen at Erlangen, in 1822, he met
Pfaff, Schubert, and Schelling, the last a friend of his
father. In his early days at Munich he was much in
the company of the above-mentioned philosopher,
Franz von Baader. When, in 1827, the famous Joseph
GOrres came to Munich as professor of history, there
formed about him at once a sympathetic circle of
scholars, among them the youthful Dollinger. Bol-
linger's relations with Lamennais, more particularly
with Count Montalembert, gave occasion m 1832 to a
violent attack in the Bavarian Parliament on GOrres
and his friends. Lamennais at that time contem-
plated the establishment at Munich of a house of
studies for young Frenchmen (fEuvte den tlvdet alle-
mantles), who might thus come under the influence of
GOrres, Baader, and others, and on their return to
France stand manfully for the defence of the Church.
In the meantime Dollinger had met Andreas Raas, the
founder (1821) of "Der Katholik" (still published at
Mains), who in 1828 was rector of the ecclesiastical
seminary at Strasburg as well aa professor of dogma
and homiletics; with Dollinger he projected various
S DOLLnrOXB
literary enterprises which, through pressure of other
work, were never realized.
At this time Monsignor Wiseman, later Cardinal,
and Archbishop of Westminster, then professor at the
Roman University (Sapienza) and rector of the Eng-
lish College, saw the necessity of strengthening Ca-
tholicism in the development of its new opportunities
in England, and for this reason was minded to effect
closer relations with the learned clergy of Germany.
Dollinger seemed to him the proper mediator; he
therefore visited Munich in 1835, made the acquaint-
ance of the distinguished professor, and spoke with him
of his hopes and plans. Wiseman, already well known
in Europe by his "Hone Syriacss", aroused in Dollin-
ger so deep an interest, that the next year the latter
visited England. His biographer, Friedrich, describes
the result of this visit as follows: "Dollinger had a.
life-long hatred of bureaucracy both in Church and
State; the large independence, therefore, of English
public life de-
lighted him and
filled him with an
admiration that
was often exces-
sive. Thenceforth
he remained al-
touch with Eng-
land, kept C( in-
stall 1 1 y i n 1 i is home ,
and at consider-
able sacrifice, a
number of young
English students,
and directed the
st i. dies of others
whom he could not
keep under h is own
roof." In 1850 the
youthful Sir John
Emerich Edward
Acton (q. v.) en-
tered his house as
formally severed
nis connexion with the Church. We do not as yet
possess accurate knowledge concerning Acton's share
In the work known as " Letters from Rome" concern-
ing the Vatican Council (ROmische Briefe vom Kon-
zil), published by Dollinger in the Augsburg " Allge-
meice Zeitung".
As a rule Dollinger observed with his pupils a strict
academic dignity and reserve; among the few whom
he treated as intimate friends Acton was easily the
foremost. Among those who in this early period
exerted the greatest influence over Dollinger was Karl
Ernest Jarcke, founder and editor (since 1832) of the
Berlin "Politische Wochenblatter", confidant of Met-
ternich, and a frequent visitor to the Bavarian capital.
In 1838 came the foundation of the " Historisch -poli-
tische Blatter" by Guido GOrres, Phillips, and Jarcke;
the new organ soon greatly augmented the influence of
GOrres and his circle of friends, the most loyal and
earnest of whom at this time was Dollinger.
The dispute over the question of mixed marriages in
Prussia, known as the Afiiner Strcit (1831), followed
close upon that in Bavaria (1831); both were fought
out dramatically, and brought Dollinger and nis
Munich friends to the front as vigorous defenders of
Catholic rights. The first estrangement of Dollinger
from GOrres and his friends came about through the
publication of an important manual of canon law by
Phillips (from 1834 to 1847 professor of canon law at
Munich). To Dollinger it seemed that the latter
emphasized excessively the extent of the papal pre-
BOLLDTOEB
96
DOLLDTOEB
rogative. Nevertheless, he continued for a decade to
collaborate on the " Historisch-politische Blatter"; it
was only slowly and almost imperceptibly that the
change in his opinions came about. Gradually, owing
to his opposition to the Jesuits and particularly to the
Roman Curia, he sought and found new friends in Lib-
eral circles. As member of the Frankfort Parliament
(1848) he sat with the Right, among men like Rado-
witz, Lichnowsky, Schwerin, Vincke, and others; he
also belonged to the Club "Zum steinernen Haus".
The change that had come about in Dollinger's
views during the preceding years may best be meas-
ured by the fact that his colleagues in Frankfort ob-
tained his consent to the following plan. General
von Radowitz, in the name of the Catholic deputies,
was to make this declaration in Parliament: "The
orders, including the Jesuit Order, are not a part of the
living organism of the Catholic Church; the Jesuit
Order is no wise necessary in Germany; the German
episcopate and the German clergy do not need its help
to fulfil their obligations; German learning [die
deutsche Wissenschaft] needs no aid of this nature.
The possible advantages for the Catholic Church accru-
ing from the co-operation of the Jesuit Order would be
greatly outweighed by the disturbances and perils that
its presence would create. If it were proposed to in-
troduce the Jesuits into any German State, moved by
the higher interests of the Catholic Church, we would
protest most decidedly against the execution of any
such plan."
The relations of Ddllinger with the German episco-
pate were frequent, particularly after the meeting of
the German and Austrian prelates at Wtlrzburg (22
Oct. to 16 Nov., 1848). His ceport concerning the
national Church and national synods, as submitted to
this important assembly, aroused deep interest, was
received with approval in many episcopal circles, and
assured him the leadership in the acute ecclesiastico-
political discussions then impending. Between 1852
and 1854 he visited Northern and Central Italy, and in
1857 Rome. Apart from his learned researches on
these occasions, he profited by these journeys to
strengthen his existing relations with numerous Ital-
ians, ecclesiastics and laymen, also to make new ac-
quaintances and friendships. While Ddllinger sought
in every way to retain the favour of King Maximilian
II, the cleft between him and his former friends as well
as his own past continued to widen. For a while the
famous professor seemed to stand almost alone, par-
ticularly after the stormy scenes of the Munich Con-
S«ss of Catholic savants (28 Sept. to 1 Oct., 1863).
aniel Bonifatius von Haneberg, Abbot of St. Boni-
face in Munich, opened this Congress of eighty-four
members, mostly German theologians, on which occa-
sion Ddllinger delivered his famous discourse, "Die
Vergangenheit und Gegenwart der katholischen Theo-
logie" (The Past and Present of Catholic Theology).
Many of those present, among them Haneberg, saw
with sorrow that they could not follow Ddllinger along
the new path he was taking. He held no longer to the
universal idea of Catholicism as a world-religion ; in its
place, nourished by the court atmosphere he loved so
well, arose a strictly nationalistic concept of the Cath-
olic Church . All ecclesiastical measures he henceforth
criticized from the narrow angle of Gallicanism, and
ridiculed in anonymous articles and other writings.
He was daily in closer communion with the principal
Bavarian statesmen, and amid these relations con-
ceived an idea of the Church's office which in the end
could not be other than un-Catholic. It may be noted
here, that his intimacy with the philosopher Johann
H iiber, a disciple of Schelling, had attracted attention
long before this. Nevertheless (and it was a sign of
the strong tension of those days and the mental tem-
per of many) a number of German bishops still held to
Ddllinger, although they had long since parted com-
pany with Joseph Hubert Reinkens, professor of
cnurch history at Breslau and later first bishop of the
Old Catholics. It was not until 18 July, 1870, When
the dogma of Papal Infallibility was proclaimed at
Rome, that there was a sharp division in the ranks of
German Catholics. This compelled Ddllinger hence-
forth to seek friends and allies exclusively among the
leaders of the Kulturkampf and the Old Catholics, as
also among anti-Catholic statesmen and princes.
Ddllinger, as is well known, wrote much -and admira-
bly, and his writings exhibit, with a rare fidelity, every
phase of his mental conflict. He was still a young
man when his profound learning and brilliant diction,
coupled with an unusual ease and rapidity in the criti-
cal treatment of whatever historical thesis lay before
him, earned for him an international reputation. He
lacked, however, the methodical training necessary for
the scientific editing of original texts and documents,
in which respect his deficiencies were occasionally only
too evident. He was not content with bare investiga-
tion of the facts and problems of Christian antiquity,
or of medieval and modern history, but sought always
a satisfactory solution for the difficulties that con-
fronted the student. His diction was always charm-
ing, whether the subject were one demanding a strictly
scientific and well-ordered narrative or the light and
rapid style called for by the pressing, but ephemeral,
needs of the hour. He was likewise skilful as a public
speaker, not only when delivering a carefully prepared
discourse, but also when called on for an extemporane-
ous address. A typical example of his ability in this re-
spect was his extempore discourse in St. Paul's Church,
Frankfort, on Church and State, apropos of Article
III of the fundamental articles (Grundrechte) of the
Constitution: several of the best speakers had pre-
ceded him, and, in order to closely follow their line
of thought, his whole address had to be extemporized ;
nevertheless, it was admitted by all that, both in form
and logic, his address was by far the best delivered on
that occasion. The admiration of his students, no
doubt, was due in great measure to the beautiful dic-
tion in which he was wont to dress the facts of history.
The writings of Ddllinger may be divided into purely
scientific and political or ecclesiastico-political. They
exhibit for the most part, however, a mutual interde-
pendence and often complete one another. To avoid
repetition, it seems better to follow the chronological
order. It is worthy of note that when writing anony-
mously his tone was frequently bitter, occasionally
even violent; writing over his own name he usually
avoided such extremes. His first work (1826), "Die
Eucharistie in den drei ersten Jahrhunderten ", has
already been mentioned. In 1828 he published the
first volumes of Hortig's " Kirchengescnichte ", from
the Reformation to the end of the eighteenth century.
He also wrote frequently at this time for " Eos ", a new
review founded by his friends, Baader and Gdrres;
most of the articles dealt with contemporary subjects.
According to Friedrich he also prepared " Umrisse zu
Dante's Paradies von P. von Cornelius", i. e. an intro-
duction to that writer's edition of Dante's " Paradiso ".
His journalistic activity, however, was far from pleas-
ing to the ministerial councillor, Joseph Freiherr von
Hormayr, a somewhat erratic, but influential, person,
who so influenced the king that he wished Ddllinger
well out of Bavaria, as has been seen in the case of his
call to Breslau.
In these years, also, he defended with vigour the
matrimonial legislation of the Church, in connexion
with the "Mixed Marriages" conflict (1831) in the
Upper House of the Bavarian Parliament, and he was
autnor of an anonymous work " Ueber die gemischten
Ehen"; at the same time he suggested as a means of
avoiding all conflict, that the civil marriage be sep-
arated from the religious ceremony. Meanwhile he
continued to collect the material for his scientific
works. In 1833 and 1835 respectively he published
the first and second parts of his " H&ndbuch der Kirch-
D6LLXNGER 97 dOlungeb
engeschichte" (to the end of the seventh century), meeting of the German and Austrian bishops. Grad-
The next year (1836) he brought out the first volume, ually he came to be looked upon as a Gallican, nor was
and in 1838 the first half of the second volume of his this because of his frequently expressed and strong dis-
"Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte" (to the end of the like of the Jesuits. Many persons, among them the
fifteenth century). The essay "Muhammeds Relig- best and most loyal supporters of the Church, looked
ion, eine histonsche Betrachtung" was read before henceforth with a certain anxiety on the course of
the Munich Academy about the time he published the Dollinger. It could not be said that the nuncios at
aforesaid work on mixed marriages; early in 1838 he Munich admired him unreservedly. On the other
published his "Beurtheilung der Darlegung des gehei- hand, throughout the ranks of the German and Aus-
men Rathes Bunsen: eine otimme zum Fneden . A trian clergy there was still only a mediocre theological
long controversy with Professor Thiersch followed this knowledge, the legacy of an earlier period of infidelity
entrance of Dollinger into the Prussian conflict over and rationalism, and the concept of Catholic doctrine
mixed marriages \K6Lrier Streit) ; his articles were and discipline differed widely from the true ecclesias-
printed in the Augsburg "Allgemeine Zeitung", and tical ideal of both.
are apparently his earliest contributions to the journal To understand fully the profound changes working
in which thirty-one years later he was to consummate in the mind of Dollinger during the criticaFyears from
his apostasy. Karl von Abel, Minister of the Interior, 1847 to 1852, it is well to recall his discourses at the
now asked him to publish a popular "Weltgpschichte", general meetings of the " Katholischer Verein" at
or universal history, from the Catholic point of view, Ratisbon (1849) and Linz (1850), also those in the
also a manual of religion (Religiondehrbttch) for the Upper House of the Bavarian Parliament, in St. Paul's
gymnasia or high-schools; he began these works, but, at Frankfort, and at the meetings of the German hier-
feeling himself unsuited to their composition, per- archy at Wurzburg (1849) and Freising (1850). To
suaded the minister to relieve him from the undertak- some extent, also, disappointment was responsible for
ing. Later on, he undertook to explain his failure in the his new mental attitude : his friends and admirers had
Parliament; his explanation, however, seems quite tried in vain to obtain for him an important German
improbable, and may be looked on as either a mean- see. It is worthy of note also that about 1855 the
ingless piece of malice or a case of self-deception. author of the work on the Reformation began grad-
A royal order (1838) that compelled all soldiers to ually to modify his views to such an extent that
genuflect before the Blessed Sacrament was soon the eventually (in 1889) he wrote a panegyric on Prot-
cause of much friction; in 1843 the matter came be- estantism.
fore the Upper House, where representatives of the The Greek patristic text entitled " Philosophou-
non-Cathohc soldiers protested against the measure as mena, or Refutation of all Heresies", discovered in
contrary to liberty of conscience. Dollinger defended 1842 and edited by Miller (Oxford, 1851), at once fas-
the king and the Government in an anonymous work cinated Dollinger, and he devoted to its study all the
entitled: " Die Frage der Kniebeugung der Protest- rich powers of his erudition, critical skill, and insight,
anten von der religiosen und staatsrecntlichen Seite In 1853 he published the result of his labours in " Hip-
erwogen", wherein lie treated the question from both polytus una Kallistus, oder die rtimische Kirche in der
the religious and political point of view; this was fol- ersten Halfte des dritten Jahrhunderts" etc. a study
lowed by a long controversy with the Protestant dep- of the Roman Church from 200 to 250, in reply to the
uty, Harless. In the meantime he was chosen by the interpretations of the " Philosophoumena" published
University of Munich as its representative in the Bava- by Bunsen, Wordsworth, Baur, and Gieseler. Do-
rian Parliament, where he protested against the ad- spite the contrary arguments of De Rossi, Zollinger's
mission of the Jesuits and defended the emancipation opinion has prevailed, and it is now generally ac-
of the Jews, both of which acts drew upon him the knowledged that Hippolytus is the author of the work
enmity of many. in question. Dollinger s essay in the " Historisch-
During this political agitation, and while Lola Politische Blatter" (1853) entitled u Betrachtungen
Montez still held the king infatuated, appeared the ttber die Frage der Kaiserkronung", considerations on
first volume of his great work " Die Reformation, ihre the imperial coronation, contributed not a little to
innere Entwicklung und ihre Wirkungen im Umfange deter Pius IX from crowning Napoleon III. Con-
des lutherischen Bekenntnisses", i. e. on the origin, cerning the definition of the dogma of the Immaculate
development, and consequences of the Reformation in Conception Dollinger exhibited a prejudiced mind and
Lutheran circles; the second volume appeared in a rather superficial historical grasp of the question;
1847, the third in 1848. A second edition of the first the defects in his theological equipment were here
volume was printed in 1851. This work Unfortunately most noticeable. Indeed, he was much less concerned
remained incomplete; Friedrich says that Dollinger *s with the doctrine itself than with the person who
friends prevented him from publishing the correspond- wished to proclaim it as a dogma of faith. It was also
ing three volumes, i. e. an account of the conditions his first open protest against a pope who was soon to
within the Catholic Church in the same period. This proclaim that Papal infallibility which seemed to
work long exercised a powerful influence and still re- Dollinger an utterly intolerable doctrine, from his
tains its value. Johannes Janssen (q. v.) was inspired view-point of exaggerated esteem for historical
by it to undertake the exhaustive studies which nave theology.
done so much to destroy the traditional legends that so The year 1857 was marked by the appearance of his
long did duty as a history of the Reformation. " Heidenthum und Judenthum, Vorhaife des Chrfeten-
The foolish attempt of some zealots to have the thums" (Heathenism and Judaism, the Vestibule of
temporal power of the pope proclaimed a dogma Christianity), the first part of his long contemplated
(Dogmatisierung des Kirchenstaates) excited DdLLinger history of the Church; the second part followed in
to an extraordinary degree. He became firmly per- 1860 (2nd ed., 1868) as "Christenthum und Kirche in
suaded that theological science could be saved only by der Zeit der GrancUegung", dealing with the Apoa-
the German Catholic Church, not by the Catholic tolic period. The work, as he had planned, was never
Church in Germany. By theological science he meant completed. Most of the abundant material he had
chiefly historical theology. All other ecclesiastical collected for an exhaustive history of the papacy was
interests seemed to this great scholar quite subordi- afterwards utilized in an ephemeral journalistic way.
nate. His aversion to the education of the clergy in The work itself he never undertook, and had he done
seminaries, later quite pronounced, was another result so, it is possible that he would have come into con-
of this mental attitude, the trend of which he revealed flict with the Holy See much sooner than he did.
on various occasions at the Frankfort Parliament, and In 1861 some of the principal ladies of Munich re-
in the above-mentioned report (1848) of the Wurzburg quested him to deliver a series of public discourses op
1
D6LLDT0ER
98
dOllznoxb
the Temporal Power; to this he acceded with pleas-
ure, and the discourses given in the royal Odeum were
followed with deep attention by crowded audiences.
His utterances, however, were so imprudent and so
clearly inspired by Liberalism that in the midst of one
of them the papal nuncio, Monsignor Chigi, arose with
indignation and left the hall. The impression made
by these discourses on the Catholic world was painful
in the extreme. Ddllinger was himself deeply troub-
led by the agitation aroused; to justify himself
' in some measure, also to strengthen his position, now
seriously compromised, he composed in great haste
and issued during the same year his "Kirche und
Kirchen, Papstthum und Kirchenstaat". It seems
incredible that the opinions and judgments one reads
in this work are really Ddllinger's own; the reader is
haunted by the suspicion that he has before him a
remarkable mixture of Byzantinism and hypocrisy.
The Catholic academic circles of Germany were in
the meantime deeply agitated by the discussions in-
cident to the renaissance of Scholasticism (see Neo-
Scholasticibm) in theology and philosophy, and
those over the merits of the episcopal seminaries as
against the theological faculties of the universities for
the education of candidates for the priesthood. There
were excesses on both sides that intensified the situa-
tion, whereupon it seemed to many that an academical
congress would be a helpful measure. An assembly of
Catholic scholars met in 1863 at Munich, before which,
as already stated, Ddllinger delivered (28 September)
the discourse " Die Vergangenheit und Gegenwart der
katholischen Theologie" (The Past and Present of
Catholic Theology). His views, as expressed on this
occasion, were calculated to irritate and embitter his
opponents, and a reconciliation seemed farther away
than before. Shortly afterwards, in the thirteenth
thesis of the papal Syllabus of 8 Pec., 1864 (see
Quanta Cuba), certain opinions of Ddllinger were
condemned.
It was unfortunate, but not surprising, therefore,
that the "Papstfabeln des Mittelalters , medieval
fables about the popes (Munich, 1863; 2nd ed., 1890),
received no impartial appreciation from his. oppo-
nents; the pages (131-53) on th*» Monothelism of
Pope Honorius were considered particularly offensive.
From this period to the publication of the "Janus"
letters, the pen of Ddllinger produced mostly anony-
mous articles, in which his approaching apostasy was
daily more clearly foreshadowed. He gave also much
thought to the plan of a universal German biography,
the present ''Allgemeine deutsche Biographie .
Though it was finally von Ranke who induced the
Munich Academy to undertake the now practically
finished work which, unfortunately, still shows fre-
quent traces of partisanship, it was Ddllinger's ardour
and insistence that first moved the Academy to con-
sider the proposition. There is even yet a very wide-
spread conviction, and it was believed by the great
Christian archaeologist De Rossi, who was quite accu-
rately informed on all the details of the Vatican Coun-
cil, that Ddllinger would scarcely have left the Church
if he had been invited to take an honourable share in
the preliminary work for the council. Nor does this
seem at all improbable to those who understand his
character. It is, in any case, very regrettable that on
this point the influence of Cardinal Reisach should
have outweighed that of Cardinal Schwarzenberg, and
availed to exclude the Munich historian.
Scarcely had the first detailed accounts of the
council's proceedings appeared, when Ddllinger pub-
lished in the Augsburg "Allgemeine Zeitung' his
famous "March articles , reprinted anonymously in
August of that year under the title: "Janus, der
Papst, und das Konzil." The accurate knowledge
of papal history here manifested easily convinced most
readers that only Ddllinger could nave written the
jyprk. At this time he provoked the "Hohenlofce
theses" and followed them up with an anonymous
work, " Erwagungen fur die Bischdf e des Konzils uber
die Frage der unfehlbarkeit", considerations concern-
ing papal infallibility for the bishops of the council.
This work was translated into French, and a copy sent
to every bishop. In the meantime Cardinal Schwarz-
enberg, in unison with French sympathizers, -urged
him to be present. at Rome in his private capacity
during the council; he preferred, however, to remain at
Munich, where he prepared for the aforesaid " Allge-
meine Zeitung", with materials sent him regularly
from Rome (even by bishops), the well-known Roman
correspondence (Brief e vom Konzil), each letter of
which fell in Rome like a bomb, but whose real author
no one knew. When Ddllinger wrote for the same
journal, over his own name, the articles " Einige Worte
iiber die Unfehlbarkeitsaddresse der Konzusmajor-
itat" (a few words on the address of the majority of
the. bishops concerning papal infallibility) and "Die
neue Qescnaftsordnung im Aonzil" (the council's new
order of business), he was denounaed in Rome as a
heretic. Bishop Ketteler addressed to him an open
letter quite brusque in tone, while other bishops urged
him to Keep silent. Ddllinger yielded, and on 18 July,
1870, the personal infallibility of the pope and his
universal pastoral office were declared articles of
faith. The foregoing presentation of the actual situa-
tion in that critical time is taken from the life of Ddl-
linger by Johann Friedrich, the theologian of Cardinal
Hohenlohe during the council, and to whom, despite
his oath of silence concerning the affairs of the council,
Ddllinger was indebted for the materials of the " Let-
ters". The declaration of papal infallibility meant
naturally for Ddllinger a severe internal conflict. The
facts, however, do not justify the statement that he
had long previously determined never to accept the
dogma. The Archbishop of Munich; however, in-
sisted on a public declaration of his attitude, and Ddl-
linger weakly yielded to the pressure of those who
were bent on apostasy, and wrote to the archbishop,
20 March, 1871, declaring his refusal to accept the
dogma and stating his reasons in his character as
Christian, theologian, historian, and citizen.
Leo XIII and Pius X have both declared, with all
due formality and solemnity, that Church and State,
each within its own limits, are mutually independent;
the Ddllinger portrait of an infallible pope domineer-
ing over the State is, therefore, a caricature. For the
great scholar it was dies aier when he wrote these
words, for the theologian a period of profound mental
confusion, for the Christian a succumbing to spiritual
arrogance, for the citizen a full confession of the
bureaucratic omnipotence of the State, a kind of be-
lated resurrection of the memories of his youth.
Ddllinger had definitely severed connexion with the
Church. Three weeks later (18 April, 1871) both
Ddllinger and Friedrich were publicly declared ex-
communicate. The action of the archbishop, under
the circumstances unavoidable, aroused much feeling;
on the one side it was hailed as a decisive step that
ended a situation grown scandalous and intolerable,
on the other many rejoiced that the world-renowned
scholar had not bent his neck under the yoke of Rome.
This marked the rise of the sect of the Old Catholics.
At Pentecost of the same year (1871) a declaration
was published, chiefly the work of Ddllinger, setting
forth the need of an ecclesiastical organization. Ddl-
linger also signed a petition to the Government asking
for one of the churches of Munich. Hitherto the op-
position of this party to the Church had been mostly
of a philosophico-historical character, and the domi-
nant statesmen of the time could turn it to little prac-
tical account. It was now the hour for a number of
inimical canonises whose opportunity lay in the anti-
Catholic tendencies of the governments of the period.
Prince Bismarck's plan of a National German Catholic
Church, as independent of Rome as it was possible to .
DOLMAN
99
DOLORES
make it (foreshadowed by Dollinger in 1849), corre-
sponded now with the wishes of the. apostate Catho-
lics, henceforth governed absolutely by the canonist
von Schulte (see Old Catholics). The first as-
sembly of these opponents of the Vatican Council was
held at Munich, 22-24 Sept., 1871. On the sugges-
tion of von Schulte, and despite the opposition and
warnings of Dollinger, it was decided to establish the
11 Old Catholic Church M. Thenceforth Dollinger fol-
lowed a policy of vacillation, avoiding on the one hand
any formal relationship to the new Church, on the
other helpful to it by counsel and deeds; at one time
disapproving positively important decisions of the
sect, and again Placing at its disposal all his influence
and prestige. The new "Church" lacked distinction
and was personally very distasteful to him; in public,
however, though with measured reserve, he defended
it. Henceforth formally excommunicated from the
Catholic Church, he recognized the validity and legal-
ity of that act; at the same time he held it beneath his
dignity to submit to the jurisdiction of Bishop Rein-
kens, for whom the Old Catholics had obtained conse-
cration from the Jansenists in Holland. He stood,
therefore, between the two camps, and looked on it as
almost a calumny that the most insignificant members
of the new sect considered him, more or less, an inti-
mate adherent and a sharer of their trials.
The next seven years he spent in pacifying his con-
science, or, in his own words, in a process of internal
criticism; until 1887 he did nothing of importance,
apart from a few essays, his academic discourses, and
the work " Ungedruckte Berichte und Tagebucher zur
Geschichte des Konzils von Trient", unedited reports
and diaries useful for a history of the Council of Trent
(1876). In 1887 he edited, with Reusch, the auto-
biography of Bellarmine up to 13 June, 1613, in Ger-
man; with Reusch also he published (1889-90) in two
volumes "Geschichte der Moralstreitigkeiten in der
rdmisch-katholischen Kirche seit dem sechszehnten
Jahrhundert, mit Beitragen zur Geschichte und Car-
akteristik des Jesuitenordens", or a history of the
moral-theological discussions in the Roman Catholic
Church since the sixteenth century, including studies
on the history and characteristics of the Jesuit Order.
About the same time he published in two volumes his
"Beitr&ge zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters":
after his death appeared (1891) the third volume of
his " Akademische Vortrage", or academic discourses.
He retained to the end a remarkable physical and
mental strength. Though his latest writings met with
a kindly reception in scientific circles, they were not
considered as superior in merit, either from the view-
point of scientific criticism or as historical narrative.
Seldom has it been so clearly proven that whenever a
man turns completely from a glorious and honourable
past, however stormy, his fate is irrevocably sealed.
Von K ob ell, Ignaz von Ddllinger, Erinnerungen (Munich,
1891); Friedrich, lgnaz von DMlinger. Scin Leben auf Grand
kmm fchriftlichen Naehlaeeee (Munich, 1899-1901); of. AUge-
mmne deuUehe Biographic (Leipsi*. 1904), LXVIII, whence the
above-quoted excerpts from Dollinger: Michael, Ignaz von
DfiUinger, eine CharoJUeristik (Innsbruck, 1894); ZeiUchrift far
Kirchengeech. (GoCha, 1903). XXIV; Revue du Clergi francai*
(1903), XXXVI; Kirchlichee Hanakex. (Munich, 1907), s. v.;
Marshall, Ddllingtr and the Old Catholics in Am. Cath Quart.
Review (Philadelphia, 1890), 267 sqq., also files of the London
Tablet and Dublin Review (1870-1871).
^ Paul Maria Baumgabten.
Dolman, Charles, publisher and bookseller, b. at
Monmouth, England, 20 Sept., 1807; d. in Paris, 31
December, 1863. He was the only son of Charles Dol-
man, a surgeon of Monmouth, and Mary Frances his
wife, daughter of Thomas Booker, a Catholic publisher
in London. Educated at St. Gregory's, the Benedic-
tine college at Downside, near Bath, he later, while
residing at Preston, Lancashire, studied architecture
under Joseph A. Hansom, intending to follow that
profession, but abandoned the idea on being invited
by the Bookers, publishers and booksellers, into which
family his father had married, to go to London. When
Joseph Booker died in 1837, he was induced to cany
on the business with his aunt, Mary Booker, and his
cousin, Thomas Booker. In 1840 the name of the firm
was changed to Booker & Dolman and finally the busi-
ness was continued in his name only. His career as a
publisher of periodical literature began when in 1838
ne brought out a new series of "The Catholic Maga-
zine", which up to that time had been known as
"The Edmburgh Catholic Magazine'1, in contradis-
tinction to "The Catholic Magazine ", a much older
publication which had gone out of existence in 1835.
Dolman's publication was discontinued in June. 1844,
but his name had become so widely known that in
March, 1845, he brought out a new periodical called
" Dolman's Magazine and Monthly Miscellany of Criti-
cism". This was at first under the sole management
of its publisher, but later the Rev. Edward Price suc-
ceeded him. Like the others it was short-lived and in
1849 it was merged with " The Catholic Weekly and
Monthly Orthodox" under the title of "The Weekly
Register". It first appeared under the new name, 4
August, 1849, published by Thomas Booker. From
this time on Dolman abandoned the publication of
periodicals and devoted himself solely to works that
nad never before been brought out by the Catholic
gross. His many efforts to raise the standard of the
atholic press ended in failure. Disheartened by his
ill-success and broken down in health, he retired to
Paris, where he died. He was survived by his wife and
an only son, the Very Rev. Charles Vincent Dolman,
of Hereford, canon of Newport.
Gillow, BtbL Diet. Eng. Calk., s. v.; Kent in Diet, of NaL
Biog., a.v.
Thomas Gaffnet Taaffe.
Dolores Mission (or Mission San Francisco de
Asia de los Dolores), in point of time the sixth in
the chain of twenty-one California Indian Missions;
formally opened 9 Oct., 1776. The date intended for
the celebration was 4 Oct., the feast of St. Francis of
Asissi, but owing to the absence of the military com-
mander of the neighbouring presidio, which had been
established on 17 Sept., the least of the Stigmata of St.
Francis, the formal founding was delayed. The first
Mass on or near the site was celebrated in a tent by
Father Francisco Palou, on the feast of the Apostles
Peter and Paul, 29 June, and on 28 July the first Mass
was offered up in the temporary chapel. Father Pa-
lou on the title pages of the mission records gives 1
August as the day of foundation. The early mission-
aries, however, always celebrated the 4th of October
as the patronal feast of the mission. The appellation
"Dolores" was added because the mission was estab-
lished on a streamlet which Father Pedro Font, O.F.M.,
and Captain Juan Bautista de Anza had discovered
on 28 March, 1776, and in honour of the Blessed Virgin
had called Arroyo de Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores.
In all official documents, reports, and in the records,
the mission bears no other name than San Francisco
de Asis; but after 1824, when the Mission San Fran-
cisco Solano was established at Son6ma, to avoid con-
fusion it was popularly called Dolores, that is to say,
the mission on tne Dolores. The founders of the mis-
sion were Father Francisco Palou, the historian, and'
Father Pedro Benito Cambon. The other mission-
aries stationed here in the course of time were the
Franciscan Fathers Tomas de la Pefia, Miguel Giribet,
Vincente de Santa Maria, Matfas Noriega, Norberto de
Santiago, Diego Garcia, Faustino de SolA, Antonio
Dantf, Martin de Landaeta, Diego de Noboa, Manuel
Fernandez, Jose1 de Espf, Ram6n Abella, Luis Gil, Juan
Sainz, Vincente Oliva, Juan Cabot;, Bias Ordaz, Jose*
Altimira, Tomas Estenega, Lorenzo Quijas, Jose" Gu-
tierrez, Jose1 Mercado, Jose" Real, Miguel Muro. The
Rev. Prudencio Santillan, the first secular priest, took
charge in 1846.
The cornerstone of the present church, the oldest
1
Dolor is Missi
DOLOURS 1
building in San Francisco, and which survived the
earthquake of 1906 practically without damage, was
laid in 1782 and finished with a thatched roof. In
1795 tiles replaced the thatch. The mission buildings
as usual were erected in the form of a square. The
church stood in the south-east corner fronting the
east. The wings of the square contained the rooms
of the missionaries, two of whom were always there
until about June, 1828, the shops of the carpenters,
smiths, saddlers, rooms for melting tallow and making
soap, for agricultural implements, for spinning wool
and weaving coarse fabrics. There were twenty
looms in constant opera-
tion, and two mills moved r
by mule-power ground the
grain. Most ot the neo-
phytes were engaged in
agriculture and stock-rais-
ing. Owing to the barren
nature of the soil and the
high winds in the neigh-
bourhood, sowing and
planting was done ten or
twelve miles down the
peninsula. The stock also
grazed far away from the
mission. About one hun-
d red yards from the church
stood the neophyte vil-
lage, composed of eight
rows of one-story dwell-
ings. The girls lived at the
mission proper under the
care of a matron (see California Missions). A school
was in operation in 1818. -The highest number of In-
dians living at the mission was reached in 1820, when
- 1242 neophytes made their home with the missionaries
and received food, clothing, and instruction. The first
baptism of an Indian occurred on 24 June, 1777. From
that date till October, 1845, when the last Francis-
can departed, 7200 names entered into the baptismal
record, about 500 of which represented white people.
During the same period 5503 deaths occurred, and
2156 marriages were blessed; about eighty of the lat-
ter were those of white couples. From 1785 to the
end of 1832, for which period we have tie reports, the
mission raised 1 20,000 bushels of wheat, 70,226 bushels
of barley, 18,260 bushels of com, 14,386 bushels of
beans, 7296 bushels of peas, and 905 bushels of lentils
and garvanzos or horse beans. The largest number of
animals owned by the mission was as follows: cattle,
11,340 head in 1809; sheep, 11,324 in 1814; goats, 65 in
1786; horses,
4. <S»n Frmndsco, lim\ II. IV; Paloc. Vida drl Fray
Junlpero Serra (Mexico, 1787): BANcntorr, Hietory of California
(Sao Fnnciaoo. 18S0). I, V: £noilh*rdt, The Frond-cam in
California IHubor Sprinu, Mich., 1897).
ZePhyrln Engelhard.'.
Dolphin (Lat. ddphimt*}.- 'The use of the dolphin
as a Christian symbol is connected with the general
ideas underlying the more general use of the fish
(q. v.). The particular idea is that of swiftness and
celerity symbolizing the desire with which Christians,
who are thus represented as being sharers in the na-
ture of Christ the true Fish, should seek after the
knowledge of Christ. Hence the representation is
generally of two dolphins tending towards the sacred
monogram or some other emblem of Christ. In other
0 DOME
cases the particular idea is that of love and tenderness.
Aringhi (Roma Subterr., II, 327) gives an example of
a dolphin with a heart, and other instances have some
such motto as piqnus auoris haheh (i. e. thou hast a
pledge of love). It is sometimes used as an emblem
of merely conjugal love on funeral monuments. With
an anchor the dolphin occurs frequently on early
Christian rings, representing the attachment of the
Christian to Christ crucified. Speaking generally, the
dolphin is the symbol of the individual Christian,
rather than of Christ Himself, though in some in-
stances the dolphin with the anchor seems to be in-
tended as a representation
of Christ upon the Cross.
Mamacui, Dr. Oria. rl Ant.
Chr., iii; Mahtiont, Diet, da
Ant. Chr., a. v.: Smith am>
Cheethax, ed.. Did. of Chrit-
tionAntia-,e. v.; HeeepeciaUy
Wilpert, he Pittim drOr Cola-
combe Romano (Freiburg.
1003); and Dalton, Calolooae
tf Early Chrietian AntiauUite
etc in the British. Muteutn
(London. 1901).
Arthl'h S. Barnes.
Dom. See Benedic-
tine Order.
Dome (Lat. domut, a
house), an architectural
term often used synony-
mously with cupola.
Strictly speaking it
signifies the external
J part of a spherical or
dine, of which the cupola
tq.'v.) is the inner structure, but in general usage
dome means the entire covering. It is also loosely
used, as in the German Dom and Italian Dvomo, to
designate a cathedral, or, at times, to signify some
other building of importance. A dome may be of any
material, wood, stone, metal, earthenware, or it may
be built of a single mass or of a double or even triple
series of concentric coverings. The dome is a roof,
the base of which is a circle, an ellipsis, or a polygon,
and its vertical section a curved line, concave towards
the interior. Hence domes are called circular, ellip-
tical or polygonal, according to the figure of the base.
The most usual form is the spherical, in which case its
plan is a circle, the section a segment of a circle. Domes
are sometimes semi-elliptical, pointed, often in curves
of contrary flexure, bell-shaped, etc. Except in the
earlier period of the development of the dome, the in-
terior and exterior forms were not often alike, and, in
___^^_^^^^_^^^^^^^__^_ the space be-
ataircasn to
the lantern
was gener-
imple and compound. In
ind thependen"
Ian Francisco
■IA.LAT
a To™
Domes are of two kinds, s
the simple dome, the dome; ,
one, and the height is only a little greater than that of
an intersecting vault formed by semicircular arches.
The dome over the central part of the tomb of Galla
Placidia, at Ravenna, and those over some of the
aisles of Saint Sophia, Constantinople, are of this
description. In the compound dome two methods
were Followed. In both methods greater height is
obtained, and the compound dome was consequently
the one used on all important buildings of the later
period. In one, the dome starts directly from the top
of the circle formed by the pendentives; in the other,
a cylindrical wall or drum" intervenes between the
pendentives and the dome, thus raising the latter con-
siderably. In churches with domes without drums,
the windows are in the dome itself immediately above
the springing; otherwise, they are in the drum,
and the surface of the dome is generally unbroken. At
the monastery of St. Luke, Phocis, Greece, are two
churches of the eleventh century, side by aide, the
■mailer of which has a drum with windows in it,
whereas the larger church has no drum, and the win-
dows are in the dome. The drum is universal in ail
domed churches of the Renaissance, at which time it
received special treatment and became a most im-
portant feature. Many of these drums are not circu-
lar in plan externally, but are many-sided, and the
angles are often enriched by marble shafts, etc The
eanying-up of the walls vertically is a good expedient
constructional ly, as it provides weight above the
haunches of the dome and helps to neutralise its
thrusts. In the churches of the second period, at
Constantinople, Salomon, Athens, and other parts of
Greece, in which the true drum occurs, it is of consid-
erable height and is generally eight-sided. Windows
come at each aide, and over the windows are arches
which cut into the dome itself.
A primitive form of the dome and the barrel vault
is of great antiquity. In some districts men were
compelled to build in stone or brick or mud, because
there was no wood, as in Assyria; in other districts
because they had not the tools to work wood. In all
such cases some form of dome or tunnel vault had to
be devised for shelter. In tracing the growth of the
dome in historical times, it has been regarded as an
outcome of the architecture of the Eastern Empire,
because it was at Constantinople and in the Byzan-
tine provinces that it was first employed in ecclesias-
tical structures. But it was the Romans who in real-
ity developed the use of the dome, as of all other ap-
plications of the semicircular arch. From Rome it
was carried to Constantinople and from the same
source to different parts of the Western Empire. In
Eastern Christendom the dome became the dominant
factor in church design; whether a single dome, as at
Saint Sophia, Constantinople (built, 532-537), or a
central dome encircled by other domes, as at St.
Mark's, Venice, or a row of domes, as at Angouleme.
The plan and domes of Angouleme are reproduced in
the new Catholic cathedral at Westminster. The
Roman dome was a hemisphere supported by a cir-
cular wall. Its finest example was the Pantheon,
Rome. Equally characteristic, though smaller, ex-
amples abound, e. g. at Rome, the temple of Minerva
Medico, the tomb of Constant ia, now the church of
Santa Costansa, etc. Viollet-le-Duc in writing of the
dome of the Pantheon says, "This majestic cupola is
the widest, the most beautiful, the beet constructed,
and most stable of all the great domes of the world".
Theinridediameterofthedomeisl42}feet. Previous
to the building of the Pantheon in its present domical
form, during the reign of Hadrian about *. n. 123, the
history of the dome is for the most part a blank.
The primitive Eastern dome seems to have been on
a very small scale, and to have been used for subor-
dinate purposes only. It was a common architec-
tural feature in ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. In
later times the dome was largely employed in archi-
tecture by the Persian Sassanids, Mohammedans, and
the. Bysantines. From the first domed churches
built for Christian worship sprang Byzantine archi-
tecture and its offshoots. The builder of the earliest
domed church of any magnitude was Constantine jits
locality the famous city of Antioch in Syria. The
problem of the Christian domed church, so far at least
as its interior is concerned, received in Saint Sophia its
full solution. The dome is the prevailing conception
of Bysantine architecture, and M. Choiay, In his1' Art
de bltir ches les Bytantins" traces the influence of
this domical construction on Greek architecture to
■how how from their fusion the architecture of the
Eastern Empire became possible. Domes were now,
from the time of the construction of Saint Sophia,
E laced over square apartments, their bases being
rougkt to a circle by means of pendentives, whereas,
in Roman architecture, domes as a rule were placed
over a circular apartment. The grouping of small
domes round a large central one was very effective, and
one of the peculiarities of Byzantine churches was that
the dome had no additional outer covering. The dome
was rarely used by medieval builders except when
under oriental influence, hence it was practically con-
fined to Spain and Italy. The dome of the cathedral
at Pisa, the first model of the Tuscan style of architec-
ture, was begun in the eleventh century, and in the
thirteenth was founded the cathedral at Florence.
Its dome equals in sise that of St. Peter's at Rome,
and whs its model. During the Italian Renaissance,
domed construction became again of the first impor-
tance, possibly on account of its classical precedent,
and it is interesting to note that the Pantheon became
once more the starting-point of a new development
which culminated in the domes of St. Peter's, Rome,
and St. Paul's, London.
The substructure of the dome of St. Peter's is a
round drum, which serves as a stylobate and lifts it
Pantkzon, Rous
above the surrounding roofs. On this stands the
ringwall of the drum, decorated with a Corinthian
order and carrying an attic ; on this sits the oval mass
of the noblest dome in the world. The drum, fifty
feet high, is pierced by sixteen square-headed win-
dows. The enormous thickness of the stylobate
allows an outside offset to receive the buttresses which
are set between the windows, in the shape of spur-
walls with engaged columns at the corners, over which
the entablature is broken. The curve of the dome is
of extraordinary beauty. Between its ribs, corres-
with an Ionic order, repeats the arrangement of w
down and buttresses in the drum below, and is sur-
mounted by a Latin cross rising 448 feet above the
pavement. The foremost Renaissance church in
Florence is the church of the Annunziata, and is re-
markable for a fine dome carried on a drum resting
directly on the ground. To tile latest time of the
Renaissance in Venice belongs the picturesque domed
church of Santa Maria della Salute. The two finest
domes in France are those of the Hotel dee Invalides
and the Pantheon (formerly the church of Sainte-
Zamora, Salamanca, Clermont, Le Puy, Cahors.
They are also found in Poitou, Pengord, and Auvergne :
at Aachen, Cologne, Antwerp, and along the banks of
the Rhine: at Aosta, Pavia, Como, Parma, Piaeenza,
Verona, Milan, etc. There are, besides, the bulbous
domes of Russia and the flattened cupolas of the Sara-
cens. The dome became the lantern in English
Gothic, and the octagon of Ely cathedral is said to bo
DommoH
102
DOMUIIOHXHO
the only true Gothic dome in existence. The central Among his numerous works dealing with travel,
octagon of the Houses of Parliament, London, is the history, and theology, may be noted:" Journal d'un
best specimen of a modern Gothic dome. Arab domes tnissionnaire au Texas et au Mexique" (Paris, 1857);
sire mostly of the pointed form such as are derived "Voyage dans lea solitudes americaines" (Paris,
from the rotation of the Gothic arch or bulbous the 1858); "Histoire du jansenimne": "Histoire du Mex-
section being a horse-shoe arch. Very beautiful ex- ique (Paris, lfl«n-«fl .. ._ .
amples are seen in the buildings known
as the tombs of the caliphs at Cairo.
Among the finest examples of domed
buildings in the East are the Tombs
of Mohammedan sultans in the south
of India and at Agra. The largest
dome in America is that of the Cap-
itol at Washington. It is built of
iron,
FleTCHM. A Mtleru of Archilscture (New
York. 1905); Bond. Gothic ArchHteturt tn
England (New York. 1908); Cuutuxos, A
Hillary of ArrAitecfur* m Italy (Boston.
1901): Bum, From Schcla to Cathedral
'"' 18SS); Surra. Architecture,
Souvenirs d'outre-mer" (Paris,
Domonach, Eucantjxl- Henri -
Dieudonnk, Abbe, missionaiy and
author, b. at Lyons, France, 4 Novem-
ber, 1826; d. in France, June, 1886.
1884). His principal works have ap-
peared also in English translation. In
regard to his much-controverted
"Manuscrit pictographique amG-
ricain" (Paris, I860), an examination
of the supposed Indian Dictographs
leaves no doubt that in this case the
unsuspecting missionaiy was grossly
deceived. ,
Consult bta own world, with introduction!;
bIbo Petzholdt, Le litre da oauoaan (Bi us-
ed*. 1801).
James MoONET.
Domenichino, properly Douenico
Zampieri, an Italian painter, b. in
Bologna, 21 Oct., 1581 ;d. in Naples, 16
April, 1641. He began his art studies
in the school of Calvaert, but being ill-
treated there, his father, a poor shoe-
maker, placed him in the Carracci
Academy, where Guido Reni and Al-
bani were also students. Domenichino was a slow,
, ..,_._.. .: ... In the spring __ _.
Of 1846, before completing his seminary studies and thoughtful, plodding youth whom his companions
when not yet twenty years of age, he left France called the "Ox'', a nickname also borne by his master
in response to an urgent appeal for missionaries to Ludovico. He took the prise for drawing in the
help develop the Church in the wilds of Texas, then Carracci Academy, gaining thereby both fame and
rapidly filling up with American and European immi- hatred. Stimulated by success, he studied unremit-
Bpent two years completing his theological course, BO tl
studying English ana Ger-
man, and gathering knowl-
edge of missionary require-
ments. In May, 1848, he
was assigned to duty at the
new German settlement of
Castroville in Texas, from
which he was transferred
later to Brownsville. The
war with Mexico was just
concluded; raiding bands
of Mexicans and rangers
were ravaging on both sides
of die Rio Grande, while
outlaws from the border
States and almost eoually
lawless discharged soldiers
filled the new towns, and
hostile Indians hovered con-
stantly in the background.
A cholera epidemic added
its horrors. Nevertheless,
the young priest went brave-
ly to work with such en-
ergy that he soon became
an efficient power for good
throughout all Southern
Texas. In 1860 he visited
Europe and was received
by the pope. Returning to
Texas, he continued ' ''
says "he could delineate the soul".
His student days over, he
first visited Parma and
Modena to study Correggio,
and then went to Rome,
where his earliest friend ana
patron. Cardinal Agucchi,
commissioned him to decor-
ate his palace. In Rome
he assisted the Carracci with
their frescoes in the palace
of Cardinal Farnese, who be-
came such an admirer of
Domenichino that he had
him execute many of the
Sictures in the Basilian
bbey of Grotta Ferrata.
Domenichino 's best frescoes
are in this church. With
Guido he painted, for Car-
dinal Borghese, in S. Gre-
gorio: for Cardinal Aldo-
branaini he executed ten
frescoes at Villa Frascati;
for Cardinal Montalto he
decorated S. Andrea della
Valle; and for Cardinal
^."■aSd"^"^ *»-«»«<— .11— tojIiSKT&KirE
nger, when he returned to France with health broken the altar of S. Girolamo della Carita, the Communion
id was appointed titulary canon of Montpellier. of St. Jerome", a copy of which, in mosaics, is in St.
'hen the French troops were dispatched to Mexico Peter's. This is one of the great pictures of the world
When the French troops were dispatched
in 1861 he was selected to accompany the expedition
as almoner to the army and chaplain to the Emperor
Maximilian. After the return to France he devoted
his remaining years to European travel, study, and
writing, and the exercise of his ecclesiastical functions.
In 1882-3 he again visited America.
great pictures o!
considered second only to Raphael's "Trans-
figuration". He received about fifty dollars for it.
Napoleon took it to Paris but the Allies returned it.
Jealousy of Domenichino long accumulating now
burst forth, and he was accused of copying his master-
piece from Agostino Carracci. Weary of attacks, the
THE COMMUNION OF ST. JEROME— DOMENICHINO
THE VATICAN, ROME
DOMESDAY
103
DOMICILE
artist went to Bologna but later returned to Rome, where. It is probable, however, that this did not in>
where Pope Gregory XV made him painter and archi- ply absolute ownership, but only superiority and a
tect of the Apostolic Camera (pontifical treasury). In right to certain services (Maitland, " Domesday Book
1690 he settled in Naples and there opened a school,
but was harassed, as in Rome, by envious artists
(cabal of Naples), who disfigured his paintings. Men-
tal suffering, perhaps poison, hastened his death.
DomenichinOj although not a master of great original-
ity and inspiration, was a prominent figure in the
and Bevond", pp. 236-42). This must be borne in
mind when we see it stated, and so far correctly; on the
authority of Domesday, that the possessions of the
Church represented twenty-five per cent of the assess-
ment of the country in 1066 ana twenty-six and one-
half per cent of its cultivated area in 1086. These
Bolognese School. Potent in fresco he also excelled lands were in any case very unequally distributed, the
in decorative landscapes; his colour w,as warm and proportion of church land being much greater in the
harmonious, his style simple, his chiaroscuro superbly South of England. The record does not enable us to
managed, and his subordinate groups and accessaries tell clearly how far the parochial system had devel-
well adjusted and of great interest. The most famous oped, and though in .Norfolk and Suffolk all the
masters of the burin engraved his works, which are: churches seem to nave been entered, amounting to 243
" Portrait of Cardinal Agucchi", Uffizi, Florence; "Life in the former, and 364 in the latter, county, the same
of St. Nil us" (fresco) in Grotta Ferrata near Rome; care to note the churches was obviously not exercised
u Condemnation of Adam and Eve", Louvre, Paris; in the West of England. Much church property
*St. George and the . .. ... seems to have been of
the nature of a tenancy
held f ronrthe king upon
condition of some ser-
vice to be rendered,
often of a spiritual kind.
Thus we read; "Alwin
the • priest holds the
sixth part of a hide9',
at Turvey, Beds, " and
held it tempore reds
Edwardi, and could do
what he liked with it;
King William after-
gave
or. (fci. it. 6fti»-7 mAm ^to.frUT. ykiu J&£u
7^.£mAfajJ>^
utt'&r* In bruo-B'unJL 7t it. uXiitm. cif. ax.u cttf
iving
wards
Entries m Doiubbday Book
it to him
m alms, on condition
that he should cele-
brate two ferial masses
[ferias missas] for the
souls of the King and
>ueen twice a week."
aluable as is the in-
formation which the
Domesday Book sup*
plies, many questions
suggested by it remain
obscure and are still
keenly debated. A fac-
simile of the whole
Dragon", National Gal-
lery, London; "St.
John". Hermitage, St.
Petersburg.
Ri cuter. Catalogue of
the Lhdwich Gallery (Lon-
, don, 1880)! Dohmeb, Kunst
and Kunttler desMittdaUen
und der Neuzeit (Leipzig,
1877); Brtan, Dictionary
of Painters and Engraven,
Leigh Hunt.
Domesday Book is
the name given to the
record of the great sur-
vey of England made
• by order of William the
Conqueror in 1085-86.
The name first occurs
in the famous " Dia-
logus de Scaccario", a
treatise compiled about
1176 by Richard Fitz-
nigel, which states that
the English called the
book of the survey
"Domesdei". or "Day
of Judgment , because
the inquiry was one
which none could escape, and because the verdict of ord was brought out some years ago by photozinco-
this register as to the holding of the land was final graphy, and at the end of the eighteenth century an
and without appeal. Certain it is that the native edition was printed in type specially cast to represent
English resented William's inquisition. " It is shame the contractions of the original manuscript,
to tell ". wrote the chronicler, what he thought it no Th° moat convenient introduction to the subject is Baixabd.
jhamefWhimtodo. Or, nor corner .mine w* left *&2TS&£3S&tt££2k. &S» 1&F2&
that was not Set down upon his Writ.' The returns Beyond (new ed., London, 1007)* to Round, Feudal England
give full information about the land of England, its (London, 1895); and to Eyton, Domesday Studies. But there
ownership both in 1085 and in the time of King Ed- "• many ndnor •"•a* dealin* ^^K^rf^^ *?*?w,u
ward, its extent, nature, value, cultivators, and vil- hebbebt ibukston.
leins. The survey embraced all England except the Domestic Prelate. See Prelate.
northernmost counties. >The results are set down in
concise and orderly fashion in two books called the Domicile (Lat. jus domicilii, right of habitation.
"Exchequer Domesday". Another volume, contain- residence). — The canon law has no independent and
ing a more detailed account of Wilts, Dorset, Somer- original theory of domicile; both the canon law and
set, Devon, and Cornwall, is called the " Exon Domes- all modern civil codes borrowed this theory from the
day", as it is in the keeping of the cathedral chapter Roman law; the canon law. however, extended and
of Exeter. ^ perfected the Roman theory by adding thereto that of
m The chief interest of the Domesday Book for us here quasi-domicile. For centuries ecclesiastical legisla-
tes in the light which it throws upon church matters, tion contained no special provision in regard to domi-
As Professor Maitland has pointed out, a comparison cile. adapting itself quite unreservedly on this point
of Domesday with our earliest charters shows not only botn to Roman and Barbarian law. It was only in
that the Church held lands of considerable, sometimes the thirteenth century, after the revival at Bologna of
of vast, extent, but that she had obtained these lands the study of Roman law, that legists and then the
by free grant from kings or underkings during the canonists, returned to the Roman theory of domicile,
Saxonperiod. We find, for example, that four mins- introducing it first into the schools and then into prac-
ters, Worcester, Evesham, Pershore, and Westminster, tice. Not that the Church had "canonized", so to
were lords of seven-twelfths of the soil of Worcester- speak, this particular point of Roman law more than
shire, and that the Church of Worcester alone was lord others, but civil law. l>eing more ancient, formed a
of one-quarter of that shire besides other holdings else- basis for canon law, which accepted it, at least in so far
Tl
Domicile 104 domicile
as it was not at variance with later decrees of pontifi- sight of, and even the word itself disappeared from the
cal law. So true is this that there exists no document juridical language of the time. However, this does
in which the theory of domicile has been completely not mean that persons inhabiting certain limited dis-
and officially expounded by an ecclesiastical legisla- tricts had wholly ceased to be connected with local
tor. authority, whether civil or religious, nor that all acts
I. Roman Law. — We must therefore revert to Ho- were regulated exclusively, after the barbarian con-
man law, which established domicile as the extension cept, by a personal code. The material fact of habi-
or communication of a pre-existent legal status of in- tation could not, it is true, be ignored, but it no longer
dividuals — origin (origo, jus originis). In the theory served for a theory of domicile. The medieval eccle-
of the Roman lawyers each man belongs to his mum- siastical canons say that each Catholic (fidelis) should
cipality, to his city, where, as he contributes his share pay his tithes in the church where he Was baptized and
to the expenses and taxes, so he has a right to the that his obsequies should be held wherever he pays his
common advantages. Children naturally follow their tithes, etc., but there is no mention of domicile,
father's condition and belong likewise to the city, even The Roman theory was again restored to honour by ,
though born at a distance. Such is the Roman origo, the glossarists of the Bolognese School, especially by
quite akin to what we call nationality, except that the Accursius in the beginning of the thirteenth century.
origo relates to the restricted locality of one's birth, Whether it was because they mistook the real mean-
ana nationality to one's native land. Hence it is ing of origo or desired to explain it in a way that suited
birth, the legal birthplace, that determines one's origo, the customs of their time, they interpreted it as a sort
i. e. not the actual site of birth but the place where of domicile resulting from one's birthplace, and if one
each one should have been born, the municipality to were born there per accident, from the place of one's
which the father belonged (L. 1. ff. Ad municip.). father's birth. Except for this inaccuracy, the Ro-
Let us now suppose a man settled for a long time in a man theory was well expounded. Moreover, accord-
city of which he is not a native. Partly in return for ing to the favourite principles of their time, the glos-
ihe taxes he pays, and partly to permit him to exercise sarists brought into prominence the double constitu-
local civic duties,4ie is granted the status of a real citi- tive element of domicile (or, properly speaking, of ac-
sen, without loss, however, of his own origo or munici- quired domicile): the material element (corpus), i. e.
pal right. Such, then, is the primitive concept of domi- habitation, and the juridical or formal element (ani-
cile in Roman law: the communication to a man, born mus). i. e. the intention to remain in this habitation
in one municipality but residing permanently in an- indefinitely. Although they did "not contribute di-
other, of the civil rights normally reserved to citizens rectly to tnis revival of domicile, canonists neverthe-
who are natives of the locality. To become as one of less adopted it and it was definitively admitted in the
the latter, the stranger must create for himself a domi- gloss of "Liber Sextus" (cc. 2 and 3, de sepult.).
cile, and it was this that necessarily led jurists to define They applied these rules to the acts of Christian life :
domicile and the conditions upon which it could be ac- baptism, paschal Communion and Viaticum,conf ession, •
quired. ' Hence the celebrated definition of domicile extreme unction, funerals, interments, then also to or-
given by the Emperors Diocletian and Maximianus dination and judicial competency. Tne actual canon-
?L. 7, C. de incol.) : " It is certain that each one has his ical rules on domicile are about the same.
domicile in the place where he has established his In the meantime almost the only development of
home and business and has his possessions; a resi- canon law in this matter has been the creation of the
dence which he does not intend to abandon, unless quasi-domicile theory, foreign alike to Roman and
called elsewhere, from which he departs only as a modern civil law. As its name implies, quasi-domi-
traveller and by returning to which he ceases to be a cile is closely patterned on domicile and consists in a
traveller." The juridical element constitutive of sojourn in some one place during a sufficient length of
domicile is the intention, the will definitively to settle time. Not only does it not call for abandonment of
oneself in a place, this will being deduced from the the real domicile, but can co-exist with the latter and
oircumstances ana especially the conditions of instal- even supposes the intention of returningthither. t It
lation. It implies indefinite stability, not perpetuity was evident that the ordinary acts of the Christian life,
in the restricted sense of the word, as though one re- the rights and obligations of a parishioner, could not
nounced the right to change domicile. Another domi- be confined to permanent residents only; hence the
cile may at any time be acquired on the same condi- necessity of assimilating to such residents those who
tions as the first : it is lost when the intention of aban- sojourn m the place for a certain length of time. The
doning it is coupled with the fact of desertion. Since, canonists soon concluded that whoever has a quasi-
therefore, domicile conferred the same rights as origo, domicile in a place may receive there the sacraments
its importance became gradually more and more and perform there legitimately all the acts of the Chris-
xnarkea. tian life without forfeiting any of his rights in the place
We can now better understand the words that so of his real domicile; he may even thus Decome subject
often recur in Roman law and have been adopted by to the judicial authority of his place of quasi-domicile.
canonists: those who belong to a municipality by The only restrictions are, as we shall see, for ordina-
right of birth are citizens (cives); those who come tions and, to a certain extent, for funerals. For a long
from elsewhere, but have become its members by time, however, the theory remained vague and unde-
domicile are inhabitants (incolce), though these terms termined. Authors could scarcely agree as to pre-
are used almost synonymously by legists and canon- cisely what was meant by the "sufficient length' ' of
ists; those who have spent a sufficient time there time (non breve tempus) required for quasi-domicile,
without, however, acquiring a domicile, are strangers and they hesitated to pronounce on the various pos-
(advenct), though to them canonists concede a quasi- sible reasons for a sojourn and the degree in which
domicile. Finally, those who make but a passing so- they could create presumption of an intention to ae-
fourn there are transients (peregrini; cf . L. 239, de quire quasi-domicile. Strictly speaking, the question
Verb. sign.). To these categories canonists have was really important only in regard to# those mar*
added one which the Roman origo, being permanent, riages whose validity depended on the existence of a
could not recognize, namely the wanderers (vagi), quasi-domicile in countries where the Tridentine de-
who have no fixed residence or who, having definitely cree "Tametsi" had been published; in this way, as
abandoned one domicile, have not as yet acquired we shall see below, new legislation became necessary,
another. The quasi-domicile theory was not definitively settled
II. Development of "Domicile" ln Canon Law. until the appearance of the Instruction of the Holy
— In the troublous times that prevailed after the Bar- Office addressed to the Bishops of England and the
barian invasions, the domicile of Roman law was lost United States, 7 June, 1867, in which quasi-domicile is
DOMICILE 105 DOMICILE
Citterned as closely as possible on domicile. Like the imate and the maternal domicile for illegitimate emi-
tter, it is made up of the double element of fact and dren. Again, in reference to the spiritual life, domi*
right, i. e. of residence and the intention of abiding in cile of nativity is the place where adults and aban-
it for a sufficient length of time, this time being clearly doned children are Daptized. — The domicile of
stated as a period covering more than six months — per residence or acquired domicile is that of one's own
majorem anni partem. As soon as these two condi- choice, the place where one establishes a residence for
tions coexist, quasi-domicile is acquired and imme- an indefinite period. It is acquired by the fact of
diately involves the legal use of rights and compe- material residence joined to the intention of there re-
tencies resulting therefrom. (See below for a recent maining as long as one has no reason for settling else-
restriction in regard to marriage.) Finally, quasi- where; this intention being manifested either by an
domicile is lost by the simultaneous cessation of both express declaration or by circumstances. Once ac-
its constitutive elements, i. e. by the abandonment of quired, domicile subsists, despite more or less pro-
residence without any intention of returning to it. longed absences, until one leaves it with the inten-
Suffice it to add that in this matter the canon law, tion of not returning. — Finally, necessary or legal
yielding to custom, tends easily to adapt itself to the domicile is that imposed by law; for prisoners or ex-
provisions of civil law, e. g. as regards the legal domi- iles it is their prison or place of banishment ; for a wife
cile of minors, "wards, and other analogous provisions, it is the domicile of the husband which she retains even
III. Present Law. — From the preceding explana- after becoming a widow : for children under age it is .
tion there results a very important conclusion which that of the parents who have authority over them; for
throws a strong light on canonical legislation concern- ward* it is that of their guardians ; lastly, for whoever
ing domicile and which we must now set forth. It is exercises a perpetual charge, e. g. a bishop, canon, or
this: the law does not deal with domicile for its own parish priest, etc., it is the place where he discharges
sake, but rather on account of its consequences; in nis functions.
other words, on account of thepersonal rights and ob- Quasi-domicile is of one kind only, namely of resi-
ligations attached thereto. This explains why domi- dence and choice and cannot be acquired in any other
cue must meet divers requirements more or less severe way. It is acquired and lost on the same conditions
according to the case in point, e. g. marriage, ordina- as domicile itself and is deduced mainly from such
tion, judicial competency. Keeping therefore in reasons as justify a sojourn of at least six months, e.g.
view the legal consequences of domicile and its vari- the pursuit of studies, or even for an indefinite perioa,
ous forms it may be defined as a stable residence which as in the case of domestics. Quasi-domicile is pre-
en tails submission to local authority and permits the sumed, especially for marriage, after a month's so-
exercise of acts for which this authority is competent, journ according to the Constitution " Paucis abhinc"
To this definition the laws and their commentators of Benedict XIV, 19 March, 1758; but this presump-
confine themselves, without touching on the legal ef- tion yields to contrary proof, except however when it
fects of domicile. As we have already seen, domicile, is transformed into a presumption juris et de jure,
properly so called, is the place one inhabits indefi- which admits of no contrary proof; such is the case for
nitely (locus perpetuce habitationw), such perpetuity the United States in virtue of the indult of 6 May,
being quite compatible with more or less transitory 1886, granted at the request of the Council of Balti-
residence elsewhere. It matters not whether one be more in 1884 (Acta et Decreta, p. cix) and extended to
the owner or simply the occupant of the house in which the Diocese of Paris, 20 May, 1905. This being so,
one dwells or whether one owns more or less property quasi-residents are regarded as subjects of the local
in the locality. The place of one's domicile is not authority just as are permanent residents, being there-
the house wherein one resides but the territorial fore parishioners bound by local laws and possessing
district in which the house or home stands. This the same rights as residents, with this difference, that,
district is usually the smallest territory possessing if they so choose, they may go and use their rights in
a distinct, self-governing organization. Ail authors their own domicile. They can, therefore, apply to the
agree that, from a civil viewpoint, the municipality local parish priest, as to their own parish priest, not
is the place of domicile and, canonically considered, only for those sacraments administered to every one
the parish or territorial division replacing it, e. g. who presents himself, e. g. Holy Eucharist and pen-
mission or station. It is in the municipality that ance, but also for the baptism of their children, for
the acts and rights of civil life are exercised, and. in the first Communion, paschal Communion, Viaticum, and
parish those of the Christian life. Strictly speaking, extreme unction. Their nuptials may also be solem-
one cannot acquire domicile in a ward or hamlet or m nized in his presence and, except when they have Chosen
any territorial division which does not form a self-gov- to be buried elsewhere, their funerals should take
erning group. Of course there are certain acts that do place from the parish church of their auasi-domicile.-
not depend, or that no longer depend, on local author- Finally, the quasi-domicile permits of their legitimate
ity ; in this sense, it is possible to speak of domicile in citation before a judge competent for the locality. As
a diocese when it is question e. g. of ordination, or of regards marriage, the quasi-domicile affected its valid-
domicile in a province apropos of the competency of a ity in parishes subject to the decree "Tametsi" until
tribunal. But these exceptions are merely apparent; the decree "Ne temere" of 2 August, 1907, rendered
they imply that one has a domicile in some parish the competency of the parish priest exclusively terri-
within a given diocese. The canon law has never rec- torial, so that all marriages contracted in his presence,
ognized as domicile an unstable residence in different within his parochial territory, are valid ; for a licit
parts of a diocese, without intent to establish oneself marriage, however, one of the two betrothed must have
m some particular parish. Canon law (c. 2, de sepult. dwelt within the parish for at least a month,
in VI), like Roman law (L. 5. 7. 27, Admunicip.), allows On the other hand thoro who have neither a domi-
a double domicile, provided there be in both places a cile nor a quasi-domicile in a parish, who are only
morally equal installation; the most ordinary exam- there as transients (jyeregmni), are not counted as par-
pie of this being a winter domicile in the city and a ishioners; the parish priest is not their pastor and they
summer domicile in the country. — There are three should respect the pastoral rights of their own parish
kinds of domicile: domicile of origin, domicile of resi- priest at least in so far as possible. The restrictions
dence or acquired domicile, and necessary or legal of former times, it is true, have been greatly lessened
domicile. The domicile of origin, a somewhat inexact and at present no one would dream of claiming pa-
imitation of the Roman origot is that assigned to rochial rights for annual confession, paschal Commu-
each individual by his place of nativity unless he be nion or the Viaticum. Something, however, still re-
acciden tally born outside of the place where his father mains: for marriage transients must ask the delega-
tiwells; practically it is the paternal domicile for legit- tion or authorization of the parish priest of their dom>
^
DOMINIO
106
DOMINIO
efle (regularly of the bride) if the contracting parties
have not already sojourned for a month within the
parish where they seek to contract marriage; funerals
also belong to the parish priest of the domicile, i. e. if
the interested parties desire to, and can transport to
his parish church the body of the deceased; in any
event the parish priest may demand the parochial
dues known as quarto funeralis. Generally speaking,
transients (peregrini) are not subjects of the local ec-
clesiastical authority; they are not held to the ob-
servance of local laws except inasmuch as these affect
public order, nor do they become subjects of the local
judicial authority.
As to the domicile requisite for ordination there are
special rules formulated by Innocent XII, in his Con-
stitution " Speculatores ' ', 4 November, 1694 . The can-
didate tororders depends upon a bishop, first by reason
of his origin, that is to say, of the place where his father
had a domicile at the time of his son's birth ; second by
reason of his own acquired domicile. But the condi-
tions which this domicile must satisfy are rather
severe: the candidate must have already resided in
the diocese for ten years or else have transported most
of his movable goods to a house in which he has resided
for three years; moreover, in both cases, he must af-
firm under oath his intention of definitively establish-
ing himself in the diocese. This is a qualified dom-
icile, the conditions of which must not be extended to
other cases.
Benedict XIV, Ep. Paucis abhinc; Id., Instil. Can. 33, 88;
Sanchez, De matrim.. Ill; Fagnantjb, Comment, in Decretal, in
cap. Significant, III, tit. xxhc; Bassibet, La dandestiniti
dans le mariage (Bordeaux, 1904); Fourneret, Le domicile
matrimonial (Paris, 1006); D'Annibale, Summula Theologies
moralis (Rome, 1908), I, n. 82-86; ONeill in Am. Ecclet. Rev.
(Philadelphia, April, 1908).
A. BOUDINHON.
Dominic, Saint, founder of the Order of Preachers,
commonly known as the Dominican Order; b. at
Oalaroga, in Old Castile, c. 1170; d. 6 August, 1221.
His parents, Felix Guzman and Joanna of Aza, un-
doubtedly belonged to the nobility of Spain, though
probably neither was connected with -the reigning
house of Castile, as some of the saint's biographers
assert. Of Felix Guzman, personally, little is known,
except that he was in every sense the worthy head of a
family of saints. To nobility of blood Joanna of Aza
added a nobility of soul which so enshrined her in the
popular veneration that in 1828 she was solemnly be-
atified by Leo XII. The example of such parents was
not without its effect upon their children. Not only
Saint Dominic but also his brothers, Antonio and
Manes, were distinguished for their extraordinary
sanctity. Antonio, the eldest, became a secular
priest and, having distributed his patrimony to the
poor, entered a hospital where he spent his life minis-
tering to the sick. Manes, following in the footsteps
of Dominic, became a Friar Preacher, and was beati-
fied by Gregory XVI.
The birth and infancy of the saint were attended
by many marvels forecasting his heroic sanctity
and great achievements in the cause of religion.
From liis seventh to his fourteenth year he pursued
his elementary studies under the tutelage of his
maternal uncle, the archpriest of Gumiel d Izan, not
far distant from Oalaroga. In 1184 Saint Dominic
entered the University of Palencia. Here he re-
mained for ten years prosecuting his studies with such
ardour and success that throughout the ephemeral
existence of that institution he was held up to the ad-
miration of its scholars as all that a student should be.
Amid the frivolities and dissipations of a university
city, the life of the future saint was characterized by a
seriousness of purpose and an austerity of manner
which singled him out as one from whom great things
might be expected in the future. But more than once
he proved that under this austere exterior he carried
ft heart as tender as a woman's. On one occasion he
sold his books, annotated with his own hand, to re*
lieve the starving poor of Palencia. His biographer
and contemporary, Bartholomew of Trent, states that
twice he tried to sell himself into slavery to obtain
money for the liberation of those who were held in
captivity by the Moors. These facts are worthy of
mention in view of the cruel and saturnine character
which some non-Catholic writers have endeavoured to
foist upon one of the most charitable of men. Con-
cerning the date of his ordination his biographers are
silent; nor is there anything from which that date can
be inferred with any degree of certainty. According
to the deposition of Brother Stephen, Prior Provincial
of Lombardy, given in the process of canonization,
Dominic was still a student at Palencia when Don
Martin de Bazan, the Bishop of Osma, called him to
membership in the cathedral chapter for the purpose
of assisting in its reform. The bishop realized the im-
portance to~ his plan of reform of having constantly
before his canons the example of one of Dominic's
eminent holiness. Nor was he disappointed in the
result. In recognition of the part he had taken in
converting its members into canons regular, Dominic
was appointed sub-prior of the reformed chapter. On
the accession of Don Diego d'Azevedo to the Bishopric
of Osma in 1201, Dominic became superior of the chap-
ter with the title of prior. As a canon of Osma, he
spent nine years of his life hidden in God and rapt in
contemplation, scarcely passing beyond the confines
of the chapter house.
In 1203 Alfonso IX, King of Castile, deputed the
Bishop of Osma to demand from the Lord of the
Marches, presumably a Danish prince, the hand of his
daughter on behalf of the king's son, Prince Ferdi-
nand. For his companion on this embassy Don Diego
chose Saint Dominic. Passing through Toulouse in
the pursuit of their mission, they beheld with amaze-
ment and sorrow the work of spiritual ruin wrought by
the Albigensian heresy. It was in the contemplation
of this scene that Dominic first conceived the idea of
founding an order for the purpose of combating heresy
and spreading the light of the Gospel by preaching to
the ends of the then known world. Their mission hav-
ing ended successfully, Diego and Dominic were dis-
patched on a second embassy, accompanied by a
splendid retinue, to escort the betrothed princess to
Castile. This mission, however, was brought to a
sudden close by the death of the young woman in
question. The two ecclesiastics were now free to go
where they would, and they set out for Rome, arriving
there towards the end of 1204. The purpose of this
journey was to enable Diego to resign his bishopric
that he might devote himself to the conversion of un-
believers in distant lands. Innocent III, however,
refused to approve this project, and instead sent the
bishop and his companion to Languedoc to join forces
with the Cistercians, to whom he had entrusted the
crusade against the Albigenses. The scene that con-
fronted them on their arrival in Languedoc was by no
means an encouraging one. The Cistercians, on ac-
count of their worldly manner of living, had made
little or no headway against the Albigenses. They
had entered upon their work with considerable pomp,
attended by a Diilliant retinue, and well provided with
the comforts of life. To this display of worldliness
the leaders of the heretics opposed a rigid asceticism
which commanded the respect and admiration of their
followers. Diego and Dominic quickly saw that the
failure of the Cistercian apostolate was due to the
monks' indulgent habits, and finally prevailed upon
them to adopt a more austere manner of life. The
result was at once apparent in a greatly increased
number of converts. Theological disputations
played a prominent part in the propaganda of the
heretics. Dominic and his companion, therefore, lost
no time in engaging their opponents in this kind of
theological exposition. Whenever the opportunity
f%
DOMINIO
107
DOMINIO
offered, they accepted the gage of battle. The thor-
ough training that the saint had received at Palencia
now proved of inestimable value to him in his en-
counters with the heretics. Unable to refute his ar-
guments or counteract the influence of his preaching,
tney visited their hatred upon him by means of re-
peated insults and threats of physical violence. With
Prouille for his head-quarters, he laboured by turns in
Fanjeaux, Montpellier, Servian, Beziers, and Carcas-
sonne. Early in his apostolate around Prouille the
saint realized the necessity of an institution that
would protect the women of that country from the
influence of the heretics. Many of them had already
embraced Albigensianism and were its most active
propagandists. These women erected convents, to
which the children of the Catholic nobility were often
sent — for want of something better1 — to receive an
education, and, in effect, if not on purpose, to be
tainted with the spirit of heresy. It was needful, too,
that women converted from heresy should be safe-
guarded against the evil influence of their own homes.
To supply these deficiencies, Saint Dominic, with the
permission of Foulques, Bishop of Toulouse, estab-
lished a convent at Prouille in 1206. To this commu-
nity, and afterwards to that of Saint Sixtus, at Rome,
he gave the rule and constitutions which have ever
since guided the nuns of the Second Order of Saint
Dominic.
The year 1208 opens a new epoch in the eventful
life of the founder. On 15 January of that year Pierre
de Castelnau, one of the Cistercian legates, was assas-
sinated. This abominable crime precipitated the
crusade under Simon de Montfort, which led to the
temporary subjugation of the heretics. Saint Dom-
inic participated in the stirring"' scenes that fol-
lowed, but always on the side of mercy, wielding the
arms of the spirit while others wrought death and
desolation with the sword. Some historians assert
that during the sack of Beziers, Dominic appeared in
the streets of that city, cross in hand, interceding for
the lives of the women and children, the aged and the
infirm. This testimony, however, is based upon docu-
ments which Touron regards as certainly apocryphal.
The testimony of the most reliable historians tends to
prove that the saint was neither in the city nor in its
vicinity when Beziers was sacked by the crusaders.
We find him generally during this period following the
Catholic army, reviving religion and reconciling here-
tics in the cities that had capitulated to, or had been
taken by, the victorious de Montfort. It was proba-
bly 1 September, 1209, that Saint Dominic first came
in contact with Simon de Montfort and formed with
him that intimate friendship which was to last till the
death of the brave crusader under the walls of Tou-
louse (25 June, 1218). We find him by the side of de
Montfort at the siege of Lavaur in 1211, and again in
1212, at the capture of La Penne d'Ajen. In the lat-
ter part of 1212 he was at Pamiers labouring, at the
invitation of de Montfort, for the restoration of reli-
§'on and morality. Lastly, just before the battle of
uret, 12 September, 1213, the saint is again found in
the council that preceded the battle. During the
progress of the conflict, he knelt before the altar m the
church of Saint-Jacques, praying for the triumph of
the Catholic arms. So remarkable was the victory of
the crusaders at Muret that Simon de Montfort re-
garded it as altogether miraculous, and piously attrib-
uted ft to the^prayers of Saint Dominic. In grati-
tude to God for this decisive victory, the crusader
erected a chapel in the church of Saint-Jacoues, which
he dedicated, it is said, to Our Lady of tne Rosary.
It would appear, therefore, that the devotion of the
Rosary (q. v.), which tradition says was revealed to
Saint Dominic, had come into general use about this
time. To this period, too, has been ascribed the
foundation of the Inquisition by Saint Dominic, and
bis appointment as the first Inquisitor. As both these
much Controverted questions will receive special treat-
ment elsewhere in this work, it will suffice for our
present purpose to note that the Inquisition, was in
lull operation in 1198, or seven years before the saint
took part in the apostolate in Languedoc, and while
he was still an obscure canon' regular at Osma. If
he was for a certain time identified with the operations
of the Inquisition, it was only in the capacity of a
theologian passing upon the orthodoxy of the accused
(see Inquisition, Spanish). Whatever influence he
may have had with the judges of that much maligned
institution was always employed on the side of mercy
and forbearance, as witness the classic case of Ponce
Roger.
In the meantime, the saint's increasing reputation
for heroic sanctity, apostolic zeal, and profound learn-
ing caused him to be much sought after as a candidate
for various bishoprics. Three distinct efforts were
made to raise him to the episcopate. In July, 1212,
the chapter of Beziers chose mm for their bishop.
Again, tne canons of Saint-Lizier wished him to sue- '
ceed Garcias de FOrte as Bishop of Comminges.
Lastly, in 1215 an effort was made by Garcias de
POrte himself, who had been transferred from Com-
minges to Auch, to make him Bishop of Navarre.
But Saint Dominic absolutely refusea all episcopal
honours, saying that he would rather take flight in the
night, with nothing but his staff, than accept the epis-
copate. From Muret Dominic returned to Carcas-
sonne, where he resumed his preaching with unquali-
fied success. It was not till 1214 that he returned to
Toulouse. In the meantime the influence of his
§ reaching and the eminent holiness of his life had
rawn around him a little band of devoted disciples
eager to follow wherever he might lead. Saint Dom-
inic had never for a moment forgotten his purpose,
formed eleven years before, of founding a religious
order to combat heresy and propagate religious truth.
The time now seemed opportune for the realization of .
his plan. With the approval of Bishop Foulques of
Toulouse, he began the organization of nis little band
of followers. That Dominic and his companions
might possess a fixed source of revenue Foulques made
him chaplain of Fanjeaux and in July, 1215, canon-
ically established the community as a religious congre-
gation of his diocese, whose mission was the propagation
of true doctrine and good morals, and the extirpa-
tion of heresy. During this same year Pierre Seila, a
wealthy citizen of Toulouse, who had placed himself
under the direction of Saint Dominic, put at their dis-
posal his own commodious dwelling. In this way the
first convent of the Order of Preachers was founded on
25 April, 1215. But they dwelt here only a year when
Foulques established them in the church of Saint
Romanus. Though the little community had proved
amply the need of its mission and the efficiency of its
service to the Church, it was far from satisfying the
full purpose of its founder. It was at best but a dio-
cesan congregation, and Saint Dominic had dreamed
of a world-order tnat would carry its apostolate to
the ends of the earth. But, unknown to the saint,
events were shaping themselves for the realization of
his hopes. In November, 1215, an oecumenical coun-
cil was to meet at Rome " to deliberate on the improve-
ment of morals, the extinction of heresy, and the
strengthening of the faith ' \ This was identically the
mission Saint Dominic had determined on for his
order. With the Bishop of Toulouse, he was present
at the deliberations of this council. From tne very
first session it seemed that events conspired to bring
his, plans to a successful issue. The council bitterly
arraigned the bishops for their neglect of preaching.
In canon x they were directed to delegate capable men
to preach the word of God to the people. Under these
circumstances it would reasonably appear that Dom-
inic's request for the confirmation of an order designed
to carry out the mandates of the council would be joy-
q
DOMIRIO
108
DOMDflO
fully granted. But while the council was anxious that
these reforms should be put into effect as speedily as
possible, it was at the same time opposed to the insti-
tution of any new religious orders, and had legislated
to that effect in no uncertain terms. Moreover,
preaching had always been looked upon as primarily a
function of the episcopate. To bestow this office on
an unknown and untried body of simple priests seemed
too original and too bold in its conception to appeal to
the conservative prelates who influenced the delibera-
tions of the council. When, therefore, his petition for
the approbation, of his infant institute-was refused, it
could not have been wholly unexpected by Saint
Dominic.
Returning to Languedoc at the close of the council
in December, 1215, the founder gathered about him
his little band of followers and informed them of the
wish of the council that there should be no new rules
for religious orders. Thereupon they adopted the
ancient rule of Saint Augustine, which, on account of
its generality, would easily lend itself to any form they
might wish to give it. This done, Saint Dominic again
appeared before the pope in the month of August,
1216, and again solicited the confirmation of his order.
This time he was received more favourably, and on 22
December, 1216, the Bull of confirmation was issued.
Saint Dominic spent the following Lent preaching
in various churches in Rome, and before the pope and
the papal court. It was at this time that he received
the office and title of Master of the Sacred Palace, or
Pope's Theologian, as it is more commonly called.
This office has been held uninterruptedly by members
of the order from the founder's time to the present
day. On 15 August, 1217, he gathered the brethren
about him at Prouille to deliberate on the affairs of the
order. He had determined upon the heroic plan of
dispersing his little band of seventeen unformed fol-
lowers over ail Europe. The result proved the wisdom
of an act which, to tne eye of human prudence at least,
seemed little short of suicidal. To facilitate the spread
of the order, Honorius III, on 11 Feb., 1218, addressed
a Bull to all archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors,
requesting their favour on benalf of the Order of
Preachers. By another Bull, dated 3 Dec., 1218,
Honorius III bestowed upon the order the church of
Saint Sixtus in Rome. Here, amid the tombs of the
Appian Way, was founded the first monastery of the
order in Rome. Shortly after taking possession of
Saint Sixtus, at the invitation of Honorius, Saint
Dominic began the somewhat difficult task of restor-
ing the pristine observance of religious discipline
among the various Roman communities of women.
In a comparatively short time the work was accom-
plished, to the great satisfaction of the pope. His
own career at the University of Palencia, and the
practical use to which he had put it in his encounters
with the Albigenses, as well as his keen appreciation of
the needs of tne time, convinced the saint that to en-
sure the highest efficiency in the work of the aposto-
late, his followers should be afforded the best educa-
tional advantages obtainable. It was for this reason
that on the occasion of the dispersion of the brethren
at Prouille he dispatched Matthew of France and two
companions to Paris. A foundation was made in the
vicinity of the university, and the friars took posses-
sion in October, 1217. Matthew of France was ap-
pointed superior and Michael de Fabra was placed m
charge of the studies with the title of Lecturer. On
6 August of the following year, Jean de Barastre, dean
of Saint-Quentin and professor of theology, bestowed
on the community the hospice of Saint-Jacques, which
he had built for his own use. Having effected a
foundation at the University of Paris, Saint Dominic
next determined upon a settlement at the University
of Bologna. Bertrand of Garrigua, who had been
summoned from Paris, and John of Navarre, set out
from Rome, with letters from Pope Honorius, to make
the desired foundation. On their arrival at Bologna,
the church of Santa Maria della MascareUa was placed
at their disposal. So rapidly did the Roman commu-
nity of Saint Sixtus grow that the need of more com-
modious quarters soon became urgent. Honorius,
who seemed to delight in supplying every need of the
order and furthering its interests to the utmost of his
S>wer, met the emergency by bestowing on Saint
ominic the basilica of Santa Sabina.
Towards the end of 1218, having appointed Regi-
nald of Orleans his vicar in Italy, the saint, accom-
panied by several of his brethren, set out for Spain
Bologna, Prouille, Toulouse, and Fanjeaux were vis-
ited on the way. From Prouille two of the brethren
were sent to establish a convent at Lyons. Segovia
was reached j ust before Christmas. In February of the
following year he founded the first monastery of the
order in Spain. Turning southward, he established a
convent for women at Madrid, similar to the one at
Prouille. It is quite probable that on this journey he
personally presided over the erection, of a convent in
connexion with his alma mater, the University of
Palencia. At the invitation of the Bishop of Barce-
lona, a house of the order was established in that city.
Again bending his steps towards Rome he recrossed
the Pyrenees and visited the foundations at Toulouse
and Paris. During his stay in the latter place he
caused houses to be erected at Limoges, Metz, Reims,
Poitiers, and Orleans-, which in a short time became
centres of Dominican activity. From Paris he di-
rected his course towards Italy, arriving in Bologna in
July, 1219. Here he devoted several months to the
religious formation of the brethren he found awaiting
him, and then, as at Prouille, dispersed them over
Italy. Among the foundations made at this time
were those at Bergamo, Asti, Verona, Florence, Bres-
cia, and Faenza. From Bologna he went to Viterbo.
His arrival at the papal court was the signal for the
showering of new favours on the order. Notable
among these marks of esteem were many compliment-
ary letters addressed by Honorius to all those who had
assisted the Fathers in their various foundations. In
March of this same year Honorius, through his repre-
sentatives, bestowed upon the order the church of San
Eustorgio in Milan. At the same time a foundation at
Viterbo was authorized. On his return to Rome,
towards the end of 1219, Dominic sent out letters to
all the convents announcing the first general chapter
of the order, to be held at Bologna on the feast of the'
following Pentecost. Shortly before, Honorius III,
by a special Brief, had conferred upon the founder the
title of Master General, which till then he had held
only by tacit consent. At the very first session of the
chapter in the following spring the saint startled his
brethren by offering his resignation as master general.
It is needless to say the resignation was not accepted
and the founder remained at the head of the institute
till the end of his life.
Soon after the close of the chapter of Bologna, Hon-
orius III addressed letters to the abbeys and priories
of San Vittorio, Sillia, Mansu, Floria, Vallombrosa, and
Aquila, ordering that several of their religious be de-
puted to begin, under the leadership of Saint Dominic,
a preaching crusade in Lombardy, where heresy had
developed alarming proportions. For some reason or
other the plans of the pope were never realized. The
promised support failing, Dominic, with a little band
of his own brethren, threw himself into the field,
and, as the event proved, spent himself in an effort to
bring back the heretics to their allegiance to the
Church. It is said that 100,000 unbelievers were con-
verted by the preaching and the miracles of the saint.
According to Lacordaire and others, it was during his
£ reaching in Lombardy that the saint instituted the
Eilitia of Jesus Christ, or the third order, as it is com-
monly called, consisting of men and women living in
the world, to protect the rights and property of the
DOMINIO 109 DOMINIOAI,
Church. Towards the end of 1221 Saint Dominic re- tic age, to supply a computus, or system of reckoning,'
turned to Rome for the sixth and last time. Here he by which the relation of the solar and lunar years
received many new and valuable concessions for the might be accommodated and the celebration of I&ster
order. In January, February, and March of 1221 determined. Naturally she adoptecKthe astronomical
three consecutive Bulls were issued commending the methods then available, and these methods and the
order to all the prelates of the Church. The thirtieth terminology belonging to them, having become'tradi-
of Mav, 1221, found hinx again at Bologna presiding tional, are perpetuated in a measure to this day, even
over tne second general chapter of the order. At the after the reform of the calendar, in the prolegomena to
close of the chapter he set out for Venice to visit Car- the Breviary and Missal.
dinal Ugolino, to whom he was especially indebted for The Romans were accustomed to divide the year
many substantial acts of kindness. He had scarcely into nundina, periods of eight days; and in their
returned to Bologna when a fatal illness attacked him. marble fasti, or calendars, of which numerous speci-
He died after three weeks of sickness, the many trials mens remain, they used the first eight letters of the
of which he bore with heroic patience. In a Bull alphabet to mark the days of which each period was
dated at Spoleto, 13 July, 1234, Gregory IX made his composed. When the Oriental seven-day period, or
cult obligatory throughout the Church. week, was introduced, in the time of Augustus, the
The life of St. Dominic was one of tireless effort in the first seven letters of the alphabet were employed in
service of Qod. While he journeyed from place to place the same way to indicate the days of this new division
he prayed and preached almost uninterruptedly. His of time. In fact, fragmentary calendars on marble
penances were of such a nature as to cause the still survive in which both a cycle of eight letters — A
brethren, who accidentally discovered them, to fear to H — indicating nundince, and a cycle of seven letters
the effect upon his life. While his charity was bound- — A to G — indicating weeks, are used side by side (see
less. he never permitted it to interfere with the stern "Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum", 2nd ed., I, 220.
sense of duty that guided every action of his life. If — The same peculiarity occurs in the Philocalian Cal-
he abominated heresy and laboured untiringly for its endar of a.d. 356, ibid., p. 256). This device was imi-
extirpation it was because he loved truth and loved tated by the Christians, and in their calendars the days
the souls of those among whom he laboured. He of the year from 1 January to 31 December were
never failed to distinguish between sin and the sinner, marked with a continuous recurring cycle of seven
It is not to be wondered at, therefore, if this athlete letters: A, B, C, D, E, F, G. A was always set against
of Christ, who had conquered himself before attempt- 1 January, B against 2 January, C against 3 January,
ing the reformation of others, was more than once and so on. Thus F fell to 6 January, G to 7 January*
chosen to show forth the power of God. The failure A again recurred on 8 January, and also, conse-
of the fire at Fanjeaux to consume the dissertation he quently, on 15 January, 22 January, and 29 January,
had employed against the heretics, and which was Continuing in this way, 30 January was marked with
thrice thrown into the flames; the raising to life of a B, 31 January with a C, and 1 February with a D.
Napoleone Orsini ; the appearance of the angels in the Supposing this to be carried on through all the days of
refectory of Saint Sixtus in response to his prayers, are an ordinary year (i. e. not a leap year), it will be found
but a few of the supernatural happenings by which that a D corresponds to 1 March, G to 1 April, B to
God was pleased to attest the eminent holiness of His 1 May, E to 1 June, G to 1 July, C to 1 August, E to
servant. We are not surprised, therefore, that, after 1 September, A to 1 October, D to 1 November, and
signing the Bull of canonization on 13 July, 1234, F to 1 December — a result which Durandus recalled
Gregory IX declared that he no more doubted the by the following distich: —
saintliness of Saint Dominic than he did that of Saint ' Alta Domat Dominus, Gratis Beat Equa Gerentes
Peter and Saint Paul. Contemnit Fictos, Augebit Dona Fideli.
168: Mamachi, Anrudes .Ordinis PrcBdvoaiorum (Rome, days marked by a G will be Sundays. This being ex-
368-068:
1766); Li
inSZufyd* F(>r3n%8XFrtoe8 PriSum (PohieVls??); bS£ be that'letter of the cycle, A, B, C,"l5, E, F, G, which
nard. LetDominicairu dans vUnivenMde Paris (Pans, 1883); -corresponds to the day upon which the first Sunday
It is plain, however, that when leap year occurs, a
Prwdicatorum (Louvain. 1896); Bau» and Lelaidier, Car- complication is introduced. February has then
ft£S! ^^ At^clt^i^^^i twenty-nine days. According, to the Anglican and
Ordinia Pradieaiarum (Rome, 1900). 1-9; Guibaud, Saint Civil calendars this extra day IS added to the end of
Dominique (Puis, 1001): tr. Db Mattob (London, 1901); the month; according to the Catholic ecclesiastical
<pB?"&W^ calendar 24 February w counted twice. But in either
' ' ' ' John B. O'Connor. case * March is then one day later in the week than
_ . . _ _ « « ' ^1 February, or, in other words, for the rest of the year
Dominic, Rule of Saint. See Preachers, Order the Sundays come a day earlier than they would in a
OF- # common year. This is expressed by saying that a
Dominical Letter, a device adopted from the leap year has two Dominical Letters, the second being
Romans by the old chronologers to aid them in finding the letter which precedes that with which the year
the day of the week corresponding to any given date, started. For example, 1 January, 1907, was a liies-
and indirectly to facilitate the adjustment of the day; the first Sunday fell on 6 January, or an F. F
"Proprium de Tempore" to the "Proprium Sane- was, therefore, the Dominical Letter for 1907. The
torum " when constructing the ecclesiastical calendar first of January, 1908, was a Wednesday, the first Sun-
for any year. The Church, on account of her compli- day fell on 5 January, and E was the Dominical Let-
cated system of movable and immovable feasts (see ter, but as 1908 was leap year, its Sundays after Feb-
Calendar, Christian}, has from an early period taken ruary came a day sooner than in the normal year and
upon herself as a special charge to regulate the meas- were D's. • The year 1908, therefore, had a double
urement of time. To secure uniformity in the observ- Dominical Letter, E-D. In 1909, 1 January is a Fri-
Ance of feasts and fasts, she began, even in the patris- day and the Dominical Letter is C. In 1910 and 191 1,
DOMINICAN
110
DOMDHOAN
(i, n, i
(in
1 January falls respectively on Saturday and Sunday
and the Dominical Letters are B and A.
This, of course, is all very simple, but the advantage
of the device lies, like that of an algebraical expression,
in its being a mere symbol adaptable to any year.
By constructing a table of letters and days of the
year, A always being set against 1 January, we can at
once see the relation oetween the days of the week and
the day of any month, if only we know the Dominical
Letter. This may always be found by the following
rule of De Morgan's, which gives the Dominical Letter
for any year, or the second Dominical Letter if it be
leap year: —
I. Add 1 to the given year.
II. Take the quotient found by dividing the given
year by 4 (neglecting the remainder).
III. Take 16 from the centurial figures of the given
year if that can be done.
IV. Take the quotient of HI divided by 4 (neg-
lecting the remainder).
V. From the sum of I, II, and IV. subtract III.
VI. Find the remainder of V divided by 7: this is
the number of the Dominical Letter, sup-
posing A, B, C, D, E, F, G to be equivalent
respectively to 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1, 0.
For example, to find the Dominical Letter of the year
1913:—
1914+ 478+ 0=2392.
19-16=3.
2392-3=2389.
2389-#-7=341, remainder 2.
Therefore the Dominical Letter is E.
But the Dominical Letter had another very practi-
cal use in the days before the " Ordo divini omen reci-
tandi " was printed annually and when, consequently,
a priest had often to determine the " Ordo" tor him-
self (see Directories, Catholic). As will be shown
in the articles Epact and Easter Controversy,
Easter Sunday may be as early as 22 March or as late
as 25 April, and there are consequently thirty-five
possible days on which it may fall. It is also evident
that each Dominical Letter allows five possible dates
for Easter Sunday. Thus, in a year whose Dominical
Letter is A ( i. e. when 1 January is a Sunday), Easter
must be either on 26 March, 2 April, 9 April, 16 April,
or 23 April; for these are all the Sundays within the
defined limits. But according as Easter falls on one
or another of these Sundays we shall get a different
calendar, and hence there are five, and only five, pos-
sible calendars for years whose Dominical Letter is A.
Similarly, there are five possible calendars for years
whose Dominical Letter is B, five for C, and so on,
thirty-five possible combinations in all. Now, ad-
vantage was taken of this principle in the arrangement •
of the old Pve or directorium which preceded our pres-
ent " Ordo . The thirty-five possible calendars were
all included therein and numbered, respectively,
primum A .secundum A, tertium A, etc.; primum Bt
secundum B. etc. Hence for anyone wishing to use
the Pye the first thing to determine was the Dominical
Letter of the year, and then by means of the Golden
Number or the Epact, and by the aid of a simple table,
to find which of tne five possible calendars assigned to
that Dominical Letter belonged to the year in ques-
tion. Such a table as that just referred to, but
adapted to the reformed calendar and in more con-
venient shape, will be found at the beginning of every
Breviary and Missal under the heading, ''Tabula
Paschahs nova reformata".
The Dominical Letter does not seem to have been
familiar to Bede in his " De Temporum Ratione", but
in its place he adopts a similar device of seven num-
bers which he calls concurrentes (De Temp. Rat., cap.
liii). This was of Greek origin. The Concurrents are
numbers denoting the day of the week on which 24
March falls in the successive years of the solar cycle,
I standing for Sunday, 2 (Jena secunda) for Monday,
3 for Tuesday, and so on. It is sufficient here to state
that the relation between the Concurrents and the
Dominical Letter is the following: —
Concurrents 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Dominical Letter F E D C B A G
Butchbb, The Ecclesiastical Calendar: He Theory and Con-
struction (Dublin, 1846); Dk Morgan, Companion to the British
Almanac for 18h6\ Idem, The Book of Almanac* (3d od., Lon-
don, 1907); Lunn m the appendixes to Maydeston's Directorium
Sacerdotum (Henry Bradahaw Soc., London, 1902). vol. II,
pp. 673-702: Gbotefend in Orunariss der Oeschichtswissen-
schaft (Leipzig, 1906), vol. I, pp. 267-319; Sicksx in Stieunos-
berichte of the Vienna Academy, vol. XXXVIII, pp. 200 eqq.;
and especially the great work of Clavius, Romanx Calenaarii a
Orepor. XIIIrestituH explicatio (Rome, 1603); and the Art de
verifier lee dates by the Benedictines of St-Maur, vol. I.
Herbert Thubston.
Dominican Republic, The (San Domingo, Santo
Domingo), is the eastern, and much the larger, politi-
cal division of the island now comprehensively known
as Haiti, which is the second in sise of the Greater
Antilles. The territory of this republic, estimated at
18,045 square miles, is divided from that of the Re-
public of Haiti, on the west, by a serpentine line run-
ning from the mouth of the V aqui River, on the north
coast, to a point not far from Cape tteata, on the
south; its northern shores are washed by the Atlantic
Ocean, its southern by the Caribbean Sea, while on
the east, the Mona Passage separates it from the island
of Porto Rico. In proportion to its size San Domingo
is much less densely settled than Haiti. Ethnologi-
cally, the Dominicans contrast with the Haitians in
being a Spanish-speaking people, mostly of mixed
negro and European descent, the Haitians being pure
negro and speaking French. The climate of San
Domingo is in some parts bad, in others remarkably
good, notably in and around the city of San Domingo
where, in spite of poor sanitation, it is said that " no-
body need die of anything but old age". During the
dry season (November to March) the mean diurnal
variation of temperature on the south coast is from 70
to 80 degrees Fahr. ; during the rainy seasons (summer
and autumn) it is from 80 to 92. These figures, like
most statistics of contemporary San Domingo, are
necessarily conjectural.
General History. — From the date of its discovery
until the era of the French Revolution the civil and
the ecclesiastical history of the territory now occupied
by the Dominican Republic are inseparably conjoined.
In December, 1492, Christopher Columbus, having
failed in his expectation of identifying the island of
Cuba with Japan (Cipango), had shaped his course
homeward, when the accident of the prevailing wind
brought him in sight of the island which he named His-
paniola (Little Spain). On 6 December, 1492, he
landed at Mdle St. Nicholas (now Haitian territory),
then, passing along the north coast of the island to the
Gulf of Samana, landed again and penetrated inland
as far as the summit of Santo Cerro (Holy Hill), where,
looking down upon the magnificent upland plain
which he named La Vega Real, he planted a wooden
cross to commemorate his discovery. His first land-
ing had been unopposed, but at the eastern end of
Hispaniola the Ciguayen tribe received the Spaniards
with a volley of arrows, from which adventure the gulf
now called Samana was named by Columbus Golfo
de las Flechas (Gulf of Arrows). The island had been
known to ita aboriginal inhabitants as Haiti; they were
of the Arawak stock and accustomed to fight against
the piratical Caribs, though themselves of a rather
pacific character. That they worshipped idols ap-
pears from the fact that the first Bishop of San Do-
mingo sent an idol of aboriginal workmanship as a
present to Leo X (Moroni, Dixionario, XX, s. v. Do-
mingo).
Tne first Spanish settlement, Isabella, was on the
north coast. But in 1496, when Miguel Diaa re-
ported to the admiral the existence of much gold in
DOMINICAN 11
and about the Hayna River, as well as the remarkable
salubrity of the country of the Ozamas, on the south
coast, Isabella, which Had been found unhealthy, was
abandoned. At the mouth of the Osama River and
on its left bank, Bartolome Col6n began the settle-
ment of Nueva Isabella, which waa not long after-
wards replaced bySan Domingo, on the opposite bank.
Thus, the present capital of the Dominican Republic,
0
■I'Mt
"%
\ ■
mi
m-i
Facsdb or ti
■ San DotnNoo
the oldest Christian city in the New World, was al-
ready established as the capital of the "NewSpains"
in the last year of the fifteenth century. Leo X
erected the See of San Domingo-^-the mother church
of all Spanish America, and the oldest bishopric in the
New World— in 1513. In 1514, under Alessandro
Giraldini, its first bishop,the present cathedral church
of San Domingo was begun; it was completed in 1540.
In this cathedral, about 200 feet in length by 90 in
width, the remains of several members of the Colum-
bus family — possibly even of the great admiral him-
self— still repoee: here, too, is still reverently preserved
a fragment of the cross which Columbus set up on
Santo Cerro, and about which miraculous legends
' ' have grown up in the course of four centuries. The
catalogue of adelanlados of the island includes the
names of DiegoCol6n (immediate successor to his uncle
Bartolom£). of Bobadilla, and 0 van do. There Colum-
bus himself lived for many years, there he was impris-
oned by his enemies, and thence he set out upon his
last voyage to Spain. To San Domingo Ojeda re turned
from his last expedition of discovery and conquest in
1509. His grave is still shown in the main doorway of
the ruined Franciscan church. In 1547 Paul III
made San Domingo the metropolitan see of the New
World. Meanwhile houses of the Friars Preachers,
the Franciscans, and the Mercedarians sprang up rap-
idly, and in this West Indian port, the population of
which could never have exceeded 20,000, the ruins of
not fewer than half a dozen ancient convents are still
to be seen. The Jesuit college, now used as a theatre,
was not founded until a later period.
While all this activity lasted, the seeds of social and
political decay were being sown in Hispaniola. The
aborigines were either killed or driven into hiding
among the Cibao mountains; the importation of negro
slaves became a regular institution. The Spanish set-
tlers were men of the losing, not the conquering, type;
their blood mingled with that of the negro and, in some
degree, the aboriginal, to produce the San Domingan
of modern times. In 15B6 Francis Drake drove the
Spanish garrison out of San Domingo and burned sec-
tion after section of the city until a ransom of 30,000
crowns was paid to him. In the next century French
adventurers — the original boucanisrs — began to use
the little island of Tortuga, near the north-west coast of
Hispaniola, as a piratical rendezvous; from Tortuga
DOMtHIOAlt
they gradually spread over the eastern end of B
ola, creating a claim of occupation which Spain recog-
nised in the Treaty of Ryswick (1091). It was in
April, 1655, that an English force, conveyed thither on
the fleet commanded by Admiral Perm, was driven
away, after effecting a landing about thirty miles west
of the capital. The natural resources of Hispaniola
still enriched Spain, and the mint at Concepcion de la
Vega continued to coin sold from the Hayna. After
the Peace of Ryswick, Hispaniola might almost have
been forgotten if an English cabinet-maker had not
(about the year 1766) discovered the value of mahog-
any. The demand, at first created by a shipment from
Jamaica, was largely supplied by the Spanish island.
The French Revolution reacted upon Hispaniola.
The whites and mulattos of San Domingo, under Span-
ish leaders, attempted to restore the old regime in the
French colony, but in 1795 all Hispaniola was ceded to
France. The Spanish authorities transferred San
Domingo to the representative of the French Republic,
who was the mulatto General Toussaiot L'Ouverture.
Until the Treaty of Paris (1814) the French whites,
the white and coloured partisans of Spain, the blacks
of Haiti, and, now and then, a British expeditionary
force fought for supremacy in San Domingo. The
treacherous capture of L'Ouverture and his mysterious
death in prison at Besancon, in 1803, were followed by
a general massacre of the whites in Haiti in March, 1304.
The Haitian blacks now compelled the submission of
San Domingo to the authority of their first president,
Dessalines. At last, in 1814, the Treaty of Paris re-
Stored to Spain her oldest possession in the New World.
Actual Conditio ns. — Out of the political chaos,
which had lasted for more than half a century, arose
the present Dominican Republic. Its constitution
was proclaimed 18 November, 1844, and its first presi-
dent was Pedro
San tana; it was
recognised by
France in 1848,
and by Great Brit-
ain in 1850. An
attempt to restore
Spanish rule, in
1881, in defiance
of the Monroe
Doctrine, ended
with a final Span-
ish evacuation in
1865. In 1897 the
foreign debt of
the republic had
reached the
amount of more
than $21,000,000,
the interest on
which was sup-
posed to be se-
cured by customs
receipts; follow-
ing a default of
interest (1 ApriL
1899), the Gov-
ernment of the
United States in-
tervened to ob-
tain an equitable settlement, and its efforts led
to the convention of 1905 (ratified 1907), by which
an agent, always a citizen of the United States, is
to be permanently empowered to act as general re-
ceiver of the Dominican customs in the interest of the
foreign bondholders. Since 9 June. 1905, all lands
owned by the Dominican Government have been open
for settlement, free for ten vears, and after that at a
rent of 5 cents per acre. Although there can be little
doubt that the national resources of the republic still
include large quantities of gold, silver, and copper ore,
<n
had even iron, the actual products are only vegetable:
sugar (183,764 acres under cultivation in 1906); tobacco
(nearly 15,000,000 lbs. of leaf exported annually) ; co-
coa; coffee. The actual timber output is insignificant.
In 1907 the total length of railroad was 112 miles.
The Constitution of the Dominican Republic is
said to be modelled on that of Venezuela; the presi-
dent, elected for four years, is assisted by a council of
ministers; the legislature is a single chamber elected
. by popular vote in twenty-four departments. The su-
preme court of the republic (a president and four judges)
's appointed by the national congress, its "minister
local" hnnrabiir Kpiticf nnrviiritftl by the Chief CXeCU-
tive; for courts of
first instance, the
republic is divided
into eleven judi-
cial districts, each
presided over by
an alcalde. By
the terms of the
Constitution edu-
cation is gratui-
' tous and compul-
sory.
The ancient city
of San Domingo
(population, 16,-
studies, he laboured -as professor and preacher fot
twelve years at Venice. With the sanction of the
master general. Blessed Raymond of Capua, he estab-
lished convents of strict observance of bis order at
000)
still 1
t of the civil
Tbe Hour^Aji Towm. S»» Doiimcm who, however, no
in whioh Di<«o Coiumbm m longer has any suf-
imp™™d fragans. The re-
lations between Church and State are (1908) very
cordial. The Constitution of the Republic, in which
religious liberty is an article, guarantees to the
Church freedom of action, which, nevertheless, is
curtailed by the law providing that the civil solem-
nization of marriages must precede the canonical.
The municipal cemeteries are consecrated in accord-
ance with the Church's requirements, though in
some important centres of population there are non-
Catholic cemeteries besides. In the Dominican Re-
public (with which the Archdiocese of San Domingo is
coextensive) there are 600,000 Catholics, upwards of
1000 Protestants, and very few Jews, while the Ma-
sonic lodges number about thirteen. The total num-
ber of parishes is 56, each with its own church, in addi-
tion to which there are 13 chapels and 82 mission sta-
tions. The (ecclesiastical) Conciliar seminary, at the
capital, is under the care of the Eudist Fathers (Con-
gregation of Jesus and Mary), who also administer the
cathedral parish. Another college under ecclesiastical
control is that of San Sebastian in La Vega. A dio-
cesan congregation of religious women numbers 30
members, distributed among four houses; these sisters,
who have charge of a hospital, care for orphan children
and the infirm aged.
Kim, Son Domtngo (Philadelphia, 1870)1 Ha* ami, Santo
Domingo, Ptut and Pretrnl (New York. 1873); Dm. Mourn t
Tejada, Miliaria de S. Domingo (Madrid. 1860); Moroni, Ditio-
nono. I. V. Domingo; ScHOUBURan. Sola on St Domingo la
Proceeding! of Britith Allocation, 1BS1; Slalaman't Ytar-Book,
1908. E. Macfheason.
Dominions. See Preachers, Order of.
Dominicl, Giovanni, Blesseo (Banchini or Bac-
chini was his family name), Cardinal, statesman,
and writer, b. at Florence, 1356;d. at Buda, 10 July,
1420. He entered the Dominican Order at Santa
Maria Novella in 1372 after having been cured,
through the intercession of St . Catherine of Siena, of an
impediment of speech for which he had been refused
admission to the order two years before. On his re-
turn from Paris, where he completed his theologies'
Venice (1381) and Fiesole (1406), and founded the
convent of Corpus Christ i at Venice for the Dominican
Nuns of the Strict Observance. He was sent as envoy
of Venice to the conclave of 1406 in which Gregory
XII was elected; the following year the pope, whose
confessor and counsellor he was, appointed him Arch-
bishop of Ragusa, created him cardinal in 1408 and
sent him as ambassador to Hungary, to secure the ad-
hesion of SLrismund to the pope. At the Council of
Constance Dominici read the voluntary resignation
which Gregory XII had adopted, on his advice, as the
surest means of ending the schism. Martin V ap-
Einted him legate to Bohemia on 19 July, 1418, but
accomplished little with the followers of Hub, ow-
ing to the supineness of King Wenceslaus. He was
declared blessed by Gregory XVI in 1832 and his feast
is observed 10 June. Dominici was not only a prolific
writer on spiritual subjects but alsoa graceful poet, as
his many vernacular hymns, or Laudi, show. His
"Regola del governo di cura familiare , written be-
tween 1400 and 1405, is a valuable pedagogical work
(edited by Salvi, Florence, 1860) which treats, in four
books, of thg faculties of the soul, the powers and
lated into German by Rosier (Herder's Bibliothek der
katholischen Padagogik, VII, Freiburg, 1894). His
"Lucula Noctis" (R. Coukm, O. P., Latin text of the
fifteenth century with an introduction, Paris, 1008) in
reply to a letter of Nicola di Piero Salutati, is the most
important treatise of that day on the study of the
pagan authors. Dominici does not flatly condemn
classical studies, but strenuously opposes the pagan-
izing humanism of the day.
RiJBi.au, Cardinal Johanna Dominici, O. Pr. (Frdburf,
1893); Qofcnr and Echakd, SS. O. P., I, 7B7. 70S. II. 825;
Sauebund. Cardinal Johanna Dominici tmd tin VerhaUen
ru den kirchlichen Uniowoettrtbvngen iDahrend der Jahrt IU&-
UU in Brieoertehe ZciltchriH, IX; Mandonnct in Hiitoriidit*
Jahrbueh, V; Pastor. Getchichle der Papile, III. 22 ■□.; Mo»
TIiB. Hiitoire da MaUra GtnenJux do I'ordre da Frira JVI-
cheun, 111, £51 aq.; Bucioni, Letter* di Santi e Beali Fionntini
(1736), III; Couura, Beati Raamu-ndi Litter* el Opiueula. >
Thob. M. Schwertner.
Dominic Loricatus, Saint. See Fontb Avellana.
Dominic of Joous-Mwy, Venerable. See
Thomas or Jehus.
tn,. Ai ban near Trier. 1461. According to the account
he wrote of himself his first teacher was the parish
priest, a pious Dominican; later he was a student at
the University of Cracow where he was noted for his
intelligence. Falling into bad habits he led a vaga-
bond life until twenty-five years of age, when he re-
formed through the influence of Adolf of Essen, prior
of the Carthusian monastery of St. Alban, near Trier.
Dominic now became a Carthusian, entering the order
in 1409. His monastic life was one of severe penance
and religious fervour. The spiritual favours he re-
ceived were numerous, and many visions are ascribed
to him. Among the positions he filled were those of
master of novices at Mains and vicar of the monastery
of St. Alban, where be died. As an author Dominic
composed seventeen treatises, which have been pre-
DOBONIO 113 DOMINIS
Mary" he had the thought of adding meditations on Dominic by leather Pius t)evine.
the life of Christ and of His Holy Mother. As in T Livw of Father Dominic: Italian by P^bbFeuppo (i860);
1.;. *i*~~ 4i,A a,«, **„_;» 4AMm;mA4<Jl «{+u fkA WAWia. Lucca di San Giuseppe (Genoa. 1877); English, by Pius De-
hw time the Aye Mana terminated With the words. ^^ (London. 1898): Caiiii. Father Dominic and the Convenion
"FructllS ventris tui, Jesus , he jomed to each a sen- at England in Catholic Truth Society publications (1000); Fa-
tence to recall to mind the mystery, such as "quem ther Dominic's letters and correspondence concerning: his mis-
A i .. . j a . a * •* . .• i.:>> rt~,.~ anon to England are published as a supplement to the 3d vol. of
Angplo nuntiante de Sancto Spintu concepisti", "quo ^ OmUmaolife of St. Paul of the Cross (London. 1863).
concepto, in montana ad Elizabeth lvisti , etc. Both Aaraim De vine.
Dominic and his friend Adolf sought to spread the use
of this form of prayer in the Carthusian Order and Dominis, Marco Antonio De, a Dalmatian ee-
among the laity. For these reasons it is held by some clesiastic, apostate, and man of science, b. on the
authors that the "Psalter'1 of Dominic was the form, island of Arbe, off the coast of Dalmatia, in 1566; d.
or one of the original forms, from which the present in the Castle of Sant' Angeio, Rome, September,
Rosary developed. 1624. Educated at the Ulyrian College at Loreto and
, l£ 90"5"u». An^atsa °^4 cg& (Montreuil, l^ss^ac!. an. at tne University of Padua, he entered the Society of
1428; Lb Vasseur, Ephemend. Ord. Cart., under 21 December t „.«■ ~~A +«,.«K+ *»«+!*<*««»+;*», 1«™« ~nA -l^^i^ «*
(Montreuil. 1890); TWrt, Der heilige Bruno (Luxemburg, Jesus and taught mathematics, logic, and rhetoric at
1872). 74-65; U\Kx,Gesehichie de* Erzstifte* Trier (Trier, 1862), Padua and Brescia. On leaving the Jesuits (1596),
y • !?}*&! **• WFW" <^i^?^Menkran%? & Der he was, through imperial influence, appointed Bishop
Kathdxk (Mains. Oct., Nov., Dec., 1897): TnvBVtOKt The Roaary - n'^ /al^„ Lnrt\ ow%j \mJaJ*Z :« rkAimA*u
in The Month (November, i900). « Zenffi (Segna, Seng) and Mddrus in Dalmatia
Ambrose Mougel. (Aug., 1600), and . transferred (Nov., 1602) to the
archiepiscopal See of Spalato. He sided with Venice,
Dominic of the Mother of God (called in secular in whose territory his see was situated, during the •
life Domenico Barberi), a member of the Passionist quarrel between Paul V and the Republic (1606-7)*
Congregation and theologian, b. near Viterbo, Italy, That fact, combined with a correspondence with Fra
22 June, 1792; d. near Reading, England, 27 August, Paolo Sarpi and conflicts with his clergy and fellow-
1849. His parents were peasants and died while bishops which culminated in the loss otan important
Dominic was still a small boy. There were six chil- financial case in the Roman Curia, led to the resigna-
dren, and Dominic, the youngest child, was adopted tion of his office in favour of a relative and his retire-
by his maternal uncle, Bartolomeo Pacelli. As a boy ment to Venice. Threatened by the Inquisition, he pre-
he was employed to take care of sheep, and when he pared to apostatize, entered into communication with
grew older he did farm work. He was taught his let- the English ambassador to Venice, Sir Henry Wotton,
ters by a kind Capuchin priest, and learned to read and having been assured of a welcome, left for Eng-
from a country lad of his own age; although he read land in 1616. On his way there, he published at
all the books he could obtain, he had no regular educa- Heidelberg a violent attack on Rome: " Scogli del
tion until he entered the Congregation of the Passion. Cristiano naufragio", afterwards reprinted in Eng-
He was deeply religious from childhood, felt himself land. He was received with open arms by James I,
distinctly called to join the institute he "entered, and who quartered him upon Archbishop Abbot of Can-
believed that God, by a special manifestation, had terbury, called on the other bishops to pay him a pen-
told him that he was destined to announce the Gospel sion, and granted him precedence alter the Arch-
truth and to bring back stray sheep to the way of bishops of Canterbury and York. De Dominis wrote
salvation. a number of anti-Roman sermons, published his often
He was received into the Congregation of the Pas- reprinted chief work, "De Repuolica Ecclesiastica
don in 1814, and ordained priest, 1 March, 1818. contra PrinmtumPap»,> (Vol. I, 1617: vol. II, 1620,
After completing the regular course of studies, he London; Vol. Ill, 1622, Hanover), and took part, as
taught philosophy and theology to the students of the assistant, in the consecration of George Montaigne as
congregation as lector for a period of ten years. He Bishop of Lincoln, 14 Dec., 1617. In that same year,
then held in Italy the offices of rector, provincial con- James I made him Dean of Windsor and granted him
suitor, and provincial, and fulfilled the duties of these the Mastership of the Savoy.
positions with ability. At the same time he con- In 1619 De Dominis published in London the first
stantlv gave missions and retreats. He founded the edition of Fra Paolo Sarpi's " History of the Council
first Passionist Retreat in Belgium at Ere near Tour- of Trent"; the work appeared in Italian, with an anti-
nai in 1840; in 1842, after twenty-eight years of Roman title page and letter dedicatory to James I.
effort, he established the Passionists in England, at His vanity ? avarice, and irascibility, however, soon
Aston Hall, Staffordshire. During the seven years of lost him his English friends; the projected Spanish
his missionary life in England he established three marriage of Prince Charles made him anxious about
houses of the congregation. He died at a small rail- the security of his position in England, and the elec-
way station near Reading and was buried under the tion of Gregory XV (9 Feb., 1621) furnished him with
hign altar of St. Anne's Retreat, Sutton, St. Helen's, an occasion of intimating, through Catholic diploma-
Among the remarkable converts whom he received tists in England, his wish to return to Rome. The
into the Church may be mentioned John Dobree Dal- king's anger was aroused when De Dominis announced
gairns, John Henry Newman, and Newman's two com- his intention (16 Jan., 1622), and Star-Chamber pro-
panions, E. S. Bowles and Richard Stanton, all of ceedings for illegal correspondence with Rome were
whom were afterwards distinguished Oratorians. threatened. Eventually he was allowed to depart, but
The reception in 1845 of Newman and his friends his chests of hoarded money were seized by the king's
must have been the greatest happiness of his life. In men, and only restored in response to a piteous per-
1846 Father Dominic received the Hon. George Spen- sonal appeal to the king. Once out of England his
cer, in religion Father Ignatius of St. Paul, into the attacks upon the English Church were as violent as
Congregation of the Passion. had been those on the See of Rome, and in "Sui
Among Father Dominic's works are: courses of Reditus ex Anglia Consilium" (Paris, 1623) he re-
philosophy and moral theology; a volume on the canted all he had written in his "Consilium Profec-
rassion of Our Lord; a work for nuns on the Sorrows tionis" (London, 1616), declaring that he had delib-
of the Blessed Virgin, "Divina Paraninfa"; arefuta- erately lied in all that he had said against Rome,
tion of de Lamennais: three series of sermons; vari- After a stay of six months in Brussels, he proceeded to
oua controversial and ascetical works. In 1841 he Rome, where he lived on a pension assigned him by the
V-
<i
DOMUfTJB l:
pope. On the death of Gregory XV (8 July, 1623)
the pension ceased, and irritation loosened his tongue.
Coming into conflict with the Inquisition he was de-
clared a relapsed heretic, whs confined to the Castle of
Sant' Angela, and there died a natural death. His
case was continued after his death, his heresy de-
clared manifest, and hia body burned together with
his works on 21 Dec., 1624.
In 1611 he published, at Venice, a scientific work en-
titled: " Tracts t us lie radiis viaua et luois in vitris,
perspectivis et hide", in which, according to Newton,
he was the first to develop the theory of the rainbow,
by drawing attention to the fact that in each raindrop
the light undergoes two refractions and an interme-
diate reflection. His claim to that
distinction is, however, disputed
in favour of Descartes.
Much information may be obtained
from hia own works; Goodman, The
Court of King Jamee the Fint, *d.
Buwu (London, 1S3B). I. 83fl-3o4;
Fuller, Church Melon/ at Brdam,
ed. Nichols (London. 1808). Ill, 332-
**■*■ Wamu, Hutorv of f>e Inductive
e (London, 1837). II, 347 »<]□.;
onvneu iixmaon, laat},
Pebst in Diet. Nat. Biog.. ...
Redhont, Beitriae nr Hal. OeechidtU
(18fi7), VI. 316-328; Reuhcb, Index d.
wrfwl. BUcher, II 402. BO*.
Edward Myers.
Dominns ac Redernp tor. See
Society of Jesus.
Dominus Voblicnm, an an-
cient form of devout salutation,
incorporated in the liturgy of the
Church, where it is employed as a
Srelude to certain formal prayers.
;$ origin is evidently Scriptural,
being clearly borrowed from Ruth,
ii, 4, and II Par., xv, 2. The same
idea is also suggested in the New
Testament, e. g. in Matt., xxviii,
20: "Ecce ego vobiscum sum ,
etc. The ecclesiastical usage dates
Crobably from Apostolic times,
[ention of it is made (ch. iii) by
the Council of Braga (563). It
also appears in the sixth or sev-
enth-century " Sacramentarium
Gelasianum . The phrase is preg-
nant with a deep religious signifi-
cance, and therefore intensely ex-
pressive of the highest and holiest
wishes. For is not the presence
of the Lord — the Source of every
good and the Author of every
best gift — a certain pledge of Di-
vine protection and a sure earnest ElIPFROR lJOli
of the possession of all spiritual peace and conso-
lation? In the mouth, therefore, of the priest,
who acts as the representative and delegate of the
Church, in whose name and with whose authority
he prays, this deprecatory formula is pre-eminently
appropriate. Hence its frequent use m the public
prayers of the Church's liturgy. During the Mass it
occurs eight times, namely, before the priest ascends
the altar, before the two Gospels, the collects, the
Offertory, the Preface, the PostrCommunion oraiw,
and the blessing. On four of these occasions the cele-
brant, whilst saying it, turns to the people, extending
and joining his hands; on the other four he remains
facing the altar. In the Divine Office this formula
is said before the principal oratio of each Hour by
priests, even in private recitation, because they are
supposed to pray in union with, and in behalf of, the
Church. Deacons aay it only in the absence of a
priest or with his permission if present (Van der S tap-
pen, De officio divino, 43), but subdeacons use in-
stead the "Domine exaudi orationem meam". Con-
4 . DOMITIAK
trary to general usage, the "Dominus Vobiscum"
does not precede the prayer of the Blessed Sacrament
before Benediction is given. Gardellini (Comment, in
Inst. Clem., §31, n. 6) explains this anomaly on the
ground that the blessing with the Sacred Host in the
monstrance effectively contains all that is implied in
the formula. Bishops use the '' Pas Vobis" (q. v.) be-
fore the collects in Masses where the Gloria is said.
The response to the "Dominus Vobiscum "ia"Et cum
apiritutuo"{cf.IITim.,iv,22; Gal.,vi,18; Phil.,iv,
'23). Formerly this answer was rendered back with
one voice by the entire congregation. Among the
Greeks there is a corresponding form "Pax omni-
*' (Liturgy of St. Basil). The Council of Braga.
____^^_ already mentioned, ordained
1 (MansL IX, 777) that priests, as
well as bishops, to whom alone the
Prise ill ianista sought to restrict
it, should adopt this formula.
Saint Petes ll.i hi an, treatise on the
"Dominui VobUcujn" in P. L„ CXLV,
231 aaq.; Anqelus Rocca., De Saluta-
Hone Sacerdotie in Mieed et in divinie
avilatum (2nd ed., Rome, 1745); Bona,
Rernm uraiturum L&ri duo (Turin.
1747), II, v; Gum in KirtJtrnleT., ».
V»n deb Staple*. De officio &'
(Mechlin, 1904); Bibnaxd, Ctm
tituraie Romainr.: he Breniain {tarn
1887), II, 168-73; KsOll in Ebaub
Real-Bncyk.,a. v.
Patrick; Mobribbob.
officio Divino
(Trrna Flayhtb
Domitianub), Roman emperor
and persecutor of the Church, son
of Vespasian and younger brother
and successor of the Emperor
Titus; b. 24 Oct., a.d. SI, and
reigned from 81 to 96. In spite
of his private vices he set himself
up as a reformer of morals and
religion. He was the first of the
emperors to deify himself during
hia lifetime by assuming the title
of "Lord and God". After the
revolt of Satuminus (93) he orga-
nized a series of bloodthirsty pro-
scriptions against all the wealthy
ana noble families. A conspir-
acy, in which his wife joined,
was formed against him, and he
was murdered, 18 Sept., 96.
When the Acts of Nero's reign
were reversed after his death, an
exception was made as to the per-
secution of the Christians (Tertul-
lian, Ad Nat., i, 7). The Jewish
revolt brought upon them fresh unpopularity, and
the subsequent destruction of the Hob/ City deprived
them of the last shreds of protection afforded them by
being confounded with the Jews. Hence Domitian in
his attack upon the aristocratic party found little dif-
ficulty in condemning such as were Christians. To
observe Jewish practices was no longer lawful; to re-
ject the national leiigion, without being able to plead
the excuse of being a Jew, was atheism. On one count
or the other, as Jews or as atheists, the Christians
were liable to punishment. Among the more famous
martyrs in this Second Persecution were Domitian 'a
cousin, Flavins Clemens, the consul, and M ' Acilius
Glabrio who had also been consul. Flavin Domitiila,
the wife of Flavius, was banished to Pandataria. But
the persecution was not confined to such noble vic-
tims. We read of many others who suffered death or
the loss of their goods (Dio Cassius, LXVLI, iv). The
book of the Apocalypse was written in the midst of
this storm, when many of the Christians had already
perished and more were to follow them (St. Ireweut.
f*
DOMXTXLLA
115
DOKATBLLO
Adv. Hares., V, xxx). Rome, "the great Babylon"
" was drunk with the blood of the saints and with the
blood of the martyrs of Jesus" (Apoc., xvii, 5, 6; ii,
10, 13; vi; 11; xiii, 15; xx, 4). It would seem that
participation in the feasts held in honour of the divin-
ity of the tyrant was made the test for the Christians
of the East. Those who did not adore the " image of
the beast" were slain. The writer joins to his sharp
denunciation of the persecutors' words of encourage-
ment for the faithful by foretelling the downfall of the
great harlot "who made drunk the earth with the
wine of her whoredom1', and steeped her robe in their
blood. St. Clement's Epistle to the Corinthians was
also written about this time; here, while the terrible
trials of the Christians are spoken of, we do not find
the same denunciations of the persecutors. The Ro-
man Church continued loyal to the empire, and sent
up its prayers to God that He would direct the rulers
and magistrates in the exercise of the power committed
to their hands (Clem., Ep. ad Cor., c. lxi; cf. St. Paul,
Rom., xiii, 1 ; I Pet., ii, 13). Before the end of his
reign Domitian ceased to persecute. (See Persecu-
tions.)
Ecbebiub, i7. E., Ill, xvii sqq. in P. G., XX; Irenjeub, Adv.
H aretes, V in P. <?., VII; Axlabd, Hist, des Persecutions pendant
lee data premiers sitcles (Paris, 1802); Ten Lectures on the Mar-
tyrs (tr. London, 1007); he Christianisme et I' Empire Romain
(Pans, 1808).
T. B. SCANNELL.
DomitUla, Catacombs of Saint. See Cemetery.
Domitiopolis, a titular see of Isauria in Asia Minor.
The former name of this city is unknown: it was
called Domitiopolis or Dometioupolis after L. Domi-
tius Ahenobarbus (Ramsay, in Revue numismatique,
1894, 168 sqq.). Ptolemy (V, vii, 5) places it in
Cilicia; according to Constantino Porphyrogenitus
(De themat., I, 15) it was one of the ten cities of the
Saurian Decapoiis (cf . Georgius Cyprius, ed. Gelzer,
852) . It figures in Parthey *s "Notiti» episcopatuum ' ',
I and III, and in Gelzer's "Nova Tactica", 1618, as a
suffragan of Seleucia. Lequien (Oriens christ., II,
1023) mentions five bishops, from 451 to 879. Dom-
itiopolis is to-day Dindebol, a village on the Ermenek
Su, in the vilayet of Adana (cf . Sterrett, in Papers of
the American School, Athens, III, 80).
S. PETRIDE8. .
Domnus, Pope. See Dontjs.
Domnus Apostolicus (Dominus Apostolicus), a
title applied to the pope, which was in most frequent
use between the sixtn and the eleventh centuries. The
pope is styled Apostolic because he occupies an Apos-
tolic see, that is, one founded by an Apostle, as were
those of Ephesus, Philippi, Corinth, etc. (cf . Tertullian,
De pnescnpt. , xxxvi) . Rome being the only Apostolic
Church of the West, Sedes apostolica meant simply the
Roman' See, and Domnus Apostolicus the Bishop of
Rome. In GaulK however, as early as the fifth century
the expression sedes apostolica was applied to any epis-
copal see, bishops being successors of the Apostles (cf .
Sidonius Apollinaris, Epp., lib. VI, i, etc.). By the
sixth century the term was in general use, and many
letters from the Merovingian kings are addressed Dom-
nis Sanctis et apostolicd sede dignissimis. Thus the
bishops of Gaul were given the title of Domnus Apos-
tolicus (cf. Venantius Fortunatua, "Vita S. Mart.",
IV; " Formula Marculfi", II, xxxix. xiii!, xlix). Many
examples are also found in wills ana deeds (e. g. P. L.,
LXXX, 1281, 1314, etc.), and one occurs in a Tetter of
introduction given by Charlemagne to St. Boniface
(Epp. Bonifac., xi). However, in the Acts of Charle-
magne and of the councils held during his time, even
outside the Frankish Empire, as in England, the term
Domnus Apostolicus, in its exact usage, meant simply
the pope. Perhaps the only example of it found in
Greek authors is in the second letter of Theodore
the Studite to Leo III, m/pty droo-roXt^. Long be-
fore this, however, the word Apostolicus alone had
been employed to designate the pope. Probably the
earliest example is in the list of popes compiled at the
time of Pope Vigilius (d. 555), which begins " Incipiunt-
nommaApostoucorum,,(P.L.,LXXVIII,1405). The
expression recurs frequently in documents of the Car-
lovingian kings, as well as in Anglo-Saxon writings.
Claude of Turin gives a curious explanation — Apostoli
custos. At the Council of Reims held in 1049 the
Bishop of Compostela was excommunicated "quia
contra fas sibi vencUcaret culmen apostolici nominis"
(because he wrongly claimed for himself the prestige of
an Apostolic name), thinking himself the successor of
St. James the Greater, and it was thereupon laid dowm
"quod solus Romanus Pontifex universalis Ecclesiae
Primas esset et Apostolicus" (that only the pontiff of
the Roman See was primate of the universal Church
and Apostolicus). To-day the title is found only in
the Litany of the Saints. There are also the expres-
sions apostolicaius (pontificate) and the ablative abso-
lute apostolicante (during the pontificate of). -It is to
be noted that, in ecclesiastical usage the abbreviated
form domnus signifies a human ruler as against Domi-
nus, the Divine Lord. Thus at meals monastic grace
was asked from the superior in the phrase Jube
Domne benedicere, i.e.: Be pleased sir to give the
blessing."
Du Canoe. Gloss, tned. et infim. Lot., ed. Favrb (Paria-
Niort, 1833-88), 8. v. U. BENIGN!.
Don&hoe, Patrick, publisher, b. at Munnery,
County Cavan, Ireland, 17 March, 1811; d. at Boston,
U. S. A., 18 March, 1901. He emigrated to Boston
when ten years of age with his parents, and at four-
teen was apprenticed to a printer. He worked on
"The Jesuit' when that paper was started by Bishop
Fenwick in 1832, and after the bishop relinquished its
ownership, he carried it on for some time with H. L.
Devereaux under the new title of " The Literary and
Catholic Sentinel ' '. In 1836 he began the publication
of " The Pilot ' ', a weekly paper devoted to Irish Amer-
ican and Catholic interests, which in succeeding years
became the organ of Catholic opinion in New England,
and had a wide circulation all over the United States.
He established in connexion with it a publishing and
book-selling house from which were issued a large
number of Catholic books. Later he organized a
bank. All his ventures proved successful and the
wealth he acquired was generously given to advance
Catholic interests. The great Boston fire of 1872 des-
troyed his publishing plant. Another fire in the fol-
lowing year and injudicious loans to friends made him
lose so much more that -his bank failed in 1876. Arch-
bishop Williams purchased "The Pilot" to help to pay
the depositors of the bank, and Mr. Donahoe then
started a monthly " Donahoe 's Magazine" and an ex-
change and passenger agency. In 1881 he was able to
buy back The Pilot and devoted his remaining
years to its management. During the Civil War he
actively interested himself in the organization of the
Irish regiments that volunteered from New England.
In 1893 the University of Notre Dame gave him the
Lsetare Medal for signal services to American Catholic
progress.
Pilot (Boston), 23 March, 1901 and files; Leahy, Hist. Cath.
Ch. in New England States (Boston, 1899), I.
Thomas F. Meehan.
Donahue, Patrick James. See Wheeling.
Donatello (Donato pi Nicolo di Betto Bardi),
one of the great Tuscan sculptors of the Renaissance,
b. at Florence, c. 1386; d. there, 13 Dec., 1466. He
was the son of Nicold di Betto Bardi, and was early,
apprenticed to a goldsmith to learn design. At the
age of seventeen ne accompanied his friend Brunei-
lesco to Rome, and the two youths devoted themselves
to drawing and to making excavations in their pursuit
of the antique. Half the week they spent chiselling
ri
DONATIO*
116
DONATIO*
for a livelihood. Brunellesco's occupation was archi-
tecture; Donatello, though understanding the inter-
relation of the two arts, always, whether in conjunc-
tion with Brunellesco or, as later, with Michelozzo,
made sculpture paramount. It is hard to place his
work chronologically. While still a mere boy,, he
carved the wooden crucifix in Santa Croce, Florence.
On his return from Rome to Florence he was engaged
for years on the statues for Giotto's belfry and the
buildings then in progress. For the Campanile he did
"The Baptist", ''Jeremias", " Habakkuk ", a group
representing Abraham and Isaac, and the famous
" David " called the « Zuccone ' ' (Bald-head), so lif elike
that Donatello is said to have himself cried to it,
"Why don't you speak?"; for the Duomo, "St. John
the Evangelist" and " The Singing-gallery " ; forOr San
Michele, "St. Peter" and "St. Mark", and the "St.
George", which he executed at the order of the Guild
of Armourers — DonateHo's most ideal and perfect
work. The socle-relief of "St. George and the Dra-
gon and the King of Cappadocia's Daughter" is
absolutely Greek m simplicity and plastic beauty.
Other fine reliefs are the bronze doors for the sacristy
of San Lorenzo; the medallions for the ceiling; and the
"Annunciation" in the same church, with ita noble
figures of the Blessed Virgin and the archangel. In
the Loggia de' Lanzi is the somewhat ill-proportioned
group of "Judith and Holofernes". The marble
"David" in the Bargello, uniting the delicacy of the
adolescent "Baptist" of Casa Martelli with a classic
fashion of wreath-bound hair, seems a link between
two of the phases in DonateHo's development. Purely
Renaissance and yet conceived in the antique spirit
are the "Amorino" (Cupid) and the bronze "David"
of the National Museum, Florence. Both are in-
stinct with life and the potent vitality of youth, jubi-
lant or contained. Pope. John XXIII, a personal
friend of the sculptor, died in Florence, 1419. Dona-
tello made his tomb, a recumbent portrait-statue in
the baptistery. In tne Duomo of Siena he performed
the same office for Bishop Pecci. In Siena also he
made several rare statuettes and reliefs for the chris-
tening-font of San Giovanni. At Prato, for the open-
air pulpit of the Duomo, he carved the casement with
groups of playing children (putti). He is believed to
have been in Rome again in 1433. A tabernacle of
the Blessed Virgin in St. Peter's is said to be by Dona-
tello, and also the tombstone of Giovanni Crivelli in
Santa Maria in Ara Coeli. In 1443 he went to Padua
to build the choir-gallery, and remained there some
ten years. First he carved his " Christ on the Cross",
the head a marvel of workmanship and expression :
then statuettes of the Blessed Virgin, St. Francis of
Assisi, St. Anthony, and other saints* also a long
series of reliefs for the high altar. While in Padua
Donatello was commissioned to make a monument to
the Venetian Condottiere (General) Gattamelata
(Erasmo de' Narni), and he blocked out the first great
equestrian statue since classic times. The last known
statue of Donatello is "St. Louis of Toulouse" in the
interior of Santa Croce.
Donatello became bedridden in his latter years, and
some of his works were completed by his pupils.
Piero de' Medici provided for him. Donatello nad
always been lavish with his fellow-workers and assis-
tants, and took no forethought for himself. His char-
acter was one of great openness and simplicity, and he
had an ingenuous appreciation of his own value as an
artist. Unassuming as he was, his pride of craft and
independence of spirit would lead nim to destroy a
masterpiece at one blow if his modest price were hag-
gled over. He was buried beside his patron Cosimo de'
Medici in the church of San Lorenzo in Florence.
Donatello was a thorough realist and one of the first
modellers with whom character and personality in the
subject meant more than loveliness. His Apostles
and saints were generally close likenesses of living
persons. He had a vivid faculty for individual traits
and expression and a method of powerful handling
that makes it impossible to forget his creations. In
such figures as the "Baptist" and the "Magdalen" of
the baptistery of Florence he apparently studied
emaciation for its anatomic value. His busts of con-
temporaries (such as that of Nicold da Uzzano,
" Youth with Breastplate", etc.) look like casts from
life. One of the most graceful pieces is the " San Gio-
vannino", a relief of a child, in sandstone, in the Bar-
gello, Florence. Minor works are the >"Marzocco"
(original in the National Museum, Florence)— the lion,
the emblem of Florence, with the fleur-de-lys forencie
shield — and the Martelli escutcheon on the staircase of
their house.
LCbke, History of Sculpture (tr. London, 1872): Pbbxxns,
Handbook of Italian Sculpture (New York, 1883); Rea, Dona-
tello (London, 1900); Balcarrss, Donatello (London, 1903);
MOnti. LeMPriatneuredelaRenaieeance (Paris, 1900); Vasam,
Live* of the Painters (tr. London, 1881 ).
M. L. Handley.
Donation (in Canon Law), the gratuitous trans-
fer to another of some right or thing. When it consists
in placing in the hands of the donee some movable
object it is known as a gift of hand (donum manuals,
an offering or oblalio, an alms). Properly speak-
ing, however, it is a voluntary contract, verbal or
written, by which the donor expressly agrees to give,
without consideration, something to the donee, and
the latter in an equally express manner accepts the
gift. In Roman law and in some modern codes this
contract carries with it only the obligation of trans-*
ferring the ownership of the thing in question; actual
ownership is obtained only by the real traditio or
handing over of the thing itself, or by the observation
of certain juridically prescribed formalities (L. 20, C.
De pactis, II, 3). Such codes distinguish between
conventional (or imperfect) and perfect donation',
i. e. the actual transfer of the thing or right. In
some countries the contract itself transfers ownership.
A donation is called remunerative when inspired by a
sentiment of gratitude for services rendered by the
donee. Donations are also described as inter vivos if
made while the donor yet lives, and causA mortis,
when made in view or contemplation of death; the
latter are valid only after the death of the donor and
until then are at all times revocable. They much re-
semble testaments and codicils. They are, however,
on the same footing as donations inter vivos once the
donor has renounced his right to revoke. In the pur-
suit of its end the Church needs material aid ; it has
the right therefore to acquire such aid by donation
no less than by other means. In its quality of a
perfect and independent society the Church may also
decide under what forms and on what conditions it
will accept donations made to works of religion {dona-
Hones ad mas causes) ; it pertains to the State to legist
late for all other donations.
History of Ecclesiastical Donations. — Even
before the Edict of Milan (313) the Church was free to
acquire property by donation either as a juridically
recognised association (collegium) or as a society de
facto tolerated (note that the right to acquire property
by last will and testament dates only from 321 in the
reign of Constant ine). Nevertheless, the Church was
held to observe the pertinent civil legislation, though
on this head it enjoyed certain privileges; thus, even
before the traditio, or handing over, of the donation to
a church or a religious institution, the latter acquired
real rights to the same (L. 23, C. De sacrosanctis eccle-
siis, I, 2), Moreover, the insinuatio or declaration of
the gift before the public authority was required only
for donations equivalent in value to 500 solidi (nearly
twenty-six hundred dollars) or more, a privilege later
on extended to all donations (L. 34, 36, C. De dona-
tionibus, VIII, 53). Finally, bishops, priests, and
deacons yet under parental power were allowed to dis-
DONATION 117 * DONATION
pose freely, even in favour of the Church, of property inalienability of tenure on 'the part of religious cor-
acquired by them after ordination [L. 33 (34) C. De porations) have so far remained only a threat, though
episoopis et clericis, I, 3]. The Franks, lone quite the Government reserves the right to establish such
unaccustomed to dispose of their property by will, legislation. Religious communities, however^ are
were on the other hand generous in donations, espec- required to make known to the civil authorities all
ially cessiones post obitum, similar to the Roman law their acquisitions of property. In Germany, even
donations in view of death but carrying with them since the promulgation of the Civil Code of the Empire
the renunciation on the donor's part of his right of (1896), the legislation varies from State to State. In
revocation: other Frankish donations to the Church all, however, property rights are recognized by the
reserved the usufruct. The institution known as law in only those ecclesiastical institutions that are
prtcaria ecdesiastica was quite favourable to the recognized by" the State. As a rule, donations must
growth of donations. At tne request of the donor be authorized by the civil power if they exceed the
the Church granted him the use of the donated ob- value of five thousand marks (1250 dollars, or 250
ject for five years, for his life, or even a use transfer- pounds sterling) though in some states this figure is
able to the heirs of the first occupant. Synods of doubled. In Prussia civil authorization is requisite for
this epoch assert to some extent the validity of all acquisition of real property by a diocese, a chapter,
pious donations even when the legal requisites had not or any ecclesiastical institution. In Italy every do-
been observed, though as a rule they were not omitted, nation must be approved by the civil authority, and
Generally speaking, the consent of the civil authority only the institutions recognized by the State are al-
(princeps) was not indispensable for the acquisition of lowed to acquire property; note, however, that sim-
property by religious corporations. The restrictions pie benefices (see Benefice) and religious orders can-
known as tne "right of amortization " (see Mortmain) not acquire this latter privilege. With few exceptions,
are of later date, and are the outcome of theories elab- ecclesiastical institutions in Italy are not allowed to
orated in the Middle Ages but carried to their logical invest in any other form of property than Govern-
issue in the modern civil legislation (of Continental ment bonds. In France the associations cultueUes,
countries) concerning biens de mainmorts, or property or worship-associations, are recognized by the State
/ held by inalienable tenure, i. e. the property of reh- as civil entities for the conduct of public worship; it is
gious corporations, they being perpetual. The well known, however, that Pius X forbade the Cath-
Church does not accept such legislation ; nevertheless olics of France to form such associations. That coun-
the faithful may act accordingly in order to secure to try, it is true, recognizes the civil personality of licit
their donations the protection of the law. associations organized for a non-lucrative purpose,
Canonical Legislation. — Donations are valid and but declares illicit every religious congregation not
obligatory when made by persons capable of disposing approved by a special law. At the same time, it ro-
of their property and accepted by the administrators of fuses to approve the religious congregations which
ecclesiastical institutions. No other formality is have sought this approval, and is gradually suppress-
required, neither notarial act nor authorization of the ing all those which were formerly approved. (See
civil power. The declaration before the public au- Property, Ecclesiastical.)
thority, required by Roman law, is not obligatory in FiiNELON, Leejondationa et lea Uablieeemcrde eccUaiaatiquee
canon law. Nor are the faithful obliged to heed the re- (Paris, 1902); Fournerm^ Resources dorU VBglise dispose
sections which are pjaced I by some modern civil cod* ^'^^Zr^^Z^^^'^^, l&g
in the way Of a tree disposition Of their property. Un Bondroit, De capacitate poaaidendi ecdeain oUote merovinpied
the Other hand the donation must be accepted by the (Louvain, 1900); Loeninq, GeachichU dea deutachen Kitchen-
donee; it ia not true, as eome have maintained, that £&282%SJl&<^iS%. !fiffi38HSF&£l
every donation for works of religion (ad puis causos) PratlecHones juris canonxci (Rome, 1898), III, 206; Wernz, Jus
implies a VOW, i. e. an act in itself obligatory inde- Dccretalium (Rome, 1901),III.2708q.; i^otneb, Compendium
pendently of Ae acceptance of the donee. If the ad- %% SKEJ&S&E^^
mmistrators of an ecclesiastical institution refuse to Geigeb, Der kirchenrtchtliche Inhalt der bundeaetaatlichen Aus-
accept a donation, that institution can always Obtain fjftrwysoeaetze turn bfirgerlichen GeaeUbuch fur doe detUache
in /»onftn law a mL ***** ,4*'* •*•• «•»#«/•«»•*«»• w1iAmK« t+ la Raich in Archtv fUr kotholtachea Kirchenrecht (Mains, 1901),
in canon law a restitutio %n integrum, whereby it is lxxxj 660.— For the juridical condition of the Church in the
again put in a condition to accept the refused dona- different nations of the world in respect of property see the ar-
tion. The canonical motives for the revocation or tlcles on various countries in The Catholic Encyclopedia;
dtainution of a donation are the birth of children to ^^S^^^S^S^lS&S^ttA
the donor and the donatio tnofficiosa, or excessive gen- in Bulletin de la aociiU de Uqxslotion compare* (Paris, 1905-1907),
erosity on the latter's part, whereby he diminishes the XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI.
share of inheritance tnat legitimately belongs to his A* Van Hovb-
children. In both cases, however, the donation is
valid in canon law to the degree in which it respects Donation (in Civil Jurisprudence), the gratuitous
the legitimate share of the donor's children. It is transfer, or gift (Lat. donatio), of ownership of prop-
worthy of note that while ecclesiastical and religious erty. The Latin word munus also signified a gift, but
establishments may give alms, they are bound in the "a gift on some special occasion such as births or mar-
matter of genuine donations by the provisions of the riages" (Roby, Roman Private Law, Cambridge,
canon law concerning the alienation of ecclesiastical 1902, I, 86). The person transferring ownership by
property. donation is termed the donor, the person to whom the
Civil Legislation. — In most European countries transfer is made, the donee. In contemplation of law
the civil authority restricts in three ways the right of donation is "based upon the fundamental right every-
the Church to accept donations: (1) by imposing the one has of disposing of his property as he wills" (125
forms and conditions that the civil codes prescribe for New York Court of Appeals Reports, p. 579), a right,
donations; (2) by reserving to itself the right of say- however, deemed from ancient times an appropriate
ing what institutions shall nave civil personality and subject for legal regulation and restraint (see Johns,
be thereby authorized to acquire property; (3) by Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, etc., New York, 1904,
exacting tne approval of the civil authority, at least XXI). Donation requires the consent not only of the
for important donations. Austria recognizes a juri- donor to transfer the ownership, but also that of the
dical personality not only in those religious institu- donee to accept and assume it, "as I cannot", remarks
tions which are charged with the maintenance of Pothier (Treatise on Obligations, 4), " by the mere act
public worship, but also, through easily granted ap- of my own mind transfer to another a right in my
proval, in religious associations of any Kind. Tne goods, without a concurrent intention on his part to
so-called amortization laws (against the traditional accept them". Donations are usually classified as (1)
DONATION « 118 DONATION
inter vivos (among the living) and (2) mortis causa (in ingly from donation inter vivos in not being absolute,
view of death). * but conditional on the donor failing to recover from
(1) Inter Vivos. — Sir William Blackstone explains the sickness or to escape the peril; also in being de-
(in his Commentaries, II, 441) that in English law pendent on his not having exercised the right which
mutual consent to give and to accept is not a gift, but remains to him, of revoking the donation. The
is an imperfect contract void for want of consideration, transfer is thus perfected by death only. Roman law
Yet delivery and acceptance being added to the inef- permitted such donations between husband and wife
fectual consent, the transaction becomes an irrevoca- because these were donations qum conferuntur in fern*
ble transfer by donation inter vivos, regarded in law as pus soluti matrimonii (Pothier, Pandect® Justinianeae,
an executed contract, just as if the preliminary con- XXIV, t. i, xix). Nor were donations of this kind from
sents had constituted an effectual ''act in the law" husband to wife forbidden by the English common law
(see Pollock, Principles of Contract, New York. 1906, (24 Vermont Reports, 596). As the danger in view of
2). "Every gift", remarks Chancellor Kent, * which which the donation is made must be actually present,
is made perfect by delivery, and every grant, are exe- therefore a transfer from an owner "not terrified by
cuted contracts, for they are founded on the mutual fear of any present peril, but moved by the general con-
consent of the parties in reference to a right or interest sideration of man's mortality ", cannot be sustained as
passing between them" (Commentaries on American a donation mortis causa. A transfer of ownership of
Law, II, 437) ; and Milton (Paradise Lost, XII, 67) real estate cannot be effected by this form of donation.
sayB: — And any donation mortis causa expressly embracing
He gave us only over beast, fish, fowl. the whole of the donor's property has been said to be
Dominion absolute; that right we hold illegal, being deemed to be an attempt to escape dis-
By his donation. position by last will (American Law Register, I, 25).
According to English law, writing under seal, known The grounds already referred to on which a donation
as a deed, so far transfers personal property without inter vivos may be avoided seem also grounds for avoid-
actual delivery that ownership vests upon execution ing a donation mortis causa. In every instance the evi-
of the deed, and the donation is irrevocable until dis- dence establishing such a donation as against a donor's
claimed by the donee (J. W. Smith, The Law of Con- representatives must " be clear and convincing, strong
tracts, 36, Philadelphia, 1885). Not only movable andsatisfactoiy"(125New York Court of Appeals Re-
things, defined in English law as personal property, but ports, 757). Tor this "death-bed disposition of
land (real estate) may be the subject of this donation property", as it is termed by Blackstone (op. cit.), is
(24 Vermont Reports, 591; 115 New York Court of not a favourite of the law. Many years ago a lord
Appeals Reports, 295). The legislation of the Emperor chancellor of England, profoundly learned in the law
Justinian abolished requirements which by Roman law and noted for his conservatism suggested that if " this
had previously been necessary to perfect a donation, donatio mortis causa was struck out of our law alto-
and thenceforth, by force of this legislation, the donor's gether it would be quite as well" (American Law Reg-
informal agreement to give, bound him to make de- ister, I, II). And by the Code Civil it has been
livery. Donations, were, however, rendered revoca- "struck out" of the law of France,
ble by the same legislation for a failure to comply with mJ!™**> Commentaries™ Equity Jurisprudence (Boaton.1886).
their conditions, and also for gross ingratitude (Leage, gjl^81, &S°j& The Law~of CorU^a (BofUm, jmh). t.
Roman Private Law, London, 1906, 145). The Eng- Report»\ SupTCL u'.
Hsh law u controls", to quote Chancellor Kent, u gifts
when made to the prejudice of existing creditors"
(Commentaries, II, 440); and a donation may be
avoided if the donor "were under any legal incapacity Donation of Oonstantine (Lat. Donatio Constan-
... or if he were drawn in, circumvented or imposed tint). — By this name is understood, since the end of
upon by false pretences, ebriety or surprise" (Black- the Middle Ages, a forged document of Emperor Con-
stone, Commentaries, II, 441). But English law does stantine the Great, by which large privileges and rich
not annul donations for ingratitude nor for various possessions were conferred on the pope and the Ro-
other causes mentioned in the Roman law. English law man Church. In the oldest known (ninth century)
"does not", according to Chancellor Kent, "indulge manuscript (Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS. Latin
in these refinements" (op. cit.). Donations between 2777) and in many other manuscripts the document
husband and wife were contrary to the policy of the bears the title: " Const itutum domni Constantini im-
Roman law which permitted donatio propter nuptias peratoris". It is addressed by Oonstantine to Pope
before marriage only (Leage, op. cit., 95). By Eng- Sylvester I (314-35) and consists of two parts. In
lish common law there accrued to a husband full the first (entitled "Confessio") the emperor relates how
ownership of his wife's personal property, and posses- he was instructed in the Christian Faith by Sylvester,
sion for their joint lives of her real property. And be- makes a full profession of faith, and tells of his bap-
cause English law deemed husband and wife one per- tism in Rome by that pope, and how he was thereby
son (Bishop, Commentaries on the Law of Married cured of leprosy. In the second part (the "Donatio1 )
Women, Boston, 1873, I, 231), a gift of personal Oonstantine is made to confer on Sylvester and his
property from husband to wife was "impossible ac- successors the following privileges and possessions:
cording to the old and technical common law" (ibid., the pope, as successor of St. Peter, has the primacy
730). But the commentator adds that "it is other- over the four Patriarchs of Antioch, Alexandria, Con-
wise in equity" (ibid., 731). By the French Code stantinople. and Jerusalem, also over all the bishops
Civil, donations inter vivos, designated entre vifs, are in the world. The Lateran basilica at Rome, built by
recognized; but they are subjected to many restric- Oonstantine, shall surpass all churches as their head.
tions. similarly the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul shall
(2) Mortis Causa.— A donation of this kind is made be endowed with rich possessions. The chief Roman
when a person H in his last sickness", to quote Black- ecclesiastics (clerici cardinales), among whom senators
stone (Commentaries, II, 514), "apprehending his may also be received, shall obtain the same honours
dissolution near, delivers or causes to be delivered and distinctions as the senators. Like the emperor
to another the possession of any personal goods • • • the Roman Church shall have as functionaries cubi*
to keep in case of his decease". The same donation cularii, ostiarii, and excubitores. The pope shall enjoy
may also be made in presence of any other impending the same honorary rights as the emperor, among
peril of death. The "Institutes" of Justinian cite a them the right to wear an imperial crown, a purple
classic example: sic et apud Homerum Telemachus cloak and tunic, and in general all imperial insignia or
denat Pirceo (II, VII). This donation differe strik- signs of distinction; but as Sylvester refused to put oa
Reports (Boeton, 1844), 119; U Wheaton's
«^~,-. —„. — v. 8. (New York, 1819\ 518; k9 New York
Court of Appeals Report*, 17; La Grande Eneye., b. v.
Charles W. Sloake.
*
DONATION
119
DONATION
his bead a golden crown, the emperor invested him
with the high white cap (phrygium). Constantine, the
document continues, rendered to the pope the service
of a strator, i. e. he led the horse upon which the pope
rode. Moreover, the emperor makes a present to
the pope and his successors of the Lateran palace, of
Rome and the provinces, districts, and towns of Italy
and all the Western regions (tarn jxdatiwn nostrum, ut
prelatum est, quamque Komce urbis et omnes Italia sen
occidentalium regionum provincias loca et civitates).
The document goes on to say that for himself the em-
peror has established in the East a new capital which
bears his name, and thither he removes nis govern-
ment, since it is inconvenient that a secular emperor
have power where God has established the residence of
the head of the Christian religion. The document
concludes with maledictions against all who dare to
violate these donations and with the assurance that
the emperor has signed them with his own hand and
placed them on the tomb of St. Peter. v
This document is without doubt a forgery, fabri-
cated somewhere between the years 750 and 850. As
early as the fifteenth century its falsity was known
and demonstrated. Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa (De
Concordantia Catholica, III, ii, in the Basle ed. of his
Opera, 1565. 1) spoke of it as a dictamen apocryphum.
Some years later (1440) Lorenzo Valla (De falso cred-
ita et ementita Constantini donatione declamatio,
Mainz, 1518) proved the forgery with certainty. In-
dependently of both his predecessors, Reginald Pe-
cocke, Bishop of Chichester (1450-57), reached a simi-
lar conclusion in his work, "The Repressor of over
much Blaming of the Clergy", Rolls Series, II, 351-
366. Its genuinity was yet occasionally defended,
and the document still further used as authentic, until
Baronius in his "Annales Ecclesiastici" (ad an. 324)
admitted that the "Donatio" was a forgery, where-
after it was soon universally admitted to be such. It
is so clearly a fabrication that there is no reason to
wonder that, with the revival of historical criticism in
the fifteenth century, the true character of the docu-
ment was at once recognized. The forger made use
of various authorities, which Grauert and others (see
below) have thoroughly investigated. The introduc-
tion and the conclusion of the document are imitated
from authentic writings of the imperial period, but
formulae of other periods are also utilized. In the
"Confession" of faith the doctrine of the Holy
Trinity is explained at length, afterwards the Fall
of man and the Incarnation of Christ. There are
also reminiscences of the decrees of the Iconoclast
Synod of Constantinople (754) against the veneration
of images. The narrative of the conversion and heal-
ing of the emperor is based on the apocryphal Acts of
Sylvester (Acta or Gesta Sylvestri), yet ail the partic-
ulars of the " Donatio" narrative do not appear in the
hitherto known texts of that legend. The distinctions
conferred on the pope and the cardinals of the Roman
Church the forger probably invented and described
according to certain contemporary rites and the court
ceremonial of the Roman and the Byzantine emperors.
The author also used the biographies of the popes in
the Liber Pontificalis (q. v.), likewise eighth-century
letters of the popes, especially in his account of the im-
perial donations.
The authorship of this document is still wrapped in
obscurity. Occasionally, but without sufficient rea-
son, critics have attributed it to the author of the
False Decretals (q. v.) or to some Roman ecclesiastic
of the eighth century. On the other hand, the time
and place of its composition have lately been thor-
oughly studied by numerous investigators (especially
Germans), though no sure and universally accepted
conclusion has yet been reached. As to the place of
the forgery Baronius (Annales, ad. an. 1081) main-
tained that it was done in the East by a schismatic
Greek; it is, indeed, found in Greek canonical collec-
tions. Natalis Alexander opposed this view, and it is
no longer held by any recent historian. Many of the
recent critical students of the document locate its com-
position at Rome and attribute the forgery to an eccle-
siastic, their chief argument being an intrinsic one:
this false document was composed in favour of the
popes and of the Roman Church, therefore Rome it-
self must have had the chief interest in a forgery exe-
cuted for a purpose so clearly expressed. Moreover,
the sources of the document are chiefly Roman.
Nevertheless, the earlier view of Zaccaria and others
that the forgery originated in the Frankish Empire has
quite recently been ably defended by Hergenrdther
and Grauert (see below). They call attention to the
fact that the " Donatio1' appears first in Frankish col-
lections, i. e. in the False Decretals and in the above-
mentioned St-Deniq manuscript; moreover the earli-
est certain quotation of it is by Frankish authors in
the second half of the ninth century. Finally, this
document was never used in the papal chancery until
the middle of the eleventh century, nor in general is it
referred to in Roman sources until the time of Otto III
(983-1002, i. e. in case the famous " Diploma" of this
emperor be authentic). The first certain use of it at
Rome was by Leo IX in 1054, and it is to be noted
that this pope was by birth and training a German,
not an Italian. The writers mentioned have shown
that the chief aim of the forgery was to prove the
justice of the translatio imperii to the Franks, i. e.
the transfer of the imperial title at the coronation of
Charlemagne in 800; the forgery was, therefore, im-
portant mainly for the Frankish Empire. This view
is rightly tenable against the opinion of the majority
that the forgery originated at Rome.
A still greater divergency of opinion reigns as to the
time of its composition. Some have asserted (more
recently Martens, Friedrich, and Bayet) that each of -
its two parts was fabricated at different times. Mar-
tens holds that the author executed his forgery at
brief intervals; that the "Constitutum" originated
after 800 in connexion with a letter of Adrian 1 (778)
to Charlemagne wherein the pope acknowledged the
imperial position to which the Frankish king by his
own efforts and fortune had attained. Friedrich (see
below), on the contrary, attempts to prove that the
"Constitutum" was composed of two really distinct
parts. The gist of the first part, the so-called "Con-
fessio ", appeared between 638 and 653, probably 638-
641, while the second, or "Donatio" proper, was writ-
ten in the reign of Stephen II, between 752 and 757, by
Paul, brother and successor of Pope Stephen. Ac-
cording to Bayet the first part of the document was
composed in the time of Paul I (757-767); the latter
part appeared in or about the year 774. In opposi-
tion to these opinions most historians maintain that
the document was written at the same time and wholly
by one author. But when was it written? Colom-
bier decides for the reign of Pope Conon (686-687),
Genelin for the beginning of the eighth century (be-
fore 728). But neither of these views is supported by
sufficient reasons, and both are certainly untenable.
Most investigators accept as the earliest possible date
the pontificate of Stephen II (752-757), thus estab-
lishing a connexion between the forgery and the his-
torical events that led to the origin of the States of the
Church and the Western Empire of the Frankish kingB.
But in what year or period from the above-mentioned
pontificate of Stephen II until the reception of the
"Constitutum" in the collection of the False Decre-
tals (c 840-50) was the forgery executed? Nearly
every student of this intricate question maintains his
own distinct view. It is necessary first to answer a
preliminary question: Did Pope Adrian I in his letter
to Charlemagne of the year 778 (Codex Carolinus, ed.
Jaffe, Ep. Ixi) exhibit a knowledge of the "Constitu-
tum"? From a passage of this letter (Sicut tempori-
bus beati Silvestn Romani pontificis a sanct® recorda-
DONATION
, 120
DONATION
tionis piissimo Constantino magno imperatoreper eius
largitatem sancta Dei Catholica et Apostolica Romans
eoclesia elevata et exaltata est et potestatem in his
Hesperus partialis largiri dignatus, ita et in his vestris
feliciwsimifl temporibus atque nostris sancta Dei eccle^
aia, id est beati Petri apostoli, germinet atqueexultet.
. . .) several writers, e. e. Dollinger, Langen, Meyer, and
others have concluded that Adrian I was then aware
of this forgery, so that it must have appeared before
778. Friedricn assumes in Adrian I a Knowledge of
the "Constitutum" from his letter to EmperorCon-
stantine VI written in 785 (Mansi, Concil. Coll., XII,
1056). Most historians, however, rightly refrain
from asserting that Adrian I made use of this docu-
ment; from his letters, therefore, the time of its origin
cannot be deduced.
Most of the recent writers on the subject assume the
origin of the "Donatio " between 752 and 795. Among
them, some decide for Hie pontificate of Stephen II
(752-757) on the hypothesis that the author of the
forgery wished to substantiate thereby the claims of
this pope in his negotiations with Pepin (Dollinger,
Hauck, Friedrich, Bohmer). Others lower the date
of the forgery to the time of Paul I (757-767), and base
their opinion on the political events in Italy under
this pope, or on the fact that he had a special venera-
tion for St. Sylvester, and that the "Donatio" had es-
pecially in view the honour of this saint (Scheffer-
ftoichorst, Mayer). Others again locate its origin in
the pontificate of Adrian I (772-795), on the hypo-
thesis that this pope hoped thereby to extend the sec-
ular authority of tne Roman Church over a great part
of Italy and to create in this way a powerful ecclesias-
tical State under papal government (Langen, Loen-
ing). A smaller group of writers, however, remove
the forgery to some date after 800, i. e. after the coro-
nation of Charlemagne as emperor. Among these,
Martens and Weiland assign the document to/the last
years of the reign of Charlemagne, or the first years of
Louis the Pious, i. e. somewhere between 800 and 840.
They argue that the chief purpose of the forgery was to
bestow on the Western ruler the imperial power, or
that the "Constitutum" was meant to indicate what
the new emperor, as successor of Constantine the
Great, might have conferred on the Roman Church.
Those writers also who seek the forger in the
Frankish Empire maintain that the document was
written in the ninth century, e. g. especially Hergen-
rother and Grauert. The latter opines that the
"Constitutum" originated in the monastery of St-
Denis, at Paris, shortly before or about the same time
as the False Decretals, i. e. between 840 and 850.
Closely connected with the date of the forgery is the
other question concerning the primary purpose of the
forger of the "Donatio . Here, too, there exists a
great variety of opinions. Most of the writers who
locate at Rome itself the origin of the forgery main-
tain that it was intended principally to support the
claims of the popes to secular power in Italy; they
differ, however, as to the extent of the said claims. Ac-
cording to Dollinger the " Constitutum ' ' was destined to
aid in the creation of a united Italy under papal gov-
ernment. Others would limit the papal claims to
those districts which Stephen II sought to obtain from
Pepin, or to isolated territories which, then or later,
the popes desired to acquire. In general, this class of
historians seeks to connect the forgery with the his-
torical events and political movements of that time in
Italy (Mayer, Langen, Friedrich, Loening, and others).
Several of these writers lay more stress on the eleva-
tion of the papacy than on the donation of territories.
Occasionally it is maintained that the forger sought to
secure for the pope a kind of higher secular power,
something akin to imperial supremacy as against the
Frankish Government, then solidly established in
Italy. Again, some of this class limit to Italy the ex-
pression occidentalium regumum pravincias, but most
of them understand it to mean the whole former West*
em Empire. This is the attitude of Weiland, for
whom the chief object of the forgery is the increase of
papal power over the imperial, and the establishment
of a land of imperial supremacy of the pope over the
whole West. For this reason also he lowers the date
of the "Constitutum1' no further than the end of the
reign of Charlemagne (814). As a matter of fact,
however, in this document Sylvester does indeed ob-
tain from Constantine imperial rank and the emblems
of imperial dignity, but not the real imperial suprem-
acy. Martens therefore sees in the forgery an effort
to elevate the papacy in general ; all alleged preroga-
tives of the pope and of Roman ecclesiastics, all guts
of landed possessions, and rights of secular govern-
ment are meant to promote and confirm this eleva-
tion, and from it all the new Emperor Charlemagne
ought to draw practical conclusions for his behaviour
in relation to the pope. Scheffer-Boichorst holds a
singular opinion, namely that the forger intended pri-
marily the glorification of Sylvester and Constantine.
and only in a secondary way a defence of the papal
claims to territorial possessions. Grauert, for whom
the forger is a Frankish subject, shares the view of
Hergenrother, i. e. the forger had in mind a defence of
the new Western Empire from the attacks of the By-
zantines. Therefore it was highly important for him
to establish the legitimacy of the newly founded
empire, and this purpose was especially aided by all
that the document alleges concerning the elevation of
the pope. From the foregoing it will be seen that the
last word of historical research in this matter still re-
mains to be said. Important questions concerning the
sources of the forgery, the place and time of its origin,
the tendency of tne forger, yet await their solution.
New researches will probably pay still greater atten-
tion to textual criticism, especially that of the first
part or u Confession ' ' of faith.
As far as the evidence at hand permits us to judge,
the forged "Constitutum" was first made known in
the Frankish Empire. The oldest extant manuscript
of it, certainly from the ninth century, was written in
the Frankish Empire. In the second naif 6f that cen-
tury the document is expressly mentioned by three
Frankish writers. Ado, Bishop of Vienne, speaks of
it in his Chronicle (De sex setatibus mundi, ad an.
306, in P. L., CXXIII, 92); jEneas, Bishop of Paris,
refers to it in defence of the Roman primacy (Adver-
sus Graecos, c. ccix, op. cit., CXXI, 758); Hincmar,
Archbishop of Reims, mentions the donation of Rome
to the pope by Constantine the Great according to the
"Constitutum" (De ordine palatii, c. xiii, op. cit.,
CXXV, 998). The document obtained wider circula-
tion by its incorporation with the False Decretals
(840-850, or more specifically between 847 and 852;
Hinschius, Decretates Pseudo-Isidorianse, Leipzig,
1863, p. 249) . At Rome no use was made of the docu-
ment during the ninth and the tenth centuries, not
even amid the conflicts and difficulties of Nicholas I
with Constantinople, when it might have served as a
welcome argument for the claims of the pope. The
first pope who used it in an official act and relied upon
it, was Leo IX; in a letter of 1054 to Michael Caeru-
larius, Patriarch of Constantinople, he cites the " Don-
atio" to show that the Holy See possessed both an
earthly and a heavenly imperiwn, the royal priest-
hood. Thenceforth the "Donatio1' acquires more
importance and is more frequently used as evidence in
the ecclesiastical and political conflicts between the
gapacy and the secular power. Anselm of Lucca and
ardinal Deusdedit inserted it in their collections of
canons. Gratian, it is true, excluded it from his " De-
cretum" butitwas8oonaddedtoitas"Palea". The
ecclesiastical writers in defence of the papacy during
the conflicts of the early part of the twelfth century
quoted it as authoritative (Hugo of Fleury, De regia
potestate et ecclesiastica digmtate, II; Placidus of
DONATISTS
121
DONATISTS
Nonantula, De honore ecclesiae, cc. lvii, xci, cli; Dis-
pute tio vel defensio Paschalis papse; Honorius Augus-
todunensis, De summa glorias, c. xvii; cf. Mon. Germ.
Hist., Libelli de lite, II, 456, 591, 614, 635; III, 71).
St. Peter Damian also relied on it in his writings
against the antipope Cadalous of Parma (Disceptatio
synodalis, in Libelli de lite, 1, 88). Gregory VII him-
self never quoted this document in his long warfare for
ecclesiastical liberty against the secular power. But
Urban II made use of it in 1091 to support his claims
on the island of Corsica. Later popes (Innocent III,
Gregory IX, Innocent IV) took its authenticity for
granted (Innocent III, Sermo de sancto Silvestro, in
P. L., GCXVII, 481 sqq.; Raynaldus, Annales, ad an.
1236, n. 24; Potthast, Regesta, no. 11,848), and eccle-
siastical writers often adduced its evidence in favour
of the papacy. The medieval adversaries of the popes,
on the other hand, never denied the validity of this
appeal to the pretended donation of Constantine, but
endeavoured to show that the legal deductions drawn
from it were founded on false interpretations. The
authenticity of the document, as already stated, was
doubted by no one before the fifteenth century. It
was known to the Greeks in the second half of the
twelfth century, when it appears in the collection of
Theodore Balsamon (1169 sqq.); later on another
Greek canonist, Matthieus Blastares (about 1335), ad-
mitted it into his collection. It appears also in other
Greek works. Moreover, it was nighly esteemed in
the Greek East. The Greeks claimed, it is well known,
for the Bishop of New Rome (Constantinople) the same
honorary rights as those enjoyed by the Bishop of
Old Rome. But now, by virtue of this document, they
claimed for the Byzantine clergy also the privileges
and prerogatives granted to the pope and the Roman
ecclesiastics. In the West, long after its authenticity
was disputed in the fifteenth century, its validity was
still upheld by the majority of canonists and jurists
who continued throughout the sixteenth century to
q uo te it as authentic . And though Baronius and later
historians acknowledged it to be a forgery, they en-
deavoured to marshal other authorities in defence of
its content, especially as regards the imperial dona-
tions. In later times even this was abandoned, so that
now the whole "Constitutum". both in form and con-
tent, is rightly considered in all senses a forgery. See
False Decretals; Sylvester I; States of the
Church; Temporal Power.
The text of the Donatio has often been printed, e. g. in Labbe,
ConcU., 1, 1630; Mansi, ConcU. col., II, 603; finally by Graueot
(see below) and Zeumbb in Festgabe fiir Rudolf von Gneist
ZeitschriU (1890). 103 aqq.; Bohmer, Konstantinische Schen-
kung in RealencykUopadie fur prof. Theol. (Leipsig, 1902), XI, 1
sqq.
J. P. KlRSCH.
(Berlin, 1888), 39 saq. See Haller, Dxe QuelUn zur Geschichte
der Sntstehnng des Kirchenstaats (Leipzig and Berlin, 1907), 241-
250; Cbnni, Monumenta dominationis Pontificia (Rome, 1760), I,
306 aqq.; cf. Origine della Donaxione di Costantino in Civilta
Cattoiusa, ser. V, X, 1864, 303 sqq. The following are non-
Catholic: Zinkeisen, The Donation of Constantine as applied by
the Roman Church in Eng. Hist. Review (1894), IX. 625-32;
Schait. Hist, of the Christ. Church (New York, 1905), IV, 270-
72; Hodokin, Italy and Her Invaders (Oxford, 1899), VTL 135
aqa. See also Colombier, La Donation de Constantin in Etudes
Religieuaea (1877), XI, 800 sqq.; Bonneau, La Donation de
Constantin (Lisieux, 1891); Batet, La fausse Donation de Con-
stantin in Annuaire de la FaeulU des lettres de Lyon (Paris, 1884),
II, 12 sq.; DdLLiNQER, Papstfabeln des Mittelalters (Munich,
1863. Stuttgart, 1890). 72 sqq.; Hebobnbother, Katholische
Kircheundchristlicher Stoat (Freiburg im Br., 1872), 1, 360 sqq.;
Obneun, Das Schenkungsversprechen und die Schenkung Pippins
^^prig, 1880), 36 sqq.; Mabtens, Die r&mische Frage unlet
ppin und Karl dem Orossen (Stuttgart, 1881), 327 sqq.; Idem,
Die falsehe Generalkoneession Konetantins des Grossen (Munich,
1889); Idem, Beleuchtung der neuesten Kontroversen uber die
romische Frage unter Pippin und Karl dem Grossen (Munich.
tinischen Schenkungsurkunde in Historische Zeitschrift far Kir*
ehenrecht (1889), 137 sqq., 185 sqq.; B runner. Das Constitu-
tum Constantini in Festgabe fur R. von Gneist (Berlin, 1888), 3
•qq.; Friedbich, Die konstantinische Schenkung (Nordlingen,
1889); 8cheffeb-Boichob8T, Neuere Forschungen Uber die
konstantinische Schenkung in Mitteilungen des Institute far
teterr. Geschichtsforsch. (1889), 302 sqq. (1890), 128 sqq.; Lam-
pbecht, Die romische Frage von Konig Pippin bis auf Kaiser
iAidwia den Fromnum (Lapsig, 1889), 117 sqq.; Lokninq, Die
BnUtekung der konstantinischen Schenkungsurkunde in Histor.
Donatists. — The Donatist schism in Africa began
in 311 and flourished just one hundred years, until the
conference at Carthage in 411, after which its impor-
tance waned.
Causes of the Schism. — In order to trace the ori-
gin of the division we have to go back to the persecu-
tion under Diocletian. The first edict of tnat em-
peror against Christians (24 Feb., 303) commanded
their churches to be destroyed, their Sacred Books to
be delivered up and burnt, while they themselves were
outlawed. Severer measures followed in 304, when
the fourth edict ordered all to offer incense to the idols
under pain of death. After the abdication of Maxi-
mian in 305, the persecution seems to have abated in
Africa. Until then it was terrible. In Numidia the
governor, Floras, was infamous for his cruelty, and,
though many officials may have been, like the procon-
sul Anulinus, unwilling to go further than they were
obliged, vet St. Optatus is able to say of the Christians
of the whole country that some were confessors, some
were martyrs, some fell, only those who were hidden
escaped. The exaggerations of the highly strung
African character showed themselves. A hundred
years earlier Tertullian had taught that flight from
persecution was not permissible. Some now went
beyond this, and voluntarily gave themselves up to
martyrdom as Christians. Their motives were, how-
ever, not always above suspicion. Mensurius, the
Bishop of Carthage, in a letter to Secundus, Bishop of
Tigisi, then the senior bishop (primate) of Numidia,
declares that he had forbidden any to be honoured as
martyrs who had given themselves up of their own
accord, or who had boasted that they possessed copies
of the Scriptures which they would not relinquish;
some of these, he says, were criminals and debtors to
the State, who thought they might by this means rid
themselves of a burdensome life, or else wipe away the
remembrance of their misdeeds, or at least gain money
and enjoy in prison the luxuries supplied by the kind-
ness of Christians. The later excesses of the Circum-
cellions show that Mensurius had some ground for the
severe line he took. He explains that he had himself
taken the Sacred Books of the Church to his own
house, and had substituted a number of heretical
writings, which the persecutors had seized without
asking for more; the proconsul, when informed of the
deception, refused to search the bishop's private
house. Secundus, in his reply, without blaming Men-
surius, somewhat pointedly praised the martyrs who
in his own province had been tortured and put to
death for refusing to deliver up the Scriptures; he
himself had replied to the officials who came to search:
" I am a Christian and a bishop, not a traditor" This
word traditor became a technical expression to desig-
nate those who had given up the Sacred Books, and
also those who had committed the worse crimes of de-
livering up the sacred vessels and even their own
brethren.
It is certain that relations were strained between
the confessors in prison at Carthage and their bishop.
If we may credit the Donatist Acts of the forty-nine
martyrs of Abitene, they broke off communion with
Mensurius. We are informed in these Acts that Men-
surius was a traditor by his own confession, and that
his deacon, Csecilian, raged more furiously against the
martyrs than did the persecutors themselves; he set
armed men with whips before the door of the prison to
Erevent their receiving any succour; the food brought
y the piety of Christians was thrown to the dogs by
these ruffians, and the drink provided was spilled in
the street, so that the martyrs, whose condemnation
the mild proconsul had deferred, died in prison of
hunger and thirst. This story is recognised by Du-
^
V
D0NATI8TS
122
DONATISTS
cheene and others as exaggerated. It would be better
to say that the main point is incredible; the prisoners
would not have been allowed by the Roman officials to
starve; the details — that Mensurius confessed himself
a traditor, that he prevented the succouring of the im-
prisoned confessors — are simply founded on the letter
of Mensurius to Secundus. Thus we may safely rej ect
all the latter part of the Acts as fictitious. The earlier
part is authentic: it relates how certain of the faithful
of Abitene met and celebrated their usual Sunday ser-
vice, in defiance of the emperor's edict, under the
leadership of the priest Saturninus, for their bishop was
a traditor and they disowned him; they were sent to
-Carthage, made bold replies when interrogated, and
were imprisoned by Anulinus, who might have con-
demned them to death forthwith. The whole account
is characteristic of the fervid African temperament.
We can well imagine how the prudent Mensurius and
his lieutenant, the deacon Csecilian, were disliked by
some of the more excitable among their flock.
We know in detail how the inquiries for sacred
books were carried out, for the official minutes of an
investigation at Cirta (afterwards Constantino) in
Numidia are preserved. The bishop and his clergy
showed themselves ready to give up all they had, but
drew the line at betraying their brethren; even here
their generosity was not remarkable, for they added
that the names and addresses were well known to the
officials. The examination was conducted by Muna-
tius Felix, perpetual flamen, curator of the colony of
Cirta. Having arrived with his satellites at the bish-
op's house— 4n Numidia the searching was more se-
vere than in Proconsular Africa — the bishop was
found with four priests, three deacons, four subdea-
cons and several fossores (diggers). These declared
that the Scriptures were not there, but in the hands of
the lectors; and in fact the bookcase was found to be
empty. The clergy present refused to give the names
of the lectors, saying they were known to the notaries;
but, with the exception of the books, they gave in an
inventory of all possessions of the church: two golden
chalices, six of silver, six silver cruets, a silver bowl,
seven silver lamps, two candlesticks, seven short
bronze lamp-stands with lamps, eleven bronze lamps
with chains, eighty-two women's tunics, twenty-eight
veils, sixteen men's tunics, thirteen pairs of men's
boots, forty-seven pairs of women's boots, nineteen
countrymen's smocks. Presently the subdeacon Sil-
vanus brought forth a silver box and another silver
lamp, which he had found behind a jug. In the din-
ing-room were four casks and seven jugs. A subdea-
con produced a thick book. Then the houses of the
lectors were visited: Eugenius gave up four volumes,
Felix, the mosaic-worker, gave up five, Victorinus
eight, Project us five large volumes and two small ones,
the grammarian Victor two codices and five quinions,
or gatherings of five leaves; Euticius of Caesarea de-
clared that ne had no books; the wife of Coddeo pro-
duced six volumes, and said she had no more, and a
search was without further result. It is interesting to
notice that the books were all codices (in book form),
not rolls, which had gone out of fashion in the course
of the preceding century.
It is to be hoped that such disgraceful scenes were
infrequent. A contrasting instance of heroism is
found in the story of Felix, Bishop of Tibiuca. who
was haled before the magistrate on the very day, 5
June, 303, when the decree was posted up in that city.
He refused to give up any books, and was sent to Car-
thage. The proconsul Anulinus, unable by close con-
finement to weaken his determination, sent him on to
Rome to Maximian Hercules.
In 305 the persecution had relaxed, and it was pos-
sible to unite fourteen or more bishops at Cirta in
order to give a successor to Paul. Secundus presided
as primate, and in his zeal he attempted to examine
the conduct of his colleagues. They met in a private
house, for the church had not yet been restored to the
Christians. "We must first try ourselves", said the
primate, " before we can venture to ordain a bishop''.
To Donatus of Mascula he said : " You are said to have
been a traditor." "You know", replied the bishop,
"how Florus searched for me that I might offer in-
cense, but God did not deliver me into his hands,
brother. As God forgave me, do you reserve me to
His judgment." " What then ", said Secundus, " shall
we say of the martyrs? It is because they did not
give up anything that they were crowned. "Send
me to God. said Donatus, " to Him will I give an ac-
count." (In fact, a bishop was not amenable to pen-
ance and was properly "reserved to God" in this
sense.) "Stand on one side", said the president, and
to Marinus of Aquae Tibilitanse he said : " You also are
said to be a traditor." Marinus said : " I gave papers
to Pollux; my books are safe." This was not satis-
factory, and Secundus said: "Go over to that side";
then to Donatus of Calama: "You are said to be a
traditor." " I gave up books on medicine." Secun-
dus seems to have been incredulous, or at least he
thought a trial was needed, for again he said: "Stand
on one side." After a gap in the Acts, we read that
Secundus turned to Victor, Bishop of Russicade:
"You are said to have given up the Four Gospels."
Victor replied: "It was the curator, Valentinus; he
forced me to throw them into the fire. Forgive me
this fault, and God will also forgive it." Secundus
said: "Stand on one side." Secundus (after another
gap) said to Purpurius of Limata: "You are said to
have killed the two sons of your sister at Mileum"
(Milevis) . Purpurius answered with vehemence : " Do
you think I am frightened by you as the others are?
What did you do yourself when the curator and his
officials tried to make you give up the Scriptures?
How did you manage to get off scot-free, unless you
gave them something, or ordered something to be
given? They certainly did not let you go for noth-
ing! As for me I have killed and I loll those who are
against me ; do not provoke me to say any more. You
know that I do not intei*ere where I have no business."
At this outburst a nephew of Secundus said to the
primate: "You hear what they say of you? He is
ready to withdraw and make a schism; and the same
is true of all those whom you accuse; and I know they
are capable of turning you out and condemning you,
and you alone will then be the heretic. What is it to
you what they have done? Each must give his ac-
count to God." Secundus (as St. Augustine points
out) had apparently no reply ready against the accusa-
tion of Purpurius, so he turned to the two or three
bishops who remained unaccused: "What do you
think?" These answered: " They have God to Whom
they must give an account." Secundus said: "You
know and God knows. Sit down." And all replied:
Deo gr alias.
These minutes have been preserved for us by St.
Augustine. The later Donatists declared them forged,
but not only could St. Optatus refer to the age of the
parchment on which they were written, but they are
made easily credible by the testimonies given before Ze-
nophilus in 320. Seeck, as well as Duchesne (see below) ,
upholds their genuineness. We hear from St. Optatus
of another fallen Numidian bishop, who refused to
come to the council on the pretext of bad eyes, but in
reality for fear his fellow-citizens should prove that he
had offered incense, a crime of which the other bishops
were not guilty. The bishops proceeded to ordain a
bishop, and they chose Silvanus. who, as a subdeacon,
assisted in the search for sacred vessels. The people
of Cirta rose up against him, crying that he was a tra-
ditor, and demanded the appointment of a certain
Donatus. But .country people and gladiators were
engaged to set him in the episcopal chair, to which he
was carried on the back of a man named Mutus.
CiKciMAN and Majorinus. — A certain Donatus of
DONATISTS
123
DONATISTS
Caste Nigrae is said to have caused a schism in Car-
thage during the lifetime of Mensurius. In 311 Max-
entius obtained dominion over Africa, and a deacon of
Carthage, Felix, was accused of writing a defamatory
letter against the tyrant. Mensurius was said to have
concealed his deacon in his house and was summoned
to Rome. He was acquitted, but died on his return
journey. Before his departure from Africa, he had
given the gold and silver ornaments of the church to
the care of certain old men, and had also consigned an
inventory of these effects to an aged woman, who was
to deliver it to the next bishop. Maxentius gave lib-
erty to the Christians, so that it was possible for an
election to be held at Carthage. The bishop of Car-
thage, like the pope, was commonly consecrated by a
neignDouring bishop, assisted by a certain number of
others from the vicinity. He was primate not only of
the proconsular province, but of the other provinces
of North Africa, including Numidia, Byzacene, Tripo-
litana, and the two Mauretanias. which were all gov-
erned by the vicar of prefects. In each of these prov-
inces the local primacy was attached to no town, but
was held by the senior bishop, until St. Gregory the
Great made the office elective. St. Optatus implies
that the bishops of Numidia. many of whom were at
no great distance from Carthage, had expected that
they would have a voice in the election; but two
priests, Botrus and Cselestius, who each expected to be
elected, had managed that only a small number of
bishops should be present. Caecilian, the deacon who
had been so obnoxious to the martyrs, was duly
chosen by the whole people, placed in the chair of
Mensurius. and consecrated by Felix, Bishop of Ap-
tonga or Abtughi. The old men who had charge of
the treasure of the church were obliged to give it up;
they joined with Botrus and Caelestius in refusing to
acknowledge the new bishop. They were assisted by
a rich lady named Lucilla, who had a grudge against
Ctecilian because he had rebuked her habit of kissing
the bone of an uncanonized (mm vindicatus) martyr
immediately before receiving Holy Communion.
Probably we have here again a martyr whose death
was due to his own ill-regulated fervour.
Secundus, as the nearest primate, came with his
suffragans to Carthage to judge the affair, and in a
great council of seventy bishops declared the ordina-
tion of Caecilian to be invalid, as having been per-
formed by a traditor. A new bishop was consecrated,
Majorinus, who belonged to the household of Lucilla
and had been a lector in the deaconry of Caecilian.
That lady provided the sum of 400 folles (more than
11,000 dollars), nominally for the poor; but all of it
went into the pockets of the bishops, one-quarter of
the sum being seised by Purpurius of Limata. Caeci-
lian had possession of the basilica and the cathedra of
Cyprian, and the people were with him, so that he re-
fused to appear before the council. "If I am not
properly consecrated ", he said ironically, " let them
treat me as a deacon, and lay hands on me afresh, and
not on another." On this reply being brought, Pur-
purius cried: " Let him come here, and instead of lay-
ing hands on him, we will break his head in penance."
No wonder that the action of this council, which sent
letters throughout Africa, had a great influence. But
at Carthage it was well known that Caecilian was the
choice of the people, and it was not believed that
Felix of Aptonga had given up the Sacred Books.
Rome and Italy had given Ctecilian their communion.
The Church of the moderate Mensurius did not hold
that consecration by a traditor was invalid, or even
that it was illicit, if the traditor was still in lawful pos-
session of his see. The council of Secundus, on the
contrary, declared that a traditor could not act as a
bishop, and that any who were in communion
with traditors were cut off from the Church. They
called themselves the Church of the martyrs, and de-
clared that all who were in communion with public
sinners like Ctecilian and Felix were necessarily e&*
communicate. <
The Condemnation by Pope Melchiades. — Very
soon there were many cities having two bishops, the
one in communion with Caecilian, the other with Ma-
jorinus. Constantine, after defeating Maxentius (28
October, 312) and becoming master of Rome, showed
himself a Christian in his acts. He wrote to Anulinus,
proconsul of Africa (was he the same as the mild pro-
consul of 303?), restoring the churches to Catholics,
and exempting clerics of "the Catholic Church of
which Caecilian is president" from civil functions (Eu-
sebius, Hist. Eccl., X, v, 15, and vii, 2). He also
wrote to Caecilian (ibid., X, vi, 1) sending him an order
for 3000 folles to be distributed in Africa^ Numidia,
and Mauretania; if more was needed, the bishop must
apply for more. He added that he had heard of tur-
bulent persons who sought to corrupt the Church; he
had ordered the proconsul Anulinus and the vicar of
prefects to restrain them, and Caecilian was to appeal
to these officials if necessary. The opposing party
lost no time. A few days after the publication of
these letters, their delegates, accompanied by a mob,
brought to Anulinus two bundles of documents, con-
taining the complaints of their party against Ceecilian,
to be forwarded io the emperor. St. Optatus has
E reserved a few words from their petition, in which
onstantine is begged to grant judges from Gaul,
where under his father's rule there had been no perse-
cution, and therefore no traditors. Constantine
knew the Church's constitution too well to comply and
thereby make Gallic bishops judges of the primate of
Africa. He at once referred the matter to the pope,
expressing his intention, laudable, if too sanguine, of
allowing no schisms in the Catholic Church. That the
African schismatics might have no ground of com-
plaint, he ordered three of the chief bishops of Gaul,
Keticius of Autun, Maternus of Cologne, and Marinus
of Aries, to repair to Rome, to assist at the trial. He
ordered Caecilian to come thither with ten bishops of
his accusers and ten of his own communion. The
memorials against Caecilian he sent to the pope, who
would know, he says, what procedure to employ in
order to conclude the whole matter in accordance with
justice (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., X, v, 18). Pope Mel-
chiades summoned fifteen Italian bishops to sit with
him. From this time forward we find that in all im-
portant matters the popes issue their decretal letters
from a small council of bishops, and there are traces of
the custom even before this. The ten Donatist bish-
ops (for we may now give the party its eventual name)
were headed by a Bishop Donatus of Casae Nigrse. It
was assumed by Optatus, Augustine, and the other
Catholic apologists that this was "Donatus the
Great", the successor of Majorinus as schismatic
Bishop of Carthage. But the Donatists of St. Augus-
tine's time were anxious to deny this, as they did not
wish to admit that their protagonist had been con-
demned, and the Catholics at the conference of 411
minted them the existence of a Donatus, Bishop of
Casae Nigrse, who had distinguished himself by active
hostility to Caecilian. Modern authorities agree in ac-
cepting this view. But it seems inconceivable that, if
Majorinus was still alive, he should not have been
obliged to go to Rome. It would be very strange,
further, that a Donatus of Casae Nigrae should appear as
the leader of the party, without any explanation, unless
Casae Nigrae was simply the birthplace of Donatus the
Great. If we assume that Majorinus had died and
had been succeeded by Donatus the Great just before
the trial at Rome, we shall understand why Majorinus
is never again mentioned.
The accusations against Caecilian in the memorial
were disregarded, as Being anonymous and unproved.
The witnesses brought from Africa acknowledged that
they had nothing against him. Donatus, on the other
hand, was convicted by his Qwn confession of having
q
DONATISTS
124
DONATISTS
rebaptiied and of having laid his hands in penance on
bishops — this was forbidden by ecclesiastical law. On
the third day the unanimous sentence was pronounced
by Melchiades: Caecilian was to be maintained in eccle-
siastical communion. If Donatist bisho]te returned
to the Church, in a place. where there were two rival
bishops, the junior was to retire and be provided with
another see. The Donatists were furious. A hun-
dred years later their successors declared that Pope
Melchiades was himself a traditor, and that on this ac-
count they had not accepted his decision; though there
is no trace of this having been alleged at the time.
But the nineteen bishops at Rome were contrasted
with the seventy bishops of the Carthaginian Council,
and a fresh judgment was demanded.
The Council op Arles.— Constantino was angry,
but he saw that the party was powerful in Africa, and
he summoned a council of the whole West (that is, of
the whole of his actual dominions) to meet at Aries on
1 August, 314. Melchiades was dead, and his succes-
sor, St. Sylvester, thought it unbecoming to leave
Rome, thus setting an example which he repeated in
the case of Nicsea, and which his successors followed in
the cases of Sardica, Rimini, and the Eastern oecumeni-
cal councils. Between forty and fifty sees were repre-
sented at the council by bishops or "proxies; the Bish-
ops of London. York, and Lincoln were there. St.
Sylvester sent legates. The council condemned the
Donatists and drew up a number of canons; it re-
ported its proceedings m a letter to the pope, which is
extant; but, as in the case of Nicsea. no detailed Acts
remain, nor are any such mentioned by the ancients.
The Fathers in their letter salute Sylvester, saying that
he had rightly decided not to quit the spot " where the
Apostles daily sit in judgment''; had he been with them,
they might perhaps have dealt more severely with the
heretics. Among the canons, one forbids rebaptism
(which was still practised in Africa), another declares
that those who falsely accuse their brethren shall have
communion only at the hour of death. On the other
hand, traditors are to be refused communion, but only
when their fault has been proved by public official
acts; those whom they have ordained are to retain
their positions. The council produced some effect in
Africa, but the main body of the Donatists was im-
movable. They appealed from the council to the
emperor. Constantine was horrified: "O insolent
madness!" he wrote, "they appeal from heaven to
earth, from Jesus Christ to a man."
The Policy op Constantine. — The emperor re-
tained the Donatist envoys in Gaul, after at first dis-
missing them. He seems to have thought of sending
for Cfficilian, then of granting a full examination in
Africa. The case of Felix of Aptonga was in fact ex-
amined by his order at Carthage in February, 315 (St.
Augustine is probably wrong in giving 314). The
minutes of the proceedings have come down to us in a
mutilated state; they are referred to by St. Op^atus,
who appended them to his book with other documents,
and they are frequently cited by St. Augustine. It
was shown that the letter which the Donatists put for-
ward as proving the crime of Felix, had been inter-
polated by a certain Ingentius; this was established
by the confession of Ingentius, as well as by the witness
of Alfius, the writer of the letter. It was proved that
Felix was actually absent at the time the search for
Sacred Books was made at Aptonga. Constantine
eventually summoned Cfficilian and nis opponents to
Rome; but Cecilian, for some unknown reason, did
not appear. Csecilian and Donatus the Great (who
was now, at all events, bishop) were called to Milan,
where Constantine heard both sides with great care.
He declared that Csecilian was innocent and an excel- .
lent bishop (Augustine, Contra Cresconium, III, lxxi).
He retained both in Italy, however, while he sent two
bishops, Eunomius and Olympius. to Africa, with an
idea of putting Donatus and Ciecilian aside, and sub-
stituting a new bishop, to be agreed upon by all par-
ties. It is to be presumed that Caecihan and Donatus
had assented to this course; but the violence of the
sectaries made it impossible to carry it out. Euno-
mius and Olympius declared at Carthage that the Cath-
olic Church was that which is diffused throughout the
world and that the sentence pronounced against the
Donatists could not be annulled. They communi-
cated with the clergy of Csecilian and returned to Italy.
Donatus went back to Carthage, and Caecilian. seeing
this, felt himself free to* do the same. Finally Con-
stantine ordered that the churches which the Don-
atists had taken should be given to the Catholics.
Their other meeting-places were confiscated. Those
who were convicted (of calumny?) lost their goods.
Evictions were carried out by the military. An an-
cient sermon on the passion of the Donatist " martyrs ",
Donatus and Advocatus, describes such scenes. In
one of them a regular massacre occurred, and a bishop
was among the slain, if we may trust this curious docu-
ment. The Donatists were proud of this "persecu-
tion of Ciecilian", which "the Pure1' suffered at the
hands of the " Church of the Traditors ". The Comes
Leontius and the Dux Ursacius were the special objects
of their indignation.
In 320 came revelations unpleasant to the "Pure".
Nundinarius, a deacon of Cirta, had a quarrel with his
bishop, Silvanus. who caused him to be stoned — so he
said in his complaint to certain Numidian bishops, in
which he threatened that if they did not use their in-
fluence in his behalf with Silvanus, he would tell what
he knew of them. As he got no satisfaction he brought
the matter before Zenophilus, the consular of Numidia.
The minutes have come down to us in a fragmentary
form in the appendix of Optatus, under the title of
"Gesta apud Zenophilum". Nundinarius produced
letters from Purpurius and other bishops to Silvanus
and to the people of Cirta, trying to have peace made
with the inconvenient deacon. The minutes of the
search at Cirta, which we have already cited, were
read, and witnesses were called to establish their accu-
racy, including two of the fossores then present and a
lector, Victor the grammarian. It was shown not
only that Silvanus was a traditor, but that he had
assisted Purpurius, together with two priests and a
deacon, in the theft of certain casks of vinegar belong-
ing to the treasury, which were in the temple of
Serapis. Silvanus had ordained a priest for the sum
of 20 /olles (500 to 600 dollars). It was established
that none of the money given by Lucilla had reached
the poor for whom it was ostensibly given. Thus Sil-
vanus, one of the mainstays of the "Pure" Church,
which declared that to communicate with any traditor
was to be outside the Church, was himself proved to be
a traditor. He was exiled by the consular for robbing
the treasury, for obtaining money under false pretences,
and for getting himself made- bishop by violence.
The Donatists Later preferred to say that he was ban-
ished for refusing to communicate with the "Caecilian-
ists", and Cresconius even spoke of "the persecution
of Zenophilus". But it should have been clear to all
that the consecrators of Majorinus had called their
opponents traditors in order to cover their own
delinquencies.
The Donatist party owed its success in great part to
the ability of its leader Donatus, the successor of
Majorinus. He appears to have really merited the
title of " the Great " oy his eloquence and force of char-
acter. His writings are lost. His influence with his
party was extraordinary. St. Augustine frequently
declaims against his arrogance and the impiety with
which he was almost worshipped by his followers. In
his lifetime he is said to have greatly enjoyed the
adulation he received, and after death he was counted
as a martyr and miracles were ascribed to him.
In 321 Constantine relaxed his vigorous measures,
having found that they did not produce the peace to
If
JN
DONATIStS 125 DONATI8T8
had hoped for, and he weakly begged the Catholics to the rest might change their minds and avenge the
suffer the Donatists with patience. This was not death of their fellows; and he insisted that they must
easy, for the schismatics broke out into violence. At all be bound. They agreed to this; when they were
Cirta, Silvanus having returned, they seiseoV the basil- defenceless, the young man gave each of them a beat-
ica which the emperor had built tor the Catholics, ing and went his way.
They would not give it up, and Constantino found no when in controversy with Catholics, the Donatist
better expedient than to build another. Throughout bishops were not proud of their supporters. They
Africa, but above all in Numidia, they wete numerous, declared that self-precipitation from a cliff had been
They taught that in all the rest of the world the Cath- forbidden in their councils. Yet the bodies of these sui-
olio Church had perished, through having communi- cidee were sacrilegiously honoured, and crowds cele-'
cated with the traditor Caecilian; their sect alone was brated their anniversaries. Their bishops could not
the true Church. % If a Catholic came into their but conform, and they were often glad enough of the
churches, they drove him out, and washed with salt strong arms of the Circumcellions. Theodoret, soon
the pavement where he had stood. Any Catholic who after St. Augustine's death, knew of no other Dona-
joined them was forced to be rebaptused. They as- tists than the Circumcellions; and these were the
sorted that their own bishops and ministers were with- "typical Donatists in the eyes of all outside Africa,
out fault, else their ministrations would be invalid. They were especially dangerous to the Catholic clergy,
But in fact they were convicted of drunkenness and whose houses they attacked and pillaged: They beat
other sins. St. Augustine tells us on the authority of fend wounded them, put lime and vinegar on their eyes,
Tichonius that the Donatists held a council of two and even forced them to be rebaptused. Under Axi-
hundred and seventy bishops in which' they discussed dus and Fasir, " the leaders of the Saints " in Numidia,
for seventy-five days the question of rebaptism; they property and roads were unsafe, debtors were pro-
finallv decided that in cases where traditors refused to tected, slaves were set in their masters' carriages, and.
be rebaptized they should be communicated within the masters made to run before them. At length the
spite of this; and the Donatist bishops of Mauretania Donatist bishops invited a general named Taunnus to
cud not rebaptize traditors until the tune of Macarius. repress these extravagances. He met with resistance
Outside Africa the Donatists had a bishop residing on in a place named Octava, and the altars and tablets to
the property of an adherent in Spain, and at an early be seen there in St. Optatus's time testified to the
period of the schism they made a bishop for their small veneration given to the Circumcellions who were slain;
congregation in Rome, which met, it seems, on a hill but their bishops denied them the honour due to
outside the city, and had the name of "Montenses". martyrs. It seems that in 336-7 the prcefeetus prce-
This antipapal " succession without a beginning " was torio of Italy, Gregory, took some measures against the
frequently ridiculed by Catholic writers. The series Donatists, for St. Optatus tells us that Donatus wrote
included Felix, Boniface, Encolpius. Macrobius (c. him a letter beginning: u Gregory, stain on the senate
370), Lucian, Claudian (o. 378), ana again Felix in and disgrace to prefects".
411. • The "Persecution" of Macarius. — When Con-
The Cikcumcellions. — The date of the first ap- stantine became master of the East by defeating Li-
pearance of the Circumcellions is uncertain, but proba- cinius in 323, he was prevented by the rise of Arianism
My they began before the death of Constantino. They in the East from sending, as he had hoped, Eastern
were mostly rustic enthusiasts, who knew no Latin, bishops to Africa to adjust the differences between the
but spoke Punic; it has been suggested that they may Donatists and the Catholics. Caecilian of Carthage
have oeen of Berber blood. They joined the ranks of was present at the Council of Nic«ain325, andhissuc-
the Donatists, and were called by them agonistici and cessor{ Gratus, was at that of Sardica in 342. The
"soldiers of Christ", but in fact were brigands, concihabulum of the Easterns on that occasion wrote a
Troops of them were to be met in all parts of Africa, letter to Donatus, as though he were the true Bishop
They had no regular occupation, but ran about armed, of Carthage; but the Arians failed to gain the support
like madmen. They used no swords{ on the ground of the Donatists, who looked upon the whole East as
that St. Peter had been told to put his sword into its cut off from the Church, which survived in Africa
sheath; but they did continual acts of violence with alone. The Emperor Constans was as anxious as his
clubs, which they called " Israelites". They bruised father to give peace to Africa. In 347 he sent thither
their victims without killing them, and left them to two commissioners, Paulus and Macarius, with large
die. In St. Augustine's time, however, they took to sums of money for distribution. Donatus naturally
swords and all sorts of weapons; they rushed about saw in this an attempt to win over his adherents 4*> the
accompanied by unmarried women, played, and Church by bribery; ne received the envoys with inso-
drank. Their battle-cry was Deo laudes, and no ban- lence: "What has the emperor to do with the
dits were more terrible to meet. They frequently Church?" said he, and he forbade his people to accept
sought death, counting suicide as martyrdom. They any largess from Constans. In most parts, however,
were especially fond of flinging themselves from preci- the friendly mission seems to have been not unf av-
pices,v more rarely they sprang into the water or fire, ourably received. But at Bagai in Numidia the
Even women caught the infection, and those who had bishop, Donatus, assembled the Circumcellions of the
sinned would cast themselves from the cliffs, to atone neighbourhood, who had already been excited by their
for their fault. Sometimes the Circumcellions sought bishops. Macarius was obliged to ask for the protec-
death at the hands of others, either by paying men to tion of the military. The Circumcellions attacked
kill them, by threatening to kill a passer-by if he would them, and killed two or three soldiers; the troops then
not kill them, or by their violence inducing magistrates became uncontrollable, and slew some of the Dona-
to have them executed. While paganism still flour- tists. This unfortunate incident was thereafter con-
ished. they would come in vast crowds to any great tinually thrown in the teeth of the Catholics, and they
sacrifice, not to destroy the idols, but to be martyred, were nicknamed Macarians by the Donatists, who de-
Theodoret says a Circumcellion was accustomed to an- clared that Donatus of Bagai had been precipitated
nounce his intention of becoming a martyr long before from a rock, and that another bishop, Marculus, had
the time, in order to be well treated and fed luce a beast been thrown into a well. The existing Acts of the
for slaughter. He relates an amusing story (Haer. latter " martyr "do not seem to deserve credit, and the
Fab.. IV, vi) to which St. Augustine also refers. A African Catholics believed that the two bishops had
numoer of these fanatics, fattened like pheasants, met sought their own deaths. The Acts of two other
a young man and offered him a drawn sword to smite Donatist martyrs of 347, Maximian and Isaac, are pre-
them with, threatening to murder him if he refused, served; they apparently belong to Carthage, and are
He pretended to fear that when he had killed a few, attributed by Hamack to the Antipope Macrobius. It
t\
DONATISTS 126 DONATISTS
seems that after violence had begun, the envoys or- The* revolt of Firmus, a Mauretanian chieftain who
dered the Donatists to unite with the Church whether defied the Roman power and eventually assumed the
they willed or no. Many of the bishops took to flight style of emperor (366-72), was undoubtedly supported
with their partisans; a few joined the Catholics; the by many Donatists. The imperial laws against them
rest were banished. Donatus the Great died in exile, were strengthened by Valentinian in 373 and by Gra-
A Donatist named Vitellius composed a book to show tian, who wrote in 377 to the vicar of prefects, Flavian
that the servants of God are hated by the world. (himself 8 Donatist), ordering all the basilicas of the
A solemn Mass was celebrated in each place where schismatics to be given up to the Catholics. St.
the union was completed, and the Donatists set about Augustine shows that even the churches which the
a rumour that images (obviously of the emperor) were Donatists themselves had built were included. The
to be placed on the altar and worshipped. As nothing same emperor required Claudian, the Donatist bishop
of the sort was found to be done, and as the envoys at Rome, to return to Africa; as he refused to obey, a
merely made a speech in favour of unity, it seems that Roman council had him driven a hundred miles from
the reunion was effected with less violence than might the city. It is probable that the Catholic Bishop of
have been expected. The Catholics and their bishops Carthage, Genethlius, caused the laws to be mildly ad-
praised God for the peace that ensued, though they ministered in Africa.
declared that they had no responsibility for the action St. Oftatus. — The Catholic champion, St. Optatus,
of Paulus and Macarius. In the following year Gra- Bishop of Milevis, published his great work " De schis-
tus; the Catholic Bishop of Carthage, held a council, in- mate Donatistarum" in answer to that of the Dona-
which the reiteration of baptism was forbidden, while, tist Bishop of Carthage, Parmenianus, under Valen-
to please the rallied Donatists, traditors were con- tinian ana Valens, 364-75 (so St. Jerome). Optatus
demned anew. It was forbidden to honour suicides as himself tells us that he was writing after the death of
martyrs. Julian (363) and more than sixty years after the be-
Thb Restoration of Donatism by Julian. — The ginning of the schism (he means the persecution of
peace was happy for Africa, and the forcible means by 303). The form which we possess is a second edition,
which it was obtained were justified by the violence of brought up to date by the author after the accession
the sectaries. But the accession of Julian the Ados- of Pope Siricius (Dec., 384), with a seventh book
tate in 361 changed the face of affairs. Delighted to added to the original six. In the first book he de-
throw Christianity into confusion, Julian allowed the scribes the origin and growth of the schism; in the sec-
Catholic bishops who had been exiled by Constantius ond he shows the notes of the true Church ; in the third
to return to the sees which the Arians were occupying, he defends the Catholics from the charge of persecu-
The Donatists, who had been banished by Constans, ting, with especial reference to the days of Macarius.
were similarly allowed to return at their own petition, In the fourth book he refutes Parmenianus's proofs
and received back their basilicas. Scenes of violence from Scripture that the sacrifice of a sinner is polluted,
were the result of this policy both in the East and the In the fifth book he shows the validity of baptism even
West. "Your fury", wrote St. Optatus, "returned when conferred by sinners, for it is conferred by
to Africa at the same moment that the devil was set Christ, the minister being the instrument only. This
free", for the same emperor restored supremacy to is the first important statement of the doctrine that
paganism and the Donatists to Africa. The decree of the grace of the sacraments is derived from the opus
Julian was considered so discreditable to them, that overatum of Christ independently of the worthiness of
the Emperor Honorius in 405 had it posted up through- the minister. In the sixth book he describes the vio-
out Africa for their shame. St. Optatus gives a vehe- lence of the Donatists and the sacrilegious way in
ment catalogue of the excesses committed by the Do- which they had treated Catholic altars. In the sev-
natists on their return. They invaded the basilicas enth book he treats chiefly of unity and of reunion,
with arms; they committed so many murders that a and returns to the subject of Macarius.
report of them was sent to the emperor. Under the He calls Parmenianus "brother", and wishes to
orders of two bishops, a party attacked the basilica of treat the Donatists as brethren, since they were not
Lemellef ; they stripped off the roof, pelted with tiles heretics. Like some other Fathers, he holds that only
the deacons who were round the altar, and killed two pagans and heretics go to hell; schismatics and all
of them. In Mauretania riots signalized the return of Catholics will eventually be saved after a necessary
the Donatists. In Numidia two bishops availed them- purgatory. This is the more curious, because before
selves of the complaisance of the magistrates to throw a nim and after him in Africa Cyprian and Augustine
peaceful population into confusion, expelling the faith- both taught that schism is as bad as heresy, if not
nil, wounding the men, and not sparing the women worse. St. Optatus was much venerated by St.
and children. Since they did not admit the validity Augustine and later by St. Fulgentius. He writes
of the sacraments administered by traditors, when they with vehemence, sometimes with violence, in spite of
seized the churches they cast the Holy Eucharist to his protestations of friendliness; but he is carried
the dogs; but the dogs, inflamed with madness, at- away by his indignation. His style is forcible and
tacked their own masters. An ampulla of chrism thrown effective, often concise and epigrammatic. To this
out of a window was found unbroken on the rocks, work he appended a collection of documents con tain-
Two bishops were guilty of rape; one of these seized ing the evidence for the history he had related. This
the aged Catholic bishop, and condemned him to pub- dossier had certainly been formed much* earlier, at all
he penance. All Catholics whom they could force to events before the peace of 347. and not longafter the
join their party were made penitents, even clerics of latest document it contains, which is dated Feb., 330;
every rank, and children, contrary to the law of the the rest are not later than 321, and may possibly have
Church, some for a year, some for a month, some but been put together as early as that year. TJnfortu-
foraday. In taking possession of a basilica, they de- nately these important historical testimonies have
stroyed the altar, or removed it, or at least scraped the come down to us only in a single mutilated MS., the
surface. They sometimes broke up the chalices, and archetype of which was also incomplete. The collec-
sold the materials. They washed pavements, walls, tion was freely used at the conference of 411 and is
and columns. Not content with recovering their often quoted at some length by St. Augustine, who
churches, they employed pagan functionaries to ob- has preserved many interesting portions which would
tain for them possession of tne sacred vessels, furni- otherwise be unknown to us.
ture, altar-linen, and especially the books (how did The Maximianistb.— Before Augustine took up the
they purify the books? asks St. Optatus). sometimes mantle of Optatus together with a double portion of
leaving the Catholic congregation with no oooks at alL his spirit, the Catholics had gained new and victorious
Tne cemeteries were closed to the Catholic dead. arguments from the divisions among the Donatists
/
D0NAT1STS
127
DONATISTS
themselves. Like so many other schisms, this schism
bred schisms within itself. In Mauretania and Nu-
midia these separated sects were so numerous that the
Donatists themselves could not name them all. We
hear of Urbanists: of Claudianists, who were recon-
ciled to the main body by Primianus of Carthage; of
Rogatists, a Mauretanian sect, of mild character, be-
cause no Circumcellions belonged to it; the Rogatists
were severely punished whenever the Donatists could
induce the magistrates to do so, and were also perse-
cuted by Optatus of Timgad. But the most famous
sectaries were the Maximianists, for the story of their
separation from the Donatists reproduces with strange
exactitude that of the withdrawal of the Donatists
themselves from the communion of the Church; and
the conduct of the Donatists towards them was so in-
consistent with their avowed principles, that it became
in the skilled hands of Augustine the most effective
weapon of all his controversial armoury.
Primianus, Donatist Bishop of Carthage, excom-
municated the deacon Maximianus. The latter (who
was, like Majorinus, supported by a lady) got together
a council of forty-three bishops, who summoned Pri-
mianus to appear before them. The primate refused,
insulted then- envoys, tried to have them prevented
from celebrating the Sacred Mysteries, and had stones
thrown at them in the street. The council summoned
him before a greater council, which met to the number
of a hundred bishops at Cebarsussum in June, 393.
Primianus was deposed; all clerics were to leave his
communion within eight days; if they should delay
till after Christmas, they would not be permitted to
return to the Church even after penance; the laity
were allowed until the following Easter, under the
same penalty. A new bishop of Carthage was ap-
pointed in the person of Maximian himself, and was
consecrated by twelve bishops. The partisans of
Primianus were rebaptised, if they had been baptized
after the permitted delay. Primianus stood out, and
demanded to be judged by a Numidian council: three
hundred and ten bishops met at Bagai in April, 394;
the primate did not take the place of an accused per-
son, but himself presided. He was of course ac-
quitted, and the Maximianiste were condemned with-
out a hearing. All but the twelve consecrators and
their abettors among the clergy of Carthage were
given till Christmas to return; after this period they
would be obliged to do penance. This decree, com-
posed in eloquent style by Emeritus of Csesarea, and
adopted by acclamation, made the Donatists hence-
forward ridiculous through their having readmitted
schismatics without penance. Maximum's churcb
was razed to the ground, and after the term of grace
had elapsed, the Donatists persecuted the unfortunate
Maximianists, representing themselves as Catholics,
and demanding that the magistrates should enforce
against the new sectaries the very laws which Catho-
lic emperors had drawn up against Donatism. Their
influence enabled them to do this, for they were still
far more numerous than the Catholics, ana the magis-
trates must often have been of their party. In the
reception of those who returned from the party of
Maximian thev were yet more fatally inconsequent.
The rule was theoretically adhered to that all who had
been baptized in the schism must be rebaptized; but if
a bishop returned, he and his whole flock were ad-
mitted without rebaptism. ' This was allowed even in
the case of two of the consecrators of Maximian, Prse-
textatus of Assur and Felicianus of Musti, after the
proconsul had vainly tried to expel them from their
sees, and although a Donatist bishop, Rogatus, had
already been appointed at Assur. In another case the
party of Primianus was more consistent. Salvius. the
Maximianist Bishop of Membresa, was another of the
consecrators. He was twice summoned by the pro-
consul to retire in favour of the Primianist Kestitutus.
As be was much respected by the people of Membresa,
a mob was brought over from the neighbouring town
of Abitene to expel him; the aged bishop was beaten,
and made to dance with dead dogs tied round his
neck. But his people built him a new church, and
three bishops coexisted in this small town, a Maxi-
mianist, a Primianist, and a Catholic.
The leader of the Donatists at this time was Opta-
tus, Bishop of Thamugadi (Timgad), called Gildoni-
anus, from his friendship with Gildo, the Count of
Africa (386-397). For ten years Optatus, supported
by Gildo, was the tyrant of Africa. He persecuted the
Rogatists and Maximianists, and he used troops
against the Catholics. St. Augustine tells us that his
vices and cruelties were beyond description; but they
had at least the effect of disgracing the cause of the
Donatists, for though he was hated throughout Africa
for his wickedness and his evil deeds, yet the Puritan
faction remained always in full communion with this
bishop, who was a robber, a ravisher, an oppressor, a
traitor, and a monster of cruelty. When Gildo fell in
397, after having made himself master of Africa for a
few months, Optatus was thrown into a prison, in
which he died.
Saint Augustine. — St. Augustine began his vic-
torious campaign against Donatism soon after he was
ordained pnest in 391. His popular psalm or " Abe-
cedarium against the Donatists was intended to
make known to the people the arguments set forth by
St. Optatus, with the same conciliatory end in view.
It shows that the sect was founded by traditors, con-
demned by pope and council, separated from the
whole world, a cause of division, violence, and blood-
shed; the true Church is the one Vine, whose branches
are over all the earth. After St. Augustine had be-
come bishop in 395, he obtained conferences with
some of the Donatist leaders, though not with his
rival at Hippo. In 400 he wrote three books against
the letter of Parmenianus, refuting his calumnies and
his arguments from Scripture. More important were
his seven books on baptism, in which, after developing
the principle already laid down by St. Optatus, that
the effect of the sacrament is independent of the holi-
ness of the minister, he shows in great detail that the
authority of St. Cyprian is more awkward than con-
venient for the Donatists. The principal Donatist
controversialist of the day was Petilianus, Bishop of
Constantine, a successor of the traditor Silvanus. St.
Augustine wrote two books in reply to a letter of his
against the Church, adding a third book to answer an-
other letter in which he was himself attacked by Pe-
tilianus. Before this last book he published his "De
Unitate eccies!®" about 403. To these works must
be added some sermons and some letters which are
real treatises.
The arguments used by St. Augustine against Dona-
tism fall under three heads. First we have the his-
torical proofs of the regularity of Csecilian's consecra-
tion, of the innocence of Felix of Aptonga, of the guilt
of the founders of the "Pure" Church, also the judg-
ments given by pope, council, and emperor, the true
history of Macarius, the barbarous behaviour of the
Donatists under Julian, the violence of the Circumcel-
lions, and so forth. Second, there are the doctrinal
arguments: the proofs from the Old and New Testa-
ments that the Church is Catholic, diffused through-
out the world, and necessarily one and united; appeal
is made to the See of Rome, where the succession of
bishops is uninterrupted from St. Peter himself; St.
Augustine borrows his list of popes from St. Optatus
(Ep. li), and in his psalm crystallizes the argument
into the famous phrase: "That is the rock against
which the proud gates of hell do not prevail." A fur-
ther appeal is to the Eastern Church, and especially to
the Apostolic Churches to which St. Peter, St. Paul,
and St. John addressed epistles — they are not in com-
munion with the Donatists. The validity of baptism
conferred by heretics, the impiety of rebaptizing, are
DONATISTS
128
DONATISTS
important points. All these arguments were found in
St. Optatus. Peculiar to St. Augustine is the neces-
sity of defending St. Cyprian, and the third category is
wholly his own. This third division comprises the
argumentum ad hominem drawn from the inconsistency
of the Donatists themselves: Secundus had pardoned
the traditors; full fellowship was accorded to malefac-
tors like Optatus Gildonianus and the Gircumcellions;
Tichonius turned against his own party; Maximian
had divided from Primianus hist as Majorinus from
Csecilian; the Maximianists had been readmitted with-
out rebaptism.
This last method of argument was found to be of
'great practical value, and many conversions were now
taking place, largely on account of the false position in
which the Donatists had placed themselves. 'This
point had been especially emphasised by the Council
of Carthage of Sept., 401, which had ordered informa-
tion as to the treatment of the Maximianists to be
gathered from magistrates. The same synod re-
stored the earlier rule, long since abolished, that Dona-
tist bishops and clergy should retain their rank if they
returned to the Church. Pope Anastasius I wrote to
this council urging* the importance of the Donatist
3uestion. Another council in 403 organized public
isputations with the Donatists. This energetic ac-
tion roused the Circumcellions to new violence. The
life of St. Augustine was endangered. His future bi-
ographer, St. Pos8idius of Calama, was insulted and
ill-treated by a party led by a Donatist priest, Crispi-
nus. The latter's bishop, also named Crispinus, was
'tried at Carthage and fined ten pounds of gold as a
heretic, though the fine was remitted by Possidius.
This is the first case known to us in which a Donatist is
declared a heretic, but henceforward it is the common
style for them. The cruel and disgusting treatment
of Maximianus, Bishopof Bagai, is also related by St.
Augustine in detail. The Emperor Honorius was in-
duced by the Catholics to renew the old laws against
the Donatists at the beginning of 405. Some good re-
sulted, but the Circumcellions of Hippo were excited
to new violence. The letter of Petilianus was de-
fended by a grammarian named Cresconius, against
whom St. Augustine published a reply in four books.
The third and fourth books are especially important,
as in these he argues from the Donatists* treatment of
the Maximianists, quotes the Acts of the Council of
Cirta held by Secundus, and cites other important
documents. The saint also replied to a pamphlet by
Petilianus, "De unico baptismate".
The "Collatio*" of 411.— St. Augustine had once
hoped to conciliate the Donatists by reason only. The
violence of the Circumcellions, the cruelties of Optatus
of Thamugadi, the more recent attacks on Catholic
bishops had all given proof that repression by the secu-
lar arm was absolutely unavoidable. It was not neces-
sarily a case of persecution for religious opinions, but
simply of the protection of life and property and the
ensuring of freedom and safety for Catholics. Never-
theless the laws went much further than this. Those
of Honorius were promulgated anew in 408 and 410.
In 411 the method of disputation was organized on a
grand scale by order of the emperor himself at the re-
quest of the Catholic bishops. Their case was now
complete and unanswerable. But this was to be
brought home to the people of Africa, and public opin-
ion was to be forced to recognize the facts, by a public
exposure of the weakness of the separatist position.
The emperor sent an official named Maroellinus, an
excellent Christian, to preside as cognitor at the con-
ference. He issued a proclamation declaring that he
would exercise absolute impartiality in his conduct of
the proceedings and in his final judgment. The Don-
atist bishops who should come to the conference were
to receive back for the present the basilicas which had
been taken from them. The number of those who
arrived at Carthage was very large, though somewhat
less than the two hundred and seventy-nine whose
signatures were appended to a letter to the president
The Catholic bishops numbered two hundred and
eighty-six. Maroellinus decided that each party
should elect seven disputants, who alone should speak,
seven advisers whom they might consult, and four
secretaries to keep the records. - Thus only thirty-six
bishops would be present in all. The Donatists pre-
tended that this was a device to prevent their great
numbers being known ; but the Catholics did not ob-
ject to all of them being present, provided no disturb-
ance was caused.
The chief Catholic speaker, besides the amiable and
venerable Bishop of Carthage, Aurelius, was of course
Augustine, whose fame had already spread through
the whole Church. His friend, Alypius of Tagaste,
and his disciple and biographer, Possidius, were also
among the seven. The principal Donatist speakers
were Emeritus of Ceesarea in Mauretania (Cherchel) and
Petilianus of Constantino (Cirta) ; the latter spoke or
interrupted about a hundred and fifty times, until on
the third day he was so hoarse that he had to desist.
The Catholics made a generous proposal that any
Donatist bishop who should join the Church, should
preside alternately with the Catholic bishop in the
episcopal chair, unless the people should object, in
which case both might resign and a new election be
made. The conference was held on 1, 3, and 8 June.
The policy of the Donatists was to raise technical ob-
jections, to cause delay, and by all manner of means to
prevent the Catholic disputants from stating their
case. The Catholic case was, however, clearly enun-
ciated on the first day in letters which were read, ad-
dressed by the Catholic bishops to Maroellinus and to
their deputies to instruct them in their procedure. A
discussion of important points was arrived at only on
the third day, amid many interruptions. It was then
evident that the unwillingness of tjie Donatists to have
a real discussion was due to the fact that they could
not reply to the arguments and documents brought
forward by the Catholics. The insincerity as well as
the inconsequence and clumsiness of the sectaries did
them great harm. The main doctrinal points and his-
torical proofs of the Catholics were made perfectly
Slain. The cognitor summed up in favour of the
atholic bishops. The churches which had been pro-
visionally restored to the Donatists were to be given
up; their assemblies were forbidden under grave pen-
alties. The lands of those who permitted Circumcel-
lions on their property were to be confiscated. The
minutes of this great conference were submitted to all
the speakers for their approval, and the report of each
speech (mostly only a single sentence) was signed by
tne speaker as a guarantee of its accuracy. We pos-
sess these minutes in full only as far as the middle of
the third day; for the rest only the headings of each
little speech are preserved. These headings were
composed by order of Maroellinus in order to facilitate
reference. On account of the dullness and length of
the full report, St. Augustine composed a popular
resume1 of the discussions in his "Breviculus Colla-
tionis ' ', and he went with more detail into a few points
in a final pamphlet, "Ad Bonatistas post Colla-
tionem".
On 30 Jan., 412, Honorius issued a final law against
the Donatists, renewing old legislation and adding a
scale of fines for Donatist clergy, and for the laity and
their wives: the illustres were to pay fifty pounds of
gold, the spectabiles forty, the senatores and sacerdotales
thirty, the clarissi mi and principales twenty, the decu-
riones, negotiators, and plebeii five, while Circumcel-
lions were to pay ten pounds of silver. Slaves were to be
reproved by their masters, coloni were to be constrained
by repeated beatings. All bishops and clerics were
exiled from Africa. In 414 the fines were increased
for those of high rank: a proconsul, vicar, or count
was fined two hundred pounds of gold, and a senator a
DONATUS
129
BONDERS
hundred. A further law was published in 428. The
good Marcellinus, who had become the friend of St.
Augustine, fell a victim (it is supposed) to the rancour
of the Donatists; for he was put to death in 413, as
though an accomplice in the revolt of Heraclius, Count
of Africa, in spite of the orders of the emperor, who did
not believe him guilty. Donatism was now discred-
ited by the conference and proscribed by the persecut-
ing laws of Honoring. The Circumcellions made some
dying efforts, and a priest was killed by them at Hippo.
It does not seem that the decrees were rigidly carried
out, for Donatist clergy were still found in Africa.
The ingenious Emeritus was at Caesarea in 418, and at
the wish of Pope Zosimus St. Augustine had a confer-
ence with him, without result. But on the whole
Donatism was dead. Even before the conference the
Catholic bishops in Africa were considerably more
numerous than the Donatists, except in Numidia.
From the time of the invasion of the Vandals in 430
little is heard of them until the days of St. Gregory the
Great, when they seem to have revived somewhat, for
that pope complained to the Emperor Maurice that
the laws were not strictly enforced. They finally dis-
appeared with the irruptions of the Saracens.
Donatist Writers. — There seems to have been no
lack of literary activity among the Donatists of the
fourth century, thougn little remains to us. The
works of Donatus the Great were known to St. Jerome,
but have not been preserved. His book on the Holy
Spirit is said by that Father to have been Arian in doc-
trine. It is possible that the Pseudo-Cyprianic " De
singularitate clericorum" is by Macrobius; and the
" Ad versus aleatores" is by an antipope, either Dona-
tist or Novatianist. The arguments of Parmenianus
and Cresconius are known to us, though their works
are lost; but Monceaux has been able to restore from
St. Augustine's citations short works by Petilianus of
Constantine ana uaudentius of Thamugadi, and also
a UbeUu8 by a certain Fnl^entius, from the citations in
the Pseudo-Augustinian "Contra Fulgentium Dona-
tistam". Of Tichonius, or Tyconius, we still possess
the treatise "De Septem regulis" (P. L., XVIII; new
ed. by Professor Burkitt, in Cambridge "Texts and
Studies", III, 1, 1894) on the interpretation of Holy
Scripture. His commentary on the Apocalypse is
lost; it was used by .' rome, Primasius, and Beatus in
their commentaries i the same book. , Tichonius is
chiefly celebrated fo nis views on the Church, which
were quite inconsist -it with Donatism, and which
Parmenianus tried tv, refute. In the famous words of
St. Augustine (who often refers to his illogical position
and to the force with which he argued against the car-
dinal tenets of his own sect) : " Tichonius, assailed on
all sides by the voices of the holy paces, awoke and
saw the Church of God diffused throughout the world,
as had been foreseen and foretold of her so long before
by the hearts and mouths of the saints. And seeing
this, he undertook to demonstrate and assert against
his own party that no sin of man, however villainous
and monstrous, can interfere with the promises of God,
nor can any impiety of any persons within the Church
cause the word of God to be made void as to the exist-
ence and diffusion of the Church to the ends of the
earth, which was promised to the Fathers and now is
manifest" (Contra Ep. Parmen., I, i).
Among the great general histories, Tillemont'b full account
in his Memoires, vol. VI. deserves special mention, as it has not
yet been superseded. Among modern books: Bright, The Age
of the Fathers (London, 1003), II; Fuller in Diet. Christ. Biog.,
s. v. Donatism' and the brilliant sketch in Duchesne, HisUnre
Ancienne de VEglise (Paris, 1907). II. Among monographs on
Africa: Schelbtrate, Ecctesia Africana (Paris, 1679, and Ant-
werp, 1780); Letdecker, Historxa Ecdesice Africana (Utrecht,
1690), II; Morcelli, Africa Christiana (3 vols., Brescia, 1816-
17); Pallu de Lesbert, Vicaires et Comtes d'Afrique (Paris,
1892); Idem, Fastes des provinces africaines (Pans. 1901);
Leclercq, VAfrique Chretienne (2 vols., Paris, 1904); Mon-
ceaux, Histoire litUraire de VAfrique Chretienne (Paris, 1901 — ),
I— III : the fourth volume will deal with Donatism. The
following monographs are of less importance: Ellieb du
Pin, Hxstoria Donatistarum, prefixed to his ed. of St. Opta-
\
tus (Paris, 1700), reprinted in P. L., XI; Ribbeck, Dona*U9
und Auoustinus (Elberfeld, 1858): Deutbch, Drei Aetenslucke
tur Oeschichte des Donatismus (Berlin, 1875); VOlter, Der
Ursprung des Donatismus (Freiburg and Tubingen, 1883);
Thummel, Zur BeurtheHung des Donatismus (Halle, 1893). On
Donatist inscriptions, Leclercq. op. cit., I. The genuineness
of some of the documents appended by St. Optatus to his work
and used by St. Augustine was questioned by Volter, op. cit.,
and that of all of them by Seeck in Zeitschr. der Savigny-
Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte (1889), X. 1-44 and 177-251, and
in Queuen und Urkunden uber die Anfdnge des Donatismus in
Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch. (1888-9), X, 505-68; Duchesne
replied to the former in the Bulletin Critique (1886), VII, 123.
and in answer to the latter completely vindicated the documents
in an admirable study, he Dossier du Donatisme in MHanges de
V Boole franchise de Rome (Paris and Rome, 1890), X. fasc. 4-5,
589-650. On the remains of Donatist writings, see Monceaux,
Les Ouvrages de Petilianus in Revue de Philologie, XXX (1906),
218. 286, and XXXI (1907), 28; Idem, he dossier de Gaudentius
de Thamugadi, ibid.. Ill; Idem, Un ouvrage du Donatiste Ful-
qentius, ibid., 241. Among; articles must be mentioned the
famous article on St. Augustine and the Donatists by Wiseman
in Dublin Review (August, 1839), which had so remarkable an
effect on Newman; Sharpe, Tichonius and St. Augustine in
Dublin Review, CXXXII (Jan., 1903); O'Dowd. Donatism and
Anglicanism in Irish Eccles. Record, 4th series, XVIII (August,
1905); Martrote, Une tentative de revolution sociale en Afrxque,
Donatistes et CirconceUions in Revue des Questions Historiques
(1904), I; Chapman, Donatus the Great and Donatus of Cases
Nigra in Revue BSnSd., Jan., 1909.
John Chapman.
Donatus of Bagai. See Donatists.
Donatus of Oasa Nigra. See Donatists.
Donatus of Fiesole, Irish teacher and poet
Bishop of Fiesole about 829-876. In an ancient col-
lection of the "Vit® Patrum", of which an eleventh-
century copy exists in the Laurentian library of Flor-
ence, there is an account of the life of Donatus
from which we glean the following facts. Donatus
was born in Ireland, of a noble family. About 816 he
visited the tombs of the Apostles in Rome. On his
journey northwards he was led by Divine Providence
to the city of Fiesole, which he entered at the moment
when the people were grouped around their altars
praying for a bishop to deliver them from the evils,
temporal and spiritual, which afflicted them. Raised
by popular acclaim to the See of Fiesole, Donatus in-
stituted a revival of piety and learning in the Churcb
over which he was placed. He himself did not disdain
to teach "the art of metrical composition". The
"Life" is interspersed with short poems written by
the saintly bishop. The best known of these is the
twelve-line poem in which he describes the beauty and
fertility of his native land, and the prowess and piety
of its inhabitants. Donatus also composed an epitapn
in which he alludes to his birth in Ireland, his years in
the service of the princes of Italy (Lothair and Louis),
his episcopate at Fiesole, and his activity as a teacher
of grammar and poetry. '
Traubb, Poetan Mvi Carol. (Berlin, 1896), IIL 691; Ward-
Harris, Writers of Ireland (Dublin, 1764), 57; Ozanam. Docu-
ments in&tits (Pans, 1897), 48 sqq.; Bossus in Acta SS., Oct^
IX, 648-54.
William Turner.
Donatus the Great. See Donatists.
Donders, Peter, missionary among the lepers, b.
at Tilburg in Holland, 27 Oct., 1807; d. 14 Jan., 1887.
He desired from his early childhood to be a priest, but
he had to begin life as a worker in a factory. He
afterwards became a servant in a college where he
learned a little and made great progress in virtue.
Later a benefactor enabled him to pursue his theolog-
ical studies in the College of Herlaar. A chance read-
ing of the "Annals of the Propagation of the Faith"
determined his vocation for foreign missions. He
was accepted in 1839 for Dutch Guiana as a mission-
ary, ordained priest the following year, and in 1842
arrived at Paramaribo to begin his long apostolic
career. He laboured with success among the blacks
in the plantations, and by 1850 had instructed and
baptized 1200. In the epidemic of 1851 his labours
were superhuman, till, like his fellow-priests, he too
became a victim. Before he was convalescent he not
only resumed his work among the blacks, but extended
it to the Indians of Saramaca. Id 1865 he took up his
ony was confided to the Redemptorist Fathers by the
Holy See and the King of Holland. Father Dondere
at once asked to be of their number and was received
in Paramaribo, in 1867, by Monsignor Swinkels, the
first Redemptorist vicar Apostolic. After this he
went back to his charge. He studied music to cheer
his afflicted children, and though given an assistant be
laboured to the end. The process for his beatification
has been placed before the Congregation of Sacred
Rites.
Lootaard. Life in MS.; Vn ApAtrt da Lepreux in La SmnU
/■o«iil*(1804).S78»qq. J. Magnieb.
Dongan, Thomas, second Earl of Limerick, b. 1834,
at Castletown Kildrought, now Celbridge, County Kil-
dare, Ireland ;d. at London, 1715. Hewasthe youngest
son of Sir John Dongan, Baronet, Member of the Irish
Pari
uncle, Richard
Talbot, was after-
wards created Earl
of Tyrconnel .Lieu-
tenant - Governor
of Ireland; and
another, Sir Rob-
Grace, daughter
of Lord Calvert,
Baron of Balti-
more. At the,
death of Charles
I, the family, de-
voted to the Stu-
arts, removed to
France. Thomas
served in an Irish
regiment, partici-
Thou as Donoa*
pated in all Turenne's campaigns under the
of D'Unguent and rose to the rank of colonel in
1674. After the Treaty of Nimeguen (1678) he
returned to England in obedience to the order of
the English Government recalling all British sub-
?ets in French service. Through the Duke of
ork, a fellow-officer under Turenne, he was ap-
pointed to high rank in the army designated for
service in Flanders, and was granted an annual pension
of £500. The same year (1678) he was appointed
Lieutenant-Governor of Tangiers. In 1682 the Duke
of York, the Lord Proprietor, selected Dongan to
'govern the Province of New York, then bankrupt and
m a state of rebellion. In this office Dongan proved
himself an able lawgiver, and left an indelible mark on
political and constitutional history. He convened
the first representative assembly of New York Prov-
ince on 14 Oct., 1683, at Fort James within the present
boundaries of the city of New York. This assembly,
under the wise supervision of Dongan, passed an act
entitled "A Charter of Liberties"; decreed that the
supreme legislative power under the Duke of York
shall reside m a governor, council, and the people con-
vened in general assembly; conferred upon the mem-
bers of the assembly rights and privileges making
them a body coequal to and independent of the Brit-
ish Parliament; established town, countv, and general
courts of justice; solemnly proclaimed the right of
religious liberty; and passed acts enunciating certain
constitutional liberties, e. g. no taxation without rep-
resentation; taxes could be levied only by the people
met in general assembly ; right of suffrage ; no martial
lawor quartering of the soldiers without the consent of
the inhabitants; election by majority of votes; and the
English law of real property.
0 DONOAH
Thus to Dongan's term as governor can be dated
the Magna Charta of American constitutional liber-
ties, for his system of government became the pro-
gramme of continuous political agitation by the col-
onists of New York Province during the eighteenth
century. It developed naturally into the present
state government, and many of its principles passed
into the framework of the Federal Government.
Moreover, a rare tribute to his genius, the government
imposed by him on New York Province, 1683, was
adopted by England after the American War of Inde-
pendence as the framework of her colonial Policy, and
constitutes the present form of government in Canada,
Australia, and the Transvaal. Dongan signed the
Charter of Liberties 30 Oct., 1683, and on the following
day solemnly-proclaimed it at the City Hall of New
York City. The Duke of York signed and sealed the
Charter 4 Oct., 1684; but never returned it, probably
for reasons of prudence, for at the time Charles II had,
by a quo warranto proceeding, abolished the Charters
of New England, and the Charter of Pennsylvania
granted in 1684 distinctly admits the right of Parlia-
ment to tax the colonies. Dongan established the
boundary lines of the province by settling disputes
with Connecticut on the East, with the French Gov-
ernor of Canada on the North, with Pennsylvania on
the South, thus marking out the present limits of New
York State. By treaty with the Indians made at
Albany, New York, 1684, in presence of Lord Howard,
Governor of Virginia, Dongan obtained the written
submission of the Iroquois to the Great Sachem
Charles, on two white deer-skins, and outlined the
masterly Indian policy which kept the Five Nations
friends of England and a barrier between the English
and French possessions in North America, a policy
afterwards maintained with success by Sir William
Johnson. At the death of Charles II, 1685, James
Duke of York was proclaimed king, and New York
became a royal province.
The Board of Trade and Plantations, under whose
supervision the province passed, vetoed the Charter of
Liberties and James approved the veto. The colo-
nists were disappointed, but such was the moral
strength of Governor Dongan that we find no trace of
popular resentment. In 1685 Dongan established a
post office in New York for the better correspondence
of the colonies in America. In 1686 he granted char-
ters to the cities of New York and Albany; the former
remained unchanged for 135 years and forms the
basis of the existing city government; the latter was
superseded only in 1870, notwithstanding the extra-
ordinary development in civil and political institu-
tions. Dongan established a college under the direc-
tion of the Jesuit Fathers Harvey (his own private
chaplain), Harrison, and Gage in New York City, and
advised that the King's Farm, a tract beyond the walls
of the then existing city, be set aside for its mainte-
nance. The king vetoed the grant, and in 1705 this
land became the property of Trinity Church. He
planned that a mission of English Jesuits be perma-
nently established at Saratoga, New York, on land
purchased by him for the purpose; that a settlement
of Irish Catholics be founded in the centre of the
Province ; and that an expedition be made to explore
the Mississippi River and take possession of the great
valley then made known by the explorations of La
Salle. These plane were set aside by the king.
In 1687, the Assembly of New York was dissolved
by the king, and in 1688 Andros was appointed Gov-
ernor of the consolidated Provinces of New York and
New England. Dongan refused command of a regi-
ment with the rank of major-general, retired to bis
estate on Staten Island, New York, but was obliged to
flee for safety in the religious persecution aroused by
Lesler in 1689. In 1691 he returned to England. By
the death of his brother William (1698), late Governor
of the Province of Munster, Ireland, whose only son.
DONLEVY
131
DONHER
Colonel Walter, Lord Dongan, was killed at the battle
of the Boyne, Dongan became Earl of Limerick. In
1702 he was recognized as successor to his brother's
estates, but only on payment of claims of the pur-
chasers from the Earl of Athlone. Dongan died poor
and without direct heirs. By will, dated 1713, he
provided that he be buried at an expense of not
over £100, and left the residue of his estate to his
niece, wife of Colonel Nugent, afterwards Marshal of
France. The tribute of history to his personal
charm, his integrity, and character, is outspoken and
universal. His public papers give evidence of a keen
mind and a sense of humour. lie was a man of cour-
age, tact, and capacity, an able diplomat, and a states-
man of prudence and remarkable foresight. In spite
of the brief term of five years as Governor of New York
Province, by virtue of the magnitude, of the enduring
and far-reaching character of his achievements, he
stands forth as one of the greatest constructive states-
men ever sent out by England for the government of
any of her American colonial possessions.
Colonial Laws of New York Stale (Albany, 1894); New York
Colonial Documents, III, London Documents (Albany, .1863);
IX, Paris Documents (Albany, 1855); O'Callaghan, Docu-
mentary History of New York, 4 Vol. ©d. (Albany, 1850), I,
III; Ecclesiastical Records of New York (Albany), II, p. 877; .
Smith, History of New York (London, 1776): Brodhead, His-
tory of Stale of New York (New York, 1859), II; Great Britain's
Calendar of State Papers, 1681-85; Golden, History of the Five
Nations (3d ed., London, 1775), I; Chalmer, Revolt of the
Colonies (Boston, 1845); Lamb, History of City of New York
(New York. 1877); Wilson, Memorial History of New York
(New York, 1892); Windsor. Narrative and Critical History of
America (Boston, 1884), II; Doyle, The Middle Colonies (Lon-
don, 1907); Dan a her, Thomas Dongan, Second Earl of Limer-
ick (Albany, 1889); Osgood, The American Colonies in the
XVII Century (London, 1907), III; Bruce, The Empire State
in Three Centuries (New York), I; Drisooll, The Charter of
Liberties and the New York Assembly of 1689, in U. 8. Catholic
Historical Society, Records and Studies (New York, 1906),
IV; Dealt in Mag. of Am. Hist. (Feb., 1882). p. 106; Clarke
in Catholic World, IX, 767; Journal of Co. KUdare Archawlogical
Society, IV, No. 5.
John T. Driscoll.
Donlevy, Andrew, educator, b. in 1694, probably
in Sligo, Ireland; date and place of death uncertain.
Little is known about his early life. With the penal
laws then rigorously enforced it was difficult to obtain
an education at home; and when he went abroad to
study for the priesthood he must have gone in dis-
guise, going abroad for any such purpose being a
crime. However, he reached Paris in 1710 and be-
came a student at the Irish College. His clerical
course finished, he was ordained priest, and in 1728
was appointed prefect in the college, an office he held
till 1746. He had also attended lectures at the uni-
versity, graduating both in theology and law. While
holding tne office of prefect, he drew up a hew code of
rules lor the government of the college, placing it
under the control of the Archbishop of Paris and sub-
1'ect to the university. He also published in 1742 an
rish-English catechism of the Christian Doctrine, an
edition of which appeared in Dublin in 1848.
Webb, Compendium of Irish Biography (Dublin, 1878):
O'Reilly, Irish Writers (Dublin. 1820); Boyle, The Irish
College in Paris (London and Dublin, 1901).
E. A. D'Alton.
Donnan, Saint. — There were apparently three or
four saints of this name who flourished about the
seventh century.
(1) St. Donnan, Abbot of Eigg, and St. Donnan
of Auchterlbss are regarded by both the Bollandists
and Dempster as different personages, but there is so
much confusion in their chronology and repetition in
what is known of them, that it seems more probable
that they were identical. Reeves (Adamnan's Life of
St. Columba), moreover, accepts them as the same
without discussion. According to Irish annals St.
Donnan was a friend and disciple of St. Columba, who
followed him from Ireland to Scotland towards the
end of the sixth century. Seeking a solitary retreat,
he and his companions settled on the island of Eigg,
off the west coast of Scotland, then used only to pas-
ture sheep belonging to the queen of the country.
Informed of this mvasion, the queen ordered that all
should forthwith be slain. Her agents, probably a
marauding band of Picts, or pirates according to one
account, arrived during the celebration of Mass on
Easter eve. Being requested to wait until the Sacri-
fice was concluded, they did so, and then St. Donnan
and his fifty-one companions gave themselves up to
the sword. This was in 617. Reeves mentions
eleven churches dedicated to St. Donnan; in that at
Auchterless his pastoral staff was preserved up to the
Reformation and is said to have worked miracles.
The island of Eigg was still Catholic in 1703 and St.
Donnan 's memory venerated there (Martin, Journey
to the Western Islands, London, 1716).
(2) Son of Liath, and nephew and disciple of St.
Senan, in whose life it is related that by his uncle's
direction he restored to life two boys who had been
drowned. This St. Donnan succeeded St. Ciaran of
Clonmacnoise as Abbot of Aingin, an island in Lough
Ree, on the Shannon (now Hare Island). He flour-
ished about the middle of the sixth century.
(3) St. Donnan the Deacon, son of Beoadh and
brother of St. Ciaran. He was a monk in his broth-
er's monastery at Cluain, or Clonmacnoise, in Ireland,
in the sixth century.
Dempster. Hist. Ecd. Gent. Scot. (Edinburgh, 1829); Reeves,
Adamnaris Life of St. Columba (Edinburgh, 1874); Forbes,
Kal. Scott. Saints (Edinburgh, 1872); Gam mack in Diet. Christ.
Biog. (London, 1877).
G. Cyprian Alston,
Dormer, Georg Raphael, Austrian sculptor, b. at
Essling, Austria, 25 May, 1692; d. at Vienna, 15 Feb-
ruary, 1741. It is said his fancy was first kindled by
the works of art at Heiligenkreuz. He received his
technical training in the Academy at Vienna; in 1724
he entered the imperial service, and in 1729 passed to
that of Prince Esterhazy. Donner's work stands out
with prominence in a period given over to manner-
ism, but he is sometimes more mindful of elegance
than of character in his subject. He had a true sense
of the beautiful, was lifelike and noble in his concep-
tions, and represents for South Germany and Austria
a classic reaction against rococo methods. Among
his productions are the marble statue of Charles VI
and two bronze reliefs in the Belvedere at Vienna,
the fountain for the old Town Hall. Vienna, repre-
senting " Andromeda and Perseus1', the marble reliefs
of " Hagar" and the "Samaritan Woman", and many
busts and statues in different palaces and gardens.
In Pressburg he made the equestrian statue of St.
Martin, and the decorations for the burial chapel of
the Primate Emmerich Esterhazy. Youthful pro-
ductions (1726) are the marble figure* at Mirabell
Castle, Salzburg. Donner is best known to-day by
his famous fountain (1738-1739) of the Neuen Markt,
Vienna; "Providence" or "Foresight ", a classic female
figure, forms the apex, while lower down four sporting
children, each holding a water-spouting fish, embody
the four rivers of Austria proper that flow into the
Danube. Donner's two brothers, Sebastian and
Matth&us, are generally numbered among his scholars.
Sebastian was a talented sculptor, and produced
various works, mostly in lead.
Donner, Matthaus, brother of the above, also a
sculptor, b. 1704; d. 1756. He is known chiefly for
his relief carvings and medals. He was appointed
court-medallist, professor, and later rector of the
Academy, and was employed by various princes.
Among his medals may be mentioned one of Charles
Albert of Bavaria, 1727, and various ones represent-
ing Maria Theresa. His medals are signed D. or
M. D.
Lcbke. Outlines of the History of Art, ed. Stdbois (New York,
1904); Mabquaxd and Fbothinoham, History of Sculpture
\J
(New York. 1806); Bode. On<AicMt dtr dcvt*e>*n Plattik
(Berlin, 1887); Hauler. KamUtrtezikon (Munich, 1838-02);
MOlles, KanitlerUxiJcan (Stultort. 1857).
M. L. HaNDLET.
Donnet, Ferdinand FRANfom-AoaTraTR, a French
cardinal, b. at Bourg Argent al (Loire), 1795; d. at
Bordeaux, 1882. Me studied in the seminary of St.
liemeus at Lyons, taught, at the college of Belley , wai
ordained priest in 1819, and, after some time spent at
the Maison des hattles f-tudes founded by Cardinal
Fetch, went to Irigny as pastor. From 1821 to 1827
he engaged in missionary work and then returned to
Lyons to be made pastor of Viltefranche. Appointed
coadjutor to the Bishop of Nancy, 1835, he evinced
such sterling qualities that two years later he was
called to the archi episcopal See of Bordeaux. During
the forty-one years of his administration he showed a
prodigious activity in every line of work, religious,
social, and even material. To him are due the re-
sumption of provincial councils; the restoration of
many shrines like Arcachon, Verdelais, Notre-Dame
de la Fin-den-terres ; the reconstruction of the Pey
Berland tower, etc. Cardinal in 1852, and Senator of
the Empire, he used his influence in favour of the pope,
the liberty of teaching, and the repression of the irre-
ligious press. At the Vatican Council he openly sided
with the in tramontanes like Plantier, Pie, etc. His
affable disposition and cheerful character endeared
him to his people, and few bishops have been loved
and regretted as Donnet was. His eulogy was pro-
nounced by Canon Laprie at the cathedral of Bor-
' deaux, 1883, and by M. Bone- at the academy of the
same place, 1884. Cardinal Donnet's works comprise
twelve volumes (8vo) of "Instructions pastorales,
mandements, lettres, discours": also "Lettres, dis-
cours et autres documents rclatifs a la question
romaine" (Bordeaux, 1865).
PocoiOK, Vie. apotlrlal H tpitaival du cardinal Donnet
(Pans, 1484); Cavtaiho in Rev. CalA. (1884). 4S3; Pjonneao,
ibid., 33; JiBoHEuid Leuevkk.io Utpiecopatfrantaii, 1802-
1006 (Parii, 1907), ». vv. Naneu ud Bordeaux.
J. F. Sollutr.
Donoso Oorte's, Joan Francisco Maaia de la
Saludad, Marquess of Valdegamas, author and diplo-
mat, b. 6 May, 1809, at Valle de la Serena in the prov-
ince of Estremadura, Spain; d. 3 May, 1853, at Paris.
His father, Pedro Donoso Cortes, was a descendant of
Hernando Cortes, the corumiatador. At the age of
eleven, Donoso Cortes had finished his humanities,
and at twelve had begun the study of law at the Uni-
versity of Salamanca; at sixteen he received his de-
gree of licentiate from the University of Seville, and
at eighteen became professor of literature at the Col-
lege of Caceres. Carried away by the rationalism
prevalent in Spain following upon the French inva-
sions, he ardently embraced the principles of Liberal-
ism and fell under the influence of Jean-Jacques Rous-
seau, whom he later characterized as "the most elo-
quent of sophists". In 1830 he went to Madrid and,
with his characteristic energy, engaged in the political
controversies of the day, espousing the cause of the
reigning dynasty. A memoir addressed to Ferdinand
VII on the situation of the Spanish monarchy, advo-
cating the abolishment of the Salic Law, attracted
wide attention and procured for him an official posi-
tion under the Minister of Justice. But the revolu-
tionary events of 1834 led him to reconsider the
ground of his political liberalism, and drew a second
brochure from his pen scathingly criticising the revo-
lutionary movement. On the death of Ferdinand, he
remained a faithful adherent of the queen-mother
Maria Cristina and of her infant daughter Isabella,
whose title was disputed by Don Carlos in virtue of the
Salic Law against the succession in the female line to
the Spanish throne. In 1836, under the ministry of
Mendizabal, he became secretary of the Council. In
this same year he gave a brilliant course of lectures on
political rights at the Atheuteum of Madrid. In 1837
d Conrfcfl
12 DONOSO
he was elected deputy to the Cortes from Cadiz. In
1840, following upon the revolution headed by Es-
partero, Duke of Victoria, he followed the exiled
queen Maria Cristina to Paris in the post of private
secretary. He accompanied her on her return after
the overthrow of Espartero, 1S43, and was appointed
to the office of secretary and director of the studies of
the young queen, Isabella, was created Marquess of
Valdegamas, and entered the Senate. For his elo-
quent advocacy of the "Spanish marriages" (the
simultaneous alliance of Isabella with Francesco of
Assisi and of her
sister with the
Duke of Montpen-
sier) he was made
an officer of the
Legion of Honour
by Louis Philippe.
The death of a
dearly beloved
brother at this
time made a pro-
found, impression
upon Donoso
Cortes. The mys-
tery of human des-
tiny assumed for
him a new aspect,
and from this time
he became an ar-
dent champion of
the Catholic
Church. On the
4th of January,
1849, he pronounced a remarkable discourse in the
Cortes in which he publicly repudiated his Liberalistio
principles, branding them as "sterile and disastrous
ideas in which are comprehended all the errors of the
East three centuries, intended to disturb and disrupt
uman society". In 1849 he represented Spain as
minister plenipotentiary at the court of Benin, and
afterwards at Paris (1850-53), where he died.
The complete works of Donoso Cortes, with a bio-
graphical sketch by Gabino Tcjado, were published in
1854-55 (Madrid). A translation into French of his
principal works, with an introduction by Louis Veuil-
tot, was published at Paris (1858-59). His most
notable work is his " Ensayo sobre El Catolicismo, El
Liberalismo y El Socialismo" (English translation,
Philadelphia, 1862; Dublin, ). This work was
written at the instance of Louis Veuillot, who was as
intimate friend of the author, and places Donoso
Cortes in the first rank of Catholic publicists. It is an
exposition of the impotence of all human systems of
philosophy to solve the problem of human destiny and
of the absolute dependence of humanity upon the
Catholic Church for its social and political salvation.
Upon its publication the work was acrimoniously at-
tacked by the Abbe Gaudel, Vicar-General of Orleans
in a series of articles in the " Ami de la Religion ", and
as vigorously defended by Louis Veuillot in "L Uni-
vers ■ Donoso Cortes at once submitted his work to
the Holy See, which refused to interdict it or any of
the propositions declared heretical by the Abbe Gau-
del. It remains to-day one of the most brilliant and
profound expositions of the influence of Catholic truth
upon human society from the pen of a publicist. In a
notable series of letters, from 1849-53, to Count Ra*
czyski. at that time Prussian ambassador at Ma-
drid, Donoso Cortes (rives a penetrating analysis of
the social, political, and religious conditions of Europe,
and with almost prophetic insight predicts the unifi-
cation of Germany in a great empire under the Prus-
sian monarchy as well as the political decadence of
France and the latter's loss of Alsace and Lorraine.
Tejado in Prtjan of completa workn (Mndrid. 1881); Li-
moux in Let Cimlimiporoiiu. Ano«« II, Vol. IV (P»™), p. 83.
CoNnfc B. P ALLEN.
DONTEHWILL
133
DOROHXSTEB
Dontenwill, Augustine. See New Westminster.
Donus (or Domnus), Pope, son of a Roman called
Mauritius ; he was consecrated Bishop of Rome 2 Nov.,
676, to succeed Adeodatus II, after an interval of four
months and seventeen days; d. 11 April, 678. Of his
life and acts but little is known. The "Liber Ponti-
ficalis" informs us that he paved the atrium or quad-
rangle in front of St. Peter's with great blocks of white
marble. He also restored the church of St. Euphemia
on the Appian Way. and repaired the basilica of St.
Paul Outside the Walls, or, according to Duchesne's
conjecture, the little church on the road to St. Paul's,
which marks the spot where Sts. Peter and Paul are .
said to have parted on their way to martyrdom. Dur-
ing the pontificate of Donus, Reparatus, the Arch-
bishop of Ravenna, returned to the obedience of the
Holy See, thus ending the schism created by Arch-
bishop Maurus who had aimed at making Ravenna
autocephalous. In the time of this pope a colony of
Nestorian monks was discovered in a Syrian monas-
tery at Rome — the Monasterium Boetianum. The
pope is said to have dispersed them through the vari-
ous religious houses of tne city, and to have given over
their monastery to Roman monks. After a brief
reign of one year, five months, and ten days, Donus
died and was buried in St. Peter's. His portrait in
mosaic was at one time to be seen in the church of St.
Martina in the Forum.
Liber Pontificalia, ed. Duchesne (Paris, 1886), I, 348 sq.;
Jaffk, Regeata Rom. Pont. (Leipiig, 1885), I, 238; Mann, The
Live* of the Popes (London, 1902), I, Pt. II, 20 sq.
Thomas Oestreich.
Doorkeeper. See Porter.
Dora, a titular see of Palsestina Prima. The name
(D6r) in Semitio languages means "dwelling",
"abode". On the coming of the Hebrews, the King
of Dora or Dor entered into the confederation against
Josue and was defeated with the confederates (Jos.,
xi, 2; xii, 23). The town was first allotted to the
tribe of Aser (Jos., xvii, 11), then given to Manasses
(Judges, i, 27; I Par., vii, 29), who failed to expel the
inhabitants and imposed on them a tribute; the
Israelites may have captured only the upper city
(Nafat D6r), called Napheddor or Phenaeddor by the
Septuagint, and reaiones or provincia Dor by the Vul-
?ite. The Egyptian King Rameses III set up a
hoenician colony at Dora; according to Stephan of
Byzantium the Phoenicians settled there because the
coast abounded in the shells that produced the fa-
mous Tvrian purple dye. Dora was united by David
to the Kingdom of Israel and governed under Solo-
mon by Benabinadab, one of the twelve prefects
(III Kings, iv, 11). Later it underwent successively
the rule of the Persians, the Greeks, and the Lagides.
In 217 b. c. it was unsuccessfully besieged by Anti-
ochus the Great; at a later date it was token by the
kings of Syria. In 139 b. c. the usurper Tryphon,
who had taken refuge at Dora, was besieged by
Antiochus (VII) Sidetes with a fleet, 120,000 foot,
and 8000 horse (I Mach., xv, 13). The city then fell
into the hands of a private individual called Zoilus,
at whose death it was added by Alexander Jannaeus
to his Kingdom of Judea. When Pompey conquered
Syria, he granted Dora an autonomous constitution;
from this time dates its peculiar era, 64-63 b. c,
known chiefly through numerous coins. As Dora had
suffered much from the JewB, Gabinius rebuilt it (56
b. a). In 42 of the Christian Era its inhabitants were
still disputing with the Jews, whom they seem to have
specially hated. In the time of Pliny the town was in
a state of utter decay : St. Jerome speaks of " the ruins
of that city [Dora] which had been formerly so pow-
erful". He may nave exaggerated its decay, or the
city may have risen from its ruins.
As early as the fifth century it was the residence of
a bishop, Sidus, and suffragan to Csesarea; there is
record also of Barachius in 518, John in 536, Stephen,
the friend of St. Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem
and the great opponent of Monothelism. In the Mid-
dle Ages Dora was called Pirgul, a corruption of Greek
*4/>yot, "tower*', according to Foucher of Chartres
(Gesta Dei per Francos, ed. Bongara, 396) ; it was also
known as Merla (Rey. Les colonies franques de Syrie,
Paris, 1883, 422). There are records of five Latin
bishops during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
(Eubei, I. 235; II, 161). Another is mentioned in
"Revue ben&iictine" (1904), p. 62. Its modern
Arabic name is Tantouran. Dora is a village of about
1500 inhabitants, on the seashore between Caifa and
Csesarea, nearer the latter. 'The harbour is fre-
quented by small boats; the old port, situated more to
the north, was enclosed by two headlands lengthened
by two piers. To the east are vast quarries and the
ancient necropolis. The ruins of the ancient city
cover a space about four-fifths of a mile long by one-
third broad. Many Jewish colonists have recently
settled in the vicinity.
Guerin. Description de la Palestine: Samorie (Paris, 1875),
II, 305-316: Lkoendiw in Diet, de la Bible, II, 1487-02;
Survey of Western Palestine, Metnoire (London, 1882), II, 7-11;
Palestine Exploration Fund, Quart. Statement (1874), 12;
(1887), 84.
S. Vailh£.
Dorbellus. See Orbbllis, Nicolas de, O.S.F.
Dorchester, Abbey of, founded in 1140 by Alex-
ander, Bishop of Lincoln, for Canons of the Order of
St. Augustine (or Black Canons); Dorchester, an
important Roman city of Mercia, about nine miles
from Oxford, had been the seat of a bishopric from
a. d. 634, when St. Birinus, the first bishop, was sent
to that district by Pope Honorius, until 1085, when
the See of Mercia was transferred to Lincoln. The
abbey, founded fifty-five years later, was dedicated in
honour of Sts. Peter, Paul, and Birinus, was richly
endowed out of the lands and tithes of the former
bishopric, and had twelve parishes subject to it, being
included in the Peculiar of Dorchester, until the sup-
pression of peculiars. The first abbot appears to have
been Alured, whose name occurs in 1146 and again in
1163; the last was John Mershe, who was elected in
1533, and in the following year subscribed to the
king's supremacy, with five of his canons, and was
given a pension of £22 a year. The revenues of the
abbey were valued at the time of its suppression at
about £220. Henry VIII reserved the greater part
of the property of the house for a, college, erected by
him in honour of the Holy Trinity, for a dean and
prebendaries; but this was dissolved in the first year
of his successor. No register or cartulary of Dorcnes-
ter Abbey is now known to exist, and only a single
charter, confirming the donation of a church by King
John, is given by Dugdale. Edmund Ashefeld was
the first impropriator of the abbey site and precincts,
which afterwards passed through various hands. The
stately church of Dorchester Abbey, as it stands to-
day, was built entirely by the Augustinian Canons,
although there are traces on the north side of Saxon
masonry, probably part of the ancient cathedral.
The whole length of the church is 230 feet, its width
seventy, and its height fifty-five feet. The north
transept with its doorway is of the Norman period;
the north side of the nave and chancel arch, early
English, the south side of nave, south aisle, and choir,
Decorated; the south porch, late Perpendicular. The
extraordinarily rich sanctuary, with its highly decor-
ated windows (including the famous northern one
known as the "Jesse'' window) and beautifully
carved sedilia and piscina, dates from 1330. One of
the very few existing leaden fonts in England is in this
church.
Duqdale, Monaaticon Angticanum. VI, 323; Parkrr, His-
tory of Dorchester (Oxford, 1882): Willis, Mitred Abbeys, II,
175; Victoria, History of Oxfordshire (London, 1007), II, 87-
SB: AoDlnoTON, Hill, at DorcJinltr, 84, 137: Lincoln, Spin.
Hegi.1. Ma*., 48.
D, O. HUNTEK-Bl.AIR.
Dora (Auratos), Pierre, controversialist, b. at
Organs about 1500; d. at Paris, 19 May, 1559. He
entered the Dominican Order in 1514 and won his de-
grees at Paris, in 1532, after a brilliant examination.
Though elected to the office of prior at Bloia in 1545,
Dorfi continued to preach throughout the provinces.
At ChAIons the bishop, who had been captivated by
his seal and eloquence, entrusted him with the reform
of the Carthusian monastery of Val dea Choux ( Vallis
Caulium). For the same reasons, Claude de Lorraine,
Duke of Guise, and his consort, Antoinette de Bour-
bon, chose him as confessor. He wrote thirty-five
ascetico-theological works, which some think are only
redactions of his sermons. Chief among these is
"Lea voies du Paradis enseignees par notre Sauveur
J&us-Christ en son evangile ' ', which appeared twice at
Lyons in 1538 (Paris, 1540; Lyons, 1586; Rome,
1010). In his "Paradoxa ad profligandas hereses ex
divi Pauli epistelis selects", he refuted the Hugue-
nots, but soon turned to writing ascetical commen-
taries on the Psalms. When Henry II entered Paris
in 1548, Dor6 wrote a Latin ode which won for him
the post of court preacher and royal confessor. His
famous defence of the Eucharist appeared in 1549, and
two years later he published two other apologies on
the same subject and another on the Mass. At tbe
same time he prepared his defence of the Faith in three
volumes, as also another refutation of the Calvinists.
He closed his literary career with two works on Justi-
fication.
Though Dor6 used the vernacular very loosely, and
indulged in far-fetched descriptions, which Rabelais
(Pantagruel, ch. xxii) ridicules, his works have
always been held in high esteem for originality and
unassailable orthodoxy. His literal translations of
the Eucbaristic hymns of St. Thomas Aquinas, bis
Latin poems, and the Office for a Feast of St. Joseph,
which ne composed at the command of Paul III, have
always been greatly admired.
■b- ..fl, QoanJT, ss. o. P II.
diialogie de F'arie et ttt d
r,H.U, 271-288; Fofw
doetturt let plut ctiebret, Epooue mo-
XV, 1
early yea
and his mother plac
"* a relation who w "
. . Jt, Epctjue m
, Uihtiolheca Belaica, II, 076; Rev
Thos. M. Schwertner.
■Doria, Andrea, Genoese admiral and statesman,
b. at Oneglia, Italy, 1468; d. at Genoa, 1660. His
family belonged to the magna quatuor protapias who
disputed among themselves for the supremacy in
Genoa, but the Adomi and Fregosi of the opposing
faction excluded the Doria from power. At first
Genoa sought union with France ; then, . in 1464,
Louis XI ceded it to the Duke of Milan. Doria'B
ng ones; his father died young,
ed him under the guardianship
s captain of the guard to Pope
Innocent VIII. Thus began the active, adventurous
career that was destined to make Andrea Doria one
of the most important personages of Europe in the
sixteenth century.
Like many Italians of his day, Doria was at first a
eonduttiere. He commenced by serving (1487-1492)
in the guards of Innocent VIII, then in the Neapolitan
army of Alfonso of Aragon, to whom he alone re-
mained faithful after the conquest of Naples by
Charles VIII (1495). He next joined the Order of
the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem and made a
pilgrimage to the Holy Land; after this he entered
the service of Jean de La Rovftre, leader of the French
troops of the Kingdom of Naples, and had as his op-
ponent Gonsalvo de Cordova, the most renowned
general of the time. In 1503 Doria was able to
re-enter Genoa, where order had been restored by
Louis XII, and set out to subdue the Corsioans. then
in revolt. On his return the Genoese entrusted him
4 DORIA
with the reorganization of their fleet. Doria now
abandoned land service for that of the sea and, arm-
ing eight galleys at his own expense, constituted
himself an independent naval power. During the
years 1507 to 1519 he traversed the Western Medi-
terranean with his fleet, and, having overpowered the
Barbary Corsairs and captured several of their chiefs,
among them the famous Cadolin, returned to Genoa
laden with booty.
On account of the civil discords in Genoa, Doria
withdrew with twelve corsair galleys that ne had
seised, the crews of which would now acknowledge
no other chief, and entered tbe service of Francis I,
who appointed
general of the
galleys of France ' '.
In 1524 he raised
the blockade of
Marseilles, then be-
sieged by Charles
V, and, after the
battle of Pavia,
gathered together
the remnants of
the French army
(1525). He then
became comman-
der of the galleys
of Clement VII ; in
1 527 re-entered the
service of Franca
and compelled
Genoa to acknowl-
edge the authority
of Francis I. But in
1528 he quarrelled
with the King of France, who did not pay him faith-
fully. Recalling Filippo Doria, his nephew, who was
besieging Naples with his uncle's fleet, Andrea
agreed to enter the service of Charles V, and began
to re-establish order in Genoa, where he was re-
ceived with enthusiasm (12 September, 1528). Af-
ter breaking up the ancient noble clans, he set up a
new social division and an aristocratic constitution
which continued in force, with but few modifications,
until 1798. Absolute head of the naval forces of the
house of Austria, he directed the maritime struggle
against the Turks and the Barbary pirates; in 1532,
just when Solyman threatened Hungary, Doria landed
on the coast of Greece, took Coron and Patras, and
even meditated an attack on Constantinople. In 1535
he co-operated in the siege of Tunis; in 1536 as head
of the united squadron, made up of the ships of the
pope, Venice, and the Knights of Malta, he surprised
the famous Barbaroasa in tbe Gulf of Arta ana then
allowed him to escape. LoadedwithhonoursbyCharles
V, Doria retired to the territory of Genoa and lived in
the beautiful palace he had built at Fassolo, where be
dispensed royal hospitality to Charles V and Philip II.
He was greatly revered by his fellow-citizens, yet, in
1547, he suppressed with much cruelty the conspiracy
formed by some discontented nobles, the Fieschi and
the Cibd. Doria's tomb, decorated by Montorsoli, is
in the church of San Matteo, but his colossal statue,
which was erected in 1540, was overthrown aud
broken in 1797.
Pohleb, Bibliotlitea hiitorica militant (Leipiig, 1890) IV,
288; ClFELUHIl, VUae aeili del principe Doria (Venice. 1668.—
The Author lived between 1510 and lSBOand was oneol DonV>
proMsee): Siqonio, De Vila el aetlie Andrea Doria , . . [Genoa,
1586); BnANTOUE, La viet act oraniit eapifainet ettranoert
[edit, of tbe Sop. Hint, de Franrf. II. J*t-.i3; Cn.vn., Uuivria-
nm... lib. XLV (Flom.ice, 15o0'; Ouvimu. Mantle, mnliiuiit
< tioiiii dei principi Doria (Genoa. 1858): GcuHJUUj VOa di
Andrea Doria (Milan. '
Doria (Paris. 18!) 51; in: Koyi!.[.k, flfnei, p. 62: Van du trmoi
"■ ' ' " ■ h (Pari*. 1907).
LouiB BafcaiBH.
iTAndrt Doria in Let tUlet dart otltbrtt (Paris.' 1907).
DdBING
135
DOBOTHUA
Doling, Matthias, historian and theologian, b. be-
tween 1390 and 1400, at Kyritz. in Brandenburg; d.
there 24 July, 1469. He joined the Friars Minor in
his fcative place, studied at Oxford, was graduated
(1424) at Erfurt as doctor of theology, and for some
years taught theology and Biblical exegesis. In 1427
he was elected provincial of his order for Saxony. In
the disputes between the Conventuals and those of the
Observance he took an active part. In 1443 at Berne
the Conventuals elected him minister general. This
position he held for six years, receiving approbation
from the assembly of prelates still posing as the Gen-
eral Council of Basle. In this council ne had been
prominent since 1432 as an over-zealous reformer and
an adherent of the supremacy of a general council
over the pope. He was sent by it to Denmark, to win
over the King and the people, and assisted in the de-
position (1439) of Eugene IV and the election of the
antipope. Felix V. Excommunicated by the Arch-
bishop of Magdeburg he appealed to Rome. In 1461
he resigned his office and spent the last years of his life
in literary work at the convent of Kyritz.
D5ring is said to be the author of the "Confutatio
primatus Papoe", written (1443) anonymously and
without title. Name and title were added when the
article was edited in 1550 by Matthias Flacius Illy-
ricus. It is in part an extract from the " Defensor
Sicis" of Marsilius of Padua (printed in Goldast,
onarchia, I, 557 sqq.). Other works attributed to
Ddring are "Defensorium postillae Nicolai Lyrani",
against the Spanish bishop, Paul of Burgos, since 1481
frequently printed with the "Postillse ; "Liber per-
plexorum Ecclesise ' ' (lost) ; continuation (1420 to 1464)
of the Chronicle of Dietrich Engelhus. He also wrote
on the so-called "Donation of Constantine" and
(1444) on the relics of the Precious Blood of Wilsnack.
During,
(1802), XI, 430; Zeiisehrift fur kath. Theol. (1804), 711: Der
Katholik (1803), II, 16; MArk, Forschungent AVI, 108; Hist.-
polit. BUUter (1804), 114, 624.
Francis Mershman.
Dorman, Thomas, theologian, b. at Berkhampstead,
Hertfordshire, England, date uncertain; d. at Tournai,
1572 or 1577. He received his early education through
his uncle, Thomas Dorman of Agmondesham, now
Amersham, Buckinghamshire. His master at Berk-
hampstead was Richard Reeve, a noted Protestant
schoolmaster. He was also known to Thomas Hard-
ing, the Catholic scholar, then professor of Hebrew at
Oxford, who took great interest in the boy and sent
him to Winchester school in 1547. From Winchester
Dorman went to New College at Oxford, of which
Harding was a fellow, and here he was elected a pro-
bationer fellow. During the Catholic revival under
Mary he was appointed fellow of All Souls College
(1554) and on 9 July, 1558, took the degree B.C.L. A
year or two after Elizabeth's accession, finding that he
could not live in England without conforming to the
new religion, he sacrificed his fellowship and his patri-
mony and went to Antwerp, where he met Harding
who was also an exile for the Faith. Harding per-
suaded him to resume his studies, and Dorman accord-
ingly went to Louvain and devoted himself to the
study of theology. In 1565 he became B.D. in the
University of Douai and finally received the doctorate
there. During this period he engaged in controversy
with the Anglican divines, Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury,
and Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's. In 1569, at the invi-
tation of Dr. Allen, he joined the band of scholars at
the newly founded English College at Douai which he
assisted both by his services and his private means.
He died at Tournai where he had been given an im-
portant benefice. His works are : " A proufe of certeyne
articles in Religion denied by M. Juel" (Antwerp,
1564) ; " A Disproufe of M. Nowelle's Reproufe" (Ant-
werp, 1565); "A Request to Mr. Jewel that he keep
his promise made by solemn Protestation in his late Ser-
mon at Paul's Cross" (London, 1567; Louvain, 1567).
Pits, De Anglia Scriptoribus (Paris, 1623), 914; Dodo,
Church History (Brussels, 1739), II, 88; Wood, Athena Oxon.,
Bliss ed., I. 434, 718; Dowry Diaries (London, 1878), 272;
Gillow, Bibl. Diet. Eng. Cath. (London, 1885), II, 94; Cooper
in Diet. Nat. Biog. (London, 1888), XV, 244; Churton, Life of
Novell (London, 1809).
Edwin Burton.
Dornin, Bernard, first publisher in the United
States of distinctively Catholic books, b. in Ireland,
1761; d. in Ohio, 1836. He was forced to leave his
native land, in 1803, because of political troubles and,
arriving in New York soon after, began a book-selling
and publishing concern. He got out a New Testa-
ment, printed for him in Brooklyn, in 1805, and an
edition of Pastorini's "History of the Church", in
1807. He moved to Baltimore, in 1809, and from
there to Philadelphia in 1817. During many years he
was the leading Catholic publisher of the country, and
as such enjoyed the friendship of Archbishop Carroll
and of other members of the hierarchy, who esteemed
him as a vigorous and gifted writer and editor. In
the early thirties he disposed of his business in Phila-
delphia, where he had published a number of Catholic
books, and went to Ohio to reside near his daughter. a
Thomas Aloysius Dornin, son of Bernard, b. in
Ireland, 1800; d. at Savannah, Georgia, U. S. A., 22
April, 1874. He entered the United States Navy, 2
May j 1815, as a midshipman, from Maryland. Com-
missioned a lieutenant in 1825, he made a five-years'
cruise around the world. In 1841 he was promoted
commander and helped to successfully carry out an
expedition to prevent the invasion of Mexican terri-
tory by the filibusterer William Walker. After being
commissioned captain, in 1855, he engaged in destroy-
ing the slave-trade. During the Civil War he at-
tained the rank of commodore on the retired list, 16
July, 1862, and at its close was put in charge of the
fifth lighthouse district.
Finottx, Bibliographic. Catholiea Americana (New York,
1872): Baylbt. A Brief Sketch of the Early History of the Catholic
Church on the Island of New York (New York, 1870); Register
of the Navy of the U. S.t s. v.
Thomas F. Meehan.
Dorothea, Saint: (1) virgin and martyr, suffered
during the persecution of Diocletian, 6 Feb., 311, at
Csesarea in Cappadocia. She was brought before the
prefect Sapricius, tried, tortured, and sentenced to
death. On her way to the place of execution the
pagan lawyer Theophilus said to her in mockery:
"Bride of Christ, send me some fruits from your
bridegroom's garden." Before she was executed, she
sent him, by a six-vear-old boy, her headdress which
was found to be filled with a heavenly fragrance of
roses and fruits. Theophilus at once confessed him-
self a Christian, was put on the rack, and suffered
death. This is the oldest version of the legend, which
was later variously enlarged. Dorothea is repre-
sented with an angel and a wreath of flowers. She is
regarded as the patroness of gardeners. On her feast
trees are blessed in some places. In the West she has
been venerated since the seventh century.
Quenttn. Les martyrologes historiques (Paris, 1908), 150-157;
Acta SS., 6 Feb. ; Butler, Lives of the Saints.
(2) Dorothea of Montau, Saint, recluse, b. at
Montau, 6 Feb., 1347, d. at Marienwerder, 25 June,
1394. At the age of seventeen she married the
sword-cutler Albrecht of Danzig, a hot-tempered
man, whose nature underwent a change through her
humility and gentleness. Both made frequent pil-
grimages to Cologne. Aachen, and Einsiedeln, and
they intended (1390) to visit Rome also; but Al-
brecht was prevented by illness and remained at home
where he died, while Dorothea journeyed to Rome
alone. Of their nine children all died, except one
daughter who joined the Benedictines. In the sum-
mer of 1391 Dorothea moved to Marienwerder, and on
1
abBSAt
136
DOSITHEANS
2 May, 1393, with the permission of the chapter and of
the Teutonic Order, established a hermitage near the
cathedral. She led a very austere life. Numerous
visitors sought her advice and consolation, and she
had wonderful visions and revelations. Her con-
fessor, the deacon John of Marienwerder, a learned
theologian, wrote down her communications and com-
posed a Latin biography in seven books, "Septili-
lium", besides a German life in four books. She was
never canonized, but the people honoured her as the
guardian of the country of the Teutonic Knights and
patroness of Prussia . Her feast is celebrated on
25 June, in some places on 30 Oct. The church at
Marienwerder is now in the hands of the Lutherans;
her relics cannot be found.
Hin.ru. Afeuter Joh. Uanetucerdtr u. d. KlaumeHn Doro-
thea v. Montau (BrsumberB, 1845]; Idem, ScptiWium B. Doro-
thea Monlavieneie- Auctore Joh. Marienwerder (BnuuielB, 1885);
Ada S3., 30 Oct.; K*ulek \a Kirehenlex., III. 1081-4.
Gabriel Meier.
Dorsal, Altar. See Altar (in Liturgy), sub-title
A lUir --curiam.
Doraey, Anne Hanson, novelist, b. at Georgetown,
District of Columbia, U. 8. A., 1815; d. at Washington,
26 December, 1896. She was the daughter of the Rev.
William McKenney, a chaplain in the United States
Navy, and Chloe Ann
Lanigan McKenney.
In 1837 she was mar-
ried to Lorenzo Dor-
aey, and In 1840 be-
came a convert to the
Catholic Faith. Prom
this period, for more
than half a century,
she devoted her ex-
ceptional talent to
Catholic fiction. She
was a pioneer of light
Catholic literature in
the United States and
a leading writer for
the young. While
deeply religious in
tone, her stories are
full of living interest
and a knowledge of
the world gained by clear insight and wide experi-
ence. Mrs. Doraey 'a only son was killed while serving
in the Union Army during the Civil War. She left three
daughters. Pope Leo XIII twice sent her his benedic-
tion, and the University of Notre Dame conferred
upon her the Ltetare medal. Her chief works are:
" The Student of Blenheim Forest ":" Flowers of Love
and Memory"; "Guy, the Leper"; Tears of the Dia-
dem"; "Tale of the White and Red Roses"; "Wood-
reve Manor"; "Conscience, or the Trials of May
Brooke"; "Oriental Pearl"; "Cocaina, the Rose of the
Algonquins ";" The Flemings ";" Nora Brady's Vow " ;
"Mona, the Vestal"; "The Old Gray Rosary"; "Tan-
led Paths ";" The Old House at Glenarra" ;" Adrift " ;
Ada's Trust"; "Beth's Promise"; "The Heiress of
Carrigmona"; "Warp and Woof"; "The Palms".
CW. o! Am. Bios., II, 206; A Round Table of American Catho-
lic NmlitU (New York. 1896).
Mart T. W ago am an.
Dort, Synod or. See Arminianism.
Dorylmum, a titular see of Phrygia Salutaris, in
Asia Minor. This city already existed under the
kings of Phrygia and is mentioned by most of the
ancient geographers. It was situated at Karadja
Hissar, six miles south-west of the modern Eski
Sheh ir. About the end of the fourth century h. c. it
was removed to Shehir Euyuk, at the ruins north of
the same Eski Shehir; there it remained during the
Byzantine period. Seven bishops are known from
the fourth to the ninth century, the most famous
being Eusebius, who denounced successively the
heresies of Nestorius and Eutyches (Lequien, Oriens
christ., I, 837). The see is mentioned as late as the
twelfth century among the suffragans of Synnada, but
must have been suppressed soon after. Dorylsmm
was taken and destroyed by the Seljuk Turks, proba-
bly m 1070. It was there {1 July, 1097) that the
crusaders won their great victory over the Turks.
The city was rebuilt in 1175 by Manuel Comnenus
and fortified as well as passible. At this time John
Cinnamus ("Histor.", VII, 2-3) and Nicetas Chonia-
tes ("DegestisMan.Comn.", VI, 1) write enthusiasti-
cally about it as one of the most beautiful cities of
Asia Minor. The next year it fell again into the hands
of the Turks; in 1240 it passed to Erthogroul, father
of Othman, the founder of the Osmanli dynasty (his
tomb is at Seughud near Eski Shehir). Meanwhile
the city stretched away from the hill of Shehir Euyuk
and developed along the Poursak (ancient Tembris
or Thymbns), under the name of Eski Shehir. The
modern town is situated at an altitude of 783 metres,
on a vast and fertile plateau, about 400 kilometres
from Constantinople. Eski Shehir is the chief town
of a caxa in the vilayet of Brass. The population is
about 40,000: 2000 Greeks, 2000 Armenians, 200
Latins, a few Catholic Armenians, Protestants, and
Jews, the rest being Mussulmans. Since 1891 the
Assumptionists have conducted a mission with a
school for boys, and the Oblate Sisters of the Assump-
tion two schools for girls. There is also a Catholic
Armenian parish. Eski Shehir has hot springs that
are used for baths. Fish, especially gigantic siiures,
swarm in the Poursak. The meerschaum industry
flourishes there; the chief known mine of this mineral
is at Mikhalitch in the district of Eski Shehir.
(London, 1890), 212; CuiKET, La Turquie iCAtle, IV,
208-213; Phfokr, Donlaim in MiUheQungen archaeol. Iiuti-
-I), XIX,K" *"* " "■ '■'- " '■■■-■ "'■■-■
t
Dositheans, followers of Dositheus, a Samaritan
who formed a Gnostic-Judaistic sect, previous to
Simon Magus. Although the name of Dositheus is
often coupled with that of Simon Magus as the first of
all heretics, we possess but scant information concern-
ing him. He is not mentioned in Justin or Irenaeus,
but first occurs in Pseudo-Tertullian's " Adv. Hasr.", a
Latin rendering of the lost "Syntagma" of Hippoly-
tus (about a.d. 220). "I pass over in silence, says
the author, "the heretics of Judaism. I mean Dosi-
theus the Samaritan, who first dared to reject the
Prophets, as not having spoken in the Holy Ghost. I
pass over the Sadducees, who, springing from this root
of error, dared in addition to this heresy to deny even
the resurrection of the flesh " (ch. i). If, however, the
Sadducees sprang from Dositheus, he must have begun
to teach sometime previous to the Christian Era, and
cannot properly be counted amongst heretics of Chris-
tianity. St. Jerome, who copiea Pseudo-Tertullian,
distinctly speaks of " those who before the coming of
Christ undid the Law". An independent witness to
the same fact is found in the Pseudo-Clementine " Rec-
ognitions", I, 54: "the author of this [Sadducee]
opinion was first Dositheus and then Simon". On
the other hand in "Recognitions", II, 8, we read that
Dositheus founded a sect after the death of John the
Baptist. Origen states that " Dositheus the Samari-
tan, after the time of Jesus, wished to persuade the
Samaritans that he himself was the Messiaa prophe-
sied by Moses" (Contra Celsum, VI, ii) ; and he classes
him with John the Baptist, Theodas, and Judas of
Galilee as people whom the Jews mistakenly held to
be the Christ (Horn, xxv in Lucam; Contra Celsum, I,
Ivii). He informs us that the Dositheans gave out
DOSQUBT ■ 1
that they possessed same books of Dositheus and told
some tales about him as being still alive in this world,
and he further accuses Dositheus of having mutilated
the Scriptures. It is not certain, however, whether
Origen did not confound Dositheus the Pseudo-Mes-
sias with an Encratite sectary who lived somewhat
later. This is suggested especially by
Origen's "De Pnncipiia", IV, vii,
where he ascribes to Dositheus the ™
Samaritan and Others some ab-
surdly strict observance of the Sab-
bath. This is also, probably, the
reason why Dositheus is placed by
Hegesippus after Simon Magus in-
stead of before. In Talmudic liter-
ature (Pirke d. R. Elieser, xxxviii,
and Tanhuma Vayyasheb, ii) there
occurs a Samaritan of the Syro-
Macedonian period named 'KUDU,
and it has been plausibly argued
that the patristic references which
connect Dositheus with the Saddu-
cees arise from a confusion of Dosi-
theus the Samaritan Pseudo-Hessias
with this early Jewish heretic. If
this be true, there would have
been three persona of this name,
One at the time of Alexander the
Great, another at the time of Christ,
of Salmanazar (about 700 b. c.)
makes one cautious of Talmudic
information. It is certain, however, that a Jewish
sect, mentioned by several Arabic and other histor-
ians under the name of Dusitamya or Dostan, con-
tinued to exist till the tenth century, and that they
were considered similar to the Kutlm,
itans. But they seem never to have pi
importance in the Christian world,
which from the earliest times there >
isted but a vague reminiscence of the
name; though they continue to be
mentioned in descriptions and lists
of heresies, such as the "Htereses"'
Epiphanius and similar collections.
17 D088I
years in Canada (1721-23) he was appointed su-
Eerior of the Seminary of Lisieux in France, and
elped to preserve that institution from Jansenism.
While acting in Rome as procurator-general for the
Oriental Missions of the Congregation of the Holy
Ghost, he was made vicar Apostolic of a portion of
India and consecrated titular Bishop of Samoa by
Benedict XIII (1725). Heremained
in Rome until appointed coadjutor
to Bishop Moraay of Quebec (1729).
Bishop Dosauet nad to solve many
difficulties that bad arisen towards
the close of the life of Bishop St-
Vallier. He legislated wisely in be-
half of the religious communities of
women and was zealous for the
suppression of the liquor traffic. In
1733, after Bishop Momay's res-
ignation, he succeeded to the See
of Quebec, where he promoted edu-
cation, primary and classical. A
patron and benefactor of the Con-
fregationof the Holy Ghost, he con-
ded almost exclusively to its mis-
sionaries Acadia, the islands of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence, Cape Breton,
Newfoundland, and probably Lab-
rador. He rewarded that congre-
gation by generous endowments, in-
cluding Sarcelle, a property near
Paris, which until the Revolution
yielded an annual revenue of 3000
Iivres. In 1735 ill health forced him
to leave Quebec, but his resignation was accepted only
in 1739. Thenceforth he resided chiefly in Rome, at-
tending to the interests of his former diocese, espe-
cially after the English conquest.
Tfcru, La tvtoua da Qutbrc (Qnebec, 1888); GoauuK. Le
elttol ctmodien et la dtdaratim dt 1731 (Ottawa, 1D01).
Lionel Lindsay.
Dossi, Giovanni, actually named
Giovanni di NioolA di Ltjtebo, but
also called Dosso Dossi, an Italian
', Florence
Visum Enthrombp n___
HiiHun, Fsro.ni
Giovanni Doui
Kraiim, DotiiAtt- el la Dotiihfau In ft™* dei Ktudtt J-uiva painter, b. about 1479: d. at Ferrara In 1642.
(Paris. 1901). 27-42; BfJ ch lch. La DorUKirm dam le Midraih, fi,™.: k.lnnl-J ,„ iL„ O^hmil nf tiVrrsiru ttnA inn a
ibid. (1901). 220-31 and (1902). so-71; Hiu^rtu., Ktu^r- Uo9aJ belonged to the Scnooi oi ferrara ana was a
gaehuMtda Urdrittmlhumt (Leipiif, 1884), 155-161. pupil of Lorenzo Costa in Mantua. He is believed
J. P. Akendzen. to nave derived his name from the village of Dosso, in
which it has been stated he was born. In conjunction
Dosquet, Pierre-Herman, fourth Bishop of with his brother Battista (14S0-1548) Dossi visited
Quebec, b. at Liege, Flanders, 1691; d. at Paris, RomeandVeniceandpassedelevenyearsintheseplaces
1777. He studied at the Seminary of Ssint-Sulpice, studying especially the works of Giorgione and Titian,
Paris, and entered that congregation. After two but forming his own style, which was distinguished by
DOUAI
138
DOUAI
romantic treatment, imaginative power, rich, bril-
liant, and often novel colouring. He ana his brother
were frequently employed by Alfonso I, Duke of Fer-
rara, ana by his successor, Ercole II. His greatest
work is the altar-piece in the Ferrara Gallery. He
also painted the cartoons for the tapestry in the cathe-
dral of that city, for those in the church of San Fran-
cesco, and in the ducal palace at Modena. Many of
his frescoes still remain in the ducal palace at Ferrara
and his paintings can be studied in the cathedral and
churches of Modena, in the Louvre, and in the galleries
of Dresden, Berlin, Milan, and Vienna. He painted a
portrait of Ariosto and the poet enrolled his name, in
conjunction with those of Leonardo da Vinci. Michel-
angelo, Raphael, and Titian, in the poem of Orlando
Furioso", out tne portrait cannot now be identified,
although many other portraits by Dossi are still in
existence. The landscape backgrounds of his pic-
tures are marked by beauty of colouring and fine
imaginative quality. On his return from Venice he
appears to have settled down in Ferrara. His work
has a close kinship with that of the Venetian School.
Barufpaldi, The Lives of the Ferrarese Artists (MS. in Ferrara
Library); Scannelli, R MicrocosmodcUaPittura (Cesena, 1657);
Brinton, The Renaissance in Italian Art (London, 1898);
Kuqler, Italian Schools of Painting (London, 1900).
George Chables Williamson.
Douai (Douay, Doway) , Town and University op.
— The town of Douai, in the department of Nord,
France, is on the River Scarpe, some twenty miles
south of Lille. It contains about 30,000 inhabitants
and was formerly the seat of a university. It was
strongly fortified, and the old ramparts have only been
removed in recent years. The town flourished in the
Middle Ages, and the church of Notre-Dame dates
from the twelfth century.
To English Catholics, the name Douai will always be
bound up with the college founded by Cardinal Allen
(q. v.) during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, where the
majority of tne clergy were educated in penal times,
and to which the preservation of the Catholic religion
in England was largely due. Several other British
establishments were founded there — colleges for the
Scots and the Irish, and Benedictine and Franciscan
monasteries — and Douai became the chief centre for
those who were exiled for the Faith. The University
of Douai may be said to date from 31 July, 1559,
when Philip II of Spain (in whose dominions it was
then situated) obtained a Bull from Pope Paul IV,
authorizing its establishment, the avowed object being
the preservation of the purity of the Catholic Faith
from the errors of the Reformation. Paul IV died
before he had promulgated the Bull, which was, how-
ever, confirmed by his successor, Pius IV, 6 January,
1560. The letters patent of Philip II, dated 19 Janu-
ary, 1561, authorized the establishment of a univer-
sity with five faculties: theology, canon law, civil law,
medicine, and arts. The formal inauguration took
place 5 October, 1562, when there was a public pro-
cession of the Blessed Sacrament, and a sermon was
preached in the market-place by the Bishop of Arras.
There were already a considerable number of Eng-
lish Catholics living at Douai, and their influence
made itself felt in the new university. In its early
years several of the chief posts were held by English-
men, mostly from Oxford. The first chancellor of the
university was Dr. Richard Smith, formerly Fellow of
Merton and regius professor of divinity at Oxford ; the
regius professor of canon law at Douai for many years
was Dr. Owen Lewis, Fellow of New College, who had
held the corresponding post at Oxford ; the first prin-
cipal of Marchiennes College was Richard White,
formerly Fellow of New College; while Allen himself,
after taking his licentiate at Douai in 1570, became
regius professor of divinity. It is reasonable to sup-
pose that many of the traditions of Catholic Oxford
were perpetuated at Douai. The university was,
however, far from being even predominantly English;
it was founded on the model of that of Louvain, from,
which seat of learningthe majority of the first pro-
fessors were drawn. The two features already men-
tioned— that the university was founded during the
Progress of the Reformation, to combat the errors of
rotestantism, and that it was to a considerable ex-
tent under English influences — explain the fact that
William Allen, when seeking a home for a projected
English college abroad, turned his eyes towards
Douai. The project arose from a conversation
which he had with Dr. Vendeville, then regius profes-
sor of canon law in the University of Douai, and
afterwards Bishop of Tournai. whom he accompanied
on a pilgrimage to Rome in tne autumn of 1567; and
the foundation took definite shape when Allen made a
beginning in a hired house on Michaelmas Day, 1568.
His object was to gather some of the numerous body
of English Catholics who, having been forced to leave
England, were scattered in different countries on the
Continent, and to give them facilities for continuing
their studies, so that when the time came for the re-
establishment of Catholicism, which Allen was always
confident could not be far distant, there might be a
body of learned clergy'ready to return to their country.
This was of course a very different thing from sending
missionaries over in defiance of the law while England
still remained in the hands of the Protestants. This
latter plan was an afterthought and a gradual growth
from the circumstances in which the college found
itself, though eventually it became its chief work.
Allen's personality and influence soon attracted a
numerous Dand of scholars, and a few years after the
foundation of the college the students numbered more
than one hundred and fifty. A steady stream of con-
troversial works issued from Douai, some by Allen
himself, others by such men as Thomas Stapleton.
Richard Bristowe, and others almost equally well
known. The preparation of the Douay Bible (q. v.)
was among their chief undertakings. It is estimated
that before the end of the sixteenth century more than
three hundred priests had been sent on the English
mission, nearly a third of whom suffered martyrdom ;
and almost as many had been banished. By the end
of the persecution the college counted more than one
hundred and sixty martyrs. Allen had at first no regu-
lar source of income, but depended on the generosity
of a few friends, and especially upon the neighbouring
monasteries of Saint- Vaast at Arras, Anchin, and Mar-
chiennes, which, at the suggestion t)f Dr. Vendeville,
had from time to time subscribed towards the work.
Many private donations were also received from Eng-
land. After a few years, seeing the extreme need of the
college and the importance of the work it was doing,
Allen applied to Pope Gregory XIII,who in 1575granted
a regular pension of one hundred gold crowns a month,
which continued to be paid down to the time of the
French Revolution. Allen himself gave his whole salary
as regius professor of divinity. The work of the college
was not allowed to proceed without opposition, which
at one time became so strong that Allen's life was in
danger, and in 1578 the English were all expelled from
Douai. The college was established temporarily at
Reims; but possession was retained of the house at
Douai, and in 1593 it was found possible to return
there. By this time Allen had been called to reside in
Rome, where he died 16 Oct., 1594. Under his succes-
sor. Dr. Richard Barrett, the work was extended to
include a preparatory course in humanities, so that
it became a school as well as a college. In 1603
under Dr. Worthineton, the third president, a
regular college was built, opposite the old parish
church of St-Jacques, in the Hue des Morts, so called
on account of the adjoining cemetery. The town at
this time formed a single parish. In the eighteenth
century it was divided into four parishes, and the
present church of St-Jacques dates from that time.
DOUAI
139
DOUAI
The English College was the first to be opened in
connexion with the university. The College cr Anchin
was opened a few months later, endowed by the Abbot
of the neighbouring monastery of Anchin. and en-
trusted to tne Jesuits. In 1570, the Abbot of Marchien-
nes founded a college for the study of law. The Abbot
of Saint- Vaast founded a college of that name. Later on,
we find the College of St. Thomas Aquinas, belonging
to the Dominicans, the College du Roi, and others. The
remaining British establishments were all exclusively
for ecclesiastics. The Irish College was originally a
Spanish foundation. It was established before the end
of the sixteenth century, and endowed with 5,000 flor-
ins a year by the Kins of Spain. The course of studies
lasted six years and the students attended lectures at
the university. The Scots' College has an unfortunate
notoriety in consequence of the long dispute between
the Jesuits and tne secular clergy which centred
round it in later times. It was established in 1594, not
as a new foundation, but as the continuation of a secu-
lar college at Pont-a-Mousson in Lorraine, which,
owing to the unhealthf ulness of the site, had to seek a
new home. In 1596, however, it moved again, and it
was not till after several further migrations that it set-
tled finally at Douai in 1612. The college was devoid
of resources, and it was due to the zealous efforts of
Father Parsons in Rome and Madrid, and of Father
Creighton in France and Flanders, that numerous
benefactions were given, and it was placed on a per-
manent footing. For tnis reason, tne Jesuits after-
wards claimed the property as their own, although it
was admitted that m its early years secular clergy had
been educated there. Appeals and counter-appeals
were made, but the question was still unsettled when
the Jesuits were expelled from France in 1764. The
French Government, however, recognized the claims
of the Scotch secular clergy and allowed them to con-
tinue the work of the college under a rector chosen
from their own body. The Benedictine and Franciscan
houses at Douai were near together and were both
bound up in their history with the restoration of the
respective orders in England. The Franciscan monas-
tery was founded mainly through the instrumentality
of Father John Gennings, the brother of the martyr.
It was established in temporary quarters in 1618, the
students for the time attending the Jesuit schools; but
by 1621 they had built a monastery and provided for
all necessary tuition within their own walls. The Bene-
dictines began in 1605, in hired apartments belonging
to the College d'Anchin, but a few years later, through
the generosity of Abbot Caravel of the monastery of
Saint- Vaast, they obtained land and built a monastery,
which was opened in 1611. The house acquired a high
reputation for learning, and many of the professors of
the university were at different times chosen from
among its members.
Returning now to the English College, we come
upon the unfortunate disputes between tne seculars
and regulars in the seventeenth century. Dr.
Worth ington, though himself a secular priest, was
under the influence of Father Parsons, ana for a long
time the students attended the Jesuit schools and
all the spiritual direction was in the hands of the
society. A visitation of the college, however, laid
bare many shortcomings in its administration and in
the end Worthington was deposed. His successor,
Dr. Kellison (1631-1641), succeeded in restoring the
reputation of the college, while he gradually arranged
for the necessary tuition to be given within its walls.
In the latter half of the seventeenth and the early
years of the eighteenth century, the English College
went through a troubled time. During the presidency
of Dr. Hyde (1646-1651), the University of Douai
claimed certain controlling rights over the college,
which claim, however, he successfully withstood. His
successor, Dr. George Leyburn (1652-1670), fell out
with the "Old Chapter", in the absence of a bishop,
governing the Church in England. He attacked
one Mr. White (alias Blacklo), a prominent member
of their body, and procured a condemnation of
his writings by the University of Douai. In the
end, however, he himself found it necessary to retire
in favour of his nephew, Dr. John Leyburn, who was
afterwards vicar Apostolic. Hardly was the dispute
with the "Blackloists" (as they were called) finished,
when a further storm of an even more serious nature
arose, the centre being Dr. Hawarden who was pro-
fessor of philosophy ana then of theology at the English
College for seventeen years. His reputation became
so great that when a vacancy occurred in 1702 he was
solicited by the bishop, the chief members of the uni-
versity, and the magistrates of the town to accept the
Eost of regius professor of divinity. His candidature,
owever, was opposed by a party headed by the vice-
chancellor. The Jesuits also declared against him,
accusing him, and through him the English College, of
Jansenism. In the end, Dr. Hawarden retired from
Douai and went on the mission in England; and a
visitation of the college, made by order of the Holy
See, resulted in completely clearing it of the imputa-
tion. In 1677, Douai was taken by Louis XI V, and
since that date has been under French control, except
for the short time that it was held by the English after
the siege of the Duke of Marlborough in 1710; but it
was retaken by the French the following year.
During the rest of the eighteenth century^there were
no importantpolitical changes until the Revolution
broke out. Tne hopes whicn the English Catholics
had rested on the Stuart family had now vanished, and
the only prospect open to them lay in their foreign
centres of which Douai was the chief. To these cen-
tres they devoted the greater part of their energy.
Under the presidency of Dr. Witham (1715-1738) who
is considered a second founder, the English College at
Douai was rebuilt on a substantial scale and rescued
from overwhelming debt; it had lost nearly all its en-
dowment in the notorious Mississippi scheme, or
"South Sea Bubble". The Irish College was rebuilt
about the middle of the century, ana the English
Benedictine monastery between 1776 and 1781. But
all were destined to come to an end a few years after
this, under the Reign of Terror.
As a town, Douai suffered less than many others at
the beginning of the Revolution. The university kept
up its Catholic character to the end, and it was one of
the five typical Catholic universities to which Pitt ap-
pealed for an authoritative declaration as to the Cath-
olic doctrine on the " deposing power" of the pope.
During the Reign of Terror, however, it suffered the
same rate as many similar establishments. When all
the clergy of the town were called upon in 1791 to take
the "Civic Oath", the members of the British estab-
lishments claimed exemption in virtue of their nation-
ality. The plea was allowed for a time; but after the
execution of Louis XVI, when war was declared be-
tween England and France, it was not to be expected
that this immunity would continue. The superiors
and students of most of the British establishments
took flight and succeeded in reaching England. The
members of the English College, with their president,
Rev. John Daniel, remained in the hope of saving the
college; but in October, 1793, they were taken to
Erison at Doullens in Picardy. together with six Anglo-
enedictine monks who had remained for a similar
purpose. After undergoing many dangers and hard-
ships, they were allowed to return to Douai in Novem-
ber, 1794, and a few months later, by the exertions of
Dr. Stapleton, President of St. Omer (who with his
students had likewise been imprisoned at Doullens),
they were set at liberty and allowed to return to Eng-
land. The English collegians never returned to
Douai. Hie Penal Laws had recently been repealed,
and they founded two colleges to continue the work of
Douai--Crook Hall (afterwards removed to Ushaw)
1
DOUAY
140
DOUAY
in the North, and St. Edmund's, Old Hall, in the
South. The Roman pension was divided equally be-
tween these two until the French occupied Rome in
1799, when it ceased to be paid. Both these colleges
exist at the present day. After the Revolution,
Bonaparte united all the British establishments in
France under one administrator, Rev. Francis Walsh,
an Irishman. On the restoration of the Bourbons, a
large sumof money was paid to the English Govern-
ment to indemnify those who had suffered by the
Revolution; but none of this ever reached Catholic
hands, for it was ruled that as the Catholic colleges
were carried on in France for the sole reason that they
were illegal in England, they must be considered
French, not English, establishments. The buildings,
however, were restored to their rightful owners, and
most of them were sold. The Anglo-Benedictines
alone retained their ancient monastery; and as the
community of St. Gregory was then permanently es-
tablished at Downside, they handed over their house
at Douai to the community of St. Edmund, which had
formerly been located in Paris. These Benedictines
carried on a school at Douai until 1903, when in con-
sequence of the Associations' Law passed by the Gov-
ernment they were forced to leave. They returned to
England, and settled at Woolhampton, near Reading.
Dodd, Church History of England; Idem, eel. Tiernet; R. C.,
Hist, of Eng. Col., Douay, ed. Dodd (1713); Butler, Reminis-
cences (1822); Knox. Douay Diaries (1878): Idem, Letters of
Cardinal Alien (1882): J. Gillow, Haydock Papers (1888); H.
Giixow, Chapels of ushaw; Ward, History of St. Edmund's
College (1803); Husenbbth, Eng. Colleges and Convents on the
Continent (1849); Cameron, The Catholic Church in Scotland
(Glasgow, 1860); Botlk, Irish College in Paris (1001); Birt,
Downside (1002); Thaddeus, Franciscans in England (1808);
Calendar of English Martyrs (1878): Dauooisne, Btablissements
Britanniqucs a Douai (Douai, 1881); Handeocbur, Histoire du
College Anglais, Douai (Reims, 1808); Taillxar, Chroniques de
Douai (1875); Catholic Magazine (1831). Also many unpub-
lished MS8. in the Westminster archives, and in those of the
"Old Brotherhood" (formerly the "Old Chapter").
Bernard Ward.
Douay Bible. — The original Douay Version, which is
the foundation on which nearly all English Catholic ver-
sions are still based, owed its existence to the religious
controversies of the sixteenth century. Manv Protest-
ant versions of the Scriptures had been issued! and were
used largely by the Reformers for polemical purposes.
The rendering of some of the texts snowed evident signs
of controversial bias, and it became of the first impor-
tance for the English Catholics of the day to be furnished
with a translation of their own, on the accuracy of which
they could depend and to which they could appeal in
the course of argument. The work of preparing such
a version was undertaken by the members of the Eng-
lish College at Douai, in Flanders, founded by William
Allen (afterwards cardinal) in 1568. The chief share
of the translating was borne by Dr. Gregory Martin,
formerly of St. John's College, Oxford. His text was
revised by Thomas Worthington, Richard Bristowe,
John Reynolds, and Allen himself — all of them Oxford
•men. A series of notes was added, designed to answer
the theological arguments of the Reformers; these
were prepared by Allen, assisted by Bristowe and
Worthington.
The object of the work was, of course, not limited to
controversial purposes; in the case of tne New Testa-
ment, especially, it was meant for pious use among
Catholics. The fact, however, that the primary end
was controversial explains the course adopted by the
translators. In the first place they translated directly,
not from the original Hebrew or Greek, but from the
Latin Vulgate of St. Jerome. This had been declared
authoritative for Catholics by the Council of Trent;
but it was also commonly admitted that the text was
purer than in any manuscripts at that time extant in
the original languages. Then, also," in the translation,
manv technical words were retained bodily, such as
pasch, jxirasceve, azymes, etc. In some instances, also,
where it was found difficult or impossible to find a
suitable English equivalent for a Latin word, the latter
was retained in an anglicized form. Thus in Phil., ii, 8,
we get "He exinanited himself", and in Heb., ix, 28,
" Christ was offered once to exhaust the sins of many ' '.
It was considered that an ordinary reader, finding the
word unintelligible, would pause and inquire its mean-
ing, and that this was preferable to satisfying him with
an inadequate rendering. In other cases latinisms seem
to have crept in unawares, as in Luke, x, 1 " Our Lord
designed also other seventy-two"; or in Phil., ii, 10,
" In the name of Jesus, e veryknee bow of the celestials,
terrestrials and infernals". The proper names are usu-
ally (though not always) taken from the Vulgate; but
the word Dominus is rendered throughout Our Lord.
The general result was a version in cumbersome Eng-
lish, so full of latinisms as to be in places hardly read-
able, but withal scholarly and accurate.
In the year 1578, owing to political troubles, the
college was temporarily transferred from Douai
(which was then in the dominions of the King of
Spain) to Reims, and during its sojourn there, in
1582, the New Testament was published, and became
consequently known as the " Rheims Testament ' '. It
contained no episcopal imprimatur, but a recom-
mendation was appended signed by four divines of the
University of Reims. The Old Testament was de-
layed by want of means, until the whole Bible was
eventually published in two quarto volumes, in 1609
and 1610, by which time the college had returned to
Douai, and the recommendation was signed by three
doctors of that university. Thus the New Testament
appeared nearly thirty years before the Anglican
"Authorized Version , and although not officially
mentioned as one of the versions to be consulted, it is
now commonly recognized to have had a large influ-
ence on the King James Version (see Preface to R. V.,
i, 2; also, Carleton, "Rheims and the English Bible").
The Reims Testament was reprinted twice at Ant-
werp— in 1600 and 1621 — and a fourth edition was
issued at Rouen in 1633. Then it was allowed to rest
for over a century, before a fifth edition appeared,
with some slight changes, dated 1728. but without any
place of publication stated. It is believed to have
been printed in London and was edited by Dr. Chal-
loner (afterwards bishop), and Father Blyth, a Car-
melite. The Douay Bible was never after this printed
abroad. A sixth edition of the Reims Testament was
Erinted at Liverpool in 1788, and a seventh dated
Kiblin, 1803, which was the last Catholic edition.
Several Protestant editions have appeared, the best
known being a curious work by Rev. William Fulke,
first published in 1589, with the Reims text and that
of the Bishops' Bible in parallel columns. A Protest-
ant edition of the Reims Testament was also brought
out by Leavitt of New York, in 1834.
Although the Bibles in use at the present day by the
Catholics of England and Ireland are popularly styled
the Douay Version, they are most improperly so
called; they are founded, with more or less alteration,
on a series of revisions undertaken by Bishop Chal-
loner in 1749-52. His object was to meet the prac-
tical want felt by the Catholics of his day of a Bible
moderate in size and price, in readable English, and
with notes more suitable to the time. He brought out
three editions of the New Testament, in 1749, 1750,
and 1752 respectively, and one of the Old Testament
in 1750. The changes introduced by him were so con-
siderable that, according to Cardinal Newman, they
u almost amounted to a new translation". So also.
Cardinal Wiseman wrote, "To call it any longer the
Douay or Rheimish Version is an abuse of terms. It
has been altered and modified until scarcely any verse
remains as it was originally published." In nearly
every case Challoner's changes took the form of ap-
proximating to the Authonzed Version, though his
three editions of the New Testament differ from one
another in numerous passages. The best known
DOUBT 141 DOUBT
Catholic Bible published in England in modern times resolution of doubt of this kind is the province of moral
is perhaps Hay dock's, which was first issued at Man- theology, in regard to questions of right and wrong;
Chester in fortnightly parts in 1811-12. The Irish and in regard to those of mere practical expediency,
editions are mostly known by the names of the bishops recourse must be had to the scientific or other prin-
who gave the imprimatur: as Dr. Carpenter's New ciples which properly belong to the subject-matter of
Testament (1783); Dr. Troy's Bible (1791); Dr. the doubt. Thus, for example, doubt as to the actual
Murray's (1825) ; and Dr. Denvir's (1836)— the last occurrence of an historical event can only be resolved
two of which have often been reprinted, and circulate by consideration of the evidence; doubt as to the doc-
largely at the present day in England as well as in Ire- trine of the sacraments, by ascertaining what is of
land. Of late years the issue of the sixpenny New faith on the subject; doubt as to the morality of a
Testament by Burns and Oates of London has by its commercial transaction, by the application of the au-
large circulation made the text adopted therein — thoritative decisions of moral theology; while the
Challoner's of 1749 — the standard one, especially as question of the wisdom or the reverse of the transac-
the same is adopted in Dr. Murray's and Dr. Denvir's tion in regard to profit and loss must be determined
Bibles. In America an independent revision of the by commercial knowledge and experience. The
Douay Version by Archbishop Kenrick (1849-59) is legitimacy, or the reverse, of doubt in regard to
much used. matters of fact is made evident by the forms of logic
Cotton, Rheima and Douay (Oxford, 1865), an exhaustive (induction and deduction), which, whatever may 06
S^lVL^'SS JEfi SSffiJSSi. S8?5 the «** of ** functio» ** a meana * ■yHS1
the Ena. Bible (1868); Cablbton, Rheima and the Eng. Bible knowledge, are indispensably necessary as a test of the
(Oxford, 1902); Ward, St. Z*4*e(i897)f introduot.; English correctness of conclusions or hypotheses already
Hexapla (London); Miluoan in Habtinqb, Diet, of the Bible, formed
* Bernard Ward. Doubt in Philosophy. — The validity of human per-
ception and reasoning in general as guides to objective
Doubt (Lat. dubium, Gr. Aropta, Fr. doute, Ger. truth has been frequently called in question. The
ZweifeT), a state in which the mind is suspended be- doubt thus raised has been sometimes of the character
tween two contradictory propositions and unable to called methodic, fictitious, or provisional, and some-
assent to either of them. Any number of alternative times reed, or sceptical, as embodying the conclusion
propositions on the same subject may be in doubt at that objective truth cannot be known. Doubt of the
the same time; but, strictly speaking, the doubt is former kind is the necessary preliminary to all inquiry,
attached separately to each one, as between the and in this sense philosophy is said by Aristotle
proposition and its contradictory, i. e. each proposi- (Metaph., Ill, i) to be "the art of doubting well",
tion may or may not be true. Doubt is opposed to Sir W. Hamilton points out (Lect. on Metaphysics, v)
certitude, or the adhesion of the mind to a proposition that doubt, as a preliminary to philosophical inquiry,
without misgiving as to its truth; and again to opin- is the only means by which the necessary removal of
ion, or a mental adhesion to a proposition together prejudice may be effected; as the Baconian method
with such a misgiving. Doubt is either positive or insisted on the primary necessity of putting aside the
negative. In the former case, the evidence for and "idols", or prejudices, by which men's minds are nat-
against is so equally balanced as to render decision urally influenced. Thus the Scholastic proof of a
impossible; in the latter, the doubt arises from the proposition or thesis begins by the statement of
absence of sufficient evidence on either side. It is "doubts", or contrary arguments; after which the
thus possible that a doubt may be positive on the one evidence for the thesis is given, and finally the doubts
side and negative on the other (positivo-negative or are resolved. This, it need hardly be said, is the
negativo-positive), i. e. in cases wnere evidence on one method pursued in the "Summa" of Saint Thomas
aide only is attainable and does not, of itself, amount Aquinas and still in use in the formal disputations of
to absolute demonstration, as, for instance, in circum- theological students. An instance of this kind of
stantial evidence. Again, doubt may be either thee- doubt is the Sic et Non (Yes and No) of Abelard,
retical or practical. The former is concerned with which consists of a long series of propositions on
abstract truth and error; the latter with questions of theological, Scriptural, and philosophical subjects,
duty, or of the licitness of actions, or of mere expe- with a counter-proposition attached to each. The
diency. A further distinction is made between doubt solution of the doubts in the sense of the orthodox
concerning the existence of a particular fact (dubium thesis, which was clearly intended to follow, was never
facti) and doubt in regard to a precept of law (dubium written ; or if so, has not been preserved. (See Victor
juris). Prudent doubts are distinguished f rom imr Cousin's "Fragments Philosophiques".) The philo-
prudent, according to the reasonableness or unreason- sophical system of Descartes begins with a universal
ableness of the considerations on which the doubt is methodic doubt; the famous cogito, ergo sum, on
based. It should be observed that doubt is a purely which the whole system is based, is the solution of the
subjective condition; i. e. it belongs only to the philosopher's fundamental doubt of his own existence,
mind which has to judge of facts, and has no ap- This solution had been anticipated by St. Augustine,
plication- to the facts themselves. A proposition or who took the subjective certainty of one's own exist-
theory which is commonly called doubtful is, therefore, ence as the ground of all certainty [e. g. "Tu, qui vis.
one as to which sufficient evidence to determine assent te nosse, scis esse te? Scio. Unde scis? Nescio.
is not forthcoming; in itself it must be either true or Cogitare te scis? Scio." (Sol., II, i); "Utrum aeris
false. Theories which have at one time been re- sit vis vivendi, an ignis, dubitaverunt homines; vivere
carded as doubtful for want of sufficient evidence, se tamen et memmisse et intelligere et velle et cogi-
frequently become certainly true or false by reason of tare et scire et judicare quis dubitet? Quandoquidem
the discovery of fresh evidence. etiam si dubitet vivit; si dubitat, dubitare se intel-
As certitude may be produced either by reason (which ligit" etc. (De Trin., X, xiv)]. In general it may be
deals with evidence) or by faith (which rests on author- said that doubt, either expressed or implied, is in-
ity), it follows that theoretical doubt may be in like volved in all intellectual research,
manner concerned with the subject-matter of either Among the systems in which doubt as to the trust-
reason or faith, that is to say, with philosophy or with worthiness of human faculties is not merely provis-
religion. Practical doubt is concerned with conduct ; ionally assumed, but is genuine and final, those which
andsince conduct must be guided by principles afforded find in a supernatural revelation the guide to truth
by reason or by faith, or by both conjointly, doubt con- which natural reason fails to provide must be distin-
oerning it regards the application of principles already guished from those which hold doubt to be the final
accepted under one or other of the foregoing heads. The conclusion of all inquiry into truth. The former de-
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142
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predate reason in the interests of faith ; the latter take
reason as the only possible guide, but find no ground
for confidence in it. To the former class belongs
Nicholas of Cusa (1440), who was the author of two
sceptical treatises on human knowledge; certainty is
to be found, according to his view, only through the
mystical knowledge of God. The scepticism of Mon-
taigne made a reservation (whether sincerely or not is
uncertain) in favour of revealed truth ; and the same
principle was advocated by Charron, Sanchez, and Le
Vayer. Hume, in his sceptical essays on miracles and
immortality, also attributed a final authority to rev-
elation; but with obvious insincerity. The sceptical
views of Hobbes, combined with his peculiar theory
of government, made all conviction, including that of
religions truth, dependent on the civil authority.
Glanvill's "The Vanity of Dogmatizing", or "Scepsis
Scientifica", grounded a serious defence of revealed
religion on the uncertainty of natural knowledge.
Balfour's "Defence of Philosophic Doubt", based on
the indemonstrability of ultimate truths, is an at-
tempt in the same direction. (See Fideism.)
In the second class are to be reckoned the various
systems of genuine scepticism. This appeared in
Greek philosophy at a very early date, Heraclitus
held the senses to be untrustworthy (*a*oi /tdprvpts)
and misleading, though he also conceived a supersen-
suous knowledge of the universal reason, immanent in
the cosmos, to be attainable. Zeno of Elea defended
the doctrine of the unity and permanence of being by
propounding a series of "hypotheses", each of which
resulted in a contradiction, and by means of them
sought to demonstrate the unreality of the manifold
ana changing. The subjective principle of the Soph-
ists (Protagoras, Gorgias, and others of less note) that
"man is the measure of all things" implies doubt, or
scepticism, as to all objective reality. Knowledge is
resolved by Protagoras into mere variable opinion:
and Gorgias asserts that nothing really exists, that if
anything existed, it could not be known, ana that if
such knowledge were possible it would be incommuni-
cable. The Pyrrhonists, or Sceptics, held everything
in doubt, even the fact of doubting. The Middle
Academics, whose chief representatives were Arcesi-
laus and Carneades, while doubting all knowledge,
held, nevertheless, that probability could be recog-
nized in varying degrees. The "Encyclopedia" of
Diderot and d'Ajembert comments on the odd self-
contradiction of Montaigne, who claimed a higher de-
gree of probability for the Pyrrhonist than for the
Academic opinion. Sextus Empiricus advanced the
theory, often since maintained, that the syllogism is
really a petitio principii, and that demonstration is
therefore impossible. Bayle, in his celebrated "Dic-
tionary", subjected the philosophy of his time to
severe destructive criticism, but was confessedly un-
able to supply its deficiencies. Hume's position was
purely negative: for him, neither the existence of
the external world nor that of the mind by which it is
known was capable of demonstration ; and the conclu-
sion of Kant's "Critique of Pure Reason", that the
"thing in itself" {Ding an sick) is unknowable though
certainly existing, is evidently sceptical (though the
author himself rejected the title), since it embodies a
purely negative doubt as to the nature of "tran-
scendent ' ' reality. Kant's argument for the existence
of God, as rationally indemonstrable, but postulated
by the practical reason, necessarily results in a very
limited conception of the Divine nature. Lamennais
made general consent, or the common sense of man-
kind, the only ground of certitude ; the individual rea-
son he held to be incapable of attaining it. "Nothing
is so evident to us to-aay that we can be sure we shall
not find it either doubtful or erroneous to-morrow"
(Essai sur 1 'indifference, II, xiii).
It may be observed that theories which deny the
validity of simple experience as a guide to truth are
really instances of doubt, because, though they assert
dogmatically the inadequacy of widely accepted evi-
dence, they are nevertheless in that state of suspense
by which doubt is properly characterized in regard to
the reality commonly held to be made known by ex-
perience. Thus the mental attitude which received
from Professor Huxley the name of Agnosticism is a
strictly doubtful one towards all that lies beyond
sense-experience. The doubt is purely negative in
this view- whatever is not cognizable by the aid of the
senses is held to be unknowable; Goof may exist, or
He may not, but we can neither affirm His existence
nor deny it. Again, the system or method known as
Pragmatism regards all reality as doubtful ; truth is the
correspondence of ideas with one another, and cannot
be regarded as anything final, but must perpetually
change with the progress of human thought; knowl-
edge must be taken at its "face value" from moment
to moment, as a practical guide to well-being, and
must not be regarded as having any necessary corre-
spondence with definite and permanent reality.
Doubt in Regard to Religion has at different times
assumed a variety of forms. It is perhaps uncertain
how far the ancient mythologies received or even de-
manded exact belief; it is at any rate certain that they
were, as a rule, not considered worthy of serious atten-
tion by the philosophers of any school. The atheism
which formed part of the charge on which Socrates
was condemned was an offence against the State rather
than against religion in itself (see Lecky, Hist, of
European Morals, ii). The faith demanded by the
Christian Revelation stands on a different footing from
the belief claimed by any other religion. Since it
rests on Divine authority, it implies an obligation to
believe on the part of all to whom it is proposed ; and
faith being an act of the will as well as of the intel-
lect, its refusal involves not merely intellectual error,
but also some degree of moral perversity. It follows
that doubt in regard to the Christian religion is equiv-
alent to its total rejection, the ground of its accep-
tance being necessarily in every case the authority on
which it is proposed, and not, as with philosophical
or scientific doctrines, its intrinsic demonstrability in
detail. Thus, whereas a philosophical or scientific
opinion may be held provisionally and subject to an
unresolved doubt, no such position can be held towards
the doctrines of Christianity; their authority must be
either accepted or rejected. The unconditional, in-
terior assent which the Church demands to the Divine
authority of revelation is incompatible with any doubt
as to its validity. Gregory X VI, by the Brief " Dum
acerbissimas", 26 Sept., 1835, condemned the teach-
ing of Hermes that all theological inquiry should be
based on positive doubt (Denzinger, 10th ed., no.
1619); and the Vatican Council declared (Sess. II,
ch. xxxi): "revelata vera esse credimus, non propter
mtrinsecam rerum veritatem naturali rationis lumine
esrspectam, sed propter auctoritatem ipsius Dei reve-
ntis, qui nee falli nee fallere potest", i. e. we believe
the things that are revealed to be true, not because of
an intrinsic truth which reason perceives, but because'
of the authority of God Who is the Author of Revela-
tion, and Who can neither deceive nor be deceived.
Heresies have, however, generally had the character
rather of dogmatic assertion than of mere doubt,
though they arose from a more or less prevalent state
of doubt as to doctrines imperfectly understood or not
yet authoritatively defined. The devotion to classical
studies which followed upon the fall of Constantinople
in 1453 and the dispersion of its literary treasures gave
rise to the humanism, or literary revival, of the Re-
naissance, and in many cases resulted in a sceptical
attitude towards religion. This scepticism, however,
was by no means universal among the Humanists, and
was due rather to lack of interest in theological, as
compared with literary and philosophical, study, than
to any reasoned criticism of religious doctrine. (See
DOUGLAS
143
DOUGLAS
Pastor, "History of the Popes'9, chapters on the Re-
naissance.) It helped to prepare the way, however,
for the Reformation, which, beginning with a revolt
against ecclesiastical authority, called all the doctrines
of Christianity in question, rejecting those which failed
to gain the approval of the different leaders of the
movement. Thus among Protestants in general there
is great variety of opinion on religious doctrines, those
which are firmly held by some being considered doubt-
ful bv others, and by others again, rejected as false.
Anglicanism, especially, leaves open many of the
tenets which the Catholic Church holds as of faith, and
thus endeavours to comprehend within its boundaries
persons who differ widely from one another on impor-
tant subjects. The Catholic Church, on the other
hand, pronounces authoritatively as to the truth or
falsehood of opinions, by means of general councils,
professions of faith, infallible decisions of the supreme
pontiff, and the ordinary teaching of her pastors.
As St. A vitus, in the sixth century, declared, "it is
the law of the councils that if any doubt have arisen
in matters which regard the state of the Church, we are
to have recourse to the chief priest of the Roman
Church" (Ep. xxxvi in P. L., L1X, 253). Doubt as
to the Faith is thus impossible in the Catholic Church
without infringing the principle of authority on which
the Church itself depends. The field, however, which
is open to a variety of opinions on questions not
directly involving the essential doctrines of the Faith
is still a very wide one ; and though its extent may be
further limited by future dogmatic decisions, it is
probable on the other hand that it will be increased
m the future, as in the past, by the emergence of
doubtful questions as to the exact bearing of dog-
matic truth upon fresh discoveries or theories of all
kinds.
It will be evident from what has been said that
doubt cannot coexist either with faith or knowledge in
regard to any given subject; faith and doubt are
mutually exclusive, and knowledge which is limited by
a doubt, becomes, in regard to the subject or part of a
subject to which the doubt applies, no longer knowl-
edge but opinion. A moral certainty — that is, one
which is founded on the normal course of human s
action— does not strictly exclude doubt, but, as ex-
cluding vrudent doubt, must be considered a sufficient
practical guide (cf. Butler, "Analogy of Religion",
introduction, ana pt. II, ch. vi). Thus doubt is some-
times said to imply belief; though such belief or prac-
tical certainty cannot properly be held to rise above
the most probable kind of opinion. The rhetorical
conception of the faith that lives in honest doubt"
(Tennyson. In Memoriam) must be taken to signify
that truthful and serious habit of mind which refuses
to submit to deception on motives furnished by intel-
lectual sloth or the desire of worldly advantage.
Catholic philosophy is entirely opposed both to the
Pyrrhonist doubt of external reality and to that form
of Idealism which is closely connected with the Kan-
tian method on its sceptical side, and which seeks to
reduce all dogma to the mere expression of subjective
religious conceptions, relegating the objective facts
with which dogma is concerned to the domain of sym-
bol and parable. In the view of the Scholastic
system, human experience is a true perception of ex-
ternal reality through the senses and tne intellect;
phenomena being the object both of the senses, which
they directly affect, and, after a different manner, of
the intellect, which apprehends through sensible im-
pressions the true nature and principles of the reality
which causes those impressions. The facts of revela-
tion to which the Church bears witness are in this
sense real and objective, and may neither be explained
away nor set aside by any system of historical or
scieatific criticism. Such is the purport of the En-
cyclical "Pascendi Dominici gregis" (1907), which
Both controverts and condemns the attempt to evac-
uate dogma of its true significance made by the method
of religious speculation known as Modernism.
Practical Doubt, or doubt as to the lawfulness of
an action is, according to the teaching of moral theology,
incompatible with right action; since to act with a
doubtful conscience is obviously to act in disregard of
the moral law. To act with a doubtful conscience is.
therefore, sinful; and the doubt must be removed
before any action can be justified. It frequently
happens, however, that the solution of a practical
doubt is not attainable, while some decision is neces-
sary. In such cases the conscience may obtain a
"reflexive" certainty by adopting an approved opin-
ion as to the lawfulness of tne action contemplated,
apart from the intrinsic merits of the question. The
question has been much discussed among different
schools of theologians whether the opinion so followed
must be of greatly preponderating authority in favour
of liberty in order to justify an action the lawfulness
of which appears intrinsically doubtful, whether it
must be merely more probable than the contrary one,
or equally probable, or merely probable in itself, even
though less so than its contrary. (See Moral Theol-
ogy; Probabilism.) The last, however, is the the-
ory now generally accepted for all practical purposes;
and the principle that lex dvbia non obliged — i. e. that
a law which is doubtful in its application to the case
in hand does not bind — is universally admitted. It
must be observed, however, that where the question is
one not merely of positive law but of securing a cer-
tain practical result, only the "safer" course may be
followed. No opinion, however probable, is allowed
to take precedence of tne most certain means of secur-
ing such ends; e. g. in providing for the validity of the
sacraments, in discharging obligations of justice, or in
avoiding injury to others. Thus doubtful baptisms
and ordinations must be repeated conditionally. (See
Agnosticism; Certitude; Epistemologt; Faith;
Heresy; Infallibility* Scepticism.)
For doubt in ancient philosophy see Zeller, Phil, der
Griechen (Tubingen, 1855-62); Idem. Stoics, Epicureans and
Sceptics, tr. Reichel (London, 1868); Ueberweq, History of
Philosophy, tr. Morris (New York, 1872). For doubt in
Scholastic philosophy and moral theology: Reinbtadler, Ele-
menta PhUosophux Scholastics (Freiburg, 1904); Lehmkuhl,
Theol. Mor. (Freiburg, 1903). General: Nicholas or Cuba,
De Doctd JgnorantiA and De Conjecturis in Opera (Basle, 1565;
Ger. tr., Freiburg, 1871); Bacon, Novum Organum; Hobbes,
Leviathan: Hume, Human Understanding and Essays; Mon-
taigne, Essais (Paris, 1580: tr. London, 1603 and 1906);
Descartes, Principia Phil. (Amsterdam, 1644); Ma*lk-
branchs, Recherches de la veriU (Paris, 1837); Pascal, Pen-
sees; Batle, Diet. Hist, et Crit. (Rotterdam, 1697: tr. London,
1738); Kant, Kritik d<er reinen Vernunft and Kntik der prak-
tischen Vernunft (tr. London, 1844-8); Glanvxll, Scepsis Sci-
entifica (London, 1665); Lamennaib, Essai sur ^indifference en
matiere de Religion (Paris, 1827); Victor Cousin, Fragments
Philoscphiques (Brussels, 1840); Hamilton, Lectures on Meta-
physics (Edinburgh, 1871), v; Newman, Grammar of Assent
(London, 1870); Balfour, Defence of Philosophic Doubt (Lon-
don, 1879): Huxley, Lectures and Essays (1902); Stephen,
An Agnostic's Apology, etc. (1904); James, Pragmatism (1907);
Schiller, Humanism (1903): Idem, Studies in Humanism
(1907): Dewey, Studies in Logical Theory (1904); Diderot
and d'Alembert, Encyclopedic (1755), s. v. Doute: Blunt
(Anglican), Diet, of Theol., s. v. Doubt; Kruo, Encudop&disch-
phUosophisches Lexikon (Leipsig, 1834), s. v. Zweifel.
A. B. Sharps.
Douglas, Gavin, Scottish prelate and poet, b. about
1474; d. 1522; he was the third son of Archibald, Fifth
Earl of Angus, known as "Bell-the-Cat". Edu-
cated for the Church at the universities of St. An-
drews and Paris, he held for some years a benefice in
East Lothian, and during this period composed most
of the poetical works which have made his name fa-
mous. In 1501 he became provost of the collegiate
church of St. Giles, Edinburgh, and subsequently,
through the influence of Queen Margaret, who had
married his nephew, the young Earl of Angus, he
obtained the abbacy of Arbroath and later the
Bishopric of Dunkeld. The queen's efforts to have
him promoted to the primacy were unsuccessful; and
when the popular indignation at her marriage with
DOUKHOBORS 1
Angus resulted in her being deprived of the regency,
Douglas was brought to trial by the new regent, the
Duke of Albany, for intriguing with the queen to ob-
tain ecclesiastical promotion without the consent of
Parliament. He was imprisoned for a year in Edin-
burgh Castle, and after his release continued for a
time in the administration of his diocese. When,
however, Margaret separated from her husband and
aided with Albany against the Douglasses, Gavin was
deprived of his see. He fled to England in 1521 and
was kindly received by Henry VIII, but he died of
plague in the following year. He was buried in the
Savoy Church in London.
It was unfortunate for Douglas's future reputation
that his high birth and family connexions plunged
him into the political turmoil of his time, and thus
prematurely closed his career as a poet and scholar of
the first order. His participation inthehiternaldivis-
ions by which Scotland was torn during most of his
life ended, as far as he was concerned, in failure, exile,
and death ; and it is as a literary genius, rather than a
churchman or a statesman, that he lives in Scottish
history. It was during his quiet life as a country
parson that he wrote the gorgeous allegory called the
"Palice of Honour", whose wealth of illustration and
poetical embellishments at once won renown for its
author; and a little later he produced the translation
of Virgil's "Mneid", which gives him his chief claim
to literary immortality. The translation is a rather
free adaptation of the Roman poet, written in the
"Scottis ''language then current, while to each book is
prefixed an original prologue in verse. It was printed
(for the third time) by the Bannatyne Club in 1839.
Douglas wrote two other poems. King Hart" and
"Conscience", and translated also Ovid's "De Rerne-
dio Amoria". His complete works were first collected
and published in Edinburgh (ed. Small), in 1874.
Milne, Vita Epiic. Dunkela. (Edinburgh, 1831); Thomson
and Aits*™ alb. Hut. of Ox* Scottith People I, 641-556; II,
40, 47: Chambers, Imperial Biography, ■ . V. Doua/at; I.eslet.
Hut. of Scotland, 1436-1681 (ed. BarnattnbI.TIb, 117 .qq.;
Linmai or Pracorna, Ckrmidee of Scotland (18111, II.
D. O. Huhteh-Blaib.
Doukhobors. See Russia.
Doutreleau, Stephen, missionary, b. in France,
11 Oct., 1693; date of death uncertain. He became
a Jesuit novice at the age of twenty-two and migrated
to Louisiana, U. S. A., with the Ursuline nuns in
1727. Soon after his arrival he was sent to the Illinois
mission, for In 1728 he seems to have been at Post Vin-
cennea, "the fort on the Wabash", which was estab-
lished about that time. On 1 January, 1730, he set
out for New Orleans on business connected with the
mission. The Natches Indians, only a few weeks be-
fore, had massacred all the inhabitants of the little
French village of Natchez, and the Yazoos, a neigh-
bouring Indian tribe, had followed their example.
Two Jesuit missionaries perished in these uprisings.
Ignorant of the state of the country and accompanied
by four or five French voyageurs, Father Doutreleau
landed at the mouth of the Yazoo River to offer up the
Holy Sacrifice. The Indians attacked the little party
killing one of the Frenchmen and wounding the mis-
sionary In the arm. Doutreleau escaped to his canoe
with two of his companions and began their flight down
the Mississippi. After many dangers they reached
the French camp at Tonics. Bay, where they
through a hostile country had been accompli!
Shortly after, Father Doutreleau became chaplain of
the French troops in Louisiana, and in this capacity
accompanied them on one expedition. At his own
request he was sent back to the Illinois Indians, but
how long he remained is uncertain. He was at one
time chaplain of the hospital at New Orleans. In
1747 he returned to France after labouring as a mis-
sionary in the Mississippi Valley for twenty years.
" , tr. Sbka. HUIotv of New Francs (New York,
-., _ ... N. Amer'.
rk, ISM), 28B-292. Gatakb*. Hietoin de la Loui-
sunwinsw Orleans. 1847), I, 247, 254; Shba, Catholic Miuioru
amonalhc Indian Tribe* of the V. S. {New York, 1855), 428, 430,
431; Winsoh, .Vorra/iiw and Critical Hulary of America (Bos-
ton, 18S7), V. 4fi; Thwaitm. ed. Jesuit Helalitnu (Cleveland.
1001), LXXI, 166: I. XVII, 342; LX1I1; Duhont, Memoira de
la Loumane, II, 160-183; Fame- "-" "-" ''
Dove (Lat. columba). — In Christian antiquity the
dove appears as a symbol and as a Eucharist ic vessel.
As a Christian symbol it is of very frequent occurrence
in ancient ecclesiastical art. (1) As a symbol of the
Holy Spirit it appears especially in representations of
the baptism of Our Lord (Matt., iii, 16) and of Pente-
cost. St. Gregory the
Great (590-604) is gen-
erally shown with a
dove on his shoulder,
symbolising inspira-
tion or rather Divine
guidance. A dove of
Ski was hung up in the
ptistery at Reims
after the baptism of
Clovis; in general the
fre-
. nbol ■
quently in .
with early represen-
tations of baptism. In
ancient times a dove-
like vessel was fre-
quently suspended
over the baptismal font
and in that case was
sometimes used to con-
tain the holy oils
(Aringhi, Roma Sub-
terr.,11, 326). (2) As
a symbol of martyr-
dom it indicated the
jotion .of th. Holy .JftSSfliBSBUi
Spirit in bestowal of
the fortitude necessary for the endurance of suffering.
(3) As a symbol of the Church, the agent through
which the Holy Spirit works on earth. When V "
doves appear the symbolism may represent, accord-
inctoMacarius (Hagioglypta, 222), the "'
and that of the Gentiles.
is (Hagioglypta, 222), the Church of the
ind that of the Gentiles.
sarcophagus or on other funeral monuments
the dove signifies (a) the peace of the departed soul,
especially if, as is often the case in ancient examples,
it Dears an olive branch in its beak; (b) the hope of
the Resurrection. In each case the symbolism is de-
rived from the story of Noe and the Flood. Such is
the meaning of the dove (cofumoulo, palumba tine
Idle) in numerous epitaphs of the Roman catacombs.
Occasionally funeral lamps were made in the shape of
a dove. Two doves on a funeral monument some-
times signify the conjugal love and affection of the
parties buried there. The dove in flight is the symbol
of the Ascension of Christ c * "
of the martyrs and saints
soul is escaped as a bird from the snare of the hunter ,
the snare is broken and we are delivered." In like
manner the caged dove signifies the human soul yet
imprisoned in the flesh and held captive during the
period of mortal life. In general, the dove as a Chris-
tian emblem signifies the Holy Spirit either personally
or in His works. It signifies also the Christian soul,
not the human soul as such, but as indwelt by the
Holy Spirit; especially, therefore, as freed from the
toils of the flesh and entered into rest and glory.
As a EuCHABISTIC Vessel. — The reservation of the
DOWDALL
145
DOWER
Holy Eucharist for the use of the sick was, certainly
since early medieval times, effected in many parts
of Europe by means of a vessel in the form of a
dove, suspended by chains to the baldachino and
thus hung above the altar. Mention may be made
here of the (two) doves occasionally represented in
the Roman catacombs as drinking from a Eucharistic
chalice (Schnyder, "Die Darstellungen des eucharist.
Ketones auf altchr. Grabinschriften , in "Stromation
Archffiologicon", Rome, 1900, 97-118). The idea of
the Eucharistic vessel was probably taken from the
dove-like receptacle used at an early period in the
baptisteries and often suspended above the fonts.
These vessels were usually made of gold or silver.
This was no doubt always the case if the vessel was
designed to be the immediate holder of the Blessed
Sacrament, since the principle that no base material
ought to be used for this purpose is early and general.
But when, as seems generally to have been the case in
later times, the dove was only the outer vessel en-
shrining the pyx which itself contained the Blessed
Sacrament, it came about that any material might be
used which was itself suitable and dignified. Mabil-
lon (Iter Ital.,217) tells us that he saw one at the
monastery of feobbio made of gilded leather, and one
is shown to this day in the church of San Nazario at
Milan which is enamelled on the outside and silver gilt
within. The exact time at which such vessels first
came into use is disputed, but it was certainly at some
early date. Tertullian (G. Valentinian. cap. in)
speaks of the Church as columbce domus, the house
of the dove, and his words are sometimes quoted as
exhibiting the use of such vessels in the third century.
The reference, however, is clearly to the Holy Spirit.
In the life ot St. Basil, attributed to St. Amphilo-
chius, is perhaps the earliest clear mention of the
Eucharistic dove. "Gum panem divisisset in tree
partes . . tertiam, poeitam super columbam auream,
desuper sacrum aftare suspendit" (When he had
divided the bread into three pieces . . the third part
S laced in a golden dove, he suspended etc., Vita
•as., P. G., XXXIX). St. Chrysostom's expression
concerning the Holy Eucharist, convestitum SjnrUu
Sancto, clothed with the Holy Spirit (Horn, xiii, ad
pop. Antioch.), is generally taken to allude to this
practice of reserving the Holy Eucharist in a dove, the
emblem of the Holy Spirit. The same idea is ex-
pressed by Sedulius (Epist. xii) in the verses, " Sanc-
tusque columbae Spiritus in specie Christum vestivit
honore" — " And the Holy Spirit in the form of a dove
has robed Christ in honour .
The general, and certainly the earliest custom, both
East and West, was to suspend the dove from the
ciborium or baldachino. At a later period in some
parts of the West, especially in Rome, a custom grew
up of placing a tower of precious material upon the
altar, and enclosing the dove with the Blessed Sacra-
ment within this tower. Thus, in the " Liber Ponti-
ficals " which contains ample records of the principal
gifts made to the great basilicas in the fourth and suc-
ceeding centuries, we never find that the dove was
presented without the tower as its complement.
Thus in the life of Pope Hilary it is said that he pre-
sented to the baptistery at the Lateran turrem argen-
team . . . et columbam auream. In the life of St.
Sylvester (ibid.) Constantino is said to have given to
the Vatican Basilica pateram • . • cum turre et colum-
ba. Innocent I (ibid.) gave to another church turrem
argenteam cum columba.
Armeluni, Lezioni di Archeologia Cristiana (Rome, 1898):
M artxont, Diet, des antiq. chrSt. (Paris, 1889); Ttrwhitt and
Vbnabxjbs in Diet, of Christ. Antiq., s. v.; Kauimann, Manuals
di archeologia cristiana (Rome, 1906), 280 and passim.
Arthur S. Barnes.
DowdaU, George, Archbishop of Armagh, b. at
Drogheda, County Louth, Ireland, in 1487; d. at
London, 15 August, 1558. He entered the Order of
V.~ 10
Crutched Friars, and was the last prior of their monas-
tery at Ardee. On the suppression of the monastery
by Henry VIII, in 1539, he received a pension of £20 a
year. After the death of Primate Cromer, four years
later, he was appointed to the See of Armagh by the
king, but his appointment was not recognized by the
pope. Dowdali acknowledged Henry VIII as su-
preme head of the Church on earth, and denounced the
real primate, Robert Wauchope, to the Government.
Though a schismatic, he nevertheless vigorously op-
posed the introduction of Protestantism into Ireland
m the following reign and became the leader of the
Catholic party. His opposition proving fruitless, he
withdrew from public life in disgust and shortly after-
wards retired to the Continent. On the death of Pri-
mate Wauchope, Dowdali, having renounced the
schism, was appointed in 1553 by the pope to the very
see of which he had been the schismatical archbishop.
Ruling during nearly all the reign of Queen Mary, he
exerted himself to repair the ravages to religion
wrought in the preceding reigns. He held an impor-
tant synod in Drogheda m 1554 in which decrees were
passed against priests who had presumed to marry.
Stuart, ed. Coleman, History of Armagh, 142 sqq.; Ware,
ed. Harris, Bishops, I, 91; Col. Doe. Ireland 1509-73, 115; Con-
sistorial Archives, Codex C; Brady, Episcopal Succession, s. v.
Ireland, 217.
Ambrose Coleman.
Dowdali, James, martyr, date of birth unknown;
executed for his faith at Exeter, England, 20 Septem-
ber, 1600. He was a merchant of Drogheda, Ireland,
though several authorities, including Challoner, de-
scribe him as a native of Wexford. Further con-
fusion is added by reason of the fact that another
contemporary, James Dowdali, died a confessor.
According to Rothe, however, the martyr belonged to
Drogheda, and traded with England and the Conti-
nent. In the summer of 1598, when returning from
France, his ship was driven by stress of weather onto
the coast of Devonshire, and he was arrested by
William Bourchier, Earl of Bath, who had him under
examination. Dowdali publicly avowed that he re-
jected the queen's supremacy, and only recognized
that of the Roman pontiff. The earl forwarded the
examination to Sir Robert Cecil, and had Dowdali
committed to Exeter jail. Whilst in prison he was
tortured and put to the rack, but continued unchanged
in his fidelity to the ancient faith. On 18 June, 1599,
the Earl of Bath wrote to Sir Robert Cecil for instruc-
tions in regard to James Dowdali, who had been de-
tained in prison almost a year. Accordingly he was
tried at the Exeter assizes, and was ordered to be
hanged, drawn, and quartered. His name is included
in the Apostolic Process of the Irish Martyrs whose
cause is at present (1908) before the Congregation of
Sacred Rites.
Rothe, Analecta (Cologne, 1617-1610), Cardinal Moran ed.
(Dublin, 1884); Bruodin, Propugnaculum Cath. Veritatis
(Prague, 1669); Murphy, Our Martyrs (Dublin, 1896); Calen-
dar of the MSB. of the Marquis ofSalisbury (London, 1902).
W. H. Grattan-Flood.
Dower (Lat. doarium; Fr. douaire), a provision for
support during life accorded by law to a wife surviv-
ing ner husband. Being for the widow and being ac-
corded bv law, dower differs essentially from a con-
ventional marriage portion such as the dos of the old
Roman law, the French dot, or the English dowry.
Dower is thought to have been suggested by the mar-
riage gift which Tacitus found to be usual among the
Germans. This gift he terms dos, but contrasts it
with the dos of the Roman law, which was a gift on
the part of the wife to the husband, while in Germany
the gift was made by the husband to the wife (La-
rousse, Grand dictionnaire universel, Paris, 1870,
s. v. Douaire). There was indeed in the Roman
law what was termed donatio propter nuptias, a gift
from the family of the husband, but thi» was only re-
DOWSE
146
DOWER
guired if the dos were brought on the part of the wife,
so too in the special instance of a widow (herself poor
and undotated) of a husband rich at the time of his
death, an ordinance of the Christian Emperor Justin-
ian secured her the right to a part of her husband's
Eroperty, of which no disposition of his could deprive
er.
But the general establishment of the principle of
dower in the customary law of Western Europe, ac-
cording to Maine (Ancient Law, 3rd Amer. ed., New
York, 1887, 218), is to be traced to the influence of the
Church, and to be included perhaps among its most
arduous triumphs. Dower is an outcome of the
ecclesiastical practice of exacting from the husband
at marriage a promise to endow his wife, a promise
retained in form even now in the marriage ritual of
the Established Church in England. (See Black-
stone, "Commentaries on the Laws of England11, II,
134, note p.) In an ordinance of King Philip
Augustus of France (1214), and in the almost contem-
poraneous Magna Charta (1215), dower is referred to.
But it seems to have already become customary law
in Normandy, Sicily, and Naples, as well as in Eng-
land. The object of both ordinance and charter was
to regulate the amount of the dower where this was
not the subject of voluntary arrangement, dower by
English law consisting of a wife's fife estate in one-
third of the lands of the husband "of which any issue
which she might have had might by possibility have
been heir" (Blackstone, op. cit., 131).
During the pre-Reformation period, a man who be-
came a monk and made his religious profession in
England was deemed civilly dead, "dead in law"
(Blackstone, op. cit., Bk. II, 121); consequently his
heirs inherited his land forthwith as though he had
died a natural, instead of a legal, death. Assignment
of dower in his land would nevertheless be postponed
until the natural death of such a religious. For only
by his wife's consent could a married man be legally
professed in religion. And she was not allowed by
ner consent to exchange her husband for dower.
After the Reformation and the enactment of the Eng-
lish statute of 11 and 12 William III, prohibiting
"papists" from inheriting or purchasing lands, a
Roman Catholic widow was not held to be debarred
of dower, for dower accruing by operation of law was
deemed to be not within the prohibitions of the stat-
ute. By a curious disability of old English law a
Jewess born in England would be debarred of dower
in land which her husband, he having been an Eng-
lishman of the same faith and becoming converted
after marriage, should purchase, if she herself re-
mained unconverted.
There is judicial authority of the year 1310 for the
E reposition that dower was favoured by law (Year
looks of Edward II, London, 1905, Vol. Ill, 189),
and at a less remote period it was said to be with life
and liberty one of three things which "the law fav-
oreth". But an English statute of the year 1833 has
impaired the inviolability of dower by 'empowering
husbands to cut off by deed or, will their wives from
dower. It was the law of dower unimpaired by stat-
ute, which according to the American commentator,
Chancellor Kent, has been "with some modifications
everywhere adopted as part of the municipal juris-
prudence of the United States" (Commentaries on
American Law, IV, 36}. But while the marriage por-
tion, dot, is, yet dower is not, known to the law of Louis-
iana, and it has now been expressly abolished in some
other States and in some territories. The instances
of legislative modifications are numerous and im-
portant.
Of dower {douaire) as it existed in the old French
law no trace is to be found in the existing law of
France. But brought to Canada from the mother
country in pre-Revolutionarv times, customary
dower accruing by operation of law is yet recognized
in the law of the former French Province of Quebec
The civil death which by English law seems to have
applied to men only, might be by the French law in-
curred by women taking perpetual religious vows. A
widow, therefore, thus entering into religion, would
lose her dower, although in some regions sne was
allowed to retain a moderate income. (See Larousse,
op. cit.) And now by the law of Quebec a widow
joining certain religious orders of the province is
deemed civilly dead and undoubtedly would suffer
loss of dower.
Maine, Lectures on the Early History of Institutions (6th ed.,
London, 1893), 319, 336, 337: Mackeldey, Handbook of the
Roman Law, tr. Dbopbxb (Philadelphia, 1883). tf 572, 679;
Glabson in La Grande Encycl., s. v. Douaire; Stephen, New
Commentaries on the Laws of England (14th ed., London. 1903),
153, 155, 157, 159 ; Howard, Several special cases on the laws
against the further growth of * Popery ' in Ireland {some cases
on the English statute, etc.) '(Dublin. 1775), 303; Park, A Trea-
tise on the Law of Dower (Philadelphia, 1836), 249; Crabbe,
Law of Real Property ^Philadelphia, 1846), II, 85; Scrxbner, A
Treatise on the Law of Dower (2nd ed. , Philadelphia, 1883) . 14-58 ;
Bbaucham p. The Cwil Code of the Province of Quebec (Montreal,
1905)1, H 1431, 1434, 1462, note to f 34.
Charles W. Sloane.
Dower, Religious (Lat. dos religiosd). — Because
of its analogy with the dower that a woman brings to
her husband when she marries, the name "religious
dower" has been given to the sum of money or the
Eroperty that a religious woman, or nun (religiosa),
rings, for her maintenance, into the convent where
she desires to make her profession. It is not a question
here of the more or less generous donations made by
the young woman or her family either to the convent
or to some of the good works that it carries on, nor of
the amount paid in for the support of the postulant
or novice until the time of her profession, but of a
sum (usually a fixed one) set apart for the support of a
religious who, by her profession, has become a member
of the community.
The custom of religious dower was not in vogue in
the ancient Church. Introduced occasionally for nuns
under solemn vows (the only vows that existed in an-
cient times), it became gradually the rule in all commu-
nities, particularly in congregations under simple vows,
these being now the most numerous. According to
common ecclesiastical law, every convent had formerly
to be provided, at the time of its foundation, with the'
resources necessary for the maintenance of a fixed
number of nuns, not less than twelve. These were re-
ceived gratuitously and without dower and, although
in no wise prohibited from presenting the monastery
with a portion of their property, were supported out
of the revenue assigned to the monastery for this pur-
pose. That is why the Council of Trent (Sess. XaV,
c. iii, De regul/) established in this regard the following
rule: " Let only such a number [of religious] be deter-
mined, and henceforth maintained, as can be fittingly
supported/ either by the proper revenue [of each
house] or by the customary alms1' [in the case of men-
dicant orders]. The determination of this number
belongs to the bishop, who, if there be occasion, will
act together with the regular superior (Gregory XIII.
Constitution, Deo sacris, 15 Dec., 1572). The Council
of Trent does not speak of religious dower. However,
from the end of the sixteenth century the prescription
relative to the fixed number of religious had fallen into
desuetude, and the dower came into use ; and this for
two reasons. The first was the acceptance of "super-
numerary" religious, that is of a larger number than
the resources of the convent warranted; hence it was
but just that the amount required for their mainte-
nance should be demanded of them. The second rea-
son lay in the decrease of the resources of the ancient
convents and in the absence of property for the many
new houses founded towards the end of the sixteenth
century. An evidence of the simultaneous existence
of these two causes is found in the general decree of
the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, 6
BOWLING 1'
Sept., 1604 (in Bizxarri, Collectanea, 269), ordaining
that the supernumerary religious should deposit a
dower equal to twice that of the others and amounting
to at least 400 tcut (about MOO). This wae the mini-
mum, and each house was to set its own figure, to be
regulated according to circumstances. Though de-
posited at the time of receiving the habit, the convent
did not acquire' possession of the dower until the
ceremony of profession, and if the novice left before
being professed, it was restored to her (cf. Council of
Trent,Sess.XXV,cap.xvi). Dispensation from solemn
vows was, it may almost be said, unknown, and the obli-
gatory restitution of dower had not been provided for
in the ease of a religious leaving her community; it
was the result of equity rather than of law. But since
the decree "Perpensis"of 3 May, 1902, which requires
of all religious under solemn vows a probationary
period of three years under simple vows, this restitu-
mplevows"; andArticleXII
iv who has professed simple i
before the profe
continues: "If
retires from the monaster
pensed from her vows by the Holy See or after sen-
tence of dismissal (before the solemn vows), the capital
of her dower is to be restored to her, but not the in-
Such is also the general rule for congregations under
simple vows. Stipulations concerning the dower are
very clearly set forth in the " Norms , rules in use by
the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars for
the approbation of religious under simple vows, pub-
lished 28 June, 1001, ch. vii, articles 91-94. Each
congregation of nuns should settle in its statutes the
dower, equal in all cases, for the choir religious; it
should even establish a lesser dower (but the same
for each one) to be deposited by the lay, or assist-
ant, sisters. The superior cannot receive a religious
without a dower or with an insufficient dower, except
by permission of the bishop, if the congregation be
diocesan, or by that of the Congregation of Reli-
gious, if the institute be approved by Rome. The
required dower must be duly pledged to the congre-
Sition prior to the taking of the habit and must be
eposited shortly before the profession. Thus de-
posited, such a dower cannot be alienated, that is, it
cannot be used by the congregation in whatever way
it may deem fit, as, for instance, to meet bunding ex-
penses or discharge debts, but must be prudently and
advantageously invested. Even though the funds be
administered by the mother-house or the provincial,
the income from each dower must be given to the
house where the religious resides who brought in that
dower. Although nolo ngei thepropcrtyoftnenun,the
dower becomes entirely the property of the institute
only at the death of the subject, for whom, until then,
it must remain set apart, so that, should a religious
withdraw from a community either on the expiration
of her temporary vows, or after a dispensation, or
finally on account of dismissal, the capital of her
dower must be restored to her.
Fllllin, Ptampla Uibliothtta, r. V. Moniala. art. 11; Bat-
tandiek. Guide aaumiqu* pour let conttUvtioni da taurt a
mi timpla (Piri. 1805). no«. 136-140; BitfniiK. Dinetoin
wnoniqtit A funae art conartgationt A vtrux timpia (Haradooiu,
liHM),TiM.i10B-114h10B,214j PMvvtK, ManuaUJarui eteUti-
■7 DOWH
County Antrim and a small portion of Deny, is the
Diocese of Connor. South of the line, the remainder
of Antrim, except the parish of Aghalee, belonging to
Dromore, belongs to the Diocese of Down, as also the
whole of the County Down, except the baronies of
Iveagh and part of Kinelearty. The extent of the
united dioceses is £07,450 Irish acres (about £76 sq.
Each diocese was a collection of ancient sees. With-
in the limits of Down, and founded in St. Patrick's
time, there were: Rahotp, founded by St. Tassach.
Gortgrib by Vinoch, Bright by Loam, Mahee Island
by St. Mochay. Maghera Dy St. Donard. There were
also: Movilie, founded by St. Finnian, and Bangor by
St. Comgall, the latter an abbey, but often ruled in
aftertimes by a bishop. St. Fergus is named as first
Bishop of Down. In ancient times the place was called
Dun Celtair, Celtair being one of the Red Branch
knights. Afterwards it was called Dun-da- Le th-
Olaisse, "the fort of the two half -chains". According to
tradition two young chiefs had long pined in King
Loeghaire's prison. St. Patrick miraculously struck
off tie chain which bound them, and the prisoners, thus
JLJL«««k
*V ■yu;/-"' -
1
tj'tBMbwm im Br., 1907J, II, 43.
A. BOOWNHON.
Dowllng, Joseph Thomas. See Hamilton, Dio-
Do wn and Connor, Diocese of (Dunensis et Con-
norensib), in Ireland. A line drawn from Whitehouse
on Belfast Lough due west to the Clady River, thence
by the river itself to Muckamore and Lough Neagh,
marks the boundary between the Diocese of Down
and the Diocese of Connor. North of this line to the
•est and the Bann, including the greater part of the
droit
released, hastened to their father's residence at Dun
Celtair, flinging from them the pieces of the severed
chain; hence the new name. Afurtherchangeoccurred
after St. Patrick's death. Dying at Haul (493), he
was buried at Down, which then contained no church.
Subsequently the remains of St. Brigid were brought
there from Kildare, as were some relics of St. Columba
from Iona. Meanwhile the ancient Dun Celtair had
become Downpatrick, a town overshadowing all the
neighbouring towns, the capital also of the Diocese of
Down, which in process of time absorbed all the sur-
rounding sees.
Like Down, Connor, founded in 480 by St. Hacnisse,
was a collection of smaller sees. These were Kilroot,
Drumtullagh, Culfeightrim, Coleraine, Inispollen, Ar-
moy, and Rashee. The date of the founding of each
of these sees is uncertain, as also the dates of their
absorption; nor can a regular succession of bishops be
discovered. By the twelfth century all the sees had
ceased to exist except Connor. Its western boundary
then was the Roe; but by the Synod of Rath-Breasail
(1118), when the number and limits of the Irish din ■
ceees were fixed, the Bann was made the western
boundary of Connor, and Down was joined to it, but
only for a brief period. In 1124 St. Malachy became
Bishop of Connor, which was separated from Down.
The two dioceses were again united in 1134, when
Malachy became Archbishop of Armagh ; but when he
resigned the primacy, in 1137, he became Bishop of
Down, again dividing the two sees. This separation
was recognized by the Synod of Kells (1152), and con-
tinued till 1441, when John Cely, Bishop of Down,
was deprived for having violated his vow of chastity.
Meanwhile the annals record the death of many dis-
tinguished men, bishops and others, connected with
DOWNES 1'
both dioceses. It is further recorded that In 831
Connor was plundered by the Danes, and Down in
942' that in 1177 Down pat rick wag captured by John
de Courcy, who imprisoned the bishop; that in 1183
de Courcy turned the secular canons out of the cathe-
dral and replaced them by Benedictine monks from
Chester; that in 1180 the relics of St. Patrick, St.
Brigid, and St. Coiumba were discovered there and
reinterred in the church with great solemnity; that
in 1315 a great battle was fought at Connor; and that
the whole extent of the two dioceses suffered griev-
ously during the invasion of Edward Bruce.
The primate John Prene resisted the union of Down
with Connor in 1441, and it did not finally take effect
till 1451. Since that date both dioceses, recogniied as
one, have i
mained und
the rule of o
bishop. Durinf
the troublec
times of the Ref-
ormation and
the wars of the
O'Neals, the Ul-
ster counties
suffered much.
though the old
Faith was still
maintained. But
the plantation
of Ulster re-
placed thegreat-
er number of the
Catholics by
English Protest-
ante and Scotch Presbyterians. Later on, in the
contests of the seventeenth century, the tide of
war frequently rolled over Antrim and Down,
with consequent de- 1 ruction of I btholia property.
The penal laws followed; and such was the com-
bined effect of plantation and proscription that
in 1670 in the whole of Diuti mid Connor there
were but2500Catli"lief:iriiilies. For nearly sixty
years subsequently the diocese was ruled by
vicars. When at length the pressure of penal
legislation was removed I 'atlmlicism revived
rapidly. In thene™ .d from 1SHJ to 1840 no leas
than forty new Catln ■Li*- rloirelies were built. The
progress thus made ler Dr. Crolly (1825-1835)
and Dr. Denvir (18'1."> (i~>) w:i« continued under
Dr. Dorrian (1866-66) «nd Dr. MacAlister (1886-
95); nor did any of his pn'drryssora show greater
energy and seal than Dr. Henry, whose death .
occurred with such tragic suddenness early in ^
1908. During the nineteenth century splendid
churches were built at Newtownards, Hollywood,
Ballymoney, and Belfast, and on every side visible
signs of Catholic progress appeared.
This prosperity is largely due to the rapid growth
of Belfast. Situated on the shores of Belfast Lough,
its site was occupied in the sixteenth century only oy
a strong castle, then in the hands of the O'Neills of
Clannaboy. From them it passed at the close of the
century to the British government, and in 1603 the
castle and land adjoining were granted by King James
to Sir Arthur Chichester. He laid out and planted a
small town, which, in 1613, was made a corporation
by royal charter. Its growth was slow, and during the
seventeenth century it was entirely overshadowed by
the neighbouring town of Carrickfergus. About 1700,
Belfast had a population of 2000, and a good deal of
trade; in 1757 a population of 8000. Henceforth its
rise was rapid ana continuous. Its population in 1871
was 174,000; in 1881, 208,122; in 1891, 255950; in
1901, with an enlarged city area, 348,876. It sends
four members to Parliament, and is ruled by a lord
mayor, fifteen aldermen, and forty-five councillors. In
kept pace with the general advance of the city. Inl708
there were but seven Catholics in Belfast, and not till
1783 was there a Catholic church. Belfast is now the
episcopal seat, with ton city parishes, a flourishing
diocesan seminary, and many educational and chari-
table institutions. Among the remarkable men of the
diocese the following may be mentioned: St. Macnisse,
the patron saint of Connor, and St. Malachy, the pa-
tron saint of Down; St. Tassach, who attended St.
Iduckamore in An-
St. Mochay, Bishop of Nendrum; St. Donard,
Bishop of Maghera; St. Dochona, Bishop
of Connor. In the sixteenth century the
notorious Milcr M.^rath was Bishop of
Down and Conner: rind in the next cen-
tury the marl vied Cornelius O'Devanny,
find the fighting bishop, Heber HacHa-
hon, who also met a martyr's fate. —
Sr.itistics (IWiS): Parishes, 60; secular
HfTjiv, 107; regular clergy, 21; churches,
111; eolle^es '.': nioiKisteries, 5; convents,
Hi; total Cathcli.- population (1901), 156,-
tiii:i;iot:,l|H,pol.iiion.>faU creeds, 671,266.
" of til* Diocrts
1617: d. 21 December, 1678.
Thomas, g
Thomas Dowries
of Bodney in
Norfolk, b. in
mother was Mary,
daughter of John Bedingfeld of Redlingfieid in Suf-
folk. He was educated at St. Omer, but com-
Sieted his studies at the English College at Valla-
olid, and entered the Society of Jesus, 8 January,
1639. From the novitiate he passed to the college
of the English Province at Li£ge, but went for his
theology to PomVa-Housson and was professed of the
four vows 16 January, 1656. In 1671 he was chap-
lain to the Duke of York, afterwards James II. When
the duke as admiral of the fleet put to sea against
the Dutch he asked for "Father Mumford" as con-
fessor on board his flagship. During an encounter
between the two fleets Father Downes won for himself
a great reputation by exposing himself for many hours
to a heavy fire while ministering to the wounded and
dying. In 1678 he fell a victim to the infamous Oates
conspiracy by means of forged letters delivered to him
at Windsor but intended to be intercepted, and pur-
porting to have been written by the provincial and
Fathers of the Society. He handed the letters to the
Duke of York who showed them to the king. The
DOWNSIDE
149
DOWNSIDE
latter was convinced of the fraud, and testified openly the Holy See for the suppression of the monastery
to Father Downee's innocence, but was unable to pro- on the ground of some alleged flaw in its canonical
tect him from the malice of the plotters who succeeded erection; after much litigation the pope decided in
in getting him arrested and sent to the Gatehouse favour of the monks on every point. Since then the
prison where he died. establishment has increased steadily in size and im-
Cabthew, Hunted of lavnditch. Ft. II, T20; Fo^t. Rv P°rtance, new buildings being added m 1823^ 1853,
fa 5 1*» inelitk Prmnet. I, 274; V. 261 an.; VII, 208 and and almost continually since 1870. In 1899 Pope
801; Phil
"*■--•- " n, wo; uu<
UAid US. Diary,
BAL Dial. Kna. Calk «. v. Montfart.
J. H. Stone.
Leo XIII raised the priory to ab-
batia! rank, the forty-fiftn prior.
Dom Edmund Ford, being elected
first abbot, on whose resignation
in 1906, Dom Cuthbert Butler was
chosen to succeed him.
Six monks of St. Gregory's have
died martyrs for the Catholic Faith
and are already pronounced Vener-
able, viz. Dom George Gervaise,
martyred 1608; Dom John Rob-
erts, the first prior, 1610; Dom
Mauriis Scot, 1612; Dom Ambrose
Barlow, 1641; Dom Philip Powell,
1646; and Brother Thomas Pick-
ering, 1679. Besides these the
Downside Abbey, near Bath,
Somersetshire, England, was
founded at Douai, Flanders, under
the patronage of St. Gregory the
Great, in 1605 by the Venerable
John Roberta, first prior, and some
other English monks who had
received the habit and taken vows
in the Spanish Benedictine Con'
(negation. In 1611 Dom Philip de
Caverel, Abbot of .Saint Vaast s at
Arras, built a monastery for the
community in Douai, and conse- 111 H< three «uiuuini|n, mm. »*.
Sjently is revered as its founder, tt B< Folding and Dom Bede Vaughi ,
or some years the foundation ■&£. H the first two archbishops of Syd-
was embroiled in attacks from taE.^afl * ney, New South Wales; and Dom
without, and also in disputes as to H fl Bernard Ullathorne, first Bishop
a union with other English Bene- H H' of Birmingham and titular Arch-
dictines, all of which were settled .^■^^■^^■^s™*^*— ;*»&sb»1b^bbW| bishop of Cabasa, well known as an
in 1633 by theBull "Plantata"of Chapel of Br. lemon, Dowksidb ascetical writer. Also six bishops,
Urban Vftl. ""• Dom Philip Ellis, Dom Laurence
From the first a school or college for lay pupils, sons York, and Dom Gregory Sharrock, all three successively
of English Catholicgentry, has been an integral part of VicaraApostolicoftheWesternDistrictjmorerecently,
the institution. This undertaking, conducted on Dom Placid Morris, Vicar Apostolic of Mauritius and
traditional English public school fines, has always for many years assistant to Cardinal Wiseman; Dom
absorbed much of the energies of the community, Joseph Brown, first Bishop of Newport and Menevia;
whose other chief external work has consisted in sup- and Dom Henry Davis, Bishop of Maitland, New
plying various missions or parishes in England. Bmrfii W«i«. r^n. «.!.■ ndu, untaku nnu> m.>
When Charles 11 established for his queen a Catholic
chapel royal at St. James's palace, the community to
s supplied from St. Gregory's at Douai,
and certain relics and church-plate then presented are
still in existence at
Downside. On the
outbreak of the
French Revolution
the school was dis-
banded and the
monks put in prison.
where they remained
nearly two years. At
length in March, 1795,
they were allowed to
proceed to England
where an asylum
was supplied by Sir
Edward Smythe,
fifth Baronet, a
former pupil, who
lent his Shropshire
seatof Act-tin Burnell
to his old masters for
use as a monastery
and school. In 1814
the establishment
was moved to Mount
Pleasant, Downside,
a small manor-house
with sixty-six acres of land, bought for £7000, largely tieon"; Henry Carey,
South Wales. From many other notable names may
be mentioned Dom Serenus Cressy, author of the
"Church History of Brittany"; Dom John Huddle-
stone, who was instrumental in saving Charles II after
Worcester and reconciled him to the Church on his
death-bed; the Ab-
Sweeney,
well-known preach-
er; Dom Jerome
Vaughan, founder of
the Abbey of Fort Au-
gustus, N. B.; Dom
Aidan Gasquet the
historian. Abbot
President of the Eng-
lish Benedictines and
also head of the Pon-
tifical Commission
for the revision of
the Vulgate. Among
the alumni of St.
Gregory's School,
though not monks
in the community,
were Bishop Charles
Walmeeley, who con-
secrated Dr. Carroll
the first Bishop of
Baltimore, U. 8. A.;
John M tee vena, editor
of Dugdale's " Monas-
i, author of " God save the King";
I the best known English judges;
the savings of the
years. InlS23Dr.Baines, ,,.
em District, proposed to the community that they The abbey buildings now consist of a monastery for
should abandon the monastic state and become a kind about fifty monks; school buildings for 1340 boarders;
of diocesan seminary under himself. This extraordi- guest-house, the original building bought in 1814; and
nary suggestion being rejected, the bishop applied to the abbey church, tor exterior view of which see Tn
DOXOLOOY
150
DOXOLOOY
Catholic Encyclopedia, I, 14. The last-named
building consists at present of transepts, choir, and fif-
teen side chapels only; it is 230 feet long, and 70 feet
high internally. Even in its unfinished state it ranks
as one of the finest modern Gothic buildings in Eng-
land, and contains the tomb of the Irish martyr, Ven-
erable Oliver Plunket, Archbishop of Armagh. The
community numbers eighty-four choir monks; there
are no lay brothers. About half the monks work on
the twenty-two missions or parishes in various parts
of England which are dependent on the abbey. Be-
sides the school attached to the monastery, Downside
has two other schools, at Ealing, London, W, and at
Gorey, Co. Wexford, Ireland ; a house of studies for its
monks at Cambridge University and another for stu-
dents in London, near the British Museum. The
"Downside Review", a periodical now in its twenty-
eighth year, devoted chiefly to local, monastic, and
liturgical interests, and in wnich are many articles of
value, is published every four months. The " Downside
Masses" and " Downside Motets" indicate the abbey's
interest in the revival of polyphonic music; a similar
interest in Christian art being shown in the " Down-
side Prints", a series of small devotional pictures re-
produced from ancient masters. Attached to the ab-
bey are the titular Abbacies of Glastonbury and St.
Alban's, and the cathedral priories of Canterbury,
Bath, Coventry, and Norwich. The arms of Down-
side are: Or a cross moline gules; the abbot's seal
bears an effigy of Bl. Richard Whiting, martyr, the
last abbot of the neighbouring Abbey of Glastonbury.
Weldon, Chronological Notes on English Congregation O. S.
B. (privately printed, Worcester, 1881); Taunton, English
Black Monks of St. Benedict (London, 1897), II; Bxrt, Down-
side (London, 1002): Snow, Necrology of English Benedictines
(London, 1883); Sketches of Old Downside (London, 1903);
Hudleston, Guide to Downside Abbey Church (London, 1905);
Illustrated articles in Christian Art, I, 135; Architectural Re-
view, XXIII, 40; Downside Review, I— XXVIII, many articles
passim.
G. Roger Hudleston.
Doxology. — In general this word means a short
verse praising God and beginning, as a rule, with the
Greek word A6(d. The custom of ending a rite or a
hymn with such a formula comes from the Synagogue
(cf. the Prayer of Manasses: tibi est gloria in sacula
scecidorum. Amen). St. Paul uses doxologies con-
stantly (Rom., zi, 36; Gal., i. 5; Eph., Hi, 21: etc.).
These earliest examples are addressed to God the Fa-
ther alone, or to Him through (did.) the Son (Rom.,
xvi, 27; Jude, 25; I Clem., xh; Mart. Polyc, xx; etc.)
and in (ir) or with (riv, fterd.) the Holy Ghost (Mart.
Polyc, xiv, xxii, etc.). The form of baptism (Matt.,
xxviii, 19) had set an example of naming the three
Persons in parallel order. Especially in the fourth
century, as a protest against Arian subordination
(since heretics appealed to these prepositions; cf.
St. Basil, "De Spir. Sancto", ii-v), the custom of
using the form: " ulory to the Father, and to the Son,
and to the Holy Ghost", became universal among
Catholics. From this time we must distinguish two
doxologies, a greater (doxologia maior) and a shorter
(minor). The greater doxology is the Gloria in Excelsis
Deo (q. v.) in the Mass. The shorter form, which is the
one generally referred to under the name "doxology",
is the Gloria ratri. It is continued by an answer to the
effect that this glory shall last for ever. The form,
eli rods alQvas r&r alwwtsv, is very common in the first
centuries (Rom., xvi, 27; Gal., i, 5; I Tim., i, 17; Heb.,
xiii, 21: I Peter, iv, 11; I Clem., xx, xxxii, xxxviii,
xliii, xiv, etc.; Mart. Polyc, xxii, etc.). It is a
common Hebraism (Tob., xiii, 23; Ps. lxxxiii, 5; re-
peatedly in the Apocalypse: i, 6. 18; xiv, 11; xix, 3;
etc.) meaning simply "for ever'*. The simple form,
cfr rods alQwat, is also common (Rom., xi, 36; Doctr.
XII Apost., ix, x; in the Liturgy ot the Apostolic
Constitutions, passim). Parallel formulae are: eb
rods jiAXorras alu>vat (Mart. Polyc, xiv); dro ytptat
sis yere&w (ibid.); etc. This expression was soon en-
larged info: "now and ever and in ages of ages" (cf.
Heb., xiii, 8; Mart. Polyc, xiv, etc;. In this form
it occurs constantly at the end of prayers in the Greek
Liturgy of St. James (Brightman, Eastern Liturgies,
pp. 31, 32, 33, 34, 41, etc), and in all the Eastern
rites. The Greek form then became: A6£a war pi koI
vU} icai a.yl(p v-pctf/uan, ical rdr jcai del Kal els robs alQras tup
eUwwur. d/nj*. In this shape it is used in the East-
ern Churches at various points of the Liturgy (e. g. in
St. Chrysostom'8 Rite; see Brightman, pp. 354, 364,
etc) and as the last two verses of psalms, though not
so invariably as with us. The second part is occa-
sionally slightly modified and other verses are some-
times mtroduced between the two halves. In the
Latin Rite it seems originally to have had exactly the
same form as in the East. In 529 the Second Synod
of Vasio (Vaison in the province of Avignon) says
that the additional words, Sicut erat in pnncipio, are
used in Rome, the East, and Africa as a protest against
Arianism, and orders them to be said likewise in Gaul
(can. v.). As far as the East is concerned the synod
is mistaken. These words have never been used in
any Eastern rite and the Greeks complained of their
use in the West [Walafrid Strabo (ninth cen-
tury), De rebus eccl., xxv]. The explanation that
sicut erat in principio was meant as a denial of Arian-
ism leads to a question whose answer is less obvious
than it seems. To what do the words refer? Every-
one now understands gloria as the subject of erat:
"As it [the glory] was in the beginning11, etc. It
seems, however, that originally they were meant to
refer to FUius, and that the meaning of the second
part, in the West at any rate, was: "As He [the Son]
was in the beginning, so is He now and so shall He be
for ever." The in principiot then, is a clear allusion
to the first words of the Fourth Gospel, and so the
sentence is obviously directed against Arianism.
There are medieval German versions in the form:
"Als er war im Anfang".
The doxology in the form in which we know it has
been used since about the seventh century all over
Western Christendom, except in one corner. In the
Mozarabic Rite the formula is: "Gloria et honor Patri
et Filio et Spiritui sancto in ssecula sfficulorum" (so in
the Missal of this rite; see P. L., LXXXV, 109, 119.
etc). The Fourth Synod of Toledo in 633 ordered
this form (can. xv). A common medieval tradition,
founded on a spurious letter of St. Jerome (in the
Benedictine edition, Paris, 1706, V, 415) says that
Pope Damasus (366-384) introduced the Gloria Patri
at the end of psalms. Cassian (died c 435) speaks of
this as a special custom of the Western Church (De
instit. ccen., II, viii). The use of the shorter doxology
in the Latin Church is this: the two parts are always
said or sung as a verse with response. They occur al-
ways at the end of psalms (when several psalms are
joined together as one, as the sixty-second and sixty-
sixth and again the one hundred and forty-eighth, one
hundred and forty-ninth and one hundred and fiftieth
at Lauds, the Gloria Patri occurs once only at the end
of the group; on the other hand each group of sixteen
verses of the one hundred and eighteenth psalm in the
day Hours has the Gloria) except on occasions of
mourning. For this reason (since the shorter doxology,
like the greater one, Gloria in Excelsis Deo. is natu-
rally a joyful chant) it is left out on the last three days
of Holy Week; in the Office for the Dead its place is
taken by the verses: Requiem ceternam, etc. and Et lux
perpetua, etc. It also occurs after canticles, except
that the Benedicite has its own doxology (Benedica-
mus Patrem . . • Benedictus es Domine, etc. — the only
alternative one left in the Roman Rite). In the Mass
it occurs after three psalms, the " Judica me" at the
beginning, the fragment of the Introit-Psalm, and
the "Lavabo" (omitted in Passiontide, except on
feasts, and at requiem Masses). The first part only
DOYLE
151
DOYLE
occurs in the responsoria throughout the Office, with a
variable answer (the second part of the first verse)
instead of "Sicut erat," the wnple doxology after the
"Deus in adjutorium," and in the preces at Prime; and
again, this time as one verse, at the end of the invito-
torium at Matins. At all these places it is left out in
the Office for the Dead and at the end of Holy Week.
The Gloria Patri is also constantly used in extra-
liturgical services, such as the Rosary. It was a
common custom in the Middle Ages for preachers to
end sermons with it. In some countries, Germany
especially, people make the sign of the cross at the
first part of the doxology, considering it as chiefly a
profession of faith.
Ebmeliub, Dissertatio historioa de veteri christiand So£oAovt'f
(1684); Schmidt, De insignibus vetertbus christianis formulis
il696); a Seelen, Commentarius ad doxoloaioj solemnts Gloria
'atri verba: Sicut erat in principio in his Miscellanea (1732);
Bona, Rerum lituraicarum libri duo (Cologne, 1674), II, 471;
Thalhofeb, HandBuch der kath. IAturgik/l, 400 sq.; Idem in
Augsburger Pastoralblatt (1863), 289 sq.; Rietschel, Lehrbuch
der Liturgik, I, 355 sq.; Kraub, Real-Encyh., I, 377 sq.
Adrian Fortescue.
Doyle, James Warren, Irish bishop; b. near
New Ross, County Wexford, Ireland, 1786; d. at
Carlow, 1834. He belonged to a family, respect-
able but poor, .and received his early education at
Clonleigh, at Kathconrogue, and later at the Augus-
tinian College, New Ross. Shortly after 1800 he
joined the Augustinian Order and was sent to Coimbra
in Portugal, and there, at the university, first mani-
fested his Great intellectual powers. In the univers-
ity library he read everything, Voltaire and Rousseau
among the rest. As a consequence his faith became
unsettled • but his vigorous intellect soon asserted
itself, ana subsequently he became the fearless cham-
pion of the Church in which he was born. During the
French invasion he did sentry work at Coimbra, and
accompanied the English to Lisbon as interpreter,
and such was the impression he made at the Portu-
guese Court that he was offered high employment
there. He declined the offer, however, and, returning
to Ireland in 1808, was ordained priest the following
year. Then for eight years he taught logic at the
Augustinian College, New Ross. In 1817 he became
professor at Carlow College, and two years later the
priests of Kildare and Leignlin placed him dignissimus
lor the vacant see. Their choice was approved at
Rome, and thus, in 1819, Doyle became bishop. At
that date the effects of the Penal Laws were still visi-
ble in the conduct of the Catholics. Even the bishops,
as if despairing of equality and satisfied with subjec-
tion, often allowed Protestant bieotry to assail with
impunity their country and creed. This attitude of
timidity and acquiescence was little to Dr. Doyle's
taste, and over the signature of "J. K. L." (James,
Kildare and Leighlin) he vigorously repelled an attack
made on the Catholics by the Protestant Archbishop
of Dublin. He also published an extremely able
pamphlet on the religious and civil principles of the
Irish Catholics; and a series of letters on the state of
Ireland, in which the iniquities of the Church Estab-
lishment, the exactions of the landlords, the corrupt
administration of justice were lashed with an unspar-
ing hand. The clearness of style, the skilful marshal-
ling of facts, the wide range of knowledge astonished
all. And not less remarkable was his examination
before 'two Parliamentary committees in London.
Seeing his readiness and resource, the Duke of Well-
ington remarked that Doyle examined the committees
rather than was examined by them. He joined the
Catholic Association, and when O'Connell was about
to contest Clare, Doyle addressed him a public letter
hoping "that the God of truth and justice would be
with nim". After Emancipation these two great
men frequently disagreed, but on the tithe question
they were in accord, and Doyle's exhortation to the
people to hate tithes as much as they loved justice
became a battle-cry in the tithe war. Meantime
nothing could exceed the bishop's zeal in his diocese.
He established confraternities, temperance societies,
and parish libraries, built churches and schools, con-
ducted retreats, and ended many abuses which had
survived the penal times. He also waged unsparing
and incessant war on secret societies. He died young,
a martyr to faith and zeal.
Fxtzpatrick, Life and Times of Dr. Doyle (Dublin, 1890);
MacDonaoh, Bishop Doyle (London, 1896); O'Conneix, Cor-
respondence (London, 1888); Letters on the State of Ireland, by
J. K. L. (Dublin, 1825); Evidence Taken Before the Select Com-
mittee of the Houses of Lords and Commons, 18&U-5 (London,
1825).
E. A. D'Al/TON.
Doyle John, b. in Dublin, Ireland, 1797; d. in
London, 2 Jan., 1868; English portrait-painter and
caricaturist. This clever artist studied under Gabri-
elli, and Comerford, the miniature-painter. He came
to London in 1821 and started as a portrait-painter,
but gave his attention to drawing caricatures in 1827
or 1828, and developed his well-known signature,
"H. B."f by means of two sets of initials "J. D."
placed one above the other. In 1829 he commenced
nis famous series of drawings which he continued to
produce until 1851, caricaturing in brilliant style all
the political movements of the day. His drawings
differ completely from the caricatures which preceded
them, notably those of Rowlandson and Gillray, inas-
much as they are marked by reticence, courtesy, and a
sense of good breeding. They are extraordinarily
clever and at times stinging in their bitter epigram-
matic quality; but Thackeray under-estimated their
power when he spoke of them as "genteel" and said
that they would only produce a smile and never a
laugh". There are some six hundred of them in the
British Museum, and taken altogether they form a
most interesting and graphic representation of the
political history of England of the time. Doyle re-
tired from professional work seventeen years before
his death. He preserved his incognito to the very
last and few people were aware of the fact that the
initials on the caricatures formed his signature. He
produced several pencil sketches of well-known per-
sonages and made use of his studies in this way in his
caricatures, but the sketches themselves constitute in
several instances the most life-like representations of
the persons in question which exist.
Evehitt, English Caricaturists (1886): Paget, Putties
il874); Binyon, Drawings in the British Museum (1900);
)obson in Diet. Nat. Biog., b. v.; Bryan, Diet, of Painters
and Engravers, II, 87.
George Charles Williamson.
Doyle, Richard, English artist and caricaturist, b.
in London, September, 1824; d. there 11 December,
1883. The second son of John Doyle (q. v.), he in-
herited much of his father's talent and exceeded the
elder Doyle in skill and in power as a draughtsman.
From a very early age he amused himself with making
drawings. He prepared an account of the Eglinton
Tournament when he was but fifteen, and at tne age
of sixteen commenced his famous journal, now pre-
served in the British Museum. The journal is a
manuscript book containing many small sketches in
pen and ink, executed with skill and brilliance, and
marked by powers of observation and by a sense of
humour hardly equalled and certainly not exceeded
in later years. This extraordinary work was re-
Eroduced in facsimile in 1885 with an introduction
y J. H. Pollen, and is a remarkable proof of
Richard Doyle's precocity as an artist. In 1843 he
became a contributor to "Punch" and continued on
the staff of that paper till 1850. He produced many
cartoons, but his name will be especially remembered
from the fact that he designed the cover for " Punch"
which has continued in use down to the present time.
He also wrote for "Punch" a series of articles en-
titled " Manners and Customes of ye Englyshe". A
DEAOH
152
DRACHMA
Very devout Catholic, he resigned his position on the
staff of the paper in 1850 in consequence of its hostil-
ity to what was termed "papal aggression", and de-
voted the remainder of his career to preparing draw-
ings for book illustration and to painting in water-
colour. His chief series of illustrations were those for
"The Newcomes", "The King of the Golden River",
"In Fairyland", and "The Foreign Tour of Brown,
Jones and Robinson1'. His water-colour drawings
were marked by much poetic feeling, and were exe-
cuted in harmonious low-toned schemes of colour.
His genius has been well described as " kindly, frolic-
some, graceful and sportive". He was full of imagi-
nation and delighted in romantic fancy, while his
caricatures are exquisitely drawn, amusing and grace-
ful, lacking perhaps the strength of his father's works
but far exceeding them in charm and in quality of
amusement. There are many of his drawings in the
British Museum, and some of his sketch-books are in
the Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge.
The Month (London, March, 1884) ; Everttt, English Cari-
caturists (London, 1886); Binyon, Drawings in the British
Museum (London, 1900); Dobson, in Diet. Nat. Biog., b. v.
George Charles Williamson.
Drach, David Paul, convert from Judaism, b. at
Strasburg, 6 March. 1791 ; d. end of January, 1868, at
Rome. Rosenthal's "Convertitenbilder" (III, 48)
prefaces the autobiography of Drach with the follow-
ing words: "The conversion of this learned Jewish
proselyte is undoubtedly one of the most important
conversions effected by the grace of God during this
century in France and became the source of salvation
to many of his coreligionists." This conversion,
affecting one who enjoyed the highest esteem as an
author and a learned rabbi, produced a most profound
impression on all active ana earnest minds of the ris-
ing generation, and incited them to the study of the
more serious problems of life. His endeavours to
lead his coreligionists to the living fountain of truth,
to the acknowledgment of Jesus as the real and true
Messias, crystallized in numerous writings and were
blessed by God. ^ Herein lies the net result of this
scholar's conversion.
Drach received his first instruction at the hands of
his father, a renowned Hebraist and Talmudic scholar,
whose linguistic talents the son inherited. At the age
of twelve Drach entered the first division of the Tal-
mudic school in Edendorf near Strasburg. This
course of study, lasting ordinarily for three years, he
completed in one year, and entered the second division
of the Talmudic school in Bischheim in the following
year. He graduated in eighteen months and then
matriculated in Westhofen to qualify as a teacher of
the Talmud. When only sixteen years of age he ac-
cepted the position of instructor at Rappoitsweiler.
remaining there three years; afterwards he followed
the same profession in Colmar. Here the ambitious
youth devoted himself zealously to the study of secu-
lar sciences to which he had already seriously applied
himself while prosecuting his Talmudic studies. Hav-
ing obtained the rather unwilling permission of his
father, he went to Paris, where he received a call to a
prominent position in the Central Jewish Consistory
and at the same time fulfilled the duties of tutor in the
household of a distinguished Jew. The marked re-
sults of his method of teaching induced even Christian
families to entrust their children to his care. It was
under these circumstances that he received the first
impulse towards a change of his religious views which
ultimately resulted in his conversion. He writes:
" Stirred by the edifying examples of Catholic piety
continually set before me to the furtherance of my
own salvation, the tendency towards Christianity,
born in earlier life, acquired such strength that I re-
sisted no longer." He now applied himself studiously
to patristic theology and specialized in the study of the
Septuagint with a view towards ascertaining the truth
of the unanimous reproach of the Fathers, Viz. that
the Jews had falsified the Hebrew text. These stud-
ies resulted in his unquestioned belief in the Divinity
and Messiahship of Jesus Christ. On Maundy Thurs-
day. 1823, he renounced Judaism in the presence of
Archbishop Qu£len, in Paris, was baptized the fol-
lowing (Holy) Saturday, and on Easter morning re-
ceived his first Holy Communion and the Sacrament
of Confirmation. Two daughters and an infant son
were also baptized. His wife, the only member of the
family who adhered stanchly to the old faith, ab-
ducted the children. They were returned, however,
after two years.
After a few years Drach went to Rome, where he was
appointed librarian of the Propaganda (1827), which
office he held at his death. Among the many con-
verts who trace their conversion to the influence of
Drach's example are the Libermann brothers; Franz
Maria Paul Libermann was especially indebted to
Drach for his sound advice and active assistance in the
establishment of the "Congregation of the Immacu-
late Heart of Mary". Of Drach's numerous writings
the following deserves particular mention: "Lettres
d'un rabbin converti aux Israelites, ses freres" (Paris,
1825). He also published the " Bible de Vence ", with
annotations (Paris, 1827-1833) in 21 volumes oc-
tavo. He remodelled the Hebrew-Latin Dictionary
of Gesenius, and published a Catholic Hebrew-
Chaldaic dictionary of the Old Testament (ed. Mime,
Paris, 1848). He wrote, moreover, " Du divorce dans
la synagogue" (Rome, 1840); "Harmonie entre
l'^glise et la synagogue" (Paris, 1844); and "La
Cabale des H6breux'r(Rome, 1864).
Paul Augustin, son of the preceding, b. 12 Aug..
1817; d. 29 Oct., 1895; canon of Notre-Dame and
exegete of importance. He studied at the Propa-
ganda College m Rome and was ordained priest there
m 1846. We owe to him a large French Bible com-
mentary (La Sainte Bible, Pans, 1869) in which he
himself wrote on the Pauline Epistles (1871), the
Catholic Epistles (1879), and the Apocalypse (1879).
Rosenthal, Convertitenbtlder, III, 48; Gbubb id Kirchenlex.,
Ill, 2011: Hurter, Nomenclator; Pitra, Life of the Ven. Ser-
vant of God, Fran* Maria Paul Libermann, Ger. tr. MClleb
(Stuttgart, 1803).
N. SCHBID.
Drachma (Gr. opaxt^i), a Greek silver coin. The
Greeks derived the word from opdvaofxai, " to grip", "to
take a handful''; cf. tpdy/ta, manipulus, "a handful".
Thus the term originally signified a handful of grain
(Liddell and Scott; Riehm, "Handw6rterbuch";
Smith, " Diet, of Antiq^. "). But in Vigouroux, " Diet,
de la Bible", the term is derived from daraq-mana, the
name of a Persian coin equivalent to tne Hebrew
PD3T1, ddrkemdn. The Persian word darag, Assyrian
darku, means "decree", "division". Thus the words
darag-mana and drachma would signify a part of a
mina. The darag-mana was also called a Daric be-
cause it was first struck by the emperor Darius Hystas-
pis. The drachma contained six oboli. It was the
fourth part of a stater, the hundredth part of a mina,
and the six-thousandth part of a talent. The precise
value of the drachma differed at various times. The
two principal standards of currency in the Grecian
states were the Attic and the iEginetan. The Attic
drachma had the greater circulation after the time of
Alexander the Great. Its weight was about 6b grains,
its value was a little less than twenty cents (nine pence,
three farthings), and its size was about that of a quar-
ter. On the one side it had the head of Minerva, and
on the reverse her emblem, the owl, surrounded by a
crown of laurels. The iEginetan drachma weighed
about 93 grains and was equivalent to one and two-
third Attic drachmas. It was current in the Pelopon-
nesus(Corinth excepted, Riehm, " Handwdrterb. ") and
in Macedonia until Alexander the Great. The drachma
is mentioned in the Old Testament (II Machabees,
DRACONTIUS
153
DRAKE
xii, 43). when Judas sends 12,000 drachmas to Jeru-
salem that sacrifices may be offered for the dead. In
the New Testament (Luke, xv, 8, 9), Christ used the
word in the parable of the woman that has ten
drachmas (D. V. "groats") and loses one.
Riehm, Handw&rUrbuch; Betjrlxbb in Vio., Did. de la Bible,
s. v. Drachme; Babington in Did. Christ. Antiq., s. v. Money;
Kennedy in Habt., Did. of the Bible a. v. Money; W ex, M&rologie
greeque et romaine (Paris, 1886).
C. Van Den Biesen.
Dracontius, Blossius J&milius, a Christian poet
of the fifth century. Dracontius belonged to a distin-
guished family of Carthage and was the pupil of a
noted grammarian named Felicianus. He was called
clarissimus (most illustrious),, won the favour of
the proconsul Pacideius, and led a prosperous life by
means of inherited riches and the income of his law
practice until he incurred the ill will of the Vandal
king, Gunthamund. The cause of this misfortune
seems to have been the expression of sentiments of
Romano-Byzantine patriotism; for these utterances
Dracontius suffered a long imprisonment. Nothing
more is known of his history except that he was still
alive when Thrasamund ascended the throne in 496.
His works are the "Romulea", three books on God
(De laudibus Dei), and a poem entitled "Satisf actio".
The latter two were written in prison; the first-men-
tioned is a collection of pieces composed at various
times and written in the style of rhetorical school-
exercises. Thus, one of these poems represents a rich
man and a poor man as enemies; as a reward for the
exploits of the rich man his statue is erected in the
public square and accorded the right of sanctuary.
Later, in recompense for additional sei -vices, the rich
man asks for the head of the poor one, whereupon the
latter flees to the statue for safety and a formal process
ensues. In another poem Achilles deliberates as to
whether or not he shall sell the body of Hector. When
Dracontius deals with themes of his own day, as in the
eulogy on his former teacher, and the "Epithalamia"
for two couples who were friends, his style is occasion-
ally less conventional. The writings forming the
" Romulea" contain but little suggestion of a Christian
poet; on the other hand, the "Satisf actio" and the
"De laudibus Dei" manifest an ardent and sometimes
eloquent faith. The "Satisfactio", written about 490,
was intended to be instrumental in obtaining the
royal pardon; the "De laudibus, Dei", produced be-
tween 486 and 496, is a recital of God's benefits. The
first book of the "De laudibus Dei" has for its main
contents a description of the creation; the chief theme
of the second is the Incarnation and the Redemp-
tion, it also contains vehement attacks on Arianism;
the third compares, by appropriate examples, the hope
of the Christian who denies himself- in order to love
God with the cheerless prospect of the pagan who
counts on no future reward. This poem, like the
others, is full of ideas taken from other sources; the
episodes drawn from the Bible, profane history, and
mythology are as varied as the textual reminiscences
of the Latin poets, both Christian and pagan. How-
ever, the excellent pupil of Felicianus was not a
thorough master of Latin diction and prosody; his
writings give frequent evidence in their form of the
surrounding barbarism.
The collection named "Romulea" is incomplete.
Probably it should also contain two small poems, one
on the months and the other on the origin of the rose;
perhaps, further, the "Orestis tragoedia", which is
called a tragedy, though in reality it is an epic poem of
some thousand verses, wherein the author follows a
unique ancient version of the myth; finally, though
with less certainty, the "JSgritudo Perdicae" (Per-
dica's Malady). The subject of this little poem of 290
hexameters is interesting from the point of view of
folk-lore. Perdica, a student of Athens, has neglected
the \70rehip of Venus and by way of revenge this god-
dess inspires him with a guilty love for his mother,
Castalia. Perdica falls into a decline and his physi-
cians are unable to understand his ailment, but Hippo-
crates, who ascertains that Perdica's heart beats more
violently when Castalia approaches, recognizes the
real nature of the malady. There is no remedy for the
trouble and Perdica hangs himself (see Rohde, Der grie-
chisch. Roman, p. 64). The works of Dracontius were
not known in their real form until 1791 and 1873. His
Christian poems were very popular in the sixth and
seventh centuries. They were revised by Eugenius,
Bishop of Toledo (d. 657), but these revisions made
great changes in the author's statements. What Eu-
genius failed to understand he altered; moreover, he
corrected the doctrine of Dracontius. The latter had
said that God deliberately created good and evil at the
same time (Satisfactio, 15); Eugenius made him say
that God tolerated evil. It was in this recension that
both the Christian poems were known until 1791. The
larger part of the secular poems of Dracontius were
first published in 1873.
Vollmbr in Pauly-Wissowa. RealencykL d. dose. Alter*
tumswiss. (Stuttgart, 1005), 8. v. Dracontius; first edition of
Christian poems in original form, Arevalo ed. (Rome, 1791),
reprinted in P. L., LX: first edition of secular poems, ed. von
Duhn (Leipzig, 1873), best edition by Vollmkr in Mon. Germ.
Hist. (Berlin, 1906), except for JEgritudo Perdica, which is edited
by BIhbenb in Poeta latxni minores (Leipzig, 1883), V, 112.
Paul Lejat.
Drane, Augusta Theodosia, in religion Mother
Francis Raphael, O.S.D. ; b. at Bromley near Lon-
don, in 1823; d. at Stone, Staffordshire, 29 April,
1894. Her parents were both Protestants, her fa-
ther being managing partner in an East India mer-
cantile house. Her remarkable natural gifts were
developed by wide reading at a very early age. In
1837 she moved with her family to Babbicombe,
Devonshire, where she read much of the early litera-
ture of the Oxford Movement. Burnet's "History of
the Reformation", she declared, was the real cause of
her conversion. It was not, however, till 1847 that
she grew uneasy as to her religious beliefs, whereupon
she consulted Keble and Pusey, but without satisfac-
tion. The influence of Maskell, then Vicar of St.
Mary Church, helped her more and she confided to him
a scheme called "Ideal of a Religious Order". He
told her that such an order existed in the Catholic
Church, naming the Third Order of St. Dominic.
This made a profound impression on her mind and
gradually she was drawn to the Church. She was re-
ceived at Tiverton, 3 July, 1850, and in 1852 entered
the Third Order of St. Dominic at Clifton. On 8 Dec.,
1853, she was professed at the new convent of Stone,
Staffordshire, and was there employed in teaching and
in writing various books, meanwhile making great
spiritual progress. In 1860 she was appointed mis-
tress of novices, but in 1863 became mistress of studies
instead, thus obtaining more leisure for writing. In
1872 she became prioress under her friend, Mother
Imelda Poole, and on the death of the latter in 1881
succeeded her as provincial (25 Nov., 1881), thus tak-
ing charge of the whole congregation and the convents
of Stoke-on-Trent, Bow, and St. Mary Church. Her
character was well summed up by Bishop Ullathorne
when he described her as "one of those many-sided
characters who can write a book, draw a picture, rule
an Order, guide other souls, superintend a building,
lay out grounds, or give wise and practical advice with
equal facility and success." She continued to grow in
remarkable sanctity till her death, which took place a
fortnight after she had ceased to be provincial.
Her works include: "The Morality of Tractari-
anism" (1850), published anonymously; "Catholic
Legends and Stories" (1855); "Life of St. Dominic"
(1857); "Knightsof St. John" (1858): "ThreeChan-
cellors, Wykenam, Waynflete and More" (1859):
"Historical Tales'* (1862); "Tales and Traditions'*
(1862); "History of England for Family Use" (1864);
DREAMS 154 DREAMS
"Christian Schools and Scholars" (1867) ; "Biograph- dre*ms recorded in the annals of King AsshurbanipaL
ical Sketch of Hon. H. Dormer" (1868): "SongB in From these documents we learn that Asshur appeared
uenng
(1869), "Archbishop Ullathorne's Autobiography" rians. Another passage relates that, in the course of
(1891), and "Letters of Archbishop Ullathorne" (1892). an expedition against Elam, as the Assyrian troops
nSSSFuSS1 £S£f € n^Kp1n& ^t ±& °\ §*R' were ** "^ to croea the Xtti BiWi Ishtar of Arba-ilu
^Vol!!??^^^ (L°ndon' 1891)' appeared to them in their sleep anA said: "I go before
Edwin Burton. Asshurbanipal, the king whom my hands have made."
Encouraged by this vision, the army crossed the river
Dreams, Interpretation of. — There is in sleep ("West, As. Inscr.", vol. Ill; G. Smith, "Hist, of As-
Bomething mysterious which seems, from the earliest shurbanipal''). The Divinely sent dream might also
times, to have impressed man and aroused his curi- at times foreshow some coming event. Moreover, its
osity. What philosophy of sleep sprang from the ob- meaning was not always clear and might be shrouded
servation of the phenomenon, we do not know; but, in symbols, or, if conveyed through oral communica-
like all phenomena the causes of which are not obvious, tion, wrapped up in figures of speech. In either case,
sleep came, in the course of time, to be considered as the knowledge of the significance of the dream would
an effect of the Divine agency and as something sacred, depend on the interpretation. And as most dreams
We should very likely see a vestige of this simple and portend no clear message, the task of unfolding dream
primitive philosophy in the reverence shown at all symbols and figures gradually grew into an art, more
times by the Arabs to a man sleeping. But the mys- or less associated with soothsaying. Elaborate rules
tery of sleep is enhanced by the phenomenon of dream were laid down and handbooks compiled for the guid-
which accompanies it. Primitive people, unable to ance of the priests in explaining the portent of the vi-
explain the psychology of dreaming or to discover the sions and symbols perceived by the inquirer in his
causes of sleep, observed that, whereas man can, when sleep.
awake, control his thoughts and fancies, vet he is ut- Many such manuals have been found in Assyria and
terly incapable, when in sleep, either of bringing about Babylonia, the contents of which enable us to under-
such dreams as he might wish, or of directing and nil- stand the principles followed in dream-interpretation,
tng those that offer themselves to his faculties; hence From Dan., ii, 2 sqq., it would seem that the potherim,
they were led to attribute dreams to outside and super- or dream-interpreters, might be called upon even to
natural agencies. The gods, whose power was be- discharge the perplexing task of recalling dreams for-
lieved to manifest itself in natural effects, such as gotten by the dreamer. The instance here recorded
thunderstorms and earthquakes, whose messages were cannot; however, be much insisted upon, as the con-
supposed to be written by signs in the heavens, could text distinctly intimates that this task, impossible
as well Bend their communications to men in dreams, "except to the gods", yet imposed upon the Babvlo-
Hence the persuasion arose that persons favoured by nian diviners by a whim of the king, was beyond their
frequent dreams were sacred and chosen intermedia- acknowledged attributions. Most of the Egyptian
ries between the deity and man. Far from being cast magic books likewise contain incantations either to
aside by advancing civilization, these ideas developed procure or to explain dreams. These incantations
with it, and were to a certain extent even systema- had to be recited according to fixed cantillations, and
tized, as appears in particular from the records of the the soothsayer's art consisted in knowing them thor-
ancient peoples of the East. These all took it for oughly. copying them faithfully, and applying them
S anted that every dream expressed a Divine message, properly. Side by side with this religious view of
ost dreams came unsought; but occasionally super- dreams, which regarded them as the expression of the
natural communications were solicited by incuba- will of the god, there existed the superstitious view,
tion". The person desirous of obtaining a prophetic according to which all dreams were considered as
dream then betook himself to the temple of the deity omens. Assuming "that things causally connected
from whom he expected instructions, and there slept, in thought are causally connected in fact" (Jevons),
after some ritual preparation. Among the shrines people blindly believed that their dreams had a bear-
known in antiquity for vouchsafing oracles to sleeping mg on their own fate, and eagerly strove to discover
worshippers, the temple of jEsculapius at Epidaurus, their significance.
where dreams were obtained in which remeaies were Like the Eastern peoples, the Greeks and the Ro-
revealed to cure diseases, the cave of Trophonius, the mans attached a religious significance to dreams. Of
temple of Serapis, and that of Hathor. near the tur- this belief many traces may be found in classical litera-
quoise mines of the Sinai Peninsula, are the best known, ture. Homer and Herodotus thought it natural that
As a last means to wrest the dream from a reluctant the gods should send dreams to men{ even to deceive
deity, magic was also resorted to. An interesting ex- them, if needs be, for the accomplishment of their
ample of magical formula? used for this purpose is con- higher ends (Agamemnon's dream). The same indi-
tained in a Gnostic pa] * * * * '*' ' j-i-----*i ,1L"J x'_a-
Berved in the Leyden
des' Recipe for sending a mcwu , «iu uu*y ue icau **otw«j *«*»/. * «.«~. .,.uwv *v.&~»v~~& .„ „«, —w.«^..«r-
in Wiedemann's "Religion der alten jEgypter" (p. ble that a god should deceive men, admitted neverthe-
144). less that dreams may come from the gods (Tim., cc.
The meaning of the Divine message conveyed in xlvi,xlvii). Aristotle was similarly of the opinion that
dreams was sometimes obvious and unmistakable, as there is a divinatory value in dreams (De Divin. per
when the facts to be known were plainly revealed somn.. ii). The teaching of the Stoics was along the
cither by the deity himself or through the ministry of same lines. If the gods, they said, love man and are
tome messenger. Thus Thothmes IV was instructed omniscient as well as all-powerful, they certainly may
by Ra Hormakhu in a dream to dig out of the sand the disclose their purposes to man in sleep. Finally, in
statue of the Great Sphinx, near the place where he Greece and Rome, as well as in the East, the popular
was sleeping. In like manner the early Babylonian views c>f dreams went a great deal farther and devel-
king, Gudea, received the command to erect the tern- oped into superstition. It was in accordance with
pie Erinnu to Ninib. Of this description also were the these views, and to gratify the cravings which they
M
DREAMS
155
DREAMS
created, that Daldianus Artemidorus compiled his
" Oneirocritica ", in which rules were laid down where-
by any one could interpret his own dreams.
In tne light of the belief and practices of the ancient
peoples, we are better able to judge the belief and
practices recorded in the Bible. That God may enter
into communication with man through dreams is as-
serted in Num., xii, 6, and still more explicitly in Job,
xxxiii, 14 sqq.: "God speaketh once. . .Bv a dream in
a vision by night, when deep sleep falletn upon men,
and they are sleeping in their beds: then he openeth
the ears of men. and teaching instructeth them in
what they are to learn." As a matter of fact, Divine
revelation through dreams occurs frequently in the
Old and in the New Testament. In most of the cases
recorded the dream is expressly said to come from
God; of this description are, e. g., the dreams of Abi-
melech (Gen., xx, 3) ; of Jacob (Gen., xxviii. 12; xxxi,
10) ; of Solomon (III K., iii, 5-15) ; of Nabucnodonosor
San., ii, 19); of Daniel (Dan., vii, 1); of Joseph
atth., i, 20; ii, 13); of St. Paul (Acts, xxiii, 11;
xx vii, 23), unless we should interpret these passages as
referring to visions granted to the Apostle while awake.
God is said to appear Himself only in a few instances,
as to Abimelech. to Jacob, to Solomon, and to Daniel,
if, as is generally admitted, the "Ancient of days",
spoken of in this connexion, should be understood to
be God; in other instances He La said to speak through
an angel, as in the dreams narrated by St. Matthew
and St. Paul. The Bible records other dreams,
which, though prophetic, are not distinctly said to
come from God (Gen., xxxvii, 6; xl, 5; xli, 1; Judges,
vii, 13; II Mach., xv, 11). It appears, however, from
the circumstances and from their prophetic import,
that their Divine origin cannot be doubted; at least
their interpretation is declared (Gen., xl, 8) to "be-
long to God ". Accepting the historical truth of these
facts, there is no reason mdeed why God should not
use dreams as a means of manifesting His will to man.
God is omniscient and all-powerful, and He loves man;
He may, therefore, in order to disclose his purposes,
choose natural as well as supernatural means. Now
dreaming, as a natural psycho-physiological pheno-
menon, has undoubtedly its laws, which, however ob-
scure they may be to man, are established by God, and
obey His bidding. But since man may be easily de-
luded, it is needful that God in using natural causes
should supply such evidences as will make His inter-
vention unmistakable. Sometimes these evidences
are manifested to the dreamer, at other times to the in-
terpreter, if one be necessary; but they will never fail.
The analogy of the foregoing reasons with those
brought forward by theologians to prove the possibil-
ity ofrevelation is readily perceived. In fact, there is
here more than a mere analogy; for communication by
dreams is but one of the many ways God may select to
manifest His designs to man ; there is between them a
relation of species to genus, and one could not deny
either without denying the possibility of a superna-
tural order.
All the dreams actually recorded in Holy Writ came
unsought. Some scholars infer from the words of
Saul (I K., xxviii, 15) : " God is departed from me, and
would not hear me, neither by the hand of prophets,
nor by dreams ", that the practice of deliberately seek-
ing supernatural dreams was not unknown in Israel.
The words just quoted, however, do not necessarily
imply such a meaning, but may as well be interpreted
of unsought prophetic dreams. Still less can it be as-
serted that the Israelites would seek prophetic dreams
by resorting to a well-known sanctuary and sleeping
there. The two instances sometimes adduced in this
connexion, namely the dream of Jacob at Bethel
{Gen., xxviii, 12-19) and that of Solomon at Gabaon
(III K., iii, 5-15), do not bear out such an affirmation.
In both cases the dream, far from being sought, was
unexpected; moreover, with regard to tha former, it is
evident from the narration that Jacob was quite un-
aware beforehand of the holiness of the place he slept
in. His inference on the next morning aato its sacred-
ness was inspired by the object of the dream, and his
conduct in this circumstance seems even to betray
some fear of having unknowingly denied it by sleeping
there.
It should not be concluded from the above remarks
that there Were no errors with regard to dreams and
dream-interpretation in the minds of individual Israel-
ites. < Like their neighbours, they had a tendency to
consider all dreams as omens, and attach importance
to their significance. But this tendency was con-
stantly held in check by the more enlightened and
more religious part of the nation. Besides the prohi-
bition to "observe dreams", embodied in the Law
(Lev.; xix, 26; Deut., xviii, 10), the Prophets, from
the eighth century b. c. onwards, repeatedly warned
the people against giving " heed to their dreams which
they dream (Jer., xxix, 8). "Dreams follow many
cares", says Ecclesiastes (v, 2) ; and Ben Sirach wisely
adds that "dreams have deceived many, and they
have failed that put their trust in them'1 (Ecclus.,
xxxiv. 7). This was, according to II Par., xxxiii, 6,
one of the faults which brought about the downfall of
Manasses. Above all, the Israelites were warned in
every manner against trusting in the pretended dreams
of false prophets: " Behold, lam against the prophets
that have lying dreams, saith the Lord" (Jer., xxiii,
32; cf. Zach., x, 2; etc.). From these and other indi-
cations it appears clear that the religion of Israel was
kept pure from superstition connected with dreams.
True, a mere glance at the respective dates of the
above-quoted passages suggests that the seal of the
prophets was of little avail, at least for certain classes
of people. The evil opposed by them continued in
vogue down to the Exile, and even after the Restora-
tion; but it is scarcely necessary to remark how unjust
it would be to hold tne Jewish religion responsible for
the abuses of individual persons. Neither did there
exist at any time in Israel a class of diviners making it
their business to interpret the dreams of their country-
men; there were no potherim among the temple-offi-
cials, nor later around the synagogues. The very
few dream-interpreters spoken of m the Bible, as
Joseph and Darnel, were especially commissioned by
God in exceptional circumstances. Nor did they re-
sort to natural skill or art; their interpretations were
suggested to them by the Divine intellect enlightening
then* minds; "interpretation belongs to God", as Joseph
declared to his fellow-prisoners. Undoubtedly there
were among the people some soothsayers ever ready to
Erofit by the curiosity of weaker and credulous minds;
ut as they possessed no authority and as they were
condemned both by God and by the higher religious
consciousness of the community, they practised their
art in secret.
That certain dreams may be caused by God seemed
to be acknowledged without controversy by the early
Fathers of the Church and the ecclesiastical writers.
This opinion they based mainly on Biblical authority;
occasionally they appealed to the authority of classical
writers. Agreeably to this doctrine, it was admitted
likewise that the interpretation of supernatural
dreams belongs to God who sends them, and who
must manifest it either to the dreamer or to an author-
ised interpreter. The divine intervention in man's
dreams is an exceptional occurrence; dreaming, on the
contrary, is a most common fact. We may inquire,
therefore, how the official guardians of the Faith
viewed ordinary and natural dreams. In general they
repeated to the Christians the prohibitions and warn-
ings of the Old Testament, and denouncedin particu-
lar the superstitious tendency to consider dreams as
omens. It may suffice in this connexion to recall the
names of St Cyril of Jerusalem, St. Gregory of Nyssa,
and St. Gregory the Great, whose teaching on the
^
DRE0H8EL
156
DRESDEN
question at issue is clear and emphatic. A few, how-
ever j held opinions somewhat at variance with the
traditional view. Among them the most noteworthy
is Synesius of Cyrene (about 370-413), who is the au-
thor of a very strange treatise on dreams. Starting
from the Platonic anthropological trichotomy, and
from certain psychological hypotheses of Plato and
Plotinus, he attributed to the imagination a mani-
festly exaggerated r61e. Above all the arts of divina-
tion, the lawful use of which he did not seem to doubt,
he extolled dreaming as the simplest and surest mode
of prophesying. We know that he had accepted the
episcopacy only on the condition that he might con-
tinue to hold certain favourite philosophic ideas; and
it is reasonable to suppose that nis theories on dreams
were included in the compact.
Medieval theologians added to the reasonings of
their predecessors a more careful, and to some extent
more scientific, study of the phenomena of sleep; but
they found no reason to depart from the moral princi-
ples contained in the writings of the Fathers. Suffice
it here to quote St. Thomas Aquinas, who summarizes
the best teaching of the Schoolmen. To the query: Is
divination through dreams unlawful? — he replies:
The whole question consists in determining the cause
of dreams, and examining whether the same may be
the cause of future events, or at least come to the
actual knowledge of them. Dreams come sometimes
from internal, and sometimes from external, causes.
Two kinds of internal causes influence our dreams: one
animal, inasmuch as such images remain in a sleeping
man's fantasy as were dwelt upon by him while
awake; the other found in the body: it is indeed a well-
known fact that the actual disposition of the body
causes a reaction on the fantasy. Now it is self-evi-
dent that neither of these causes has any influence on
individual future events. Our dreams may likewise
be the effects of a twofold external cause. This is
corporeal when exterior agencies, such as the atmos-
pheric conditions or others, act on the imagination of
the sleeper. Finally dreams may be caused by spirit-
ual agents, such as (Sod, directly, or indirectly through
his angels, and the devil. It is easy to conclude
thence what chances there are to know the future
from dreams, and when divination will be lawful or
unlawful (II-II, Q. 95, a. 6). Modern theologians,
whilst profiting by the progress of psychological re-
search, continue to admit the possibility of dreams
supernatural in their origin, and consequently the pos-
sibility of dream-interpretation depending on super-
natural communications. As to ordinary dreams,
they readily grant that, because the imaginative facul-
ties of man acquire sometimes a keenness which they
do not possess otherwise, it is possible in such cases to
conjecture with a certain degree of probability some
future events; but in all other cases, by far the most
common, it is useless and illogical to attempt any in-
terpretation. As a matter of fact dreams are now —
we speak of civilized peoples — seldom heeded; only
very ignorant and superstitious persons ponder over
the " dictionaries of dreams" and the "keys to the in-
terpretation of dreams " once so much in favour. " As
idle as a dream" has become a proverb expressive of
the popular mind on the subject, and indicating suffi-
ciently that there is little need nowadays to revive the
laws and canons enacted in past ages against divina-
tion through dreams.
Bouch£-Leclercq, Hietoirt de la Divination (Pari*. 1870);
LsNORifANT, La divination et la science da preaagee chex lea Choi-
deena (Paris, 1875); Lehmann, Aberglaube und Zauberti (Stutt-
gart, 1898) ; Scmane in Kirchenlez., 8. v. Traumdeuterei; Ladd,
Doctrine of Sacred Scripture (New York, 1883); Reynolds,
Natural History of immortality (1801). v ^
Charles L. Souvay.
Drechsel (also Drexblius or Drexel), Jere-
miah, ascetic writer, b. at Augsburg, 15 August, 1581 ;
entered the Society of Jesus 27 July, 1598; d. at
Munich, 19 April, 1638. He was professor of humani-
ties and rhetoric at Augsburg and Dillingen, and
for twenty-three years court preacher to the Elector
of Bavaria. His writings enjoyed an immense popu-
larity. Chief among them are his " Considerationes
de Jfternitate" (Munich, 1620), of which there were
nine editions; in addition to these Leyser printed
3200 copies in Latin and 4200 in German. It was also
translated into English (Cambridge, 1632; Oxford,
1661; London, 1710 and 1844) and into Polish,
French, and Italian. His "Zodiacus Christianus" or
"The Twelve Signs of Predestination" (Munich
1622), is another famous book, but there seems to
have been an edition anterior to this; in 1642 eight
editions had already been issued and it was translated
into several European languages. "The Guardian
Angel's Clock" was issued first at Munich, 1622, and
went through seven editions in twenty years; it was
also translated extensively. "Nicetas seu Trium-
phata conscientia" (Munich, 1624) was dedicated
to the socialists of a dozen or more cities which he
names on the title page; "Trismegistus" was printed
in the same year and place ; " Heliotropium " or " Con-
formity of the Human with the Divine Will " came out
in 1627; "Death the Messenger of Eternity" also
bears the date of 1627. His fancy for odd titles shows
itself in other books also. Thus there are the " Gym-
nasium of Patience"; "Orbis Phaeton, hoc est de uni-
versis vitiis Linguae". The only work he wrote in
German was entitled "Tugendtspregel oder Klainodt-
schatz" (Munich, 1636). He has also a "Certamen
Poeticum"; "Rosas seleetissimarum virtutum";
"Rhetorica CoSlestis": " Gazophylacium Christi".
There are in all thirty-lour such books. Other works
are: "Res bellies expeditionis Maximiliani" (1620),
and some odes and sermons.
De Backer, BtiA. de la c. de J., 1646-66; Sommervoqel,
Biol, delac.de J. t III, 181 sqq.
T. J. Campbell.
Dresden, the capital of the Kingdom of Saxony and
the residence of the royal family, is situated on both
sides of the Elbe, which is here crossed by five bridges,
and is surrounded by pleasing heights. Including the
suburbs which now form a part of it, the city con-
tained (1 December, 1905) 516,996 inhabitants, of
whom 462,108 were Evangelical Lutherans, 2885
Evangelical Reformed, 44,079 Catholics, 3514 Jews,
etc. Dresden is the residence of the vicar Apostolic for
Saxony, and is the seat of the Catholic ecclesiastical
consistory and of the vicarial court. In 1907 there
were in Dresden 24 ecclesiastics, including the vicar
Apostolic, who is a titular bishop, 7 rectors, 4 court
preachers, and 1 military chaplain. Dresden has 6
Catholic parish churches, of which 2 are only chapels,
1 garrison church, which is also used for Protestant
worship, the church attached to St. Joseph's Institute,
built in 1746, and 6 chapels. The most important
of these edifices is the court church, one of the finest
Rococo structures of Germany. It was built by the
Italian master-builder, Gaetano Chiaveri, in the years
1739-51. for Frederick Augustus II (1733-63). The
church has a finely painted ceiling, a high altar with
altar-painting by Raphael Mengs, and valuable silver
ornamentation; since 1823 the members of the royal
family have been buried in the crypt. Among the
other churches should be mentioned the parish church
of Dresden-Neustadt, built, 1852-53, in Romanesque
style and containing finely painted windows, and the
chapel in the royal palace.
The Catholic schools of Dresden consist of a pro-
gymnasium with 4 ecclesiastical teachers and about 70
scholars. 1 middle-class school with nearly 300 schol-
ars, ana 5 district schools with 3300 pupils. For
girls there are also St. Joseph's Institute, founded in
1746 by Maria Josepha, wife of King Augustus III, to
give poor Catholic girls food, clothing, and instruction,
DEI8DEK l<
and the institution for noble young ladies, founded in
1761 by Freiherr von Burkereroda, in which Catholic
young women of noble birth receive a home and an
education. Aa houses of male orders are forbidden
throughout Saxony, Dresden has only convents of
female congregations ; these are : 2 houses of Grey Sis-
ters who have charge of a hospital, St. Joseph's Insti-
tute, a home for servants, 2 kitchens for the poor, etc. ; 1
convent of the Sisters of St. Charles Borromeo who
conduct the Amalia home and a boarding home for
working- women. Among the Catholic societies of
Dresden should be mentioned: the Catholic Press
Association, the Teachers' Association, 2 working-
men's societies, the People's Association (Volksverein)
of Catholic Germany, the journeymen's society (Gescl-
7 DttSDKN
Hersfeld laid claim to Dresden; in 1.119 the city finally
came into the possession of the margraves. Margrave
Wilhelm I made Dresden his place of residence; he
enlarged the castle, granted the rights of a city to the
old settlement called Alt-Dresden (Old Dresden) on
the right bank of the Elbe, and founded there in 1404
a monastery of Hermits of St. Augustine. The inten-
tion of this ruler to establish a cathedral chapter in
Dresden was not, however, carried out. In 1449 the
city was besieged by the Hussites and badly damaged.
Among the most remarkable events of the following
period was the presence at Dresden of St. John Oapis-
tran, who in 1452 preached repentance here with great
When the lands of the House of Wettin wer
.-iiliid
Conar Chubch (1761)
lenrerein) which carries on a boarding home, the
Merchants' Association, 3 associations for youths, 2
societies of St. Charles Borromeo, the Catholic Casino,
and 20 religious societies and brotherhoods. The
only Catholic daily newspaper for Dresden and Saxony
is the "Sachsische VolkBseitung".
Dresden was originally a village of the Sorbs, who in
the sixth century settled on both Bides of the Elbe. In
the tenth century the territory was conquered by the
Germans, and the Diocese of Meissen (see Heibsen)
was erected in 968 for the conversion of the pagan
Sorbs. The first church of Dresden, the church of Our
lady, was built about 1080. Towards the end of the
twelfth century the Germans made a settlement, not
far from the Sorbs, which is first mentioned in a deed
of 1206 and is spoken of as a city as early as 1216. This
new settlement, which gradually absorbed the other,
received many privileges and rights from Margrave
Heinrich the Illustrious (1230-88). The edifices
still existing, which were founded in the time of this
ruler are: the St. Maternus infirmary, the St. Bartholo-
mius infirmary, the Franciscan monastery, the church
_u 1234 received a piece of the True Cross and conse-
quently became a great resort for pilgrims. After the
death of Heinrich, besides the Margrave of Meissen,
both the Bishop of Meissen and the monastery of
in 1485 between the two brothers, Albrecht and Ernst,
Dresden was included in the possessions of Albrecht,
to whose successors it has ever since belonged. Soon
after this, in 1491, a great fire laid waste the city, burn-
ing to the ground the church of the Holy Cross and
270 housesfbut the town recovered quickly. The city
developed rapidly under Duke George the Bearded
(1500-39), who was a strong opponent of the religious
innovations of Luther. Soon after his death, however,
his brother Heinrich introduced the Reformation into
Dresden (1539}. The monasteries of the Franciscans
and Augustinians were suppressed; - twenty-seven
altars of the church of the Holy Cross were destroyed
and the paintings were removed; the vessels of gold
and silver were taken from the churches by the coun-
cil, and the holding of Catholic church services was
soon after this entirely forbidden.
During the reign of Duke Maurice, who attained the
electoral dignity, the two towns were consolidated in
1550; in the time of Maurice and hie successors Dres-
den became one of the most beautiful cities of Ger-
Augustus the Strong, and Frederick Augustus II, with
fine edifices and numerous treasures of art, so that
it competed with Paris in its attractions. The Seven
Years War brought intense misery to the city, the popu-
lation of which fell from 63,000 to the fourth part of
DREVES
158
DREVET
this number. Scarcely had the place recovered when
the Napoleonic Wars with their enormous burdens, to
which hunger and disease were added, again brought
the greatest suffering on the city. After the Wars of
Liberation the development of the city steadily pro-
gressed until it was interrupted again by the Revolu-
tion of 1849 which led to the erection of barricades and
to bloody strife. Since then there has been a constant
and rapid growth of the city, which rivals the other
great centres of the German Empire in elegance and
beauty and in the activity of its industries and com-
merce.
After the introduction of the Reformation into
Dresden Catholicism could not exist openly. Catholics
were forbidden to settle in it even as late as 1680; the
few Catholics who lived there could only hear Mass in
the chapel of the imperial embassy. This oppressed
condition of the Catholics was not much improved
when Augustus the Strong in 1697 became a convert;
he gave the chapel of the hunting castle Moritzburg
for Catholic worship, and in 1708 the court church of
the Holy Trinity was consecrated ; but public church
services were still forbidden to Catholics. It was not
until the Peace of Posen, 11 December, 1806, that the
Catholics of Saxony were granted the same freedom of
worship as the Lutherans and that the Catholic and
Protestant subjects of the king received the same civil
and political rights. Since this date the Catholic
Church in Dresden has increased, though slowly, as
Saxony, notwithstanding the Catholicism of the reign-
ing family, is strongly Protestant and has little tolera-
tion for the Church; thus, for example, the founding
of monasteries is forbidden by the Constitution of
1831. The losses of the Church in Dresden annually
exceed the conversions more than tenfold.
J. E. Richter, Litteratur der Landes- und Volkskunde des
und Pirna in Codex dtplomaticus Saxonux regia. Pt. II, Vol. V
(Leipzig, 1875); Dibelius, Die Einfuhrung der Reformation
der Stadi Dresden (Dresden, 1900), I; Idem, Geech. der Stadi Dres-
den, 1871-1909 (Dresden, 1903); Gdblitt. Beschretbende Darstel-
luna der Bau- und Kunstdenkmaler Sachsens (Dresden, 1900-
03), Pts. XXI-XXIII; Idem. Dresden (Dresden, 1907);
Handbuch der WoKUMigkeit una Wohtfahrtspflege in Dresden
(Dresden, 1906). Periodicals. — Mitteuunaen des Vereins fur
Gesch. Dresdens (Dresden), XX Pts. to 1908; Dresdener Ge-
schichtsblaUer (Dresden), XVI vols, to 1908; St. Benno-Kal-
ender (Dresden), LVII vols, to 1908. JOSEPH LlNS.
Dreves, Lebrecht BlOcher, poet, b. at Hamburg,
Germany, 12 September, 1816; d. at Feldkirch, 19
Dec., 1870. The famous Prussian General Blucher
was his baptismal sponsor, whence his name. At
fifteen he wrote German and Latin poems faultless in
rhyme and metre. Four years later he submitted a
good-sized volume of poems to the critical judgment of
A. von Chamisso ana Gustav Schwab, and both ex-
pressed favourable opinions. This was followed
shortly by another volume entitled "Lyrische An-
klange" (Lyrical Melodies), and although these
" melodies " were grafted on the music of his favour-
ites, Chamisso, Umand. Heine, Ruckert, Schwab, and
others, they were not devoid of a sweetness all their
own. His studies in jurisprudence, prosecuted dur-
ing the three succeeding years and rewarded by the
degree of doctor of laws summd cum laude, failed to
extinguish the love of his favourite study of poetry.
Another volume, entitled " VigUien" < Vigils), fulfilled
the earlier promises of this child-phenomenon. About
this time, nowever, the seamy side of life presented
itself to him, trouble growing apace with financial dif-
ficulties in the young lawyer's family. Hitherto,
although a strict Protestant, his entire religion had
been summed up in the word poetry. Impending
poverty destroyed this rather roseate view. His
mental and bodily troubles, however, were more or
less dissipated by his reception into the Catholic
church on Candlemas Day, 1846. A subsequent ap-
pointment as notary raised him above immediate
want. It was during these darker periods that he
was most prolific as an author. In 1843 he had
already published anonymously a third volume of
poems "Schlichte Lieder" (Unpretentious Songs) em-
bodying his battle-songs, "Lieder eines Hanseaten".
Previous to this, when unhampered by the dread of
poverty, he had written (1868) the two-act comedy
"Der Lebensretter" (The Life-Saver) inscribing it:
"A manuscript printed for (improvised) private
theatricals".
The change of view involved in his conversion
brought him two advantages, a loftier conception of
his literary work and an enlarged circle of friends.
His " Lieder der Kirche " (Church Hymns) paved his
way to becoming a model translator of hymns (2d ed.,
1868). He also dedicated his virile pen to the cause
of religion in his native town by writing a " History of
the Catholic Congregations in Hamburg and Altona".
He likewise translated the " Nachtigallenlied " by the
Pseudo-Bonaventura and St. Rembert's life of St.
Ansgar, Apostle of the North. He undertook the
thankless task of editing (1867) the important sources of
the history of his native city in the Annua? Missionis
Hamburgensis 1589-1781 ". About this time he re-
vised and republished his own poetical works. This
work was made easy for him by the advice and aid of
the poet von EichendorfF who had become his warm
friend. Meantime he had become the father of a
happy family, and to secure for his promising son a
good education he determined to remove to Feldkirch
in the Vorarlberg. To compensate for the loss of his
friend von EichendorfF he gained a new one, the
poet Father Gall Morel. The most distinguished of
nis children is his son, Dr. G. Dreves, editor of the
"Analecta hymnica medii sevi", a vast collection
of medieval hymnology, which has already reached its
fiftieth volume.
Rosenthal, ConvertitenbUder (autobiography). I, 626-636;
Kreitek, Lebrecht Dreves, ein Lebensbud (Freiburg im Br.v
1897); Scheid, Dichterstimmen der Gegenwart (1903).
N. Scheid.
Drevet Family /The, were the leading portrait en-
gravers of France for over a hundred years. Their
fame began with Pierre, and was sustained by his son,
Pierre-Imbert, and by his nephew, Claude. Pierre
Drevet, the Elder, b. at Loire in the Lyonnais in
1663; d. in Paris, 1738, was the son of Estienne Drevet,
a man of excellent family, and began his studies with
Germain Audran at Lyons, continuing them with
Gerard Audran in Paris. So rapid was his progress,
so quickly did he imbibe and assimilate knowledge,
and with such precision and delicacy did he manage
the graver, that in 1696 he was made court engraver.
In 1707 he was admitted to membership in the Aca-
d&nie des Beaux- Arts, his reception picture being an
engraving of Robert de Cotte.
Rigaud's portraits were in high favour at the end of
the seventeenth century and Drevet was the first to
encounter and surmount the difficulties of translating
into black and white the natural appearance of texture
and materials which the brilliant oils readily pre-
sented. He was an excellent draughtsman, and he
treated flesh and fabrics, the flash of jewels and the
shimmer of steel, with painter-like realism, surpassing
all his predecessors in these effects. With all his ele-
gance of detail he produced an harmonious ensemble,
combining artistic feeling with skilful technic. Al-
though his work with the burin was like that of the
great Nanteuil, he attained a style of his own. Pre-
vious engravers sacrificed much to make the head
prominent, but Drevet made everything salient,
though never violently so. Always engraving after
oil-paintings, Drevet was at times uneven, but this
was because the originals were uneven. Orders
COURT CHURCH, DRESDEN
poured in upon bun faster than he could fill them, and
throughout his life he had command of every impor-
tant work produced in France. His engravings were
mainly the portraits of distinguished people. Among
his many superb plates a portrait of Colbert (1700)
marks the acme of his art; and next in point of excel-
lence come the portraits of Louis XIV and Louis XV,
both after Rigaud. Other celebrated works of his are
. a Crucifixion, after
Coypel, and a por-
trait of Charles II
of England. Dur-
ing the last years
of his life Drevet
worked with his son
and they produced
plates together.
Pierre -Imbert
Drevet, called the '
Younger Pierre, was
born m Paris, 1607;
died there, 1730.
H is father, the elder
Drevet, gave him
such assiduous in-
struction that at
the age of thirteen
he produced a su-
. — ............. pero little plate
*■**■ *""* which indicated his
future eminence. At first he engraved after Lebrun,
but he soon developed a style ol his own, spontan-
eous, sincere, and brilliant. Under his facile, sure,
and soft graver every detail was rendered, every
■shade of colour and every variety of texture. The
result was always an harmonious unit. He was his
father's constant companion and worked with un-
wearying patience with him. In 1723 Pierre-) m-
bert finished his portrait of Bossuet after Rigaud
(see Catholic Enctclopema, II, s. v. Bossuot), "per-
haps the finest of all the engraved portraits of
France" (Lippman). In 1724 the portrait of Cardi-
nal Dubois was engraved. Both of these are treated
broadly and freely, show magnificent handling of
draperies, and possess exquisite finish. The great
plate of Adrienne Lecouvreur (1730) and that of
Samuel Bernard are by many authorities ranked
with the Bossuet. For Bernard's portrait Rigaud
himself made the drawing, a most unusual event
in eighteenth-century engraving. Besides his mas-
terly portraits, Pierre-Imbert produced many re-
ligious and historical plates, chiefly of Coypel. A
sunstroke (1726) resulted in intermittent imbecility,
and the talented and hardworking master — the last
of the pure-line men— had thirteen years of such
madness before his death. He kept on engraving,
however, until the end. He was a member of the
Academic de Peinture and the king assigned hira
apartments in the Louvre. Among nis pupils were
Francois and Jacques Chereau and Simon Vallee.
The following are among his principal works:
"Presentation of the Virgin , after Le Brun; "Pre-
sentation in the Temple , after L. Boullongne; por-
traits of the Archbishop of Cambrai (after Vivien) ; and
Rene Pucelle, his last work, after Rigaud.
Claude Drevet, a French engraver, b. at Lyons,
1705; d.inParis, 1782. He was a nephew and pupil
of Pierre the Elder and at first followed the traditions
of the two Pierree, forming about him a coterie of en-
gravers who endeavoured to keep alive their great
traditions. Later he became very hard and precise
with the graver, and his work lost all its artistic and
painter-like quality, everything being sacrificed for a
brilliant technic. Nevertheless, many of his plates
possess great charm and delicacy. Claude seemed
indifferent to his art and produced but little compared
•with the other members of the family. When Fierre-
9 DREY
Imbert died, his rooms in the Louvre were given to
Claude, who proceeded to squander nearly all the
money left him by his uncle and his cousin.
He engraved portraits of Henri Oswald, Cardinal
d'Auvergne, after Rigaud, and of De Vintimille, Arch-
bishop of Paris, also after Rigaud.
FlUilN-DlDOT, Ln Drmt (Pari", 1878); F.wlowbiy, Cala-
■ . r. French Engravers and Draughtsmen <ft the
VI 1 1 Century (Loud
- ""ew York. 1""
e, II, 138.
Engraving and Etch-
Lyonnaif digna At
Leiqb Hunt.
Drexel, Francis Anthony, banker, b. at Philadel-
phia, U. 8. A., 20 June, 1824; d. there 15 Feb., 1885.
He was the oldest son of Francis Martin Drexel, a
, who in 1837 turned his attention to
finance, and founded the house of Drexel & Co. in
Philadelphia with connexions with the firms of J. S.
Morgan &, Co. of New York, and Drexel, Harjes &
Co. of Paris. Associated with him were his sons
Francis Anthony, Anthony Joseph, and Joseph Will-
iam. Francis Anthony began his financial career at
the age of thirteen, and at nis father's death in 1863
became the senior member of the firm, and was
recognized as one of America's foremost financiers.
The nouse of Drexel & Co. was in the public estima-
tion unalterably associated with the strictest integrity
and the most broadminded liberality. At critical
Eriods it came generously to the support of the pub-
credit. Francis A. Drexel's growing fortune did
not alienate him from religion or harden his heart
against the appeals of chanty. He remained to the
end poor in spirit, and regarded his vast wealth
merely as a Divinely lent instrument for doing good.
In his exercises of piety and his copious distribution
of charities, he was ably seconded by his second wife,
Emma Bouvier Drexel, who died before him. His
children by his first wife, who was Hannah J. Langs-
troth, were Elizabeth, who died 26 September, 1890,
and was the wife of Walter George Smith, of Phila-
delphia, and Katharine, who entered religion and
founded the congregation of the Sisters of the Blessed
Sacrament for Indians and Coloured People (see
Catholic Ency-
clopedia, II, p.
599). Another
daughter, Louise,
wife of Edward
Morrell, was the
only child of his
second marriage.
In his will Mr.
Drexel followed
the Biblical injunc-
tion of beq ueathing
a tithe ($1,500,-
000) of his great
estate to religious
and charitable pur-
poses, with the fur-
ther proviso that
in case his daugh-
ters should leave
no issue, the entire
estate should be
distributed among the institutions specified in the
will. His daughters continued to walk in the foot-
steps of their father. Among their own benefactions,
Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Morrell founded the St. Francis
Industrial School at Eddington, Pennsylvania. The
Francis A. Drexel Chair of Moral Theology in the
Catholic University of America was founded by his
daughters in honour of Mr. Drexel.
James F. Lotjohltn.
Drey, Johann Sebastian von, professor of theology
at the University of Tubingen, b. 16 Oct, 1777, at
Francis Anthony Druxbl
DB0H0B1 1
Killingen, in the parish of Rohlingen, in the then ec-
clesiastical principality of Ellwangen;d. 19 Feb., 1853.
The parish priest of Rohlingen, an ex-Jesuit, noting
the boy's talents, instructed him in the elements of
Latin, and persuaded his parents to send him, in 1787,
in spite of their extreme poverty, to the gymnasium
of Ellwangen. There he lived partly on the charity
of the townspeople and partly by tutoring, especially
in Latin, mathematics, and physics. He studied
theology, 1797-1799, at Augsburg- after 1799 he lived
in the aiocesan seminary at Pfaffenhausen and whs
ordained in the summer of 1801. During his five
years as assistant in his native place, Drey studied the
then paramount philosophy of Kant, Fichto, and
Schelling, and the philosophical erudition which he
acquired in this study appears clearly in his scientific
works. His posi-
Quartalschrift" of Tubingen. With Mohler. Drey was
the founder of the so-called Catholic School of Tubingen.
Like MohJer, Hefele, and von Funk, he was a truly
critical historian. But Drey also gave to the sys-
tematic theology of this school its peculiar stamp,
equi-distinct from Traditionalism and Rationalism,
recognizing on the one hand the objective facts in the
history of Revelation and the tradition from genera-
tion to generation, maintaining on the other the rights
of our natural reason and of philosophical specula-
tion, with all due loyalty to dogma. Kuhn and
Schan* faithfully followed in the path marked out by
Drey.
T%Hl<mKM« Qaartuledmft, XXXV (1853). 340 aqq., LXXX
Johann Baptist Siaiift li.br.
Dromore, Diocese of CDkomorenbis, and in an-
ent documents l)ni-MoitK\sis), one of the eight
suffragans of Armagh, Ireland. It includes portions
of the counties of Down, Arnuudi, and Antrim, and
contains eighteen parishes, of which two, Newry and
Clonal Ion, are mcnsal parishes. It takes its name
from Dromore {Druim M-ir, ^re:it. ridge), a smalltown
When in 1812 Kinu Frederick I of Wurtemberg
founded the Univen-il y of Klhi;oik;en us a Catholic
national university for his recently acquired
Catholic territory, Drey was calleil to lecture there
"~ J — matics, history of dogma, apologetics, and
jction to theology. There lie published
two Latin dissertations: "Observata qua-dum ad
illustrandam Justin i M . ile reumi rnillenario sen-
tentiam" (1814), ami " 1 *isserta1 io his toricci- the-
ologies originem et vicissitudioom exomologeseos
in ccclesift catholicfi i\ ilncinrn 'litis ecclesiastic is
illuHtrans" (1815), the latter of which was de-
nounced to Rome, but uiihuut serious
quences for its author, a I li-a-l for the time being.
When King Willioin I (IS17) incorporated the
University of' Ellv ■ . .1. 1
University of Tubiimen :is it- Catholic faculty of
theology, Drey wi
Herbst, joinea the stall of tin- new school ant
founded (1819), together with them aud ina ne«
colleague, Hirscher, the "Theologische Quartal-
schrift"of Tubingen, still flourishing; he took a prom-
inent part in its publication and wrote for it a num-
ber of essays and reviews. In the same year he
published: "Kurze Einleitung in das Studium der
Theologio mit Rucksicht auf den wissenschaftlichen
Standpunkt und das katholische System ". An effort
to make Drey first bishop of the newly founded Dio-
cese of Rottenburg failed, among other reasons be-
cause of the distrust with which he was regarded in
Rome owing to his above-named work on confession.
Somewhat as a recompense the first position at the
cathedral was reserved for him, which, however, he
never filled. In 1832 appeared his "Neue Untereu-
chungen tlber die Konstitutionen und Kanones der
Apostel", a work of such thoroughness that only re-
cent investigations, especially those of von Funk, nave
gone beyond it. After convalescing from a severe ill-
ness, he was relieved from his office as teacher of dog-
matic theology (1838). Just then his principal work,
in three volumes, appeared: "Die Apulogetik. ale wis-
senachaftltche Nachweisung der Gottlichkeit dee
Christentums in seiner Erscheinung" (1838-1847).
Still comparatively robust, though well advanced in
years, Drey was pensioned in 1846, almost against his
will; he continued, however, to write for Wetter and
Welte's " Kirchenleiikon" and for the "Theologische
endara of Irish
saints. From a
prophecy said to have been uttered by St. Patrick.
sixty years before, Archbishop Healy ("Life and
Writings of St. Patrick", p. 494) infers that St.
Patrick claimed no immediate spiritual jurisdiction
over the territory of Iveagh which forms mainly
the Diocese of Dromore, but willed that territory
to be reserved for a bishop of the native race of
Dal-Araide — namely, St. Colman, who founded his
see there about the year 514, some sixty years after
St. Patrick founded the See of Armagh. Dromore
has had its own independent jurisdiction ever
since. The old cathedral of Dromore, which had been
taken by the Protestants, was burnt down by the
Irish insurgents in 1641, and rebuilt by Bishop Taylor
twenty years later; but it has been far. surpassed by
the Catholic church recently erected. The seat of the
cathedral, however, was transferred some two hun-
dred years ago to Newry, the largest town of County
Down, and a place of great historical interest, situated
at the head of Carl irigf ord Lough. In this town, when
the severity of the Penal Laws began to relax, in the
latter half of the eighteenth century, the Catholics
built in a retired suburb a very plain church which is
still in use; but just before Catholic Emancipation an
edifice worthy of the name of cathedral was begun in
1825 and completed by Dr. Michael Blake (1833-1800)
DROSTAN
161
DBOSTE-VISOHXRIVO
who had been Vicar-General of Dublin and the restorer
of the Irish College at Rome. This cathedral was
greatly enlarged and beautified by Bishop Henry
O'Neill, who succeeded Bishop McGivern in 1901.
Under Dr. McGivern's predecessor, Dr. John Pius
Leahy, O. P. (1860-1890), a Dominican priory was
founded on the Armagh side of Newry, and a very
handsome church erected. The Poor Clares, who
went to Newry from Harold's Cross, Dublin, in 1830,
were for many years the only nuns north of the Boyne.
The Sisters of Mercy founded a convent at Newry in
1855, and have now flourishing establishments in
Lurgan, Rostreyor, and Warrenpoint. There is a
large diocesan college at Violet Hill near Newry which
is under the patronage of St. Colman. To this patron
saint of the diocese and its first bishop, besides the
church at Dromore already referred to, are also dedi-
cated the parish churches at Tullylish, Kilvarlin, in the
parish of Magheralin, and Bammeen near Rathfriland
in the parish of Drumgath. Few ecclesiastical anti-
quities have survived the ravages of time, war, and
heresy. Abbey Yard in Newry marks the site of the
Cistercian abbey founded in the year 1144 by St.
Bernard's friend, St. Malachy O'Morgair, and endowed
in 1157 by Maurice O'Louenlin, King of All Ireland.
It is called in the annals Afonasterium de Viridi
Lipno — a name given to Newry from the yew-tree
said to have been planted there by St. Patrick, the
Irish name being Niubar (and sometimes Newrkin-
tragh, "the yew at the head of the strand") which is
latinized Ivorium or Nevoracum, but more commonly
as above Viride Lignum. There are the ruins of
an old church half a mile east of Hilltown. In the
adjoining parish of Kilbroney (church of St. Bronach,
a virgin samt of the district) half a mile north-east of
Rostrevor is a graveyard with the venerable ruins of
a church, an ancient stone cross, and a little to the
west St. Brigid's well. Imbedded in a tree in this
graveyard, a very antique bell was found about a
hundred years ago and is now carefully preserved.
The first Protestant Bishop of Dromore was John
Tod, on whom it was bestowed in commendam in 1606.
while he was at the same time Bishop of Down ana
Connor. It was an unfortunate beginning; for the
Protestant historian, Sir James Ware, says Tod was
degraded for incontinence and poisoned himself in
prison in London. Two of his successors distin-
guished themselves more creditably: Jeremy Taylor,
who was bishop of these three dioceses from 1661 to
1667, an eloquent preacher and a writer of genius, and
Thomas Percy, Bishop of Dromore from 1782 to 1811.
whose "Reliques of Ancient Poetry" had a great ana
enduring influence on English literature.
There are 18 parishes, 42 churches, and 53 priests,
a diocesan seminary and a convent of Dominicans at
Newry ; also 5 convents of Sisters of Mercy, one of Poor
Clares, and a college of the Christian Brothers (New-
S/). The Catholic population is (1908), 43,014; non-
atholic, 71,187.
O'Hanlon, Lives of the Irish Saints (Dublin, s. d.), VI, 224;
Wabe-Harrib, Antiquities of Ireland (Dublin, 1739-45);
Mazibre Brady, Episcopal Succession in England, Scotland,
and Ireland (Rome, 1876;. I, 296; Archdall, Monasticon Hi-
bernicum, ed. Moban (Dublin, 1873), I, 285; Healy, Life and
Writings of St. Patrick (Dublin. 1905), 324, 494; Reeves, L>ottfn,
Connor, and Dromore (Dublin, 1847), 303; O'Laverty, Bishops
elf Down and Connor (Dublin, 1895), 300.
Matthew Russell.
Drostan (Dbttstan. Dustan, Throstan), Saint.
a Scottish abbot who flourished about a. d. 600. All
that is known of him is found in the "Breviarium
Aberdonense" and in the "Book of Deir", a ninth-
century MS. now in the University Library of Cam-
bridge, but these two accounts do not agree in every
particular. He appears to have belonged to the royal
family of the Scoti, his father's name being Cosgrach.
Showing signs of a religious vocation he was en-
trusted at an early age to the care of St. Columba, who
V.— 11
trained him and gave him the monastic habit. He
accompanied that saint when he visited Aberdour
(Aberdeen) in Buchan. The Pictish ruler of that
country gave them the site of Deir, fourteen miles
farther inland, where they established a monastery,
and when St. Columba returned to Iona he left St.
Drostan there as abbot of the new foundation. On
the death of the Abbot of Dalquhongale (Holywood)
some few years later, St. Drostan was chosen to suc-
ceed him. Afterwards, feeling called to a life of
greater seclusion, he resigned his abbacy, went farther
north, and became a hermit at Glenesk. Here his
sanctity attracted the poor and needy, and many
miracles are ascribed to him, including the restoration
of sight to a priest named Symon. After his death
his relics were transferred to Aberdour and honour-
ably preserved there. The "Breviary of Aberdeen"
celebrates his feast on 15 December. The monastery of
Deir, which had fallen into decay, was rebuilt for Cis-
tercian monks in 1213 and so continued until the Re-
formation.
Dempster, Hist. Eccl. Gent. Scot. (Edinburgh, 1829): Brev'-
arium Aberdonense (London, 1854); Isses, Scotland in the Mid"
die Ages (Edinburgh, 1860); Forbes, /Calendar of Scottish
Saints (Edinburgh, 1872); Gammack in Dtct. of Christ. Biog.
(London, 1877).
G. Cyprian Alston.
Droste-Hulshofl, Annette Elisabeth. See Huls-
HOFF.
Droste-Vischering, Clemens August von, Arch
bishop of Cologne, b. 21 Jan., 1773, at Munster,
Germany; d. 19 Oct., 1845, in the same city. Besides
attending the University of Munster, he had as private
tutor the well-known church historian Theodore
Katerkamp (d. 1834). At an early age he was intro-
duced into the circle of learned men that gathered
around Baron von Furstenberg and the pious and
refined Princess Amelia von Gallitzin, where he im-
bibed the thoroughly Catholic principles which char-
acterized him while Archbishop of Cologne. After
completing his studies he began, in June, 1796, an
extensive educational journey under the direction of
Katerkamp, through Germany, Switzerland, and
Italy, returning to Munster in Aug., 1797. The fol-
lowing year, on 14 May, he was ordained priest by
his brother Caspar Maximilian, then Auxiliary Bishop
of Munster. In accordance with the wish of the aged
Baron von Furstenberg, Vicar-General and Adminis-
trator of the Diocese of Munster, the cathedral chapter
elected Clemens August as his coadjutor on 18 Jan.,
1807, and when Furstenberg resigned six months
later, Clemens August became his successor. As
administrator he founded in 1808 an independent
congregation of Sisters of Mercy, the so-callea Klem-
ens-Sch western, who, though practically confined to
the Diocese of Munster, numbered 81 houses and 1126
members in 1904. When in 1813 Munster became
part of Napoleon's monarchy, the emperor appointed
Baron von Spiegel as Bishop of Munster without the
knowledge of the pope, but after Napoleon's fall the
pope restored Clemens August to his former office in
March, 1815. Under Prussian rule the administrator
repeatedly came into conflict with the Government
on account of his attitude towards mixed marriages
and the supervision of theological studies. When Dy
an agreement between the Holy See and the Prussian
Government the dioceses of Prussia were again sup-
plied with bishops, Clemens August, who was not
persona grata to the Prussian Government, withdrew
from public life and devoted himself to works of piety
and charity. He remained in seclusion even after
being consecrated Auxiliary Bishop of Munster with
the titular See of Calama in 1827.
After the death of Baron von Spiegel, the incum-
bent of the metropolitan See of Cologne, the Prussian
Government, to tne surprise of Catholics and Protes-
tants alike, desired Clemens August as his successor,
^
DRUIDISM
162
DRUIDISM
This unexpected move on the part of the Government
was intended to conciliate the Catholic nobility of
Westphalia and Rhenish Prussia as well as the Cath-
olic clergy and laity, who began to lose confidence in
the fairmindedness of the Government and justly pro-
tested against the open favouritism shown to Protes-
tants in civil and ecclesiastical affairs. The cathedral
chapter of Cologne, which had become accustomed to
act as a passive instrument in the hands of the Gov-
ernment, elected Clemens August as Archbishop of
Cologne on 1 Deo. 1835. He received the papal con-
firmation on 1 Feb., 1836, and was solemnly en-
throned by his brother, Maximilian, Bishop of Mon-
ster, on 29 May. Soon after this he came into
conflict with the adherents of Hermes (d. 1831),
whose doctrines (see Hermes and Hermesianism) had
been condemned by Pope Gregory XVI on 26 Sept.,
1835. When many professors at the University of
Bonn refused to submit to the papal Bull, Clemens
August refused the imprimatur to their theological
magazine, forbade the students of theology to attend
their lectures, and drew up a list of anti-Hermesian
theses to which all candidates for sacerdotal ordina-
tion and all pastors who wished to be transferred to
new parishes were obliged to swear adherence. The
Government was angered because the archbishop had
enforced the papal Bull without the royal approba-
tion, but gave him to understand that it would allow
him free scope in this affair, provided he would accede
to its demands concerning mixed marriages. Before
Clemens August became archbishop he was asked by
an agent of the Government whether, if he should be
. set over a diocese, he would keep in force the agree-
ment regarding mixed marriages, which was made
"in accordance with the papal Brief of 25 March,
1830", between Archbishop von Spiegel and Minister
Bunsen on 19 June, 1834. Clemens August did not
then know in what this agreement consisted, and
misled by the words ''in accordance with the papal
Brief", answered in the affirmative. After becoming
archbishop he discovered that the agreement in ques-
tion, far from being in accordance with the papal
Brief, was in some essential points in direct opposition
to it. The papal Brief forbade Catholic priests to
celebrate mixed marriages unless the Catholic train-
ing of the children was guaranteed, while in the
agreement between von Spiegel and Bunsen no such
guarantee was required. Under these circumstances
it was the plain duty of the archbishop to be guided
by the papal Brief, and all attempts of the Govern-
ment to the contrary were futile. His conscientious
devotion to duty finally caused the Government to
have recourse to the most drastic measures.
Advised by Minister Bunsen, Frederick William
III ordered the arrest of the archbishop. The order
was carried out in all haste and secrecy on the evening
of 20 Nov., 1837, and Clemens August was trans-
ported as a criminal to the fortress of Minden. If the
Government thought it could overawe the Catholics
of Prussia by thus trampling under foot the religious
liberty of its subjects, it speedily discovered its mis-
take. The Bishops of Minister and Paderborn, fired
by the example of Clemens August, recalled the as-
sent they had formerly given to the agreement; while
Martin von Dunin, the Archbishop of Gnesen and
Posen, was imprisoned at Kolberg for the same
offence that had sent Clemens August to Minden. In
an Allocution of 10 Dec., 1837, Pope Gregory XVI
praised the course of the Archbishop of Cologne and
solemnlyprotested against the action of the Govern-
ment. Tne slanderous "Darlegung", or expose*, in
which the Government attempted to defend its course
by accusing the archbishop of treason, was refuted by
Joseph Gorres in his great apologetical work "Atha-
nasius", and a declaration ox the true state of affairs
was published at Rome by order of the pope. The
Government saw its mistake and the archbishop was
set free on 22 April, 1839. He was permitted to re-
tain the title of Archbishop of Cologne, but, in order
to uphold the authority of the State in the public eye,
was prevailed upon to select a coadjutor in the person
of Johann von Ueissel (q. v.), Bishop of Spever, who
henceforth directed the affairs of the archdiocese.
The slanderous accusations of the above-mentioned
"Darlegung" were publicly retracted by Frederick
William IV, who had meanwhile succeeded to the
throne. In 1844 the archbishop went to Rome,
where he was most kindly received by the pope and
the Curia. The cardinalate, which was offered him
by the pope, he refused with thanks and returned to
Munster in October. Clemens August is the author
of a few ascetical and ecclesiastico-political works.
The most important is an exposition of the rights of
Church and State entitled " Ueber den Frieden unter
der Kirche und den Staaten", published at Munster
in 1843.
BrOck, Qeachickte der kath. Kirche in Deulschland im 19.
Jahrhundert (MOnster, 1003), II. 208 aqq.; Kappbn. Clement
August, Erdrischof von Kdln (M (taster, 1807); Muth in
DeuUchland* Episcopal in LebenebUdem (WQrsburg, 1875),
III, no. 5.
Michael Ott.
Drnidism. — The etymology of this word from the
Greek dpvt, " oak ", has been a favourite one since the
time of Pliny the Elder; according to this the druids
would be the priests of the god or gods identified with
the oak. It is true that the oak plays an important
part as the sacred tree in the ancient cult of the
Aryans of Europe, and this etvmology is helped out
by the Welsh word for druia, vis. derwydd. But
there is a difficulty in equating the synonymous Irish
draoi and Welsh derwydd. Probably the best-sub-
stantiated derivation of the word is from the root vid,
"to know", and the intensive prefix dru. According
to this etymology, the druids would be the " very wise
and learned ones . But this, like the others, is merely
a conjecture, and it has been surmised that the word
as well as the institution was not of Celtic origin.
Although the druids are mentioned with more or less
fullness of account by a score of ancient writers, the
information to be derived from their statements is
very meagre, and very little of it is at first hand.
Even Caesar, who probably came more in contact with
the druids than any other writer, does not seem to
speak of the druids of his time in particular, but of the
druids in general. With the ancient writers the word
druid had two meanings: in the stricter sense it
meant the teachers of moral philosophy and science;
in the wider sense it included the priests, diviners,
judges, teachers, physicians, astronomers, and philos-
ophers of Gaul. They formed a class apart and kept
the people, who were far inferior to them in culture,
in subjection. They were regarded as the most just
of men, and disputes both public and private were re-
ferred to them for settlement. Thus their influence
was much more a social than a religious one, in spite
of the common opinion that they were exclusively a
priestly class or Gaulish clergy. They enjoyed cer-
tain privileges, such as exemption from military ser-
vice and the payment of taxes; and the ancient au-
thors are unanimous in speaking of the great honours
which were shown them.
Above all, the druids were the educators of the no-
bility. Their instruction was very varied and exten-
sive. It oonsisted of a large number of verses learned
by heart, and we are told that sometimes twenty
years were required to complete their course of study.
They held that their learning should not be consigned
to writing. They must have had a considerable oral
literature of sacred songs, formulas of prayers, rules of
divination and magic, but of all this lore not a verse
has come down to us, either in their own language or
in the form of translation, nor is there even a legend
that we can call with certitude druidic. Pomponius
commonly telieved that the druids were the stubborn
champions of Gaulish libertv and that they took a
direct, part in the government, of the nation, but this is
an hypothesis which, however probable, is not sup-
ported, for the early period
at least, by any text or by '
the statement of any
ancient author. "The
principal point of their
doctrine", saysCfesar, "is
that the soul does not die
and that after death it
passes from one body into
another." But. as is well
known, the belief in the
immortality of the soul
was not peculiar to the
teaching of the philoso-
phers of Gaul. Just what
was the nature of that sec-
ond life in which they be-
lieved is not quite clear.
Some of the Greek a i ith ore,
struck by the analogy of
this doctrine with that of Pythagoras, believed that
the druids had borrowed it from the Greek philos-
opher or from one of his disciples. The practice of
human sacrifice, which has often been imputed to
the druids, is now known to have been a survival of a
pre-druidic custom, although some members of the
druidic corporation not only took part in, but pre-
sided at, these ceremonies. Nor has it been proved
that the druids had gods of their own or had intro-
3 DRUIDIBM
Although the only positive information we possess
on the druids is to the effect that their institution
existed in Gaul and Britain between the years 53 B.C.
and a.d. 77, there is evidence to show that it must
have existed from a much earlier time and lasted
longer than the limits fixed by these dates. It seems
reasonable to suppose that
the influence of the druids
was already at its decline
when Csesar made his cam-
paigns in Gaul, and that to
them was due the civilisa-
tion of Gaul in the fifth and
fourth centuries s. c. We
may affirm that references
to the druids and signs of
the existence of their in-
stitution, in the germ at
least, are found" which
would date them as early
as the third century b. c.
With the Roman conquest
of Gaul the druids lost all
their jurisdiction, druid-
ItatAXD ism suffered a great decay,
and there is no reason to be-
lieve that it survived long after a. d. 77, the date of the
last mention of the druids as still in existence. The open-
ing of the schools of Marseilles, Bordeaux, and Lyons
putan end to their usefulness as teachers of moral philos-
ophy ; and if some of them remained scattered here and
there in Gaul, most of tbem were obliged to emigrate to
Britain. The Emperors Tiberius and Claudius abol-
ished certain practices in the cult of the druids, their
organisation, and their assemblies, but their disap-
IKKINQB, SaUBBDBI PLAIN. WlLTSHlBS, EnoUMD
duced any new divinity or rites into Gaul, with the
exception perhaps of the Diavater, who, according to
Cssar, was regarded by the druids as the head of the
nation, and who may nave owned his origin to their
belief. The druids, in addition to teaching, which
was their most important occupation, seem to have
been content to preside over the traditional religious
ceremonies and to have acted as intermediaries be-
tween the gods, such as they found them, and men.
It is certain that they had a philosophy, but it is very
unlikely that their doctrines had penetrated into the
great mass of the population.
pearance was gradual and due as much to the romani-
sation of the land as to any political measure or act of
violence or persecution on the part of Rome. Yet
there can be no doubt that Rome feared the druids as
teachers of the Gallo-Roman youth and judges of
trials. In Gaul in the third century of the Christian
Era there is mention of women who predicted the fu-
ture and were known as druidesses, but they were
merely sorcerers, and we are not to conclude from the
name they bore that druidism was still in existence at
that late date. According to Ctesar, it was a tradition
in Gaul in his time that the druids were of British oris-
DBUILLETTES
164
DRUMOOOLB
gin and that it was to Great Britain that they went to
make a thorough study of their doctrine, but the au-
thors of antiquity throw very little light on the insti-
tution and practices of druidism in the island of
Britain.
Our information concerning the druids of Ireland is
drawn from what the Christian hagiographers have
written of them and what can be gathered from the
casual references to them in the epic literature of Ire-
land. We have only fragmentary notices of the mat-
ter of their teachings, but it is clear that there were
the most striking resemblances between the druids of
Ireland and those of Gaul. In both lands they appear
as magicians, diviners, physicians, and teachers, and
not as the representatives of ascertain religion. In
the saga tales of Ireland they are most often found in
the service of kings, who employed them as advisers
because of their power in magic. In the exercise of
this they made use of wands of yew, upon which they
wrote in a secret character called ogham. This was
called their "keys of wisdom". In Ireland, as in
Gaul, they enjoyed a high reputation for learning, and
some Irish druids held a rank even higher than that of
the king. But they were not exempt from military
service nor do they seem to have formed a corporation
as in Gaul. In the earliest Christian literature of Ire-
land the druids are represented as the bitterest oppo-
nents of Christianity { but even the Christians of the
time seem to have believed in their supernatural power
of prophecy and magic. The principal thesis in M.
Alexandre Bertrand's book on the religion of the
Gauls is that druidism was not an isolated institution
in antiquity, without analogy, but that its parallel is
to be looked for in the lamaseries which still survive in
Tatary and Tibet. He maintains that great druidic
communities flourished in Gaul, Britain, and Ireland
many centuries before the Christian Era, and that
these were the models and beginnings of the abbeys of
the Western monks. In this way he would explain
the literary and scientific superiority of the monas-
teries of Ireland and Wales in the early Middle Ages.
However ingenious and attractive this hypothesis
may be, it is not supported by any historical docu-
ments, and many negative arguments might be
brought to bear against it.
Rhys, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as tilus-
trated by Celtic Heathendom in Hibbert Lectures (London, 1886);
Anwtl, Celtic Religion in Pre-Christian Times (London, 1906);
Bertrand, La Religion des Gaulois (Paris, 1897); d'Arbois de
Jubainville, Cours de Litterature celtique (Paris, 1883), I, 83-
240; Dottin, La Religion des Celtes (Paris, 1904).
Joseph Dunn.
Druillettes (or Dreuilletb), Gabriel, missionary,
b. in France, 29 September, 1610; d. at Quebec, 8
April, 1681. Druillettes entered the Society of Jesus
at Toulouse, 28 July, 1629, and went to Canada in
1643. After studying the Algonquin tongue, he ac-
companied the Indians on their winter hunting expe-
ditions, sharing in all their privations. Parkman
calls attention to the extraordinary piety of those
Montagnais, who were mostly Christians, as well as
to the great sufferings undergone by the missionary.
On the same day that Jogues was sent to the Mohawks,
26 August, 1646, Druillettes was given a mission
among the Abnaki, on the Kennebec. He ascended
the Chaudiere, reached what is now Moosehead Lake
by portage, and then entered the Kennebec. Continu-
ing down the river he arrived at the English post of
Coussinoc, now Augusta, where he met the agent, John
Winslow, who became his life-long friend. From
Coussinoc he journeyed on until he reached the sea
and then travelled along the coast as far as the Penob-
scot, where he was welcomed by the Capuchins who had
established a mission there. Druillettes was the first
white man to make this remarkable journey from the
St. Lawrence. Retracing his steps, he established a
mission on the Kennebec about a league above Cous-
sinoc. Subsequently it grew into the famous Nor-
ridgewock, where Father Rasle was slain. He returned
to Quebec in June, but as the Capuchins considered
that the entire district of Maine was under their juris-
diction, the Jesuits resolved to abandon the mission.
' In 1 648, however, both the Capuchins and Abnaki asked
Druillettes to return. But he did not resume his work
until 1650, and when he left Quebec the second time
it was as envoy of the Government to negotiate a
treaty at Boston with the Puritans of New England
for commercial purposes, as well as for mutual protec-
tion against the Iroquois. He was received witn great
kindness by the principal men in the English colonies,
notably by the famous missionary John Eliot, and by
Major-General Gibbons, who kept him at his house.
Druillettes speaks in the highest terms of Endicott.
Shea is of the opinion that Father Druillettes said
Mass privately in Boston, in December, 1650. He
returned to the Kennebec in January, and in the fol-
lowing June was again sent as French commissioner
to attend a meeting of the representatives of the Eng-
lish colonists at New Haven, September, 1651. Fail-
ing to induce the deputies to make a treaty, he re-
sumed his labours among the Abnaki, returning
finally to Quebec in March, 1652.
After this date he laboured among the Montagnais
Indians, and at Sillery and Three Rivers. In 1658 he
embarked with Father Garreau on an Indian flotilla
to go to the Ottawas near Lake Superior; but the
party was attacked near Montreal, Garreau was slain,
and the expedition seems to have been abandoned.
Druillettes and Father Dablon then attempted to
reach the North Sea. In 1660 they paddled up the
Saguenay, reached Lake St. John and continued their
course up a tributary, which they called the River of
the Blessed Sacrament, finally coming to Nekouba,
which was twenty-nine days from Tadousae* As the
Indians refused to go any farther north and the
country offered no prospect of a mission the travellers
returned to Quebec. In 1670 he was at Sault Sainte
Marie and was one of those who participated with
Allouez and Marquette in the famous "taking posses-
sion" of the country by Saint-Lusson in May, 1671.
He laboured chiefly among the Mississauga, besides
attending to other dependent missions towards Green
Bay. Druillettes was regarded as a man of great
sanctity, and miracles are attributed to him. He was
remarkable for his knowledge of the Indian languages,
and Marquette, before going West, was sent to study
Algonquin under his direction at Three Rivers. His
work among the Indians extended over a period of
thirty-eight years. There is a great diversity in the
spelling of his name; Charlevoix writes it Dreuillets.
He is also called Droullettes and even Brouijlettes.
Thwajtes, Jesuit Relations (Cleveland, 1001), passim; Shxa,
Catholic Church in Colonial Days (New York, 1886); Chable-
voix.Histoire de la NouveUe-France (New York, 1868), IL III,
tr.; Rochemonteix, Les Jesuites et la NouveUe-France (Paris,
1896), II; Parkman, The Jesuits in North America (Boston,
1901)' m r r*
T. J. Campbell.
Drumgoole, John C, priest and philanthropist, b.
at Granard, Co. Longford, Ireland, 15 August, 1816:
d. in New York, 28 March, 1888. He emigrated
to New York in 1824, and to support his widowed
mother worked as a shoemaker. His piety and
zeal attracted the notice of the' pastor of St. Mary's
church who made him the sexton of that parish in
1844. He had always cherished an aspiration to
study for the priesthood, and to provide the means for
this and to maintain his mother he conducted a small
book-store. In 1863 he left St. Mary's to carry out
his intention of entering the seminary; after making
preliminary studies at St. Francis Xavier's and St.
John's Colleges, he was admitted as an ecclesiastical
student at the seminary of Our Lady of Angels, Sus-
pension Bridge. New York, in 1865. He was ordained
priest there 24 May, 1869, and assigned as an assistant
at St. Mary's, where he had formerly been sexton.
DEUBT
165
DBUSILLA
From here be was appointed to take charge of a lodg- ing power was condemned by the theological faculty
ing-house for boys which the St. Vincent de Paul ofLouvain; but it is noteworthy that its author was
Society had opened some time previously. The caring selected by the pope himself as the very man in whose
for homeless and destitute children appealed to him — ■ ' - '• ■' '
specially, and he volunteered to take up the direction
of this work which had languished until then. Under
his sympathetic and prudent management ~~~
e assured.
e started St. Joseph's Union
of Chalcedon and first
try in 1623.
The results of the address
Apostolic in that o
... , __j disappointing;
for the support of the institution and soon extended Elizabeth died within three months of its signature,
its membership all over the world. The first location and James I soon proved that he would not be
of the lodging-house became inadequate to the needs satisfied with any purely civil allegiance. He thirsted
and he purchased land at Great Jones Street and for spiritual authority, and, with the assistance of
Lafayette Place and built an imposing structure an apostate Jesuit, a new oath of allegiance was
which was opened as the Mission of the Immaculate drawn up, which in its subtlety was designed to
Virgin in December, 1881. In the following year a trouble the conscience of Catholics and divide them o
a bought on Staten Island, and Mount Lo- the lawfulness of taking it.
retto, the country-place of the Mission, where trade '""" ' ' '
schools and other buildings were built, their care
being given to a community of Franciscan Sisters.
These buildings cost more than a million dollars and
were large enough to care for 2000 destitute children
annually; at his death, which occurred after a very trine "of the deposing power
short illness, Father Drumgoole ■»'" ■»'' **
left them entirely free of debt. ""
imposed S July,
and about this time Drury was arrested. ' "
accomplished all this without any
great personal talents apart from
a simplicity and earnestness of
charity that won him friends every-
where. He had singular success in
managing boys, and, like his great
prototype, Don Bosco. he believed
and said that it was all due to his
rule: "in looking after the interests
of the child it is necessary to cul-
tivate the heart."
The Chartiitt Remta (New York, Sept.,
11»B); The Freeman'* Journal, ThtCalkotic
, Renew (New York), contemporary files.
MaLLICK J. FlTZ PATRICK.
good Buckinghamshire family and
was received into the Englisn Col-
lege at Reims, 1 April, 1588. On 17
September, 1590, he was sent to the
new College at Valladolid; here he finished his studies,
a ordained priest and returned to England in 1503.
... 'ifi
priesthood, but was offered his
life if he would take the new oath. A letter from
Father Persons, S.J., against its lawfulness was found
-" '*— The oath declared that the "damnable doc-
Sious and hereti-
emned by Pope
Paul V, 22 September, 1606, "as con-
taining many things contrary to the
John C. Dul-hooolb
.. iy th._.„
Faith and Salvation". This brief,
however, was suppressed by the arch-
Eriest, and Drury probably did not
now of it. Bubhe felt that his con-
science would not permit him to take .
the oath, and he died a martyr at
Tybum, 26 February, 1606-7. A
curious contemporary account of bis
martyrdom, entitled " A true Report
of the Arraignment ... of a Popish
Priest named Robert Drewrie" (Lon-
don, 1607), which has been reprinted
in the "Harteian Miscellany'', calls
him a Benedictine, and says he wore
his monastic habit at the execution.
But this "habit" as described proves
to be the cassock and cap worn by the
secular clergy. The writer adds, ■
"There were certain papers shown at
Tyburn which had been found about
him, of a very dangerous and traitor-
ous nature, and among them also was his Benedictine
faculty under seal, expressing what power and author-
He laboured chiefly in London, where his learning and ity he had from the pope to make
virtue made him much respected among his brethren, children here of his order; what indulgence and par-
He was one of the appellants against the archpriest dons he could grant them", etc. He may have been
Black well, and his name is affixed to the appeal of 17
November, 1600, dated from the prison at Wisbech.
An invitation from the Government to these priests to
acknowledge their allegiance and duty to the queen
(dated 5 November, 1602) led to the famous loyal ad-
dress of 31 January, 1603, drawn up by Dr. William
Bishop, and signed by thirteen of the leading priests,
including the two martyrs, Drury and' Cadwallador.
mlraler or oblate of the order.
Harteian Mucellany (London, 1807). Ill; Challonm.
Memoir, of MitrUmary Prietle. (1742), II, lfl, Douau Maria,
p. 21S, tog.; Cmiu, A Bmrthelim Martyr in Knatand (London,
1897); Timikbt-Dodd, Church Hitlory, III, IV; Hoaais,
Trvublrm of our Catholic Fort/atkert., III.
Bede Camu.
Drusilla, daughter of Herod Agrippa I,
In this address they acknowledged the queen as their years of age at the time of her father's death at Ca^a-
lawful sovereign, repudiated the claim of the pope to rea, a. d. 44. She had already been betrothed to Epi-
release them from their duty of allegiance to her, and phanes. the son of Antiochus, King of Commagene.
expressed their abhorrence of the forcible attempts Herod had stipulated that Epiphanes should embrace
already made to restore the Catholic religion and their the Jewish religion. The prince finally refused to
determination to reveal any further conspiracies abide by his promise to do so, and the brother of Dru-
against the Government which should come to their silla, Herod Agrippa II, gave her in marriage to Ac-
knowledge. In return they ingenuously pleaded that zus, King of Emesa, who, in order to obtain ner hand,
as they were ready to render to Cassar the things that consented to be circumcised. It was shortly after
were Ctesar's, so they might be permitted to yield to this marriage, it would appear, that Felix, the Roman
the successor of Peter that obedience which Peter procurator of Judea, met the beautiful young queen,
himself might have claimed under the commie- This meeting very likely took place at the court of
sion of Christ, and so to distinguish between their sev- Herod Agrippa II, for we can gather from Josephus
era! duties and obligations as to be ready on the one that Berenice, the elder sister, whose jealousy the
hand "to spend their blood in defence of her Majesty", Jewish historian mentions as an explanation of Dru-
n the other "rather to lose their lives thar
silla's conduct, lived with her brother at this time.
fringe the lawful authority of Christ's Catholic Felix was struck by the great beauty of Drusilla, and
™- -■--"- " This bold repudiation of the pope's depos- determined to make her his wife. In order to per-
Ehurch".
DEUSIPARA
166
DEUZES
suadea Jewess, who had shown attachment to her
religion, to be divorced from her husband and marry a
pagan, the unscrupulous governor had recourse to the
arts of a Jewish magician from Cyprus whose name,
according to some MSS. of Josephus, was Atomos, ac-
cording to others, Simon. The ill-advised Drusilla
was persuaded to accede to the solicitations of Felix.
She was about twenty-two years of age when she
appeared at the side of the latter, during St. Paul's
captivity at Csesarea (Acts, xxiv, 24-25). Like her
husband, she must have listened with terror as the
Apostle "treated of justice, and chastity and of the
judgment to come ". It is said that during the reign
of Titus a son of Felix and Drusilla perished together
with his wife in the eruption of Vesuvius. But there
is no information about the life of Drusilla herself
after the scene described in Acts.
JoaEPHUB, Antiq. Jttd. in Fl. Josephi Opera, ©d. Niesk (B«r-
573, 577;
W. S. Reilly.
Drusipara, a titular see in Thracia Prima. Noth-
ing is known of the ancient history of this town, which,
according to Ptolemy, III, 11, 7, and Itiner. Anton.,
was situated on the route from Adrianople to Byzan-
tium. Under Maximian, St. Alexander suffered
martyrdom there (Acta Sanct., May, III, 15). In the
time of Emperor Mauritius the city was captured by
the Khakan of the Avars, who burned the church and
destroyed the relics of the martyr (Theophyl.'Simo-
catta, VII, 14, 15), Drusipara was at first an epis-
copal see, suffragan of Heraclia (Leouien, Or. Christ.,
I, 1131, etc.); in the eighth and ninth centuries it be-
came an independent archbishopric, which must have
been suppressed during the Bulgarian invasions. In
two "Notiti® Episcopatuum" Mesene appears as a
later name for Drusipara; at Mesene in 1453 died the
wife of the famous Grand Duke Notaras (Ducas, Hist.
Bvz., 42). Mesene is to-day a little village, with 500
inhabitants, east of Karishtiran in the vilayet of Adri-
anople.
S. PfrniiDfcs.
Drays (Lat. Drusius), Jean, thirtieth Abbot of
Pare near Louvain, Belgium, b. at Cumptich, near
Tirlemont: d. 25 March, 1635. He studied succes-
sively at St-Trond, Liege. Namur, and Louvain, and
entered the Norbertine Abbey of Pare in 1587. Or-
dained priest, he was sent to the* Norbertine College at
Louvain ana obtained his licentiate in 1595. Re-
called to the abbey, he was made sub-prior and pro-
fessor of theology to the voung religious at the abbey,
chaplain to Abbot Ambrose Loots at the Refuge,
which the abbey possessed at Brussels during the
troublous times at the end of the sixteenth century,
and at the death of Abbot Loots his successor. Four
years later he was appointed vicar-general to the
Abbot-General of Pre'montre*, and was later named by
Archduke Albert a member of the States of Brabant
and of his private council. The University of Lou-
vain having suffered much from the religious and
political disturbances of the time, Druys was ap-
pointed, with a layman, visitor to the university, with
iull power to reform abuses, a task which was not
completed until 1617. He was also made visitor to
the University of Douai (1616) and to the Celestine
monastery at Heverle*. In addition he restored and
enlarged his own abbey, which had suffered much
from the vandalism of the soldiers, and provided bet-
ter educational advantages for his religious. At the
general chapter held at Premontre* in 1628, Abbot
Druys was commissioned to revise the statutes of the
order and conform them to the prescriptions of the
Council of Trent, a revision which was approved at
the general chapter of 1630. Druys prefixed a pre-
face, "Pnefatio ad omnes candidissimi et canonici
ordinis religiosos ", whicli Foppens characterizes as
longam, piam, eruditam. He had a tree of the saints
of the order made by the skilful engraver. C. Mallery.
He also published a small work entitled ■ Exhortatio
ad candidi ordinis religiosos". Abbot Druys was
deputed by the general chapter of 1630 to bring back
several abbeys of Spain into union and observance,
but was unsuccessful. While on this mission he con-
ferred with Phillip IV on the sad state of affairs in
Brabant. A ring presented to him by this monarch is
£ reserved at Pare, as is also a letter from Henrietta
[aria, Queen of England.
Annates Pramont. Parcum., II, 486; Bibl. Norbeti., 3, 4, fi
(1004): Goovaertb, Did. bio-bud. de Vordre Fremont. (Brus-
sels), I, 206.
Martin Geudbns.
Drucbicki, Caspar, ascetic writer, b. at Sierady in
Poland, 1589 ; entered the Society of Jesus, 20 August,
1609; d. at Posen, 2 April, 1662. After some years of
teaching he became master of novices, ana subse-
quently rector of the colleges of Kalisz, Ostrog, and
Posen. He was twice provincial and was in the sev-
enth and tenth general congregations of the order.
Almost all his works are posthumous and have been
drawn from his " Opera Ascetica ' \ It has been found
impossible to arrange them in chronological order.
Among them are a brief defence of the Society against
a writer in the Cracow Academy (1632) 'books of medi-
tations on the Life and Passion of Christ, some in
Polish, some in Latin ^ "The Tribunal of Conscience",
translated into English for the a Quarterly Series",
edited by the English Jesuits (London, 1885): ana
"Provisiones Senectutis" (Ingolstadt, 1732). There
are also "Considerations for Every Sunday and Feast
of the Year" (Kalisz, 1679); "The Sacred Heart, the
Goal of Hearts" (Angers, 1885), translated for the
English "Messenger", probably by Father Dignam
(1890): "Exercises for Novices'* (Prague, 1890);
"The Religious Vows" (Posen, 1690), translated into
Spanish and found in the Library of Guadalajara, Mex-
ico; "Solid Jesuit Virtue" (Prague, 1696); "Lapis
Lydius" (Mainz, 1875), translated into French by the
Redemptorist Father Ratti (Paris, 1886) and into
German by the Benedictine Gutrabher (Salzburg,
1740). A complete list of Druzbicki's works occupies
twelve columns in Sommervogel.
De Backer. Bibl. de lae.de J, I, 1659-64, III, 2149; Som-
mebvogel, Bibl. de la c de J., Ill, 212.
T. J. Campbell.
Druses, a small Mohammedan sect in Syria, no-
torious for their opposition to the Maronites, a Cath-
olic people dwelling on the slopes of the Lebanon.
Their name is derived as a plural from Dorazy, the
proper name of a Persian a£ the court of El Hakim in
Egypt (about a.d. 10l5). They subsequently repudi-
ated all connexion with this Mohammed Ibn Ismail el-
Dorazy, ano^ styled themselves Unitarians or Muwah-
hedin, on account of the emphasis they lay on the
unity of God. Their history begins with the arrival
of Dorazy in the Wady el-Teim after his flight from
Egpyt. This Persian had had the audacity to read to
a large multitude gathered in a mosque a book tending
to prove that El Hakim, the mad Fatimite caliph, was
an incarnation of God. Escaping from the crowd,
who were enraged at this blasphemy, he fled to the val-
ley between Hermon and the Southern Lebanon, and
with the support of his master preached his doctrine
to these mountaineers, already given to Batenite doc-
trines and therefore predisposed to accept a further
incarnation of the Deity. He was soon superseded by
another Persian, Hamzeh Ibn Ahmed El Hady, who
became the real founder of the sect and the author of
its sacred books. After the assassination of El Ha-
kim, Hamzeh wrote a treatise to prove that El Hakim
had not really died but only disappeared to test the
faith of his followers. This disappearance and ulti-
c
DHTBUBOH If
mate return of El Hakim are cardinal points of the
Dnize faith to-day. The sacred books of the Druses,
successfully hidden from the world for eight centuries,
have since the middle of the last century found their
way into European libraries. They are written in
Arabic and affect the style of the Koran. They con-
sist of six volumes containing 111 treatises of a con-
troversial character or explanatory epistles to individ-
ual persons. Each book takes its name from its first
treatise. Their speculations strongly reflect their
Persian origin.
The Druse doctrine concerning God is characterized
by its abstraction from all Divine attributes; these, it
declares, would imply limitation in the Supreme Be-
ing. God, however, manifested Himself first in the
Universal Hind, then in the Universal Soul, and again
in the Word. These three form the first great mani-
festation. Thesec-
| ond great mani-
festation began
with the residence
of the Universal
Hind in Adam for
a thousand years;
after which Enoch
took his place, and
in turn was fol-
lowed by the Seven
| Ministers, Noe,
Abraham, Hoses,
Jesus, Mohammed,
Ibn Ismail; the
known. God ap-
peared ten times
in human form,
. for the last time
I in El Hakim. The
Druzee teach a dis-
■ Unction between
I Jesus, the son of
D»u« Wo*»» JWf. «u* **
(In Bridal Dim) Christ. Chnst in-
structed Jesus, but
finally Jesus disobeyed Christ and was crucified in con-
sequence. Christ, who was concealed under the form
of one of the Disciples of Jesus, stole the body of Jesus
from the grave and gave out the report that Christ had
risen, in order that the true Druses "night he concealed
for awhile in the religion of Jesus. The Druses are
firm believers in the transmigration of souls, and this
transmigration will never end; after the Judgment
Day death it will continue, but will be painless lor the
saved, who will live to the age of 120 years, and whose
souls will forthwith be reborn and re-enter a life of
peace and pleasure. The Druses are unshakably
convinced that the whole of China is peopled with
adherents of their religion. The Judgment Day, or
rather the golden age lor the Druzes, will be at nand
when the Christians wax greater than the Mohamme-
dans, some nine hundred years after the disappearance
" '" '-" 9, aided by the King
of El Hakim. Then the Chrii
hosts of Christ and Mohammed will meet, but only to
be both overcome by 2,600,000 Chinese Druses. Mos-
lems and Christians will both be reduced to everlasting
slavery, and the Unitarians will reign forever. The
Druse religion contains seven mors! precepts: verac-
ity, love of the brethren, forsaking of idolatry, repudi-
ation of devils, acknowledgment of God's unity at all
times, secrecy in religion, and resignation to the will
of God.
The Druzes are divided into two main classes: the
Ukkal, or initiated, and the Juhbal, or uninitiated;
amongst the former, the Iwayid profess the strictest
Druse principles. They meet on Thursday evenings
7 DRYDEN
for worship, which consists almost exclusively in read-
ing their sacred books. They often comply with the
outward observances of Islam and even make pre-
tence of being Mohammedans, but they are officially
designated as unbelievers. They live mostly in the
Lebanon, but are also found in the Hauran and in the
districts near Damascus; their total number is esti-
mated at 100,000 or a few thousand more. Encour-
aged by Turkish authorities, the Druses in I860 at-
tacked the Catholic Maronites, and are said to have
massacred some ten thousand of them. The massa-
cres were stayed mainly through English and French
intervention.
WoRTABn, Retrarchea into the Relioiotu of Syria (London .
1860); Chukchi li. The Dnaet and Marantic* (London, 1362);
■ ~ TBS), 8. - "-■-
878^.
Dryburgh Abbey, a monastery belonging to the
canons of the Premonstratensian Order (Norbertine
or White Canons), situated four miles south-east of
Melrose, Scotland. It was founded about 1160 by
Hugo de Morville, Constable of Scotland, who brought
a community from Alnwick in Northumberland. The
situation is oeautiful, a wooded promontory, around
three sides of which sweeps the River Tweed. The
church was dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. The
monastery was burnt to the ground by Edward II,
who encamped in the grounds when retreating from
Scotland in 1322; but it was restored under Robert I,
who himself contributed largely. At the Dissolution
it was created a temporal lordship, and conferred by
James VI on the Earl of Mar, who made it over to his
third son, ancestor of the Earl of Buchan. It has
again come into the hands of the last-named family in
recent times by purchase.
The general style of the existing remains of Dry-
burgh is Early English, with some older (Norman)
wort. Of the church only the western gable, the ends
of the transept, and part of the choir remain ; but con-
siderable portions of the conventual buildings have
been preserved, including the refectory, with a beauti-
ful rose window. James Stuart, of the Damley fam-
ily, is buried under the high altar; and various mem-
bers of the Buchan family lie in one of the chapels.
The principal object of interest to visitors is the tomb
of Sir Walter Scott, in St. Mary's Aisle (part of the
north transept). Sir Walter's maternal ancestors,
the Haiiburtons, at one time owned Dryburgh. His
wife and eldest son are also interred here.
Dcudali, Mono*!. Anglic., VII. 1152; Chartularv of Dry-
burgh Abbey in Advoentm' Library. Edinburgh; Hurl. MSS.
4623, II, fol. 8fi, and 4613. Liber 3. Maria de Dryburoh, ed.
t Club (Edinburgh. 1847); Drytmrah Abbey, lit
Dry den, John, poet, dramatist, critic, and trans-
lator; b. 9 August, 1631, at Oldwinkle All Saints,
Northamptonshire, England; d. at London, 30 April,
1700. He was the son of Erasmus Dryden (or Dri-
den) and Mary Pickering, daughter of the Rev. Henry
Pickering. Erasmus Dryden whs the son of Sir Eras-
mus Dryden, and was a justice of the peace under
Cromwell. On both sides Dryden's family were of the
Parliamentary party. He received his early educa-
tion as a kings scholar at Westminster and while there
his first published work appeared. This was an elegy
contributed in 1649 to the "Lachrymse Musarum", a
collection of tributes in memory of Henry, Lord Hast-
ings. He entered Trinity College, Cambridge, 18
May, 1060, being elected to a scholarship on 2 Octo-
ber. He graduated as Bachelor of Arts, January.
1663-4, and after inheriting from his father a small
estate worth £60 annually, ne returned to Cambridge,
living there until 1656. The "Heroic Stanzas" on the
death of Oliver Cromwell, his first important work
(1658), are smooth and vigorous, and while laudatory.
J
royalty a:
den alwa
DBTDSH
are not meanly so. There is no attack
no mention of Cromwell's religion. Dryden
wn.« in favour of authority and of peace from civil
strife, and consequently when disorders broke out upon
Cromwell's death, he, with the rest of the nation, wel-
comed the return of Charles II. He celebrated the
king's return with his poem of "Astraa Redux"
(1660), in which he already showed his mastery of the
rhymed couplet. Then followed his poems on the
"Coronation" (1661); "To Lord Clarendon" (1662);
"To Dr. Charleton" (1663); "To the Duchess of
York" (1666); and "Annus Hirabilis" (1667). His
great prose " Essay on Dramatick Poesie" appeared in
1668. Meantime, in 1 662, Dryden had been elected to
the Royal Societj
a time his dramatic c
"The Wild
Gallant", a comedy of hu-
mours, influenced by Spanish
sources. In 1663 appeared
"The Rival Ladies", a tragi-
comedy, also from a Spanish
model. To this Dryden pre-
fixed the first of the famous
Erefaces in which he laid down
is principles of dramatic
criticism. "The Indian Em-
peror", a heroic play, his
lira t original drama, appeared
in 1665. In 1667 he pro-
duced "The Maiden Queen ",
a comedy in which some
blank verse is seen alongside
of the rhymed couplet and
prose; "Sir Martin Mar-all",
a prose comedy based on
"LTStourdi" of Moliere; and
an adaptation of " The Temp-
est" with Davenant. "The
Mock Astrologer "( 1668) was
an imitation of "Le feint
astrologue ' ' of Thomas Cor-
neille, influenced by Moliere's
" Depit amoureux ''. About
this time Dryden entered into
an agreement with the King's
Theatre Company. Accord-
ing to this he was to produce
three plays a year, for which ht . .
one-quarter snares out of a total of twelve and thi
quarters. In the winter of 1668-9, "Tyrannic Love,
or the Royal Martyr", a rhymed heroic tragedy, was
played, and in 1670 his greatest heroic tragedy, the
first and second parts of Almanzor and Almahide, or
the Conquest of Granada".
Dryden was given the degree of M. A. by the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury in 16ti8; in 1670 he was made
poet laureate and royal historiographer, which brought
him an annual income of £200. In 1671 he was satir-
ised in "The Rehearsal", a play written by Bucking-
ham, Butler, and others. Marriage k la Mode", a
comedy in prose and rhyme, was played in 1672, as
well as "The Assignation, or Love in a Nunnery", a
prose comedy, interspersed with a little blank verse.
"Amboyna" (1673) was a prose tragedy on the sub-
ject of the Dutch outrages, and "The State of Inno-
cence" (1674) was an unsuccessful attempt to treat
the theme of Paradise Lost. "Aurengzebe" (1676)
is a rhymed tragedy in which the run-on lines show a
tendency toward blank verse, which becomes triumph-
ant in the next play, "All for Love" (1678). This is
Dryden's masterpiece, a play based on the story of
Aatbony and Cleopatra
$ DBTDXM
own standards. It is a play worthy of comparison
with Shakespeare's "Anthony and Cleopatra , sur-
passing it in unity of time and motive, and in the part
of Ventidius adding one of the great characters of the
English drama. '*Limberham (1678), a prose com-
edy, was unsuccessful and was withdrawn after three
nights. After the production of "(Edipus", a tragedy
in blank verse written in collaboration with Lee in
1679, Dryden seems to have quarrelled with the King's
Company, and his next play, "Troilusand Cressida",
(1679), an adaptation in blank verse and prose of
Shakespeare's play, was produced by the Duke's Com-
With the "Spanish Friar"(1681) he closed
no hia /koiKDhr "u.reer. He had in the mean-
time suffered as well as prof-
ited by his fame. The Karl
of Rochester, suspecting
that Dryden had aided Lord
Mulgrave in his attack on
Rochester in the " Essay on
Satire", caused Dryden to be
beaten by hired ruffians as he
Kssed through Rose Street,
vent Garden, while re-
turning from Will's coffee
house to his own house in
Gerrard Street. It is char-
acteristic of the unfair at-
titude taken by Dryden's
enemies that this cowardly
assault was held by them to
reflect upon his character.
In November. 1681, Dry-
den began, in trie first part
of "Absalom and Achito-
phel", the series of satires
m the rhymed couplet which
placed nim at the head
of English satirical poets.
"Absalom and Achitophel"
was the most important lit-
erary expression of the party
which prevented the ex-
clusion of the Duke of York
from the succession to the
throne. It is also one of the
greatest of English satires,
especially in its portraiture
of the characters of the Duke
of Monmouth and the Earl
of Shaftesbury, both of
whom the author has repre-
sented allegorically in the title of the poem. Then fol-
lowed, in March, 1682, "The Medal", an assault upon
Shaftesbury. These poems occasioned many attacks on
Dryden , and to one of them, the " Medal of John B ayes "
by Thomas Shadwell, Dryden replied, in October, 1682,
by "MacFlecknoe", a vigorous satire which dismissed
Shadwell as the " last great prophet of tautology". In
November, 1682, appeared the second part of" Absa-
lom and Achitophel ', in which Nahum Tate collabo-
rated. In "Religio Laid" (1682) Dryden presented
on argument for the faith of the Church of England,
and in 1685, on the death of Charles II, he wrote an
ode called "Threnodia Angustalia". In 1684 at
Charles' request he had also translated "The History
of The League" from the French of Maimbourg.
Dryden's position at the death of Charles was not an
enviable one. His income from play-writing had
ceased, his pensions were not regularly paid, though
they were continued by James II, and in answer to nil
appeal for some of the arrears, which amounted to
£1000 in 1683, he had received £75 and an appoint-
ment as collector of customs of the port of London,
the emoluments of which office are not known. He
„ . . was converted to Catholicism in 1686. This step was
itisfy his the natural outcome of his investigation into theology,
DBT
169
DUALISM
the first result of which had been "Religio Laid".
This poem, while a defence of the Church of England,
showed a desire for an infallible guide in religious
matters and indicates the direction in which Dryden's
thoughts were turning. The accession of James pave
him the additional incentive of belonging to the lane's
religion, a powerful motive in Dryden's case, for ne
was a devoted adherent to authority in Church and
State. Dryden was accused of time-serving by his
enemies, but this charge is easily disproved by his
perseverance in his conversion during the next reign,
when he refused even to dedicate his translation of
Virgil to William III, lest he should be suspected of
denying his religious or political principles.
Dryden published in April, 1687, "The Hind and the
Panther", m some ways his most important work. It
is divided into three parts ; the first describes the dif-
ferent sects in England under the allegorical figures of
beasts ; the second deals with a controversy between
the Hind (the Catholic Church) and the Panther (the
Church of England); the third continues this dia-
logue and develops personal and doctrinal satire. In
this poem Dryden succeeded in the difficult task of
rendering argument in verse interesting. Especially
noteworthy are lines 499-555 (second part), in which
he describes the foundation and the authority of the
Church, and lines 235-50 (third part), in which he de-
fends his own course of action. In 1688 Dryden trans-
lated the " Life of St. Francis Zavier " from the French
(1682) of Pere Dominique Bouhours. S. J., and when an
heir to the throne was born he celebrated the event
in his poem of " Britannia Rediviva". The Revolu-
tion of 1688 deprived him of his laureateship, and
other lucrative posts, on account of his refusal to take
the oaths of allegiance to the new government, and
left him practically dependent upon his own literary
exertions. He turned once more to the stage and
produced in 1690 "Don Sebastian", a tragi-comedy
in blank verse and prose which rivals "All for Love '
for the supreme place among his plays, and in the
same year "Amphitryon", a comedy, based on Moli-
ere, though with several original situations. In 1691
followed "King Arthur", an opera-masque; in 1692
"Cleomenes", m which Dryden in the course of the
blank verse relapses into rhyme; in 1694 "Love Tri-
umphant", a tragi-cqmedy m blank verse and prose,
the last of his plays. In 1693 he published another
of his great critical essays, "A Discourse concerning
the Original and Progress of Satire", and in 1695 "A
Parallel of Poetry and Painting", prefixed to his
translation of Du Fresnoy's "Art of Painting ".
With his remarkable power of adaptation Dryden
now gave his attention to another literary form, that
of translation. He had before this, in 1680, made
some translations of Ovid; and in the "Miscellanies"
of 1684 and 1685, and of 1693 and 1694 there are speci-
mens of Ovid, Horace, Homer, Theocritus and Lucre-
tius, which, together with his more complete transla-
tions of Virgil and Juvenal, make a total of about
30,000 lines. In July, 1697, the "Pastorals", the
"Georgics", and the "iEneid" of Virgil were pub-
lished, and the edition was sold off in about six
months. Meanwhile, in 1692, Dryden had composed
an elegy on Eleonora, Countess of Abingdon, for
which ne received 500 guineas. About this time,
also, he wrote his famous address to Congreve on the
failure of the " Double Dealer". In 1699, at the close
of his life, he published his "Fables". This volume con-
tained five paraphrases of Chaucer, three of Boccac-
cio, besides the first book of the "Iliad", and "Alex-
ander's Feast", perhaps his greatest lyrical poem,
written in 1697 for a musical society in London which
celebrated St. Cecilia's day. Dryden had also written
the ode for the celebration in 1687 by the same society.
Dryden did not long survive the publication of his
last book. He died of inflammation caused by gout,
and was buried in Westminster Abbey.
Dryden's position in the history of English literature
is one of supreme importance* He brought the rhymed
couplet as a means of sature to a brilliancy and a
point never surpassed before or since his time; as a
close and logical reasoner in verse he has never been
equalled. As a dramatist he did much good work
and in some cases, as in "All for Love" or "Don Se-
bastian", he achieved supreme distinction as a lyrist.
He has left many exquisite songs and at least two of
the finest odes in the language. As a translator and
adaptor he ranks high, while as a prose writer he not
only produced a body of criticism which established
him as one of the greatest of English critics, but he
also clarified English prose and marked the way for
future development. As a man, he shared the faults
of his time, but the scandals heaped upon him by his
enemies have fallen away under critical examination,
and the impression remains of a brave, honest English-
man, earnest in every cause he championed, who loved
to praise those who befriended him, and who could
suffer reverses in silence and dignity. The standard
edition of Dryden's works is that edited by Walter
Scott in 18 volumes in 1808 and re-edited by George
Saintsbury (Edinburgh, 1882-93).
For lives of Dryden. see Saintsbury, Dryden in English Men
of Letters Series (1881); Christie, Memoir in Globe Edition of
Dry den' a Poems (London, 1870); Idem in Dryden's Satires (Ox-
ford, 1871, 5th ed., 1803); Collins, Memoir in The Satires -of
Dryden (London, 1893). See also Ker in Introduction to The
Essays of John Dryden (Oxford, 1000), II: Root, Dryden's
Conversion to the Roman Catholic Faith in Publications of the
Modern Language Association of America (June, 1007), new
series, XV, Pt. II; Beljame, Le public et les homrnes de lettres en
AngUterre au dix-huitieme siede (Paris, 1883).
Charles Dryden, eldest son of John Dryden the
poet, b. at Charlton, in Wiltshire, England, in 1665 or
1666; d. in 1704. He was educated at Westminster,
and elected to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1683,
but could not enter, being a Catholic. He contributed
to the second volume of his father's "Miscellany" of
1685, and turned into English the seventh satire for
the translation of Juvenal in 1692. He then went to
Italy and became chamberlain to Pope Innocent XII,
coming back to England in 1697 or 1698. He was
drowned in the Thames and was buried at Windsor,
20 August, 1704.
Gillow, Bibl. Did. Eng. Cath., s. v.; Diet. Nat. Biog., b. v.
Arthur H. Quinn.
Dry Mass. See Mass.
Dualism (from Lat. duo, two), like most other philo-
sophical terms, has been employed in different mean-
ings by different schools. — First, the name has been
used to denote the religious or theological system which
would explain the universe as the outcome of two eter-
nally opposed and coexisting principles, conceived as
good and evil, light and darkness, or some other form
of conflicting powers. We find this theory widely
prevalent in the East, and especially in Persia, for
several centuries before the Christian Era. The Zend-
Avesta, ascribed to Zoroaster, who probably lived in
the sixth century b. c. and is supposed to be the
founder or reformer of the Medo-Persian religion, ex-
plains the world as the outcome of the struggle be-
tween Ormuzd and Ahriman. Ormuzd is infinite
light, supreme wisdom, and the author of all good;
Ahriman is the principle of darkness and of all evil.
In the third century alter Christ, Manes, for a time a
convert to Christianity, developed a form of Gnosti-
cism, subsequently styled Manichseism, in which he
sought to fuse some of the elements of the Christian
religion with the dualistic creed of Zoroastrianism
(see MANicHi&isM and Zoroaster). Christian philos-
ophy, expounded with minor differences by theologians
and philosophers from St. Augustine downwards,
holds generally that physical evil is the result of the
necessary limitations of finite created beings, and that
moral evil, which alone is evil in the true sense, is a
consequence of the creation of beings possessed of
DUALISM
170
DUALISM
free wills, and is tolerated by God. Both physical
ana moral evil are to be conceived as some form of
privation or defect of being, not as a positive entity.
Their existence is thus not irreconcilable with the
doctrine of theistic monism. — Second, the term dual-
ism is employed in opposition to monism, to signify
the ordinary view that the existing universe contains
two radically distinct kinds of beingor substance —
matter and spirit, body and mind. This is the most
frequent use of the name in modern philosophy, where
it is commonly contrasted with monism. But it
should not be forgotten that dualism in this sense is
quite reconcilable with a monistic origin of all things.
The theistic doctrine of creation gives a monistic ac-
count of the universe in this sense. Dualism is thus
opposed to both materialism and idealism. Idealism,
however, of the Berkeleyan type, which maintains the
existence of a multitude of distinct substantial minds,
may, along with dualism, be described as pluralism.
Historically, in Greek philosophy as early as 500 b. c.
we find the Eleatic School with Parmenides as their
chief, teaching a universal unity of being, thus exhibit-
ing a certain affinity with modern German monism.
Being alone exists. It is absolutely one, eternal, and
unchangeable. There is no real becoming or begin-
ning of being. Seeming changes and plurality of be-
ings are mere appearances. To this unity of being
Plato opposed an original duality — God and unpro-
duced matter, existing side by side from all eternity.
This matter, however, was conceived as indeterminate,
chaotic, fluctuating, and governed by a blind neces-
sity, in contrast with mind which acts according to
plan. The order and arrangement are due to God.
Evil and disorder in the world have their source in the
resistance of matter which God has not altogether
vanquished. Here we seem to have a trace of the
Oriental speculation. Again there is another dualism
in man. The rational soul is a spiritual substance
distinct from the body within which it dwells, some-
what as the charioteer in the chariot. Aristotle is
dualistic on sundry important topics. The contrast
between the fundamental conceptions of matter and
form — of a potential and an actualizing principle —
runs through all branches of his system. Necessarily
coeternal with God, Who is pure actuality, there has
existed the passive principle of matter, which in this
sense, however, is mere potentiality. But further,
alone with God Who is the Prime Mover, there must
also nave existed from all eternity the World moved
by God. In his treatment of cognition Aristotle
adopts the ordinary common-sense view of the exist-
ence of individual objects distinct from our percep-
tions and ideas of them. Man is an individual sub-
stantial being resulting from the coalescence of the
two principles — form (the soul) and matter.
Christianity rejected all forms of a dual origin of the
world which erected matter, or evil, or any other prin-
ciple into a second eternal being coexistent with God;
and it taught the monistic origin of the universe from
one, infinite, self-existing spiritual Being who freely
created all things. The unfamiliar conception of free
creation, however, met with considerable opposition
in the schools of philosophy and was abandoned by
several of the earlier heresies. The neo-Platonists
sought to lessen the difficulty by emanastic forms of
pantheism, and also by inserting intermediate beings
between God and the world. But the former method
implied a materialistic conception of God, while the
latter only postponed the difficulty. From the thir-
teenth century, through the influence of Albertus
Magnus and still more of St. Thomas Aquinas, the
philosophy of Aristotle, though subjected to some im-
portant modifications, became the accredited philoso-
phy of the Church. The dualistic hypothesis of an
eternal world existing side by side with God was of
course rejected. But the conception of spiritual be-
ing as opposed to matter received fuller definition and
development. The distinction between the human
soul and the body which it animates was made clearer
and their separability emphasized; but the ultra-
dualism of Plato was avoided by insisting on the inti-
mate union of soul and body to constitute one substan-
tial being under the conception of form and matter.
The problem of dualism, however, was lifted into
quite a new position in modern philosophy by Des-
cartes (q. v.). Indeed, since his time it has been a
topic of central interest in philosophical speculation.
His handling of two distinct questions, the one epis-
temological, the other metaphysical, brought this
about. The mind stands in a cognitional relation to
the external world, and in a causal relation to the
changes within the body. What is the precise nature
of each of these relations? According to Descartes
the soul is res cogitans. Its essence is thought. It is
simple and unextended. It has nothing in common
with the body, but is connected with it in a single
point, the pineal gland in the centre of the brain. In
contrast with this, the essence of matter lies in exten-
sion. So the two forms of being are utterly disparate.
Consequently the union between them is of an acci-
dental or extrinsic character. Descartes thus approx-
imates to the Platonic conception of charioteer and
chariot. Soul and body are really two merely allied
beings. How then do they interact? Real reciprocal
influence or causal interaction seems impossible be-
tween such disparate things. Geulincx and other
disciples of Descartes were driven to invent the hy-
pothesis of occasionalism and Divine assistance, ac-
cording to which it is God Himself who effects the ap-
propriate change in either body or mind on the occa-
sion of the corresponding change in the other. For
this system of miraculous interferences Leibniz sub-
stituted the theory of pre-established harmony ac-
cording to which Giod has coupled pairs of bodies and
souls which are destined to run in parallel series of
changes like two clocks started together. The same
insoluble difficulty of psycho-physical parallelism re-
mains on the hands of those psychologists and philos-
ophers at the present day wno reject the doctrine of
the soul as a real being capable of acting on the body
which it informs. The ultra-dualism of Descartes
was immediately followed on the Continent by the
pantheistic monism of Spinoza, which identified mind
and matter in one infinite substance of which they are
merely "modes".
The cognitional question Descartes solves bv a the-
ory of knowledge according to which the mind imme-
diately perceives only its own ideas or modifications.
The belief in an external world corresponding to these
ideas is of the nature of an inference, and the guaran-
teeing of this inference or the construction of a reliable
bridge from the subjective world of thought to the
objective world of material being, was thenceforth the
main problem of modern philosophy. Locke simi-
larly taught that the mind immediately apprehends
only its own ideas, but he assumed a real external
world which corresponds to these ideas, at least as re-
gards the primary qualities of matter. Berkeley, ac-
cepting Locke's assumption that the mind immedi-
ately cognizes only its own ideas, raised the question :
What grounds have we for believing in the existence
of a material world corresponding to those ideas? He
concludes there are none. The external cause of
these ideas is God Who awakens them in our minds by
regular laws. The dualistic opposition between mind
and matter is thus got rid of by denying an independ-
ent material world. But Berkeley still postulates a
multitude of real substantial minds distinct from each
other and apparently from God. We have thus
idealistic pluralism. Hume carried Berkeley's scep-
ticism a step farther and denied the existence of perma-
nent spiritual substances, or minds, for grounds simi-
lar to those on which Berkeley rejected material sub-
stances. All we know to exist are ideas of greater or
DUBLIN 171 DUBLIN ~
less vividness. Kant repudiates this more extreme cal question emerges: How does the mind come to
scepticism and adopts, at least in the second edition of know the material world? — Broadly speaking there
his chief work, a form of dualism based on the distinc- are two answers. According to one the mind immedi-
tion of phenomena and noumena. The mind immedi- ately perceives only its own representations or ideas
ately perceives only its own representations. These and from these it infers external material objects as
are modified by innate mental forms. They present the cause of these ideas. According; to the other, in
to us only phenomena. But the noumena, the things- some of its acts it immediately perceives extended ob-
in-themselves, the external causes of these phenom- jects or part of the material world. As Hamilton
enal representations, are beyond our power of cogni- says: -"What we directly apprehend is the Non-ego,
tion. Fichte rejected things-in-themselves outside not some modification of the Ego". The theory
the mind, and reduced the Kantian dualism to idealis- which maintains an immediate perception of the non-
tic monism. The strongest and most consistent de- ego he calls natural dualism or natural realism. The
fenders of dualism in modern philosophy have been other, which holds a mediate cognition of the non-ego,
the Scotch School, including Reid, Stuart, and Hamil- as the inferred cause of a representation immediately
ton. Among English writers in more recent times apprehended, he terms hypothetical dualism of hy-
Martineau, McCosh, Mivart, and Case have carried on pothetical realism. The doctrine of immediate or
the same tradition on similar lines. presentative perception is that adopted by the great
The problem of dualism, as its history suggests, in- body of the scholastic philosophers and is embodied
volves two main questions: (1) Does there exist a in the dictum that the idea, concept, or mental act of
material world outside of our minds and independent apprehension is non id quod percipUur Bed medium quo
of our thought? (2) Supposing such a world to exist, res percipUur — not that which is perceived but the
how does the mind attain to the cognition of it? — The medium by which the object itself is perceived. This
former question belongs to epistemology, material seems to be the only account of the nature of knowl-
logic, or general philosophy; the latter to psychol- edge that does not lead logically to idealism; and the
ogy. It is tnie that dualism is ultimately rejected by history of the subject confirms this view. But affir-
the materialist who reduces conscious states to func- mation of the mind's capacity for immediate percep-
tions or "aspects" of the brain; but objections from tion of the non-ego and insistence on the distinction
this standpoint will be more suitably dealt with under between id quod and id quo percipUur, do not dispose
materialism and monism. The idealist theory since of the whole difficulty. Modern psychology has be-
Berkeley, in all its forms, maintains that the mind can come genetic. Its interest centres in tracing the
only know its own states or representations, and that growth and development of cognition from the sim-
what we suppose to be an independent material world plest and most elementary sensations of infancy,
is, in the last analysis, only a series of ideas and sensa- Analysis of the perceptive processes of a later age, e. g.
tions plus belief in the possibility of other sensations, apprehension of size, shape, solidity, distance, and
Our conviction of the objective reality of a vivid con- otner qualities of remote objects, proves that opera-
sistent dream is analogous to our conviction of the tions seemingly instantaneous and immediate may in-
validity of our waking experience. Dualism affirms, volve the activity of memory, imagination, judgment,
in opposition to all forms of idealism, the independent reasoning, and sub-conscious contributions from the
extramental reality of the material world. Among its past experience of other senses. There is thus much
chief arguments are the following: (1) Our belief in that is indirect and inferential in nearly all thepercipi-
the existence of other minds is an inference from their ent acts of mature life. This should be frankly ad-
bodies. Consequently the denial of an external mate- mitted by the defender of natural dualism, and the
rial world involves the rejection of all evidence for the chief psychological problem for him at the present day
existence of other minds, and lands the idealist in the is to sift and discriminate what is immediate and di-
position of "Solipsism". (2) Physical science as- rect from what is mediate or representative in the
sumes the existence of a material world, existing when admittedly complex cognitional operations of normal
unperceived, possessing various properties, and exert- adult life.
ing various powers according to definite constant In Favour of Natural Dualism: — Rickaby, First Princi-
laws. Thus astronomy .descries the movements of ^^^J^a^ttK
heavenly bodies moving in Space Of three dimensions, tr. (London, 1871): Hamilton, Metaphysics (Edinburgh and
attracting each other with forces inversely propor- London, 1877); McCosh, Exam, of Miu (New York, 1875);
tioned to the square of the distance. It postulates the £^"fj$?&&^^
movement and action of such bodies when they are in- York and London, 1908); Faroes, UObjectiviU de la Pereep-
visible as well as when they are visible through long tion (Paris, 1891). „..,,„
periods of time and over vast areas of space. From JflgS^E&SSi^
these assumptions it deduces future positions and adelphia. 1874); Mill, An Exam, of Sir W. Hamilton (London,
foretells eclipses and transits many years ahead. 1865); Bradley, Appearance and Reality (New York and Lon-
Observations carried out bv subsequent generations do°. 18W>- Michael Maher.
verify the predictions. Were there not an extra- j»*^****h «iaM«-.
mental world whose parts exist and act in a space and Dublin (Dublinum), Archdiocese of (Dublinen-
time truly mirrored by our cognitions and ideas, such sis), occupies about sixty miles of the middle eastern
a result would be impossible. The branches of sci- coast of Ireland, and penetrates inland about forty-six
ence dealing with sound, light, heat, and electricity miles, including all the County of Dublin, nearly all of
are equally irreconcilable with idealism. (3) The Wicklow, and parts of Kildare and Wexford, with
teachings of physiology and psycho-physics become three suffragans: Kildare and Leighlin, Ferns, and
peculiarly absurd in the idealist theory. What, for Ossory. It covers an area of 698,277 statute acres,
instance, is meant by saying that memory is depend- Ptolemy, who flourished in the first half of the sec-
ent on modifications in the nervous substance of the ond century, on his famous map places Eblana civUa*
brain, if all the material world, including the brain, is under the same parallel of latitude as the present city
but a collection of mental states? (4) Psychology of Dublin. The first mention of Duibhtinn in any
similarly assumes the extramental reality of the hu- extant Irish chronicles is found in the "Annals of the
man body in its account of the growth of the senses Four Masters", under date of 291, where the name,
and the development of perception. Were the ideal- which in English signifies a black pool, is quoted as
ist hypothesis true its language would be meaningless, that of a river on the bank of which a battle was fought
All branches of science thus presuppose and confirm by the King of Ireland against the Leinstermen. A
the dualistic view of common sense. river still empties into the Liffey at Dublin, now known
Granted, then, the truth of dualism, the psychologi- as the Poddle River, but formerly designated the Pool
DUBLIN
172
DUBLIN
or Pole, clearly a survival of the earlier Black-Pool.
The natives distinguished the locality as Ath-Cliath,
i. e. "The Ford of Hurdles", from the wicker bridge or
ford by which the great road from Tara was conducted
across the Liffey into Cualann (South County Dublin
and Wicklow).
In 852, when Aulaf (Olaf) the Dane invaded Ire-
land and subjected all the contending tribes of Danes,
he erected a fortress on the triangle of elevated land
formed by the confluence of the Duibhlinn with the
Liffey, a site now occupied by Dublin Castle. This
fortress, taking its name from the river over which it
stood, was called in Scandinavian Dyflin. In Anglo-
Norman charters of the time of Henry II it became
Duvelina; the legal scribes of King John brought it
nearer to the name Dublin, which it has ever since re-
tained. The fortress once established, there is no dif-
ficulty in imagining a town or city growing up and
clustering around it, which after some time was fur-
nished with a defensive wall, some remnants of which
areyet visible.
Early Christian History. — The Christian Faith
was preached in this territory, first by Palladius and
then by St. Patrick. The stay of Palladius in Ireland
was very short, scarcely a year, yet during that brief
space he established three Christian communities,
Teach-Renan (Tigroney), and Donard in County Wick-
low, with CeiU-lrinne m County Kildare. When the
death of Palladius was known at Rome in 431, Patrick
was immediately selected and consecrated bishop for
this Irish mission. To him, therefore, thenceforth re-
garded as the Apostle of Ireland, the See of Dublin
looks as to its founder. His first visit after brief land-
ings at Wicklow, Malahide, and Holmpatrick, was to
his old slave-master in the northern parts of the coun-
try. But so soon as he was able to gain the sanction
of Leoghaire, King of Ireland, to preach the Gospel
throughout the land, he visited every part of the island
and made innumerable converts. At Kilcullen, in the
Dublin Diocese, he established a bishop, and another
at Lusk; while there are few parishes in the diocese
that do not lay claim to a visit from him. Soon after
his death in 492, the monastic system, which Patrick
had himself partly initiated, became the settled form
of ecclesiastical organization in Ireland. The number
of tribes into which the country was divided, and the
fierce inter-tribal jealousy that prevailed at all times,
rendered this system the more desirable. Each tribe
had its own monastic establishment with a portion of
the tribe lands set apart for its endowment, and in
most of these centres a bishop was to be found, fre-
quently (but not necessarily) the ruler of the commu-
nity. It was in such establishments that the ecclesi-
astical jurisdiction was centred. In this way we meet
mention from time to time of bishops at Kilcullen,
Lusk, Swords, Finglas, Glendalough, Taney, Clondal-
kin, Castledermot, and Bray. We have no existing
records and but scant traditions of any monastic es-
tablishment known as Duibhlinn; but a tribe did lie
scattered along the valley of the Coombe, which may
have taken its name, as did the Danish fortress later
on, from the Duibhlinn which meandered through its
midst. The old church-dedications, which were cer-
tainly Celtic, of Patrick, Bridget, Kevin, and Mac-
Taill, in this very neighbourhood, would point to such
a conclusion. Such a tribe would undoubtedly have
had its monastery with its resident bishop. If this
surmise be correct, it would help to explain a list of
bishops given in Harris's edition of Ware's " Antiqui-
ties of Ireland", and described as Bishops of Dublin;
whilst from the invariable practice they all seem to
have adopted, of embarking in some foreign mission-
ary enterprise, they can scarcely be regarded as dio-
cesan bishops in the accepted sense of the term, i. e. as
prelates wedded to their sees.
The first of these bishops that we meet with is St.
Livinus. He travelled into Belgium, where he con-
verted many, and was at length crowned with martyr-
dom, 12 November, 663, in which month his feast is cel-
ebrated. To him succeeded Disibod, who being driven
out by violence went to Germany, and after forty
years labour in the neighbourhood of Disibodenberg,
named after him, died a very holy death. He flour-
ished about 675. St. Wiro is next. He emulated the
example of Livinus and passed over into Gaul. There,
at the request of Pepin of Herlstal, he established him-
self about 700 at Roermond in Holland, where a por-
tion of his relics is preserved under the high altar of
the cathedral dedicated to him. St. Gualafer is men-
tioned as bishop in the eighth century, but of him
nothing is known except that he baptized and in-
structed his successor, who figures more conspicu-
ously. St. Rumold was certainly Irish-born, and is
reputed to have been some time Bishop of Dublin.
He cherished an ardent desire for martyrdom, and set-
ting out for Rome there received the pope's blessing.
On his return journey he preached at Mechlin with
great zeal and success. Having had occasion to re-
buke certain public sinners, he met at their hands the
longed-for martyrdom. He is the patron of Mechlin,
whose splendid cathedral is dedicated to him, and his
relics are preserved there in a sumptuous silver shrine.
St. Sedulius, who died in 785, is given by some writers
as "Bishop of Dublin* ', by others as "Abbot of Dub-
lin". In all probability he filled both offices. In or
about 890 there is mention of Cormac as bishop. Ware
could learn nothing about him. D 'Alton says he was
bishop when Gregory, King of Scotland, besieged and
captured Dublin.
Danish Period. — The year 815 is commonly as-
signed as the date when Scandinavian invaders began
to make permanent settlements in Ireland. Hitherto
their repeated visits had been mere piratical expedi-
tions. They landed, plundered, and departed. But
that year Turgesius and his followers came to stay.
The <r Annals of the Four Masters" tell us that in 849
the Duibhgoill or "black foreigners" arrived at Ath.
Cliath and made a great slaughter of the Finngoill or
"white foreigners". In 850 the former gained a still
more decisive victory. Finally in 852 Aulaf (Olaf)
invaded Ireland, "and all the foreign tribes submitted
to him". Thus was founded the Danish city and
kingdom of Dublin. Aulaf was succeeded by Ivar in
870, and as the latter was at the same time King of
Northumbria, this dual sovereignty of the Danish
kings of Dublin was with occasional brief interrup-
tions maintained throughout a period of nearly a cen-
tury and a half. Paganism was of course the cult of
these rude Norsemen. They sedulously practised the
worship of Thor and Woden, and thus during a great
portion of their prolonged rule in Dublin its Christian
history becomes a blank, varied at intervals by doleful
recitals of the burning and plundering of celebrated
monasteries, such as Glendalough, Lusk, Swords,
Clondalkin, etc. The first of the Danish kings to em-
brace Christianity was Si trie, who was baptized in
England, and married King Athelstan's daughter in
925. But he very soon abjured the Faith, abandoned
his wife, and died a pagan. His son, however, Aulaf
Cuarann, on visiting England, was there converted in
943, and received at baptism by King Edmund. He
remained firm in the Faith, and going to Iona on a pil-
grimage in 980, died there "after penance and a good
fife". It was the conversion of this Aulaf and his
family, aided by the efforts of Northumbrian monks
whom he had brought over with him, that led to the
conversion of the Danes of Dublin which chroniclers
assign to 948.
Tne great victory won by King Brian Bom on the
plain of Clontarf in 1014 broke for ever the power of
the Danes in Ireland, but it did not dispossess them of
Dublin. Their kings continued to rule there for a
century and a half; nevertheless, the completeness of
the victory, together with the civilizing effects of
DUBLIN i:
Christianity, disposed the contending races to more
friendly intercourse, and enabled Celt and Dane
henceforward to live together in comparative peace.
In 1038, little more than twenty years after the battle
of Clontarf , we find another King Sitric (II) at Dublin,
who, seeing that his subjects had all become Christians,
was moved to organize the Church on a proper hier-
archical basis. Wherefore in that year he founded and
endowed a cathedral dedicated to the Holy Trinity
(since Queen Elizabeth's time appropriated to Prot-
estant worship and known as Christ Church).
Christians in Dublin, the See of Dublin may be said to
have been formally founded. Having received their
Christianity from Northumbria, the Danes looked
to Canterbury for their spiritual government; and had
their first bishop, Donatus, consecrated by the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury. Except in faith and general
discipline they were
in no way identified
with the rest of
Christian Ireland.
Donatus died in
1074 and was suc-
ceeded by Patrick,
who bore commen-
datory letters to Lan-
franc and was con-
secrated by him in
St. Paul's, London.
After ruling the (iio-
years he perished at
sea in 1084. Donat
O 'Haingly , e v idently
an Irishman, came
next. HewasaBene-
dictine monk in han-
franc's monastery at
Canterbury. By con-
sent of the kingand
of the clergy ofDub-
lin, he was conse-
crated by Lanfranc
in 1085; he died of the plague in 1095. To him suc-
ceeded his nephew Samuel O'Haingly, a Benedictine
monk of St. Alban's. He was consecrated at Win-
chester by Saint Anselm on the Sunday after Easter,
1006, and died in 1121. It was to this prelate that
St. Anselm administered the sharp rebuke for having
removed the monks from his church, from which we
may infer that it was at this period that a chapter
of secular canons was established in the cathedral, its
clergy having been previously monastic. Gregory was
chosen as successor. He is described as a wise man
and well skilled in languages. He was consecrated at
Lambeth by Ralph, Archbishop of Canterbury.
Twelfth-century Reforms. — During Gregory's
incumbency great and far-reaching changes were
wrought in the ecclesiastical organization of Ireland.
Up to this time, except in the Danish towns of Dublin,
Waterford, and Limerick, the old system of centring
jurisdiction in the monastery of the clan with a bishop
resident, almost universally prevailed, but Gillebert
(Gilbert), Bishop of Limerick, who had travelled
much, and had made the acquaintance of St. Anselm,
received a strong letter from the latter exhorting him
to do his utmost, in union with the Irish bishops, to
reform certain abuses and bring the system of ecclesi-
astical government more into conformity with the
Erevailing practice of Christendom. Whereupon Gil-
bert having received legatine powers from Paschal II
convoked a synod which met at Rath-Breassaii in
1118. At this synod the number of sees was fixed at
twenty-four, Dublin excluded. Glendalough, the
church founded by St. Kevin in the sixth century, was
3 DUBLIN
definitely erected into a diocese, but the Danish See of
Dublin was ignored, or if referred to, it is described at
being in the Diocese of Glendalough, for the latter
came up to the very walls of Dublin and surrounded
them on all sides. St. Malachy, consecrated Bishop of
Connor about 1127, followed up the work of Gillebert,
and on the occasion of a journey to Rome, besought
Innocent II to constitute the Bishops of Armagh
and Cashel metropolitans and transmit the pallium
to them. Before his request could be fully consid-
ered, Malachy on a second journey fell sicK on the
way, and died at Clairvaux in the arms of St. Bernard
(1148). The object of his journey, however, was not
lost sight of, and in 1151, Eugene III commissioned
Cardinal Paparo to proceed to Ireland and establish
there four metropolitans, giving him the palliums
with which each was to be invested. The cardinal on
his arrival convoked a general synod at Kelts in 1152.
At this synod Armagh, Dublin, Cashel, and Tuam,
were created archi-
episcopal sees, with
canonical jurisdic-
tion over their suf-
fragans, and each of
the new archbishops
received the pallium.
In this way Gregory
became the first
Archbishop of Dub-
lin, and had assigned
to him as suffragans
the Sees of Kildare,
Osaory, Leighlin,
Ferns, antf Glen-
dalough. In a docu-
ment drawn up by
the then Archbishop
ofTuam,inl214,the
cardinal is described
as finding on his ar-
rival in Ireland, a
bishop dwelling in
Dublin, who at the
time exercised his
episcopal office with-
in the walls. "He found in the same diocese another
church in the mountains, which likewise had the name
nfacity[Glendaloiigh]andhad a certain chorepiscvpus.
But he delivered the pallium to Dublin which was the
best city and appointed that the diocese [Glenda-
lough] in which both these cities were should be divided,
and that one part thereof should fall to the metropoli-
tan." This severed the North County Dublin known
as Fingall, from Glendalough Diocese and annexed it
to Dublin. Thus was the Church in Ireland reorgan-
ized in strict hierarchical form, and all dependence upon
Canterbury was brought to an end.
Archbishop Gregory died in 1161 and was buried in
the Holy Trinity Cathedral. To him succeeded Lor-
can (latinized Laurentius) OToole, son of Muriartach,
Prince of Imaile. His mother was an O'Byrne, so
that he was Irish of the Irish. Entrusted at an early
of the Bishop of Glendalough lie grew
Sraiiiflr, Dublin
up a pious and exemplary youth and eventually be-
came a monk there. When but twenty-five years old
: elected abbot and a few years later bishop of
This choice, however, he successfully with-
stood. But his resistance did not long avail him.
As soon as the See of Dublin was vacated both clergy
and people turned their eyes on the Abbot of Glenda-
lough and would not be refused. He was consecrated
in Dublin cathedral by Gelasiue of Armagh in 1162.
His first act was to induce the canons of his chapter to
become canons regular according to the rule of the
Eriory of Aroasia. He himself assumed the religious
abit with them and scrupulously conformed to the
rule. He was indefatigable in his work and boundless
<Q
DUBLIN 1'
in his charity. In 1167 he attended a great conven-
tion held at A'thboy at the request of King Roderic
O'Conor, and helped there to enact several decrees
affecting ecclesiastical discipl me. In the following year
the ill-starred Dermot MacMurrough set out for Eng-
land to negotiate the betrayal of his country. In 1 169
the first expedition of the Anglo-Normans landed in
Ireland, and Wexford and Waterford soon fell before
them. They then marched on Dublin, and in this
expedition Strongbow was joined by the army of
Dermot. Hasculf, the Danish king, made a sturdy
defence, but eventually the city was captured and
Hasculf and his followers escaped to their ships. In
1171 they returned with a number of Norwegians col-
lected at Orkney and the Isles, and attacked the east;
em gate of the city. St. Laurence implored King
Roderic to come to their aid; the latter did assemble
an army, but their operations were ineffective, and
the grip of the Norman fastened on Dublin, never
again to be relaxed. King Henry II of England
landed this same year, and received at Dublin the
fealty of most of the native princes. Thenceforward
Ireland became an appanage of the English Crown.
Early in the following year a synod was held in
Cashelby order of Henry, at which Laurence assisted
and where among other disciplinary regulations, the
system of tithes was introduced, as is commonly be-
lieved. With the aid of Strongbow and other Norman
chiefs he was enabled to enlarge and beautify Christ
Church, i.e. Holy Trinity Cathedral, and the transepts
and one bay of the choir remain to this day evidences
of his work. In 1177 Cardinal Vivian arrived in Ire-
land as papal legate, summoned a meeting of bishops
and abbots, and inculcated obedience to the conquer-
ors. In 1179 Archbishop Laurence went to Rome to
attend the Third General Council of the Lateran under
Alexander III. The pope received him with marked
kindness, took his see under his protection, confirmed
its possessions, and extended its boundaries on the
south as far as Bray. He also appointed him his
legate in Ireland. Some time in 1180 the archbishop
again crossed to England for the purpose of interview-
ing King Henry in the interests of his people, but
Henry had no wish to see him and Red into Normandy.
Laurence, nothing daunted, quickly pursued him, but
had scarcely landed on the Norman coast when he fell
seriously ill. He asked to be brought to the commun-
ity of Canons Regular established at Eu, and there
died peacefully 14 November, 1180. He was canon-
wed by Honorius III in 1226, and his relics, being
transferred, were placed over the high altar in a costly
shrine where they are still devoutly venerated. His
feast is celebrated in Dublin each recurring 14 Novem-
ber with great pomp and solemnity, and a parish
church in that city is specially dedicated to him.
I DUBLIN
Norman-English Archbishops. — With the pass-
ing of St. Laurence, the Irish character of the newly
constructed hierarchy, as far as Dublin was concerned,
was brought to a premature close. The conquerors
brought with them a colony of Bristol men and settled
them in Dublin, and also brought all their feudal
privileges and customs, prominent among which was
the right of the English monarch to nominate to va-
cant sees within his dominion, this with the concur-
rence of the Hply See. In the exercise of this prerog-
ative, Henry fl named John Comyn, an Englishman,
as successor to Laurence OToole. Henceforward, for
full four centuries, the see was occupied by an un-
broken line of twenty-five archbishops, all English-
men, born, bred, and beneficed in England. Comyn
proceeded to Rome where he was first ordained priest,
and then consecrated bishop, by Lucius III at Velletri.
He did not take up his residence in Dublin until 1184.
The king conferred additional lands upon him to be
held in barony tenure, by virtue of which he became a
Lord of Parliament. In 1185 he received Prince John
on his landing in Ireland, and in the same year the Dio-
cese'of Glen dalo ugh was united to Dublin; this union,
however, was not to take effect until after the death
of the governing bishop, William Piro. In 1188 he
assembled a provincial synod in Christ Church cathe- .
dral at which several important canons were enacted.
In 1190 he undertook the work of building a new
church just outside the city wall. He erected it on
the site of an old Celtic church dedicated to St. Pat-
risk, but preserved the original dedication and opened
it with great solemnity on Patrick's Day, 1191. In
connexion with this church he founded and endowed
a collegiate chapter of thirteen canons and erected an
episcopal residence close by, which became known as
St. Sepulchre's.
Archbishop Comyn died in 1212 and was succeeded
by Henry de Loundres, Archdeacon of Stafford. Two
years later William Piro, Bishop of Glendalough, died,
whereupon the union of the sees promised by King
John took place. De Loundres's principal work was
the conversion of the collegiate chapter established by
his predecessor in connexion with St. Patrick's, into a
cathedral chapter, with four -dignities and an in-
creased number of prebendaries. This change pre-
sented the singular spectacle of a city having two
cathedrals, with two chapters, one monastic, the other
secular, an arrangement which led to a good deal of
friction and gave much trouble to succeeding arch-
bishops. In 1228 de Loundres was succeeded by
Archbishop Luke, brought over from London. Flour-
ifection, and practically re-erected St. Patrick's
we have it to-day, and put the nave Ul Christ Church
as we see it in its restored condition. It is scarcely
necessary to go through nominatim the series of Eng-
lish bishops who filled the see during the medieval
Eeriod. Suffice it to mention, that as most of them
eld some government post, such as lord chancellor,
or lord treasurer, in conjunction with the arch-
bishopric, their spiritual influence was thereby ren-
dered obnoxious to the native clans of the O'Byrnes
and O'Tooles, when they shook off the English yoke
during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The
Holy See, not to leave the natives without episcopal
care, was compelled to provide a bishop for them,
titularly of Glendalough, and the ruimcelit in the
Vatican Library furnish a list of six such bishops
who presided over the mountainous region of the
diocese well into the reign of Henry VIII.
The Anomcan Schism. — This monarch, unhappily
as is well known, dislocated everything in Church and
State. The foul murder of Archbishop Alan, author of
the valuable "Liber Niger" and ••Repertorium Viride",
by the followers of Silken Thomas in 1534, afforded
the king the much desired opportunity of introducing
pressed Augustinian Hermits in England, and 1
bond slave of Henry, ready to do his master's bidding.
He was consecrated by Cranmer, 19 March, 1535-6,
and took up his residence in Dublin in August, 1536.
The antecedents of Browne and the schismatics! char-
kenny wherein, amongst other enactments, the paro
' ' ' lved ou
than once, and eventually betook himself to Rome
wly escaped imprisonment n
r Lobbtto, Daixbt
acter of his appointment did not recommend him to
the Dublin clergy. He complained of their resistance
to his injunctions and was compelled to send round
his own servants in order to cancel the pope's name in
the service-books. A sharp warning from the king
stirred him up to more demonstrative action, and
forthwith he had all holy relics preserved in Christ
Church cathedral, including St. Patrick's crosier
known as the "Staff of Jesus", gathered into a heap
and burned. He co-operated only too gladly in the
suppression of all the religious houses, in changing the
prior and convent of Christ Church into a secular d
monarch's new liturgy, as found in his first "Book of
Common Prayer", into the cathedral, and finished by
taking a wife.
With the accession of Queen Mary all things Catho-
lic were restored, and Browne, being convicted of being
a married bishop, was deposed. The queen filled the
vacant see by nominating Hugh Curwen, Dean of
Hereford, yet another Englishman, and the royal
nomination was confirmed at Rome. She also re-
established the dean and chapter of St. Patrick's.
While the queen survived, unhappily not long, Cur-
wen behaved as a Catholic, but on the accession of
Elisabeth, he was ready to worship the rising sun, to
accept her royal supremacy and Act of Uniformity,
and eventually a transfer to the See of Oxford as its
Protestant bishop. This apostasy, coupled with the
severe persecution of Catholics which continued
through the whole of Elizabeth's reign, left the See of
Dublin without a Catholic bishop for lull forty years.
The compensations were, however, a firm and faithful
clergy and people, and a long roll of martyrs and
confessors.
Era of Persecution. — Some attempt was made by
the Holy See to provide a bishop in 1685 by appoint-
ing a certain Donald or Donatus, but he did not live to
take possession, and not until 1000 was bis successor
appointed in the person of Matthew d'Oviedo, a Span-
ish Franciscan. Though he came to Ireland, he dared
not set foot in his diocese, but governed it through
vicars-general, three of whom successively ended then-
days in prison. Finally about 1611 d'Oviedo re-
turned to Spain and resigned the see, being succeeded
by Dr. Eugene Matthews, transferred from Clogher.
Dr. Matthews laboured hard and in most difficult
times. In 1615 he called a provincial synod in Kil-
where he died in 1623. Early in 1625 his successor
Dr. Thomas Fleming, a Franciscan, was appointed.
After the outbreak of 1641 and when the Confedera-
tion of Kilkenny was initiated, he was appointed a
member of the supreme council and took part in its
deliberations. But the arrival and victory of the
Cromwellians in Dublin in 1649 closed the gates of his
cathedral city against him ; he took refuge in Galway
and died there in 1661 or 1652. Dr. Edmund
O'Reilly, his vicar-general, was proposed as vicar
Apostolic, but his imprisonment and subsequent exile
rendered this proposal abortive, and in 1656 Dr. James
Dempscy, vicar capitular of Leighlin, was appointed
to this office. In his first report to the Holy See, after
the horrors of war, pestilence, and banishment, he
states "that in the diocese of Dublin there were not
enough Catholics to form three parishes".
The restoration of Charles II to the throne occurred
during Dr. Dempsey's administration and would prob-
ably have resulted m some benevolent policy of tolera-
tion had not the intrigues of the Franciscan friar,
Peter Walsh, brought new troubles upon the suffering
members of the Faith. The assembly of clergy held
in Dublin in 1666 at the instance of Walsh and out-
manoeuvred by him, did not bring peace. Dr. Demp-
scy died in 1667, and the see was again vacant until
1669 when the Holy See appointed Dr. Peter Talbot
of the Mai abide family. He was consecrated at
Ghent, 2 May. In 1670 he held adiocesan synod, and
a meeting of bishops was held in Dublin in the same
year which furnished the occasion, by a claim for pre-
cedence, for the first contention between Armagh and
Dublin concerning the primacy. In 1673 hew'
ished the kingdi
in health, that he
was allowed to
return; be. was,
however, immedi-
ately committed
a close prisoner to
Dublin Castle
where after linger-
ing for two years
he died. He was
a learned man and
a prolific writer.
In 1683 Dr. Pat-
rick Russell, a na-
tive of the County
Dubluijsucceeded
him. The advent
of a Catholic king
raised the hopes
of the afflicted
Catholics of Ire-
land, and with
liberty restored to
the Church they
took heart to
make a strong
not until 1677 when broken
march forwar
synod was assembled in 1685, another in 1688; in
1686 and 1689 diocesan synods were held. The
metropolitan chapter, which had never died, was
reorganized and the precedence of its members settled.
Many other works were projected by Dr. Russell, but
the disastrous defeat at the Boyne, in 1690, and the
flight of King James put an end to all hope and re-
duced the Catholics to a worse condition than ever.
Dr. Russell wis apprehended and cast into prison,
where he died in 1692. King James, still recognized
by the Holy See, claimed the exercise of the royal pre-
J
DUBLIS 17
Xtiveof nominating to vacant sees; the claim being
itted, he named Peter Creagh, Bishop of Cork, as
Archbishop of Dublin. Dr. Creagh was an exile in
France, and waa obliged to govern through a vicar-
general. He went himself as auxiliary to the Bishop
of Strasburg where he died in 1705. Of the six arch-
bishops who filled the see in the seventeenth century,
two could never set foot in the diocese, two died m
exile, and two in prison. When the penal laws com-
menced their ferocious career (1705) Ireland was re-
duced to a single bishop, the Bishop of Dromore, and
he was confined in Newgate Prison, Dublin. The new
hierarchy sprang from his prison cell. Therein waa
consecrated (1707) Dr. O'Rorke, Bishop of Killala, and
once established in the Apostolic office, he imposed
hands on the newly chosen Archbishop of Dublin, Dr.
Edmund Byrne, parish priest of St. Nicholas.
The population and extent of Dublin had been
steadily increasing ever since the Restoration, and
new quarters had grown up. Dr. Byrne's first care
was to erect these into parishes. To him owe their
origin St. Mary's, St. Paul's, and St. Andrew's. In
1710 the oath of abjuration, aimed against the
Stuarts, but full of other objectionable matter, raised
a new storm of persecution, and Dr. Byrne for a time
was forced to bide with hia relatives in Kildare. With
of Knights at
varying vicissitudes he continued to rule the diocese
until his death in January, 1723-4. He was succeeded
byDr.EdwardMurphy.transferredfromKildare. This
archbishop continued to date his letters, according to
the well-known formula of hunted bishops: e loco re-
jugii noslri, i. e. from our place of refuge. He died
in 1729 and was followed by Dr. Luke Fagan, trans-
lated from Meath, who died in 1734, and had for his
successor Dr. John Linegar, a native of Dublin, who
lived until 1757, when his coadjutor Dr. Richard
Lincoln, also a native of the city, succeeded him. In
1763 he died, and was followed by Dr. Patrick Fitz-
simon who governed the see until 1770, when Dr. John
Carpenter succeeded. With him may be said to com-
mence the modern history of the diocese, for he '
first of the archbishops, since Ak""1"' '
who left behind him, carefulfi
records of the diocese. He died
Restoration o* Catholic Life. — With a rapidity
extraordinary for that time, Dr. John Thomas Troy,
a Dominican, was transferred 9 December, 1786, from
Ossory to the Archbishopric of Dublin. For thirty-
seven years he governed the Church of Dublin well
and wisely. He witnessed the first assertion of Catho-
lic rights, took part in the foundation of Maynooth
College, and laid the foundation stone of the metropoli-
tan church in Marlborough Street, which still does duty
as pro-cathedral. Archbishop Troy saw the begin-
nings of the Christian Brothers and the restoration of
the Jesuits, while churches and schools multiplied
under bis eyes. He died in 1823 and was buried in the
ice Archbishop Alan's time,
irefully compiled, detailed
e died on 29 October, 1786!
J DUBLIN
vaults of the new metropolitan church not yet quite
ready for use.
His coadjutor, Dr. Daniel Murray, a native of Wick-
low, succeeded him. Educated in Salamanca, he was
an eloquent, cultured, and pious ecclesiastic, de-
scribed by his panegyrist as "the Francis de Sates of
Ireland". To him belong the completion of the pro-
cathedral, the founding of the Irish Sisters of Charity,
and the communities of Loretto. He witnessed the
achievement of Catholic Emancipation in 1829, the
wonderful career of the Liberator, Daniel O'Conneli,
of the great temperance movement under Father
Mathew, and the establishment of a system of national
(primary) education of which he niniself was ap-
pointed a commissioner. The awakening of a nation
and of a church to a new life and increased responsi-
bilities was accomplished in his time. He died in 1852
regretted by all, and was buried in the Marlborough
Street vaults, where in the church above them, a beau-
tiful kneeling statue by Sir Thomas Farrell, adorns
the northern transept. Archbishop Murray '
enthroned in Dublin. He founded the diocesan si
inary and the Mater Misericordiie Hospital. He in-
augurated innumerable new churches, colleges, and
schools, and became the recognized champion of Cath-
olic education ail the world over. In 1866 he was
made cardinal- — Ireland's first cardinal. In 1870 he
took a distinguished part in the Vatican Council, and
in 1875presidedovertheNational Synod of Maynooth.
In 1878 he went to Rome to assist at the conclave
which elected Leo XIII, but arrived late, and in Octo-
ber of that year passed to his reward. He is interred
in the crypt of the college chapel at Clonliffe; a fine
marble statue perpetuates his memory in the pro-
cathedral.
In October, 1878, Dr. Edward McCabe. consecrated
assistant bishop in 1877, was raised to the archiepis-
copal office. His administration was short. In
1882 Pope Leo conferred on him the dignity of car-
dinal. Never in very robust health, he died in Feb-
ruary, 1885. He waa interred at Glasnevin where a
handsome mausoleum is erected to his memory. In
July, 1885, the Most Rev. William J. Walsh was ap-
pointed to succeed him.
Statistics. — The status of the diocese (1908) is as
follows: archbishop 1: bishop (of Canea) 1; par-
ishes, 74; parish priests, 70; administrators, 4; cu-
rates etc., 190; in diocesan seminary, 9; chaplains,
21; secular clergy, 293; regular clergy, 247; public
churches, chapels, and oratories, 193; convents, 93.
Catholic population (Census of 1901), 407,514; non-
Catholic population, 112,498; total, 520,012.
The religious orders are very well represented in
Dublin by houses of Augustinians, Capuchins, Car-
melites, Dominicans, Franciscans, Holy Ghost
Fathers, Jesuits, Lazarists, Marists, Oblates, and Pas-
sionists. Dublin Is the residence of the Superior Gen-
eral of the Irish Christian Brothers and the seat of their
novitiate. Numerous sisterhoods, both within and
without the city (Sisters of Charity, Mercy, Loretto,
Dominican, Presentation, Carmelite, Holy Faith,
Sacred Heart, Poor Clares, Assumption, Bon Seeours,
Poor Servants, Heart of Mary, etc.) devote themselves
schools, homes, refuges, lunatic asylui ,
The Catholic University of Ireland, founded in
1854, consists (since 1882) of the following (6) col-
leges located for the most part near Dublin: St.
Patrick's College, Maynooth; University College, St.
Stephen's Green (Jesuits): University College, Black-
rock (Holy Ghost Fathers); St. Patrick's College, Car-
low : Holy Cross College, Clonliffe ; and the School of
Medicine, Dublin. Each of these colleges retains its
177
DUBOIS
own independent, organization. (Forthehistory of this sembly of the French Clergy elected him president in
university see Cullen; Mai-Hale; Newman- Ire- 1723, the year of his death.
land.) Other colleges are conducted by the Jesuits Owing to his humble birth, his stanch opposition to
(Belvedere College), the Holy Ghost Fathers (Rath- Jansenism, and his bold reversal of the aristocratic
mines), the Carmelites (Terenure), and the Lazarists regime prevalent under Louis XIV, Dubois was dis-
(Castleknock). The Holy Cross College (Clonliffe) is liked by the noblemen of his day. On the authority
the diocesan college or seminary for aspirants to the of contemporary libels and Saint-Simon's memoirs,
K'esthood. For the ecclesiastical seminary of St. historians of France have Ions repeated against him
trick's, Maynooth, see Maynooth College. such charges as corrupting the morals of his pupil,
By the New Universities Act passed in 1908, the accepting money from England, seeking, though un-
official existence of the Catholic University of Ireland worthy, ecclesiastical dignities, etc. The publication
was brought to a close. This Act suppressed the by Sevelinges of Dubois's memoirs and correspondence
Royal University of Ireland, and created two new together with the careful study of contemporary doc-
universities in Ireland, both strictly undenomina- uments by Seilhac, Wiesener, and Bliard— -e. g. the
tional. One had its seat in Belfast, and absorbed diplomatic papers preserved in the archives of the
French, English, and S —
the Queen's College al ready
existing there- the other
had its seat in Dublin, with
a new college founded
there, and absorbing the
Queen's Colleges in Cork
andGalway. ThenewCol-
leges of Dublin, Cork, and
Galway, although unde-
nominational under the
Act, principally subserve .
Catholic interests, Dub- .
Mn University (Trinity
College) being left un-
disturbed and mostly
frequented as well as gov-
erned by members of the
Protestant Church. The
Archbishop of Dublin is
nominated, though not ex
officio, a member of the
Senate of the new univer-
sity having a seat in Dub-
tin, and also a member of '
the Statutory Commission j
charged by the Crown with
the duty of revising and
approving of the statutes j
of theseveral colleges com- :
prised in the university.
QiLB«T.CTWi*JUiAt (Dublin.
1807); Idem, Hilton/ of tht Cita
al Dublin (Dublin, ISM ); Wake,
ed. Hahkib. Aniiouitiei of Ire-
land (Dublin, 1764): n' Alton.
Memairi of the Archbiinopt of Dublin (Dubli
Hitiory of the CalhalU Arehbithojn of " "
loEM.J.'jrifilfflium HiMwiii ii'»i;i;n. V
Lsh foreign offices— have
thrown a new light on the
subject and partly verified
the words of Fontenelle at
the time of the reception of
Cardinal Dubois into the
French Academy: " Lea
siecles suivants en sauront
da vantage ; fiei-vous a
eux". Far from catering
to his pupil's wantonness,
Dubois did what he could
to check it, and his Plan
d'fdueation pour U due de
Chartres shows a compe-
tent and conscientious
tutor. The expediency of
his foreign policy, resulting
in the Triple Alliance of
France, England, and Hol-
land against Spain, like the
contrary policy of Cardinal
de Burma, must be largely
a matter of opinion. In so
far as Dubois was con-
cerned, it was the best way
of serving the interests of
France and counteracting
the intrigues of Alberoni.
Stair and Stanhope had a
high regard, almost
amounting to friendship,
n Irish Church Hirtery (Dublin, 1881 j; Stti
ana (Dublin. 1874); Haludat, SamXmavi
for the minister of France,
but on both sides the charge that bribery was
resorted to is untrue. That Dubois was not set
*kx, Toea against the natural amity between France and Spain
— - ■ — — r-^/!1<0T0' was shown later, when, after Alberoni's fall and
eraphicatDictionaruoIIreland&vol*.. Dublin, 1839), I, 5a5-65. the treaty of 1721 and the marriage of Louis XV
Nicholas Donnelly. with the Infanta and that of the Prince of the As-
Dubno. See Mostab. turias with Mile de Mont penaier. Dubois 'a career as a
_ . churchman is not above reproach. While there is no
Dubois, Golllaume, French cardinal and states- foundation for the oft-repeated assertion of his secret
man, b. at Brive, in Limousin, 1656; d. at Versailles, marriage, his gross licentiousness, and notorious im-
1723. He was the son of an honourable physician piety even at the hour of hisdeath, still it cannot be
and received his first education from the Fathers of denied that he sought and used ecclesiastical dignities
the Christian Doctrine in his native place, whence he principally as props to his political prestige. Tonsured
went in 1672, as beneficiary, to the College Saint- at the age of thirteen he bethought himself of sacred
Michel in Paris. He had been engaged some nine Orders only in his old age, when the better tosecure
years in private teaching when he waa appointed the long coveted and long denied red hat, he asked for
(1683) aub-preccptor to the Duke of Chartres, nephew the Archbishopric of Cambrai merely as a stepping
" ' " 't <„„w„„f„iw.™ f«ur years stone to the cardinalate.
Duke of The''MernoiresducardinalDuboU"publishedbyP.
of Louis XIV, trie full tutorship following four ;
later. When the Duke of Chartres became Du . . .
Orleans (1700), Dubois was made his secretary. Dur-
ing the regency of Philippe d 'Orleans he rose in rapid
succession to the high positions of state councillor
(1718), secretary of foreign affairs (1717), Archbishop
Lacroix (Paris, 1829) are apocryphal. His genuine writ-
ings were edited by Sevelinges: Memoires secrets et cor-
respondanceiniditedu cardinal Dubois" (Paris, 1S15).
UimsSiiipN, Mttmrira, ad. Cnt»uEL (P»ri». 1858), with ro-
of Cambrai (1720). cardinal and SurinUndard des mark«of CHtniri^ ROatisnidt Saint-Simon ol'deVAbbtDuboi*
posies (1721), member of the ConaeH de rfgence, and infice. ff«t,,I 140; Bmuuc, L'Abbt Duboii, premier minuet
soon a>ter, mimstre principal (1722). The French tttt*&£^Y^*!S£tt'^J^D**
Academy admitted him the same year and the As- miniitr* (Pari
<J
DUBOIS 178 DUBOUBO
g«a*m,VIII,35p. Seeabo mmwic**, Stat* Paper* (London, first church and ministered to Western Maryland and
£2L%,4^ Virginia-. &«» «£<»*» begaJ in 1808.
roni and Dubois in Periods of European Hietory (New York, When, joining the Society of St-Slllpice, he Withdrew
1903), VI, 26. from the Frederick mission and opened a school on
J. F. Sollier. the mountain, at Emmiteburg, as a vetit s&ninaire.
Dubois, Jean-Antoine, French missionary in India, ^ h? "*}*, ^coy^ ini,l?^^sinni?
Society of Madras. At the outbreak of the French SSSSSSiffl ?? community a short
Revolution he went to India to preach Christianity to <u?S2f1„ £?*u ^rS!" «„ T v n n a
the natives, whose favour he sooE won by his affabOity ™&*Sf£*h£f M** .^Ti^ ^n y^ 8?°°nd
and patience. For their instruction he Composed el<£ 5*2?£f NeWJ£fk' 6J*- ^iftWKJS* WM
mentary treatises on Christian doctrine which won ^S^JS^Ta ^■'!hBKf?^^^^Aap
general commendation. Though he remained thirty- & %" ?«£ b5r^^lshT*M ^"l" Baltimore
^o years in that arduous fiel! his labours were all ?? °j?» 1826' fc Three daIV*!?r H^PfTS °f
fruitless and he returned convinced that the conver- fei^!£ftJfS£ <£Z!f N« E~t S^w
sion of the Hindus with the deep-rooted prejudices of .T^iK^S 1-T& t • *S*h*l
»Ax;«t,-n»^nrlit;nna "c population of about 150,000, eighteen priests, and
^ f^^JSSS^SJ^S^^vZl ,%£ closed" because too remote and Inaccessible. Another
its way into the .Bulletin des Sciences , May. 1825, „,«;,„«, ^«^uiA^ «««/-^«+«^ +u« k;„u~~ :~ *i^ i««
and this first volume of the "Asiatic Journal'^mi)! £?°™ E±~m ^SSSSS? ♦& .SL"1 & iS
Besides th
Character,
India, and
(London, 1816). This work was bought by the East ^Ve inrba^mrnroTm^^t'' BuT whether I
InJilLiCom?^y f°r twentZ thoitfnd fM??Liand come up from the basement or^own from the garret,
F™^ /**" expense, the author published an x shall ^tm ^ Biflh „ (flee T^^f^
enlarged edition m French under the title "Mceurs, York Archdiocese op} Enfeebled bv ace and hard
institutions, et ceremonies des peuples de llnde" * i ' archdiocese op;. unieeDiea oy age aim hard
m„ !•„ \ do k o ™iJ\ «E£iT:o J^J^L^+it~ vZZLt work, he asked for a coadjutor, the diocese having
(Pans, 1825, 2 vols.), which is considered the best ^^ ' *A :««i„j« qq «k„Juao io «*»+;^,*a ««^ >ia
andmost complete wo'rk on the subject "Expoeede &*jte^
^^S^'^vS!!1^^ ?n?vJZhl££^ wasappomtedtitularBishopof^mnopolisandcSacV
t* S^L ^^'K^^/^^^™^ jutor^New York in 1837,P Bishop Dubois's infirmi-
kZXJFvaZZ?* "«"«»» «« ^i«uOT w tuc ^ of apostolic ^a! m retirement. His body rests in
gu«, XXVlI. 211: Aaxotic Journal and Monthly Renter (1818), ■"*» ^f5^",^ /ft"4*1? . ^w S^Sii*^ t R&IV
1/135-147; (1826). I. 491, II. 170: (1823), II. 36* (1826), 1 Biot. »*• %^j££un? <J» JfetfV Eft i & l9^?-81>»
764; *«*. W». (Pails, 1862), Vlli. 358. £<*&%!£ £^ Jfttf JJa£?c* • &"4^ro< (£ew Xor£.
' Edward P. Spillanb. Jgggj McC**™T. Th* J"»*» °t Mount s'- M<»V* (New York.
P. J. Hates.
Dubois, John, third Bishop of New York, educator
and missionary, b. in Paris, 24 August, 1764; d. in Dubourg, Louis-Guillaume- Valentin, second
New York, 20 December, 1842. His early education Bishop of Louisiana and the Floridas, Bishop of Mon-
was received at home until he was prepared to enter the tauban. Archbishop of Besancon, b. at Cap Francois,
College Louis-le-Grand, where he had for fellow-stu- Santo Domingo, 16 February, 1766; d. at Besancon,
dents Robespierre and Desmoulins. Ordained priest at France, 12 December, 1833. His theological studies
the Oratorian Seminary of St-Magloire, 22 Sept., 1787, were made at Paris, where he was ordained in 1788
by Archbishop de Juigne", Of Paris, he was appointed and entered the Company of Saint Sulpice. He was
an assistant to the curt of St-Sulpice, and chaplain to superior of the seminary of Issy when the French
the Sisters of Charity (Hospice des Petites Maisons). Revolution broke out, and retired at first to Bor-
Forced in May, 1791, by the French Revolution to deaux. In 1794 he emigrated to the United States
leave France, he escaped in disguise to America, and where he was welcomed dv Bishop Carroll. He was
landed at Norfolk, Virginia, Aug., 1791, bearing com- president of Georgetown College from 1796 to 1799.
mendatory letters from the Marquis de Lafayette to After an unsuccessful trip to Havana where he at-
James Monroe, the Randolphs, Lees, Beverlys, and tempted to open a school, he returned to Baltimore
Patrick Henry. He was cordially received, resided and became the first superior of Saint Mary's College,
for some time in the house of Mr. Monroe, received On 18 August. 1812, he was appointed Apostolic Ad-
instruction in English from Patrick Henry, and even ministrator of the Diocese of Louisiana and the Flori-
celebrated Mass m the State House at Richmond, das to succeed Bishop PenSlver y Cardenas promoted
Bishop Carroll assigned the young priest to missionary (1801) to the archiepiscopal See of Guatemala. The
work, first at Norfolk, and later at Richmond. In position was by no means an easy one and Father Du-
1794 he became pastor of Frederick where he built the bourg was forced, at the beginning of his administra-
DUBRIO
179
DUBUQUE
tion to take up his residence outside New Orleans.
However, he gradually overcame his opponents. On
23 January, 1815, on the threshold of the New
Orleans cathedral, he bestowed on General Jackson the
laurels of victory.
After settlingin a satisfactory way the affairs of the
diocese Father Dubourg proceeded to Rome where he
was consecrated Bishop of Louisiana and the Floridas,
24 September, 1815. He returned to America in 1817
and took up his residence in St. Louis where he found-
ed a theological seminary and college at "The Bar-
rens ' '. He also founded the St. Louis Latin Academy
which developed into the present well-known St. Louis
University. The Religious Of the Sacred Heart simul-
taneously opened their first American convent, St.
Charles's Academy (1818), and soon after a second one
at Florissant. Tnese institutions gave a great im-
pulse to religion in what was then known as Upper
Louisiana. The bishop visited yearly the southern
part of his diocese, ana when Bishop Rosati was ap-
pointed his coadjutor, New Orleans became again his
residence. In 1826 Bishop Dubourg went again to
Europe. He was a brilliant and learned man, but
was reluctant to enforce his authority against the
cathedral trustees who continually opposed him ; there-
fore he tendered his resignation of the See of New Or-
leans (November, 1826), thinking that another incum-
bent would be more successful.
He was not, however, allowed to live in retirement,
but was transferred, 2 October, 1826, to the Diocese
of Montauban; then on 15 February, 1833, he was pro-
moted to the archiepiscopal See of Besancon. Arch-
bishop Dubourg was one of the first patrons and bene-
ficiaries of the Society for the Propagation of the
F^ith, but was not, as has been said, its founder. This
society was organized at a meeting held at Lyons by
the Abbe" Inglesi, Bishop Dubourg's vicar-general, but
the chief rdle in its creation is due to a pious woman
of Lyons, Pauline-Marie Jaricot (q. v.).
Shea, History of the Catholic Church in the United States (New
York, 1890), III, passim; Idem, The Hierarchy of the Catholic
Church in the United States (New York, 1886); Guasoo, L'(Euvre
de la Propagation de la Foi ( Paris); A Member or the Order of
Mercy, Essays Educational and Historical (New York, 1899);
Meric, Vie de M. Emery (Paris).
CHOLESTIN M. Chambon.
Dubric (Dyfrig, Dubricius), Saint, bishop and
confessor, one of the greatest of Welsh saints; a. 612.
He is usually represented holding two crosiers, which
signify his jurisdiction over the Sees of Caerleon and
LJancfaff. St. Dubric is first mentioned in a tenth-
century MS. of the "Annales Cambriae", where his
death is assigned to the year 612. This date appears
also in the earl iest life of the saint that has come down to
us. It was written about 1133, to record the trans-
lation of his relics, and is to be found (in the form of
"Lectiones") in the " Liber Landavensis ' \ It may con-
tain some genuine traditions, but as it appeared at least
five hundred years after St. Dubric 's death, it cannot
claim to be historical. According to this account he
was the son (by an unnamed father) of Eurddil, a
(laughter of Pebia Claforwg, prince of the region of
Erfeyng (Erchenfield in Herefordshire), and was born
at Macuey on the River Wye. As a child be was noted
for his precocious intellect, and by the time he attained
manhood was already known as a scholar throughout
Britain. He founded a college at Henllan (Hentland
in Herefordshire), where he maintained two thousand
clerks for seven years. Thence he moved to Mochros
(perhaps Moccas), on an island farther up the Wye,
where he founded an abbey. Later on he became
Bishop of Llandaff, but resigned his see and retired to
the Isle of Bardsey, off the coast of Carnarvonshire.
Here with his disciples he lived as a hermit for many
years, and here he was buried. His body was trans-
lated by Urban, Bishop of Llandaff, to a tomb before
the Lady-altar in "the old monastery" of the cathe-
dral city, which afterwards became the cathedral
church of St. Peter.
A few years after the "Liber Landavensis" was
written, there appeared the " Historia Regum Britan-
niae" of Geoffrey of Monmouth, and this romantic
chronicle is the source of the later and more elaborate
legend of St. Dubric, which describes him as " Arch-
bishop of Caerleon" and one of the great figures of
King Arthur's court. Benedict of Gloucester and
John de Tinmouth (as adapted by Capgrave) devel-
oped the fictions of Geoffrey, but their accounts are of
no historical value. There is no record of St. Du-
bric *s canonization. The "Liber Landavensis'1 as-
signs his death to 14 November, but he was also com-
memorated on 4 November. The translation of his
body, which the same authority assigns to 23 May, is
more usually kept on 29 May.
Liber Landavensis, ed. Rees (Llandovery, 1840), 75-83,
323-331; Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britannia
(London, 1844), viii, ix: Wharton, Anqlia Sacra (London,
1601), II, 654-661, 667: Capgrave, Nova Legenda Anglim (Ox-
ford, 1907); Afford, Fides Regia Brilannica sive Annales Ec-
desia Britannica (Ley den, 1663), I, 547-548; Challoner,
Britannia Sacra (London, 1745), II, 274-5; Lives of the Cambro-
British Saints, ed. Rees (Llandovery, 1853); Rees, Essay on
the Welsh Saints (London, 1836), 144, 170-2, 176-8; Nedelbc,
Cambria Sacra (London, 1879), 289-323; Hole in Diet, of
Christ. Biog. (London, 1877). a. v. Dubricius; Tout in Did.
Nat. Biog. (London, 1888), s. v. Dubricius.
Leslie A. St. L. Toke.
Dubrovnik. See Ragusa.
Dubuque, Archdiocese of (Dubuquensis), estab-
lished, 28 July, 1837, created an archbishopric. 1893,
comprises that part of Iowa, U. S. A., north of Polk,
Jasper, Poweshiek, Iowa, Johnson, Cedar, and Scott,
and east of Kossuth, Humboldt, Webster, and Boone
Counties; an area of 18,084 sq. miles. The city is
picturesquely situated on the Mississippi, at the base of
noble bluffs that rise 300 feet above the river; many
of these eminences are crowned with Catholic institu-
tions and fine residences. The city is named after
Julien Dubuque, a Canadian, who lived there from 1788
to 1811, mining lead and trading with the Indians.
His grave was marked by a cross and recently has been
adorned with a rugged round tower of native lime-
stone.
The first white men to visit Iowa were the Jesuit
Marquette and the Franciscan Hennepin. Later
missionaries sent from Quebec laboured among the
Indians of Wisconsin and Iowa, and kept alive the
Faith among the scattered pioneers. Iowa became
United States territory by the Louisiana Purchase,
and in 1833, after treaty with the Indians, was opened
to settlement. The lead mines at Dubuque attracted
many, the fertile prairies many more, and the popu-
lation increased rapidly. The earliest Catholic set-
tlers were French, German, and Irish, coming directly
from their native lands or from the Eastern States;
soon the whole State was dotted with thriving villages
and prosperous farms. The attitude of non-Catholics
has been uniformly friendly; the coming of a priest
and the building of a church were generally met with
favour and even with generous contributions. At
E resent the Catholic people of the Archdiocese of Du-
uque are about equally divided between agricul-
tural and urban pursuits,^and hold a prominent posi-
tion in social, business, and professional life. The
principal parishes outside of the city of Dubuque
S resided over by irremovable rectors are Clinton,
edar Rapids, Independence, Marshalltown, Waterloo,
Dyers ville, Mason City, Lansing, Ackley, Cascade,
New Vienna, and Waukon.
The Diocese of Dubuque was created in 1837 by
division of that of St. Louis, and embraced the area
north of Missouri to Canada, and east of the Missis-
sippi to the Missouri. One priest, a zealous Domini-
can, Samuel Mazzuchelli, ministered to a scattered
population of less than 3000; three churches had been
built; St. Raphael's at Dubuque, one at Davenport,
DUBUQUE
180
DUBUQUE
and one at Sugar Creek, Lee County. To-day in that
same territory the Church numbers nearly 1,000,000
souls with two archbishops, a score of bishops, and
thousands of priests and religious workers.
Bishops. — (1) Pierre-Jean-Mathias Loras, the
first bishop, was born at Lyons, France, 30 August,
1792; his lather and uncle were guillotined during the
Revolution. Mathias, who had as a school-mate the
Blessed Cure" d'Ars, was ordained priest 12 November,
1815, and for years was superior of the seminary
of Largentiere. His zeal led him in 1829 to Mobile,
Alabama, U. S. A., where he laboured as pastor of Sand
Spring Hill until 1837. Consecrated Bishop of Du-
buque, at Mobile, 10 December, 1837, by Bishop Por-
tier of Mobile, he familiarized himself by letters with
the needs of his diocese, and went to France for priests ;
he returned 21 April, 1839, with six men of heroic
mould, whose names are inseparably linked with the
Catholic North- West: Joseph Cretin, who in 1851 was
consecrated first Bishop of St. Paul, A. Ravoux, a
noted Indian missionary, J. A. M. Pelamourgues, the
patriarch-priest of Davenport, L. Galtier, R. Petiot, and
J. Causae, pioneer priests of Minnesota. At Dubuque
the bishop was received, 19 April, 1839, with great joy
by all classes. His administration was marked by
piety, zeal, and providential prudence. He multi-
plied his priests, encouraged immigration from the
crowded cities of the East, welcomed the Trappists
and various orders of sisters, chose and purchased
tracts of land in the wilderness, that are now flourish-
ing parishes. He was constantly engaged in visita-
tions and preaching missions. By personal example
and formation of societies, he advanced the cause of
temperance. In his work the generosity of the peo-
ple was supplemented by contributions from France.
In a letter of 1839 to the Society for the Propagation
of the Faith of Lyons, he acknowledged a gift of $10,-
500 for his diocese. In 1850 St. Bernard s diocesan
seminary was opened, which flourished for five years;
among its students was Henry Cosgrove, who became
Bishop of Davenport. In 1854 Bishop Loras visited
Ireland and France in quest of priests. In 1855 he
requested and obtained as coadjutor the Rev. Clement
Smyth, superior of the Trappist community at New Mel-
leray . Bishop Loras died at Dubuque, 20 February, 1858.
Where he found one priest and a scattered little nock, he
left 48 priests with 60 churches and 54.000 Catholics.
(2) Clement Smyth was b. 24 February, 1810, at
Finlea, County Clare, Ireland; educated at Trinity
College, Dublin, he entered the Cistercian Order and
was ordained, 29 May, 1841. He was sent to the
United States and founded New Melleray monastery,
twelve miles from Dubuque, on land donated by
Bishop Loras. He was consecrated, 3 May, 1857, by
Archbishop Kenrick of St. Louis. Bishop Smyth was
a man whose deep piety and boundless charity won
the devotion of priests and people. He held a
synod whose canons remained unaltered till 1902.
Under him immigration continued, but owing to hard
times and the Civil War, not much progress was made
in church-building, but the spiritual edifice was
strengthened. At his death, 22 September, 1865,
there were 90,000 Catholics in Iowa.
(3) Bishop Smyth was succeeded in 1866 by the
Rt. Rev. John Hennessy, b. 20 August, 1825,
in the County Limerick, Ireland. He entered Caron-
delet seminary near St. Louis, and was ordained in
1850. He became president of the seminary, and in
1858 was sent to Rome as representative of Arch-
bishop Kenrick. From 1860 to 1866 he was pastor
of St. Joseph, Missouri. As a priest he manifested
extraordinary prudence, learning, and eloquence. He
was consecrated by Archbishop Kenrick, at Dubuque,
30 Sept., 1866. Bishop Hennessy received many
priests from Germany and Ireland, and in 1873
founded St. Joseph's College and Theological Semi-
nary in Dubuque. Existing parishes were systemat-
ically divided, and he directed his energies especially
to Christian education. Wherever possible schools
were built, and heroic sacrifices were made that every
Catholic cnild should be educated by Catholic teach-
ers. Considerable and continued opposition was of-
fered by some Catholics, not only for economic rea-
sons, but also because they considered the programme
an attack on the public schools. The wisdom of the
bishop was shown by the prosperous condition of the
parochial schools, which at the time of his silver Jubi-
lee showed 12,257 pupils enrolled. Bishop Hennessy
assisted at the Vatican Council, and was prominent in
the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore. In 1893 he
was made first Archbishop of Dubuque, with Daven-
port, Omaha, Wichita, and Sioux Falls as suffragan
sees. His death occurred 4 March, 1900.
(4) The Most Rev. John J. Keanb, titular Archbish-
op of Damascus and formerly Bishop of Richmond, Vir-
ginia, and Rector of the Catholic University of Amer-
ica, was named to succeed Archbishop Hennessy,
24 July, 1900. Archbishop Keane was b. 12 Sept.,
1839, at Ballvshannon, Go. Donegal, Ireland; or-
dained 2 Jury, 1866, at Baltimore; consecrated
bishop at Baltimore" 25 Aug., 1878. Synods in
1902, 1905, and 1908 applied the Baltimore decrees
to local conditions. Conferences of the clergy were
held semi-annually in every deanery. Complete
annual reports from every parish were made through
the chancery. His zeal for total abstinence founded
an archdiocesan union, and in the field of educa-
tion he encouraged postgraduate courses for priests,
doubled the faculty and buildings of St. Joseph's
College, the preparatory seminary of the archdio-
cese, which now enrolls 260 classical students,
established a missionary band of diocesan priests,
welcomed the Sisters of the Good Shepherd ana
the Sisters of the Order of St. Dominic, and the
Brothers of Mary. Thus with indefatigable seal he
continued the work of his predecessors. In 1902 the
western portion of the archdiocese was erected into
the new Diocese of Sioux City.
Among the early missionaries and priests were Rev.
John McMahon, C. P. Fitzmaurice, Daniel Maloney,
Maurice Flavin, John Shields, James O'Gorman, who
became vicar Apostolic at Omaha, M. Flannery, A.
Hattneberger, H. Meis, Charles McGauran, John
Brazil, T. M. Lenihan, later Bishop of Cheyenne, C.
Johannes, Patrick McCabe, and T. Donahoe. Promi-
nent among Catholic laymen were: Charles Corkery,
Postmaster under President Buchanan, Patrick
Quigley, Gen. Geo. W. Jones, United States Senator,
1848-1859, and Minister to New Granada, Dennis A.
Mahoney, Eugene Shine, Maurice Brown, Thomas
Connolly, Cornelius Mullen, Patrick Clark, Gen. John
Lawler, of Prairie-du-Chien, who gave many church
sites in Iowa, Senas Huegel, Anton Heeb, Gerard
Becker, Charles Gregoire? John Mullaney, Wm. Ryan,
Wm. Neuman, and David Hennessy.
The Sisters of Charity of the B. V. M. went to Du-
buque in 1844 from Philadelphia. The mother-house
is now located there and they conduct two academies
and eleven schools in various centres, besides having
sent communities to four other states. The Sisters of
Mercy located in 1868 in Davenport, and now have
independent houses at Dubuque, Cedar Rapids, and
Independence. The Presentation Nuns arrived from
Ireland in 1875, and have 65 members. The Visi-
tation Nuns conduct an academy in Dubuque ;
they number 31 members. The Sisters of St. Francis
came from Westphalia, Germany, and 320 of them are
employed in schools throughout Iowa. Other sister-
hoods represented in the archdiocese are Third Order
of St. Dominic, Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adora-
tion, Sisters of St. Francis of Assisi, M. C., School Sis-
ters of St. Francis, Sisters of the Holy Ghost, Sisters
of the Holy Humility of Mary, and the Soto*) Sisters
of Notre Dame.
DUO
181
DUOOIO
Statistics. — Official reports for 1908 give these
figures: 222 diocesan and 9 regular priests; 165 par-
ish churches; 63 mission churches; 50 chapels (in re-
ligious institutions) ; 1 college for men with 380 stu-
dents; 25 academies for the higher education of young
women, attended by 4000; 96 parochial schools, with
25,000 pupils; 1 orphanage with 225 inmates; 7 hos-
pitals each accommodating from 30 to 150 patients;
one industrial home with 50 inmates; one home of the
Good Shepherd. Catholic population; 111,112 in a
total of 693,400. About 650. sisters of religious com-
munities are engaged in teaching, and about 130 are
in hospitals and other charitable work.
Shea, History of Catholic Church in U. 5. (New York, 1889-
1802); db Gajllt, Life of Bishop Lotus (New York, 1897);
Kempkeb, History of Catholics m Iowa (Iowa City, 1887);
Souvenir Volume of Silver Jubilee of Archbishop Hennessy;
Souvenir Volume of Installation of Archbishop Keane; Reubs,
Biographical Cyclopedia of the Catholic Hierarchy of the U. S.
(Milwaukee, 1J
J. C. Stuart.
Due, Fbonton du (called in Latin Ducasus), a
French theologian and Jesuit, b. at Bordeaux in 1558;
d. at Paris, 25 September, 1624. At first he taught in
various colleges of the Society and wrote for the
dramatic, representations encouraged by the Jesuits
the "Histoire tragique de la pucelle de Domremy,
autrement d'Orleans" (Nancy, 1581), which was
acted at Pont-a-Mousson before Charles III, Duke of
Lorraine. At a later date he took part in the theo-
logical discussions of the age and is the author of
" Inventaires des f aultes, contradictions, faulses alle-
Sations du Sieur du Plessis, remarquees en son livre
e la Sainte Eucharistie, par les theologiens de Bor-
deaux1' (Bordeaux, 1599-1601). This is one of the
many refutations of the treatise on the Eucharist
issued in 1598 by the Huguenot theologian Du Pleseria-
Mornay. The Protestant publicist made a reply to
which Fronton du Due rejoined in 1602.
At the suggestion of Casaubon, Henry IV con-
templated the publication of manuscripts of the royal
library. The clergy of France decided to confide the
revision of the Greek Fathers to the Jesuits, and
Fronton du Due was chosen by the Society to labour
on this project. Accordingly he published the works
of St. John Chrysostom (Pans, 1609-24) and a "Bib-
liotheca veterum Patrum" (Paris, 1624, 2 vols, in
folio) . The " Bibliotheca " contains a large number of
the Greek Fathers with Latin translations (see the list
in Sommervogel, III. 245), and serves as a supple-
ment to the great collection of Margarin de la Eigne
known as "Sacra Bibliotheca Sanctorum Patrum".
After the death of Fronton du Due there was issued an
edition of Nicephorus Callistus (Paris, 1630, 2 vols, in
folio) which he had undertaken. This edition follows
a Vienna manuscript that had belonged to the library
of Matthias Corvinus; its publication had been de-
layed by a series of curious complications in which the
political schemes of Richelieu were involved. Fronton
du Due had also occupied himself with the Greek
texts of the Bible and had begun a revision of the
text, but this was not completed. Librarian from
1604 of the College de Clermont at Paris, he reorgan-
ized the library, which had been scattered during the
period in which the Jesuits had been obliged to aban-
don the school. While holding this position he also
taught (1618-23) positive theology.
Oudin, in NicAron, Memoires pour servir a V histoire des
hommes tllustres de la republique des lettres (Paris, 1737),
XXXVIII, 103; Sommbbvoqel, BMiotheque de la c. de J.
(Paris, 1897), III, 233-40.
Paul Lejay.
Du Oange, Charles Dufresntc, historian and
philologist, d. at Amiens, France, 18 Dec., 1610; d. at
Paris, 1688. His father, who was a magistrate, had
him educated by the Jesuits at Amiens, and the young
man afterwards studied law at Orleans and was admit-
ted to the Bar before the Parlement of Paris, 11 Au-
gust, 1631. But the legal professian failing to satisfy
him, he returned to Amiens, married there in 1638 and
in 1645 purchased the position of Treasurer of France
held by nis father-in-law. Obliged to leave Amiens in
1668 on account of the plague, he settled in Paris,
where he died. Neither his official duties nor his fam-
ily cares (he was the father of ten children) prevented
him from following scholarly pursuits. Conversant
with many languages, he was consulted on all sides,
and he obtained much information through his corre-
spondence. His unremitting energy was largely ex-
pended on the history of France ana that of Constan-
tinople. To insure a solid basis for his researches, he
began by mastering the languages of the texts and
was unceasing in his efforts to increase his knowledge
of Byzantine Greek and Low Latin.
Two great and useful works were the outcome of
this preparation and even yet suffice to secure the
scholarly reputation of their author; they were the
" Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimse latinitatis"
(Paris, 3 vols. fol. 1678; new edition with addenda by
Dom Carpentier, Paris, 7 vols., 4to, 1840-1850; 10
vols., 1882-1887), and the "Glossarium ad scriptores
media? et infimae grsecitatis" (Paris, 2 vols, fol., 1688).
Chief among his other works are: ''Histoire de 1 'Em-
pire de Constantinople sous les empereurs francois"
(Paris, 1657, 1 vol. fol.); "Traite" historique du chef
de Saint Jean-Baptiste" (Paris, 1666, 4to); "His-
toire de Saint Louis" (Paris, 1668, 2 vols, fol.); the
"Historia Byzantina" (Paris, 1680, 2 vols, fol.), edi-
tions of the Byzantine historians, notably of Zonaras
(Paris, 1686, 2 vols, fol.); and the "Chronicon Pas-
chale" (Paris, 1689, fol.). He left many manuscripts
which, after being widely scattered, were collected
toward the middle of the eighteenth century by his
grand-nephew Dufresne d'Aubieny and are now nearly
all preserved in the National Library, Paris. From
these have been compiled the " Histoire de la Ville
d'Amiens (published by Hardouin at Amiens, 1840)
and "Les families d'outre-mer" (published by Rey in
the "Documents inedite de 1 'histoire de France", Paris,
1869).
Balttzb, Eptstola de vitd et morte C. Du Conge ad Bus.
Renaudotum (Paris, 1688), reprinted as preface to the Chronicon
Paschale; Nicssbon, Memoires pour servir a I 'histoire des hommes
Ulustres (Paris, 1727-1745), VIII; Notice des outrages manus-
crits de M. Du Conge in Journal des Savants (October-Decem-
ber, 1740); and Dufbesnii d'Aubiont, Memoire historique sur
les manuscrits de M. Du Conge (Paris, 1762).
Paul Lejay.
Ducdo di Buoninflegna, painter, and founder of
the Sienese School, b. about 1255 or 1260, place not
known; d. 3 August, 1319. About this time Siena
was at the zenith of her political power. She had just
defeated Florence on the field of Montaperti (4 Sep-
tember, 1260), and an era of marvellous development
followed this conquest. Then was begun the huge
task of building the cathedral, where, in 1266, was
commenced the incomparable pulpit sculptured by
Nicholas of Pisa, and it was under these flourishing
conditions that Duccio received his artistic education.
However, he owed nothing to the Gothic style nor to
the naturalistic renaissance of Nicholas of Pisa: he
allied himself exclusively with Byzantine tradition.
Duccio has been called the " Last of the Greeks ", and
his genius consisted in giving exquisite expression to
the refined sentiment of the masters of Byzantium,
discovering its original meaning despite the barbar-
ous, hideous imitations made by a degenerate school.
Duccio is first mentioned in 1278, when he was en-
gaged upon minor work, such as painting the coffers
of the archives and the tablettes (memorandum-books)
of the Biccherna, one of them for the year 1293
now in the Industrial Museum of Berlin. But his
great work at this time was the famous " Madonna de'
Ruccellai"— one of the most illustrious specimens of
Italian painting — preserved at Florence in a side-
n
DUOHESNfl
182
DUOKSTT
chapel of Santa Maria Novella and, on the authority
of Vasari, so long considered one of Cimabue's master-
pieces. But that the painting was Duccio's is now
beyond question, as Milanesi has published the text of
a contract drawn up for this picture, 15 April, 1285,
between the artist and the rectors of the Confraternity
of the Virgin. Although still hieratical and archaic,
Duccio's "Madonna", when compared, for instance,
with that of Guido of Siena, painted in 1221 and
shown to-day in the Palazzo Pubblico of Siena, seems
fully to deserve its celebrity.
But it was in 1311 that Duccio achieved his princi-
pal work, the glory of which is destined to remain tra-
ditional, the great reredos for the high altar of the
Siena cathedral. This panel, removed in the fifteenth
century, may now be seen in the museum of the Opera
del Duomo. The day of its installation was observed
as a public feast ; shops were closed and bells were rung
and the people of the city, carrying lighted candles,
solemnly escorted the picture from the artist's resi-
dence at the Porta Stalloreggi to the cathedral. This
painting was indeed a national masterpiece and in
this regard is comparable only to the reredos by Van
Eyck in Flemish painting. The two sides represent the
two Testaments of the school. The back comprises
twenty-six scenes from the life of Jesus between the
entry into Jerusalem and the Ascension. The steps,
now taken apart, were decorated with twenty other
scenes representing Christ's childhood, and His mira-
cles, and the life of the Virgin. In fact, the theme was
the same as that treated by Giotto in 1305 in the
Arena of Padua. But Duccio consulted Byzantine
formularies only, and his compositions resemble the
famous miniatures of the "Evangelistarium" of Ros-
sano, or those of the great Benedictine school of Mont'
Amiata. However, apart from his perfect taste in col-
our and in style, Duccio excelled in the essentially Greek
elegance of his portrayal of ordinary life. He abounds
in genre pictures as pure as some of the selections in
the Anthology. The scene of " Peter before the High-
Priest", the dialogue of the holy women with the angel
at the Sepulchre, and the "Pilgrims of Emmaus" are
models of poetic conception expressed in a familiar,
true-to-life, lyric fashion. On the front of the great
panel is the "Madonna Maesta" (Majesty), which is in
reality the "Madonna de' Ruccellai" more amply,
richly, and harmoniously developed. Never did
Byzantine painting attain greater plasticity of expres-
sion. But here the form is animated by a new senti-
ment, a tenderness that manifests itself in the distich
engraved on the step of the Virgin's throne: —
MATER SANCTA DEI, SIS CAUSSA SENIS REQUIEI
SIS DUCCIO VITA, TE QUIA PINXIT ITA.
(Holy Mother of God, give peace unto Siena; obtain
for me that, as I have painted Thee so fair, I may live
eternally.)
Duccio painted only frame (and panel) pictures
and, without doubt, miniatures, and hence the obliv-
ion into which he fell in a country where monumental
painting alone is glorified. Nevertheless his is the
first of the great names in Italian painting. He pre-
ceded Giotto by a score of years and had the honour
of founding an original Sienese school at a time when
there were as vet no painters in Florence: since, in
1285, it was to him that the Florentines had to have
recourse. And the most magnificent work of the
Sienese School, the "Maesta by Simone di Mar-
tino, in the Palazzo Pubblico (1315) is but an en-
largement of Duccio's. His type of beauty and his
poetic ideal were indelibly impressed upon this charm-
uff school. Duccio seems to have been gay and
light-hearted. In 1313 he was imprisoned for debt
and at another time fined for refusing to mount guard.
Some of his lesser works are preserved in various
collections in the Siena Museum, the National Gallery,
London, and at Windsor.
Milanese Documents per la storia deW arte senese (Siena,
1854), I; Crowe and Cavalcaselle, Storia dellapiUura in
Italia (2nd ed., Florence, 1809), III; Lanoton Douglas,
History of Siena (London, 1002); Venturi, Storia dell1 arte
Italiana (Milan, 1907). V; Perate, Duccio in Gazette dee
Beaux-Arts (Feb. and Sept., 1803); Libini, Notizie di Duccio
pittore (Bollettino eeneee d% storia patria, 1808); Lanoton
Douglas, Duccio in Monthly Review (Aug., 1003); Rights*,
Lectures on the National Gallery (London, 1898).
Louis Gillbt.
Duchesne, Philippine-Rose, founder in America
of the first houses of the Society of the Sacred Heart,
b. at Grenoble, France. 29 August, 1769; d. at St.
Charles, Missouri, 18 October. 1852. She was the
daughter of Pierre-Francois Duchesne, an eminent
lawyer. Her mother was a Plrier, ancestor of Casimir
Pener, President of France in 1894. She was edu-
cated by the Visitation Nuns, entered that order, saw
its dispersion during the Reign of Terror, vainly at-
tempted the re-establishment of the convent of Ste-
Mane-d'en-Haut, near Grenoble, and finally, in 1804,
accepted the offer of Mother Barat to receive her com-
munity into the Society of the Sacred Heart. From early
childhood the dream of Philippine had been the apos-
tolate of souls: heathen in distant lands, the neglected
and poor at home. Nature and grace combined to fit her
for this high' vocation; education, suffering, above all,
the guidance of Mother Barat trained her to become
the pioneer of her order in the New World. In 1818
Mother Duchesne, set out with four companions for
the missions of America. Bishop Dubourg welcomed
her to New Orleans, whence she sailed up the Missis-
sippi to St. Louis, finally settling her little colony at
St. Charles. "Poverty and Christian heroism are
here", she wrote, "and trials are the riches of priests
in this land." Cold, hunger, and illness; opposition,
ingratitude, and calumny, all that came to try the
courage of this missioner, served only to fire her lofty
and indomitable spirit with new seal for the spread of
truth. Other foundations followed, at Florissant,
Grand C6teau, New Orleans, St. Louis, St. Michael;
and the approbation of the society in 1826 by Leo XII
recognized the good being done in these parts. She
yearned to teach the poor Indians, and old and broken
as she was, she went to labour among the Pottowatomies
at Sugar Creek, thus realizing the desire of her life.
Stirred by the recitals of Father De Smet, S.J., she
turned her eyes towards the Rocky Mountain missions ;
but Providence led her back to St. Charles, where she
died. Thirty-four years of mission toil, disappoint-
ment, endurance, self-annihilation sufficed, indeed, to
prove the worth of this valiant daughter of Mother
Barat. She had opened the road, others might walk
in it; and the success hidden from her eyes was well
seen later by the many who rejoiced in the rapid
spread of her order over North and South America.
Sincere, intense, generous, austere yet affectionate,
endowed with large capacity for suffering and work.
Mother Duchesne^ was a stern character that needed
and took the moulding of Mother Barat. Preliminary
steps for her beatification have already been taken.
Baunard, Histoire de la Mere Duchesne (Paris, 1876), tr.
Fullerton (Roehampton, 1870); Ward, Life of Venerable
Madeleine Sophie Barat (Roehampton, 1900); Connelly, Rev.
Mother Duchesne in The Month (London, 1898), XCI; Rev.
Mother Philippine Duchesne in The Messenger (New York,
1890).
Catherine M. Lowth.
Duckett, James. Venerable, Martyr, b. at Gil-
fortrigs in the parish of Skelsmergh in Westmoreland,
England, date uncertain, of an ancient family of that
county; d. 9 April, 1601. He was a bookseller and
publisher in London. His godfather was the well-
Known martyr James Leybourne of Skelsmergh. He
seems, however, to have been brought up a Protestant,
for he was converted while an apprentice in London
by reading a Catholic book lent him by a friend. Be-
fore he could be received into the Church he was twice
imprisoned for not attending the Protestant service*
DUOOUDRAT
183
DUOBUB
and was obliged to compound for his apprenticeship
and leave his master. He was finally reconciled by a
venerable priest named Weekes who was imprisoned
in the Gatehouse at Westminster. After two or three
years he married a Catholic widow, but out of his
twelve years of married life, no less than nine were
spent in prison, owing to his zeal in propagating
Catholic literature and his wonderful constancy in his
new-found faith. His last apprehension was brought
about by Peter Bullock, a bookbinder, who betrayed
him in order to obtain his own release from prison.
His house was searched on 4 March, 1601, Catholic
books were found there, and Duckett was at once
thrown into Newgate. At his trial, Bullock testified
that he had bound various Catholic books for Duckett,
which the martyr acknowledged to be true. The jury
found him not guilty, but Judge Popham at once
stood up and bade them consider well what they did,
for Duckett had had bound for him Bristowe's " Mo-
tives", a controversial work peculiarly odious to Ang-
licans on account of its learning and cogency. The
jury thereupon reversed their verdict and brought in
the prisoner guilty of felony. At the same time three
priests, Page, Tichborne, and Watkinson, were con-
demned to death. Bullock did not save himself by
his treachery, for he was conveyed in the same cart
with Duckett to TVburn, where both were executed,
19 April, 1601. There is an account, written by his
son, the Prior of the English Carthusians at Nieuport
(Flanders), of James Duckett *s martyrdom. On the
way to Tyburn he was given a cup of wine; he drank
and desired his wife to drink to Peter Bullock, and
freely to forgive him. At the gallows his last thoughts
were for his betrayer. He kissed him and implored
him to die in the Catholic Faith.
John Duckett, Venerable, Martyr, probably a
grandson of Venerable James Duckett, b. at Under-
winder, in the parish of Sedbergh, Yorkshire, in 1603 ;
d. 7 September, 1644. He was ordained priest in 1639
and afterwards went to Paris where he studied three
years in the College of Arras. He had an extraordi-
nary gift of prayer, and while yet a student would
spend whole nights in contemplation. On his way to
the English mission, he spent two months in spiritual
exercises, under the direction of his uncle, the Carthu-
sian prior at Nieuport. He laboured for about a year
in Durham, and was taken near Wolsingham on his
way to baptize two children, 2 July, 1644. The place
which tradition declares to be that of his arrest is now
marked by a tall stone cross. Carried to Sunderland,
he was examined by a- Parliamentary Committee of
sequestrators, and placed in irons. He confessed his
priesthood and was thereupon sent up to London with
Father Ralph Corbie, S. J. (q. v.), who had been ar-
rested about the same time near Newcastle-on-Tyne.
They were committed to Newgate, and edified the
crowds of Catholics who flocked to see them by their
J'oyousness, their sanctity, and their longing to suffer
or Christ. A reprieve for one of them having been
obtained, each refused to take it for himself. On his
way to execution, Duckett astonished all by hro super-
natural joy; comforting those who wept for him, he
said smiling: "Why weep vou for me who am glad at
heart of this happy day? His jailers even were so
struck by his gladness that they exclaimed "assuredly
this man dies for a good cause7'. He suffered with
Father Corbie, at Tyburn. In a farewell letter to the
Bishop of Chalcedon, he wrote on the eve of his mar-
tyrdom: "I fear not death, nor I contemn not life.
If life were my lot, I would endure it patiently; but
if death, I shall receive it joyfully, for that Christ is
my life, and death is my gain. Never since my re-
ceiving of Holy Orders did I so much fear death as I
did life, and now. when it approacheth can I faint?"
Pollen, Ad* of English Martyrs (London, 1891); Cam if, A
Worth Country Martyr, the Venerable John Duckett (with por-
trait, London); Challoner, Memgin (London, 1741): Gillow,
Bibi. Diet. Eng. Coth„ XL BBDB CaMM.
Ducoudray, L£on. See Commune, Martyrs o»
the Paris.
Du Ooudray, Philippe-Charles-Jkan-Baptiste-
Tronbon, soldier, b. at Reims, France, 8 September,
1738; d. at Philadelphia, U. S. A., 11 September, 1777.
He was educated for the army and showed great merit
as an engineer. He was adjutant-general of artillery
and considered one of the best military experts in
France when, in 1776, he volunteered to go to America
to assist the colonists in their revolt against England.
Silas Deane and Benjamin Franklin, the American
agents, promised him a commission as major-general
with command of the artillery. This stipulation gave
great offence to the officers already attached to the
army when he arrived from France, in May, 1777, with
twenty-nine other officers and twelve sergeants of
artillery. Several of the more prominent threatened
to resign. As a compromise he was made inspector-
general 11 August, 1777, with the rank of major-
Sneral, and assigned to command the works along the
jlaware. On 11 Sept., 1777, he was drowned while
crossing the Schuylkill River at Philadelphia, the
horse on which he was seated becoming frightened and
dragging him overboard. Congress gave nim an offi-
cialmneral and attended his requiem Mass, 18 Sept.,
1777, in St. Mary's church. This was one of the four
occasions on which Congress was officially present at
Mass during the Revolution, the others being the
requiem on 8 May, 1780, for Don Juan de Miralles, the
agent of the Spanish Government, and the Te Deums
on 4 July, 1779, and 4 November, 1781, all being cele-
brated at St. Mary's, Philadelphia. Du Coudray was
buried in St. Mary's churchyard, but the grave is now
unknown.
Griffin, Catholic* and the American Revolution (Ridley Park,
Pennsylvania, 1907); Cyclopedia of Am. Biog., s. v.; Shea,
Hi*t. of Cath. Ch. in U. S. (New York, 188&-92); Heitman,
Historical Register of the Officer* of the Continental Army (Wash-
ington, 1803).
Thomas F. Meehan.
Ducrue, Francis Bennon, missionary in Mexico,
b. at Munich, Bavaria, of French parents, 10 June,
1721 ; d. there 30 March, 1779. He became a member
of the Society of Jesus in 1?38, and ten years later was
sent to California, where he laboured zealously until
the expulsion of the order in 1767. When that un-
toward! event took place, Ducrue was the superior of
all the California missions. He submitted uncom-
plainingly to the decree of expulsion and even co-
operated with the royal commission in enforcing its
provisions. The Jesuits withdrew, taking with them
only their clothing and a few books; this was all the
wealth they carried away from California after seventy
years of work in its missions. Ducrue eventually re-
turned to his native land. He wrote in Latin "A
Journey from California through the district of Mexico
to Europe in the year 1767 , which was translated
into German for the " Nachrichten von verschiedenen
Landern des spanischen Amerika" of Christoph von
Murr (Halle, 1809, 2d pt., p. 489-630). H. H. Ban-
croft regards this as " a standard work on the subject
so far as California is concerned" (Works, XV, 478).
He left also a " Relation of the Expulsion of the So-
ciety of Jesus from Mexico and in particular from Cali-
fornia in 1767". This document is likewise found in
Murr (vol. XII. p. 217-276), and was translated into
French and published by Fr. Carayon in his " Docu-
ments In&lits" (Paris, 1876). Murr also gives some
interesting specimens of the language of California,
which were communicated to him by Ducrue.
Sommervooel, Bibl. delac.de /., Ill, 263, and Supplement;
Micbaud, Biog. Univ. (Paris, 1852), XI, 410; Carayon, Docu-
ment* Inedit* (Poitiers, 1876); Ds Backer, Bibl. de* ecriv. de
lac. de /., I, 1677; Bancroft, North Mexican State* and Texa*
(San Francisco, 1884), I, 476, 478: Clinch, California and It*
Mi**ian* (San Francisco, 1884), I, en. ix, 178 sqq.
Edward P. Spii&ane.
DUDIX
184
DUKL
Dndikt Beda Franciscus, Moravian historian, b.
M Koietein near Kremsier, Moravia, 29 January,
1815; a. as abbot and titular bishop at the monastery
of Raigern, 18 January, 1890. After studying at the
philosophical school at Brunn he attended the Uni-
versity of Olmutz. In 1836 he entered the Benedic-
tine Order and in 1840 was ordained priest at
Raigern. From this latter date until 1854 ne taught
first the, classical languages and then history at the
gymnasium of Brunn. . In 1855 he became Privatdo-
zent for historical research at the University of
Vienna; in 1859 he was appointed historiographer of
Moravia, and in 1865 was made a member of the
Academy of Sciences of Vienna. For purposes of his-
torical research he went in 1851 to Sweden, in 1852
to Rome, in 1870 to France, Belgium, and Holland, in
1874 to Russia, a country which he later repeatedly
visited. Between the years 1853 and 1859 he estab-
lished at Vienna the main historical library of the
Teutonic Order. Dudik was a prolific writer and
diligent investigator; his works have a lasting value
on account of tne sources from which he drew. His
chief works in chronological order are: "Geschichte
des Benediktinerstiftes Raigern" (2 vols., Brunn,
1849; 2nd ed., Vienna, 1868); "Mahrens Geschichts-
?|uellen" (Brunn, 1850); "Forschungen in Schweden
Or Mahrens Geschichte" (Brunn, 1852); "Iter Ro-
mamim" (2 vols., Vienna. 1855); "Des Herzogtums
Troppau ehemalige Stellung zur Markgrafschaft
Mahren" (Vienna, 1857); "Waldsteins Korrespon-
denz" (Vienna, 1865-66); "Waldstein von seiner
Enthebung bis zur abermaligen Uebernahme des
Anneekommandos" (Vienna, 1858); "Des hohen
Deutschen Ritterordens Munzsammlung in Wien"
(Vienna, 1858, a special edition with 32 copper plates) ;
"Kleinodien des Deutschen Ritterordens" (Vienna,
1866); "Archive im Konigreich Galizien und Lodo-
merien " (Vienna, 1867) ; " Erinnerungen aus dem Feld-
zug in Italien 1866" (Vienna, 1867); "Preussen in
Mahren im Jahre 1742" (Vienna, 1869); "Schweden
in B6hmen und Mahren 1640-1660" (Vienna, 1879);
" Geschichtliche Entwickelung der Buchdruckerkunst
in Mahren von 1486 bis 16217' (Brunn, 1879).
Dudik 's most important publication is: "Mahrens
allgemeine Geschichte" (12 vols., Brunn, 1860-89);
it treats the history of Moravia up to 1350. Volumes
•V11I-X, which give an account of Moravia during the
period of the Przenrvslian dynasty, have been trans-
lated into Czech. He also published several papers
in the transactions of the Academy of Sciences; in vol.
LIV appeared: " Korrespondenz Ferdinands II. mit
seinen Beichtvatern Becanus and Lamormain".
Revue binidictine, VII, 170.
Patricius Schlaqer.
Duel (duellum, old form of beUum). — This word, as
used both in the ecclesiastical and civil criminal codes
to-day, generally signifies every contest with deadly
weapons which takes place by agreement between two
persons on account of some private auarrel. Thus a
contest with weapons is essential to tne conception of
a duel. Further, the contest must take place by agree-
ment, and the weapons used must be capable of inflict-
ing deadly wounds. Although generally demanded by
custom, similarity of weapons is not essential, neither
are witnesses, seconds, etc. Finally, it is essential to
a duel that it take place on account of some private
matter, such as wounded honour. Consequently the
customary duel of to-day differs from those public
duels which took place for some public reason by the
arrangement of the authorities, as the conflict between
David and Goliath. Between contending nations
there is no higher court than the appeal to arms ; there-
fore war must decide, and there may be instances in
which it is allowable to substitute for a battle between
two armies a contest between two persons selected for
the purpose.
History. — Duelling was unknown to the civilized
nations of antiquity. The contests of the Roman
gladiators were not, like the duels of to-day, a means
of self-defence, but bloody spectacles to satisfy the
curiosity and cruelty of an effeminate and degenerate
people. On the other hand the custom of duelling ex-
isted among the Gauls and Germans from the earliest
era, as Diodorus Siculus (Biblioth. histor., Lib. V, ch.
xxviii), Veileius Paterculus (Histor. rom., II, cxviii),
and others relate. The duel is, therefore, undoubt-
edly of heathen origin, and was so firmly rooted in
the customs of the Gauls and Germans that it per-
sisted among -them even after their conversion.
The oldest known law of Christian times that per-
mitted the judicial duel is that of the Burgundian
King Gundobald (d. 516). With few exceptions the
judicial duel is mentioned in all old German laws as
a legal ordeal. It rested on a twofold conviction.
It was believed, first, that God could not allow the
innocent to be defeated in a duel ; hence it was held
that the guilty party would not dare primarily to
appeal to the judgment of God in proof of his innocence
and then enter upon the fight under the weight of
perjury; the fear of Divine wrath would discourage
him and make victory impossible.
The Church soon raised her voice against duelling.
St. Avitus (d. 518) made an earnest protest against the
law of the above-mentioned Gundobald, as is related by
Agobard (d. 840), who in a special work on the subject
Coints out the opposition between the law of Gundo-
ald and the clemency of the Gospel ; God might very
easily permit the defeat of the innocent. The popes
also at an early date took a stand against duelling.
In a letter to Charles the Bald, Nicolas I (858-67) con-
demned the duel (monomachia) as a tempting of God*
In the same century his example was followed by
Stephen VI, later by Alexander II and Alexander III,
Celestine III, Innocent III and Innocent IV, Julius II,
and many others. In addition to the judicial, -non-
judicial combats also occurred, in which men arbi-
trarily settled private grudges or sought to revenge
themselves. The tournaments, especially, were often
used to satisfy revenge ; on account of this misuse the
Church early issued ordinances against the excesses
committed at tournaments, although these were not
always obeyed. The more the judicial combat fell
into disuse, the more the old instinct of the Germanic
and Gallic peoples, by which each man sought to gain
his rights with weapon in hand, showed itself in per-
sonal contests and at tournaments. From the middle
of the fifteenth century duelling over questions of
honour increased so greatly, especially in the Ro-
mance countries, that tne Council of Trent was obliged
to enact the severest penalties against it. It decreed
that "the detestable custom of duelling which the
Devil had originated, in order to bring about at the
same time the ruin of the soul and the violent death of
the body, shall be entirely uprooted from Christian
soil" (wess. XXIV, De reform., c. xix). It pro-
nounced the severest ecclesiastical penalties against
those princes who should permit duelling between
Christians in their territories. According to the coun-
cil those who take part in a duel are ipso facto excom-
municated, and if they are killed in the duel they are
to be deprived of Christian burial. The seconds and
all those who advised the duel or were present at it are
also excommunicated. These ecclesiastical penalties
were at a later date repeatedly renewed and even in
parts made more severe. Benedict XIV decreed that
duellists should also be denied burial by the Church,
even if they did not die on the duelling ground and
had received absolution before death. All these pen-
alties are substantially in force to-day. Pius IX in
the " Constitute Apostolic® Sedis" of 12 October,
1869, decreed the penalty of excommunication against
" all who fight duels, or challenge to a duel or accept
such challenge ; as well as against all who are accessory
DUEL
186
DUEL
to the duel or who in any way abet or encourage the
same; and finally against those who are present at a
duel as spectators [de indvMrid 8pectantes\y or those
who permit the same, or do not prevent it, whatever
their rank, even if they are kings or emperors".
Like the Church, the State also took steps against
the evil of duelling. In 1608 an edict against the
Eractice was issued by Henry IV of France. Whoever
illed his opponent in a duel was to be punished with
death; severe penalties were also enacted against the
sending of a challenge and the acceptance of the same.
Unfortunately transgressors against this law were
generally pardoned. In 1626, during the reign of
Henry's successor, Louis XIII, the laws against duel-
ling were made more stringent and were strictly car-
ried out. Notwithstanding these measures the custom
of duelling increased alarmingly in France. The great
number of French noblemen who fell in duels about
the middle of the seventeenth century, is shown by the
statement of the contemporary writer Theophile Ray-
naud that within thirty years more men of rank had
been killed in duels than would have been needed to
make up an entire army. Olier, the founder of the
Congregation of Saint-Sulpice, with the aid of St.
Vincent de Paul, formed an association of distinguished
noblemen, the members of which signed the following
obligation: "The undersigned publicly and solemnly
make known by this declaration that they will refuse
every form of challenge, will for no cause whatever
enter upon a duel, and will in every way be willing to
give proof that they detest duelling as contrary to
reason, the public good, and the laws of the State, and
as incompatible with salvation and the Christian re-
ligion, without, however, relinquishing the right to
avenge in every legal way any insult offered them as
far as position and birth make such action obli-
g&tory. Louis XIV aided these efforts at reform
y the severe enactment against duelling which he
issued early in his reign. For a long time after this
duelling was infrequent in France.
In other countries too severe measures were taken
against the constantly spreading evil. In 1681 the
Emperor Leopold I forbade the fighting of duels under
the severest penalties; Maria Theresa ordered not only
the challenger and the challenged but also all who had
any share in a duel to be beheaded, and in the reign of
the Emperor Joseph II duellists received the punish-
ment of murderers. Frederick the Great of rrussia
tolerated no duellists in his army. The present penal
code of Austria makes imprisonment the punishment of
duelling; the penal code of the German Empire com-
mands confinement in a fortress. The penalty is, with-
out doubt, entirely insufficient and constitutes a form
of privilege for the person who kills his adversary in a
duel. Theoretically these penal laws are also appli-
cable to the respective armies, but unfortunately in the
case of officers they are not carried out; indeed, up to
the present time, an officer who refuses to fight a duel
in Germany ana Austria is in danger of being dis-
missed from the army. In 1896 when, in consequence
of the fatal issue of a duel, the Reichstag by a large
majority called upon the Government to proceed by
all the means in its power against the practice of duel-
ling, as opposed to the criminal code, the emperor
issued a cabinet order on 1 January, 1897, which es-
tablished courts of honour to deal with disputes in the
army concerning questions of honour. Unfortu-
nately the decree leaves it open to the court of honour
to permit or even to command a duel to take place.
Furthermore, on 15 January, 1906, General von Einem.
Prussian Minister of War, stated that the principle of
the duel was still in force, and Chancellor von Billow
added to this: "... .the corps of army officers can
tolerate no member in its ranks who is not ready,
should necessity arise, to defend his honour by
force of arms ". In the army, as a result of this prin-
ciple, a conscientious opponent of duelling is con-
stantly exposed to the danger of being expelled for
refusing to fight. In England duelling; is almost un-
known, and no duel has occurred, it is said, in the
t British army for the last eighty years. English j uris-
' prudence contains no special ordinances against duel-
ling; the wounding or killing of another m a duel is
punishable according to common law. On the Con-
tinent also public opinion on the subject of duelling
seems to be gradually changing. The demand for the
abolition, even in the army, of this abuse is growing
louder and louder. Some years ago, at the instance
of the Infante Alfonso of Bourbon and Austria-Este,
an anti-duelling league was formed in order to carry
on systematically the opposition to duelling. A pre-
liminary convention, held at Frankf ort-on-the-Main in
the spnng of 1901, issued an appeal for support in its
struggle against this evil. In a tew weeks a thousand
signatures were received, mostly those of men of in-
fluence from the most varied ranks of society. A con-
vention to draw up a constitution met at Cassei 11
January, 1902, and Prince Carl zu Lowenstein was
elected president. A committee was also appointed
to direct affairs and to conduct the agitation. The
league has made most satisfactory progress; in 1908 it
established a permanent bureau at Leipzig. Concern*
ing the aims of the league the declaration subscribed
by the members states the following: "The under-
signed herewith declare their rejection, on principle,
of duelling as a custom repugnant to reason, con-
science, the demands of civilization, existing laws, and
the common good of society and the State."
Wrongfulness of Duelling. — After what has
been said above' there can be no doubt that duel-
ling is contrary to the ordinances of the Catholic
Church and of most civilized countries. By the
wording of its ordinance against duelling, the Council
of Trent plainly indicated that duelling was essentially
wrong and since then theologians have almost uni-
versally characterized it as a sinful and reprehensible
course of action. However there were always a few
scholars who held the opinion that cases might arise
in which the unlawfulness of duelling could not be
proved with certainty by mere reason. But this
opinion has not been tenable since Pope Benedict XIV
in the Bull "Detestabilem" of the year 1752 con-
demned the following propositions: (1) "A soldier
would be blameless and not liable to punishment for
sending or accepting a challenge if he would be con-
sidered timid and cowardly, worthy of contempt, and
unfit for military duty, were he not to send a chal-
lenge or accept such, and who would for this reason
lose the position which supported him and his family,
or who would be obliged to give up forever the hope of
befitting and well-earned advancement." (2) " Those
persons are excusable who to defend their honour or to
escape the contempt of men accept or send a challenge
when they know positively that the duel will not take
place but will be prevented by others." (3) "A gen-
eral or officer who accepts a challenge through fear
of the loss of his reputation and his position does not
come under the ecclesiastical punishment decreed by
the Church for duellists." (4) "It is permissible
under the natural conditions of man to accept or send
a challenge in order to save one's fortune, when the
loss of it can not be prevented by any other means."
(5) "This permission claimed for natural conditions
can also be applied to a badlv guided state in which,
especially, justice is openly denied by the remissness
or malevolence of the authorities." Like his prede-
cessors, Leo XIII in his letter " Pastoralis officii ", of
12 September, 1891, to the German and Austro-Hun-
garian bishops, laid down the following principles:
"From two points of view the Divine law forbids a
man as a private person to wound or kill another, ex-
cepting when he is forced to it by self-defence. Both
natural reason and the inspired Holy Scriptures pro-
claim this Divine law."
^
DUEL
186
DU1L
The intrinsic reason why duelling is in itself sinful
and reprehensible is that it is an arbitrary attack on
God's right of ownership as regards human life.
Only the owner and master of a thing has the right at
pleasure to destroy it or expose it to the danger of de-'
struction. But man is not the owner and master of
his life; it belongs, instead, entirely to his Creator.
Now man can only call that his property and treat it
as such which is intended in the first instance for his
benefit, so that he has the right to exclude others from
the use of the same. Man, however, is not created
primarily for himself but for the glory and service of
God. Here below he is to serve his Creator and Lord
as long as the Lord wills and thus attain his own salva-
tion. For this end God has given man life, main-
tains it for him, and has bestowed on him the instinct
of self-preservation. But if man is not the master of
his life, he has not the right to expose it at pleasure to
destruction or even deliberately to seek such danger.
In order rightfully to expose the life to danger there
must be a justifiable reason, and even then the risking
of life is only permissible, not the end to be sought in
itself. What is said of one's own life applies also to
the life of one's fellow-man. Every man has the right
in case of necessity forcibly to defend himself against
an unlawful attack on his life, even if it cost the life of
the assailant; this is a requirement of public safety;
but apart from such defence no man has the right as a
private individual to injure the life of his fellow-man
or at pleasure to expose his own to similar danger.
Hence it is easy to perceive that a duellist unjustifi-
ably exposes both his own life and that of his fellow-man,
consequently is guilty of a wrongful assumption of the
right of God, the Lord of life and death. To make
this clear it is only necessary to examine the pretexts
used to palliate duelling, or, what is the same, to look
into the aims sought to be attained by this custom.
One of the principal reasons given in justification of
duelling is the obtaining of satisfaction. A man is in-
sulted or injured in reputation, and in order to obtain
satisfaction challenges the defamer. But besides the
offence against civil law in seeking to establish one's
rights with weapons, thus evading the authority of the
State, a duel is totally unsuited to the attainment of
satisfaction and in addition is wrongful. ^ Satisfaction
consists in the offender withdrawing his insult and
treating the offended person with respect and honour.
This end cannot, however, be attained by duelling.
When the one who has given the provocation accepts
the challenge he does not thereby withdraw the insult:
he intends, rather, to maintain it by weapons ana
shows himself, moreover, ready to add other and
greater wrongdoing to the first, inasmuch as he may
severely wound or even kill the challenger. Moreover,
who would allow to the man whom he wishes to compel
to make good a wrong the same chance of victory as to
himself, i. e. who would give the offender the oppor-
tunity to add to the wrong he has already done an
even more heinous injury? Yet this is what the chal-
lenger does in granting his adversary the same weapons
and the same chance for success as he claims for him-
self.
Another reason offered in justification of duelling is
self-defence. The duellist desires to avoid the loss of
the respect of his peers and thus to retain his office and
his income, or, as is said, to defend his honour and his
social position. It is unfortunately only too true that
to-day the conscientious opponent of duelling, especi-
ally m the army, must often suffer great losses.
Nevertheless duelling cannot be justified as self-de-
fence. Honour and the respect of others cannot be
preserved by the use of arms, nor in a duel is there any
actual vindication of these. The duel implies that the
honour of the challenger has already been injured, and
consequently that this injury is an accomplished fact;
besides, the duel takes place according to agreement,
«o that it is not a case of self-defence against sud-
den attack. But the word self-defence is used in a
broader sense. According to the prejudices existing
in certain circles, the person who does not answer an
insult by a challenge or who declines a challenge is
held to be dishonourable and cowardly; thus it may be
that a man's entire social position is at stake. Yet,
from its very nature, a duel is an unsuitable and illicit
method of preserving or rehabilitating honour. Look
at a duel first from the point of view of the person
injured. He must, it is said, send a challenge because
he has been insulted. Two cases, however, are here
possible. Either his moral character and good name
nave been attacked, or the specific charge of cowardice
has been made against him. If the former be the case,
the duel is manifestly unsuited to defend the injured
man's honour. A duel can never prove that the per-
son attacked is a man of honour, is not a simpleton,
has not committed adultery, or the like. A man with-
out character or morals can be just as skilful in hand-
ling weapons as his honourable opponent. If the
quarrel hinges on the charge of cowardice, a duel is
apparently a proper means of disproving the same.
But in this instance the challenger directly endangers
his life in order to prove that he is no coward. Con-
sequently he cannot say that he only suffers his life to
be endangered, he deliberately seeks this danger in
order to show his courage. And, according to our
former statements, this is to dispose of one's life un-
lawfully. It cannot be said in reply that the injured
person merely intends the rehabilitation of his honour.
That is certainly the final aim of the duel, but the first
and direct aim is to prove one's courage by fighting
the duel. Is it permissible, however, to risk one s own
life and that of one's fellow-man merely as a means of
E roving one's courage? If this be correct, it would
e equally allowable to enter a lion's cage, sword in
hand, if public opinion demanded such proof of per-
sonal bravery. Hence it follows that the duel is not
in reality a proper means to demonstrate one's courage,
for true courage is a moral virtue which is not blind
and foolhardy, but exposes itself to danger only if
reason demand it. What has been said of the injured
party is applicable also to the party giving the provo-
cation, the one who is challenged. If he has acted un-
justly he should as a man of nonour offer reparation;
that is his duty, and the refusal to perform this duty
plainly gives mm no right to fight a duel with his
opponent. If he is not in the wrong he ought to refuse
the challenge. The only ground for which a chal-
lenge might be accepted would be fear of the accusa-
tion of cowardice; that this reason is, however, not
tenable has already been shown. It surely is the basest
cowardice to do, through fear of being accused of
want of courage, what sober reflection would lead any
man of sense to condemn as immoral and wrong.
The conclusion necessarily to be drawn from the
above is: whoever is killed in a duel is indirectly
guilty of self-murder, because he has for no justifiable
reason risked his life, and whoever slays his adversary
in a duel is guilty of unjustifiable homicide, because he
has taken the risk of causing death without any right
to do so; this holds true even though he did not
directly intend his opponent's death. The above ap-
plies not only to duels undertaken by private indi-
viduals of their own free will, but also to duels fought
on account of personal grievances by order of State
authorities. Those in authority have not the right to
dispose at their pleasure of the life of the subject.
Should a dispute be laid before them, they should ex-
amine the matter judicially and punish the guilty
party. If the guilt cannot be proved the accused
should be acquitted; in such a case the authorities have
no right to command a duel and thus expose the inno-
cent to the same peril as the guilty. This has all the
more force, as duels often take place on account of
wrongs which are not to-day punished with death by
civil law.
DUFFY
187
DUHIQ
Das Duell in aeinem Uraprung und Wesen (Paderborn, 1864);
Das Duell als Emancipation der Ehre (Freiburg im Br., 1846);
Tonoebonb de Campiqnbulleb, Histoire des duel* onciens el
modernes (Paris, 1835): Nahlowski, Dot Duell (Leipzig,
1864); Orr, Geschichte dee Zweikompfs oiler VMker und Zeiten
(Olmutz, 1855); HObschner, Doe Duell (Elberfeld, 1868);
von Below, Dos Duell in Deutachlond (1896); Griepenkerl,
Doe Duell im Lkhte der Ethik, Seminary memorial publication
for bishop's jubilee (Trier, 1906); Wieringer, Doa Duell von
dem Richterstuhl der Religion, der Moral, dee Reckta und der
Geschichte (Graa, 1895); Lehmkuhl, Doa Duell im Lichte der
Vemunft in SHmmen oua Maria-Loach, XL VI (1894). 345;
Meter, hutitul. juris naturalia (Freiburg im. Br. ,1900), II, 76,
299; Cathrein, MorolphUosophis (Freiburg im Br., 1904), II;
Paulsen, System, der Ethik (Berlin. 1900), II, 101 sqq.; Labbon,
System der RechUphOosophis (Berlin, 1882), 548; ton Bogu-
lawski. Die Annduellbewegung (Berlin, 1902); Spohn, Die
konventionellcn Gebrauche beim Zweikampf (Berlin, 1901).
V. Cathrein.
Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan, politician and author,
b. at Monaghan, Ireland, 12 April, 1816; d. at Nice,
France, 9 Feb., 1903. Educated in his native town,
he contributed, at an early age, to the "Northern
Herald", and in 1336 joined the staff of the Dublin
"Morning Register " of which he shortly afterwards
became sub-editor. In 1839, being appointed editor
of the newly established Ulster Catholic paper, "The
Vindicator , he went to Belfast, where he resided till
1842. Going to Dublin in the summer of that year,
he met two young barristers, Thomas Davis and John
Dillon, and in conjunction with them he founded
"The Nation", the first number of which appeared in
October. Duffy was editor, Dillon and Davis were
among its contributors, and what with the ability of
editor and contributors, the freshness and vigour of
style, and the manly and militant tone adopted on
public questions, the paper soon became a power. Its
whole-hearted support of Repeal filled the meetings
and the coffers of tne Repeal Association, and O'Con-
nell gratefully recognized its assistance. Peel also
noted its influence, and when O'Connell was prose-
cuted in 1844, Duffy was with him in the dock and sub-
sequently his fellow-prisoner in Kilmainham. Later,
in the struggles between the Young and the Old Ire-
landers, Duffy took sides with the former against
O'Connell, and was one of those who helped to found
the Irish Confederation. He specially resented
O'Connell's alliance with the Whigs, as he did the in-
tolerance and presumption of John O'Connell. The
failure of the Repeal movement, the horrors of the
famine, and the death of O'Connell weakened his
faith in constitutional action, and for a time, in 1848,
he advocated revolutionary measures. The Govern-
ment, in consequence, seized his paper and threw
Duffy into prison; but, though tried four times in
succession, tne prosecution failed, owing chiefly to the
great ability of nis lawyer, Isaac Butt. In the revived
"Nation", in 1849, Duffy reverted to constitutional
agitation, and with Lucas and others established in
1850 the Tenant League, which at the general election
of 1852 returned forty members of parliament pledged
to Tenant Right and Independent Opposition, Duffy
himself being returned for New Ross, County Wex-
ford. The treachery of the place-hunters, Keogh and
Sadlier, soon wrecked the party, and, when Lucas
died, Duffy in despair resigned his seat and left for
Melbourne, Australia, where he arrived early in 1856.
Though determined to avoid politics, he was induced
to enter the Victorian Parliament, where his great
abilities made him at once a prominent figure. He
filled in succession the position of minister of public
works and minister of public lands, and for a brief
period was prime minister. Ultimately he became
speaker, receiving also the honour of knighthood.
These honours and dignities he reached without ever
denying either his country or faith, or ever failing to
defend them when assailed. He consistently cham-
pioned the labourers and the farmers against the capi-
talists and the squatters, and when he left Victoria in
1880 the whole colony regarded him as one of the
ablest and most useful of ner public men. His last
years were devoted to writing several valuable histor-
ical works : " Young Ireland " (Dublin, 1884) ; also
his "Four Years of Irish History" (London, 1883);
"The League of North and South" (London, 1886);
and "My Life in Two Hemispheres" (London, 1903).
Lucas, Life of Frederick Lucas (London, 1887): Mitchell,
The Last Conquest of Ireland {Perhaps) (New York, I860);
O'Connell, Correspondence (London, 1888;.
E. A. D'Alton.
Duhamel, Jean-Baptiste, a French scientist, phil-
osopher, and theologian, b. at Vire, Normandy (now in
the department of Calvados), 11 June, 1624; d. at
Paris, 6 August, 1706. He began his studies at Caen
and completed them at Paris. In 1642, being only
eighteen years of age, Duhamel published an explana-
tion of the work oi Theodosius called "Spherics", to
which he added a treatise on trigonometry. The fol-
lowing year he entered the Congregation of the Ora-
tory, which he left ten years later to take charge of the
parish of Neuilly-sur-Marne. Resigning this position
m 1663, he became chancellor of the church of Bayeux.
When Colbert founded the Academic des Sciences
(1666), he appointed Duhamel its first secretary*
Duhamel held this office until 1697, when he resigned
and, upon his own recommendation, was succeeded by
Fontenelle. With Colbert's brother, the Marquis de
Croissy, he went, in 1668, first to Aix-la-Chapelle for
the peace negotiations, and later to England, where
he came in touch with the foremost scientists, espe-
cially with the physicist Boyle.
Duhamel 's works are "Philosophia moralis Chris-
tiana" (Angers, 1652); "Astronomia physica" (Paris,
1659); "De meteoris et fossilibus" (Paris, 1659); "De
consensu veteris et novae philosophise" (Paris, 1663), a
treatise on natural philosophy in which the Greek and
scholastic theories are compared with those of Des-
cartes; "De corporum affect ionibus" (Paris, 1670);
"De mente hum an a" (Paris, 1672); "De corpore ani-
mato" (Paris, 1673); "Phflosophia vetus et nova ad
usum scnoke accommodata" (Paris, 1678). This last
work, composed by order of Colbert as a textbook for
colleges, ran through many editions. He also pub-
lished: "Theologia speculatrix et practica" (7 vols.,
Paris, 1690), abridged in five volumes for use as a text-
book in seminaries (Paris, 1694); "Regie scientiarum
Academiee historia" (Paris, 1698; enlarged edition,
1701); "Institutions biblicae" (Paris, 1698), in which
are examined the questions of the authority, integrity,
and inspiration of the Bible, the value of the Hebrew
text and of its translations, the style and method of in-
terpretation, Biblical geography, and chronology;
"Biblia sacra Vulgatce editionis" (Paris, 1705), with
introductions, notes, chronological, historical, and
geographical tables. In his choice of opinions, Du-
hamel shows great impartiality and unbiased judg-
ment. His admiration for empirical science does not
make him despise the speculations of his predecessors,
but he examines and criticizes both sides carefully,
tries to reconcile them, and, if this be impossible, gives
his own opinion. Brucker, in his history of phil-
osophy, calls him "vir et judicii laude clarissimus et
doctrinsa copia celeberrimus". Fontenelle praises
his noble character and his disinterestedness ; his char-
ity, which "was exercised too frequently not to be-
come known, notwithstanding his care to conceal it";
his humility, which was not only on his lips, but was
"a feeling based on science itself".
Vialard, J.-B. Duhamel (Paris, 1884); Morxn-Lavall&e,
Bibliographic viroise (Caen, 1870); Fontenelle, Histoire du
renouvellement de V Academic rouale des sciences en MDCXC1X,
et Its Eloges historiques de tous us Academicians marts depuis ce
renouveUement (Paris, 1706); Chalmers, Biographical Diction'
ary (London. 1814), XVII, 84; Brucker, Historia critica phil-
osophies (2nded., Letpsig, 1767). IV. 760; Dupin, Nouvelle MWt-
otheque des auteurs eccUsiastiques (2nd ed., Paris and Mons,
1703—), XVIII, 297.
C. A. DUBRAY.
, James. See Rockhampton.
f
DUKE
188
DULUTH
Duke, Edmund, Ven. See Hill, Richard.
Dukhobortsy. See Russia.
Dulcin (Dolcino). See Apostouci.
Du Lhut (Duluth), Daniel Greysolon, Sieur, b.
at Saint-Germain-en- Laye about 1640; d. at Montreal,
26 Feb., 1710. He first 'served in the French army,
becoming a lieutenant in 1657 and a gendarme of the
King's Guard in 1664. He also took part in the
campaign in Flanders and was present at the battle of
Senef in 1674. During that year he went to Canada,
whither he had been preceded by several members of
his family, amongst them his cousins, theTontys. At
first he settled in Montreal, but in 1678 left for the
West accompanied by his brother, La Tourette, and
six soldiers. In 1679 he took possession of the Sioux
country in the name of the King of France. He also
explored Lake Superior and the high inland plateau
where the Mississippi, the Red River, and the St.
Lawrence rise, erected the fortified post of Kaministi-
quia (now Fort William) and afterwards built Fort
La Tourette on Lake Nepigon. Du Lhut was the first
Canadian- to explore the West and it was his privilege
to save Father Hennepin from captivity when this fa-
mous Recollect missionary, having become separated
from La Salle's expedition, was wandering about in
the wilderness near Saint- Antoine. On account of his
intrepidity, Du Lhut had great influence over the sav-
ages, who admired and feared him; he kept them
loyal to France and obliged them to join the expedi-
tions which La Barre and Denonville organized against
the Iroquois in 1684 and 1687. In 1686 he laid the
foundation of the post of Detroit and in 1606, having
been made captain after twenty years of service, was
in command of Fort Frontenac. Here, in 1707, he
was succeeded by Tonty, his cousin. He died three
years later and was buried in the church of the Recol-
lects at Montreal.
Du Lhut was one of the most dauntless pioneer rang-
ers (coureurs de bois) in Canada during the French re-
gime. For thirty years he succeeded in keeping the
country to the west of the Great Lakes under French
control. Notwithstanding that he had every chance
of becoming wealthy, he died poor and Governor
Vaudreuil testified to his having been a very upright
man. The city of Duluth, Minnesota, takes its name
from him. Du Lhut wrote accounts of his journeys
(1676-1678), but unfortunately they have been lost;
however, we have a plan that he designed for a chain
of posts to be erected for the purpose of keeping the
lake-route clear of savages and thus facilitating com-
munication between Canada and the western and
southern parts of the continent (1683-95). This plan
was published by Margry (Decouvertes et Etablisse-
ments, V, 3-72). In the Library of Congress at Wash-
ington may also be found extracts from nis account of
Detroit.
Sulte in La Revue Canadxenne (1893), 480-480, 641-560;
McLennan in Harper's Magazine (September, 1803); TVarw-
actiona Royal Soe. Canada (1903), new series. IX, 30.
J. Edmond Rot.
Dull* (Gr. tovXila; Lat. servitus). a theological
term signifying the honour paid to the saints, while
latria means worship given to God alone, and hyper-'
dulia the veneration offered to the Blessed virgin
Mary. St. Augustine (De Civ. Dei, X, ii, 1) distin-
guishes two kinds of servitus: "one which is due to
men . . % which in Greek is called dulia; the other.
latria. which is the service pertaining to the worship of
God''. St. Thomas (I MI, Q. ciii, a. 3) bases the dis-
tinction on the difference between God's supreme
dominion and that which one man may exercise over
another. Catholic theologians insist that the differ-
ence is one of kind and not merely of degree; dulia
and latria being as far apart as are the creature and
the Creator. Leibniz, though a Protestant, recog-
nises the "dUcrimen infinitum atque immensum be-
tween the honour which is due to God and that which
is shown to the saints, the one being called by theolo-
§ians, after Augustine's example, latria, tne other
ulia"; and he further declares that this difference
should " not only be inculcated in the minds of hearers
and learners, but should also be manifested as far as
possible by outward signs1' (Syst. theol., p. 184). A
further distinction is made between dulia m the abso-
lute sense, the honour paid to persons, and dulia in
the relative sense, the honour paid to inanimate
objects, such as images and relics. With regard to
the saints, dulia includes veneration and invoca-
tion; the former being the honour paid directly to
them, the latter having primarily in view the peti-
tioner's advantage. More detailed explanation of
dulia and the reasons for which it is shown to persons
or things will be found in the articles Images, Relics,
Saints. See also Adoration and Worship.
E. A. Pace.
Duluth, Diocese of (Duluthensis), established 3
Oct., 1889, suffragan of the Archdiocese of St. Paul,
U. S. A., comprises the counties of Aitkin, Becker,
Beltrami, Carlton, Cass, Clay, Clearwater, Cook, Crow
Wing, Hubbard, Itasca, Kittson, Lake, Marshall,
Norman. Pine, Polk, Roseau, Red Lake, Mahnomen,
Koochiching, and St. Louis, in the State of Min-
nesota, an area of 39,439 square miles. The first
white men and the first Catholics to visit this region
were the French fur-traders who, under Groseilliers, are
recorded as having shipped furs from there in 1660.
Daniel Greysolon Du Lnut, the French officer, adven-
turer, and fur-trader after whom the see city is named,
was there in 1679. After a varying existence as trad-
ing post and frontier settlement, Duluth was incor-
S orated as a town in May, 1857. The first priest in
[innesota was the famous Father Hennepin, who in
1680 was a prisoner among the Sioux. He explored
the Mississippi and at St. Paul named the falls in
honour of St. Anthony, writing a glowing description
of them in 1683. Wandering missionaries made in-
frequent visits to the Indian tribes and scattered
Catholics of the region down to 1839, when the Rev.
Joseph Cre'tin (q. v.). a zealous French priest, began
an active and successful missionary career.
The Seventh Provincial Council of Baltimore (1849)
recommended to Rome the erection of a new see at St.
Paul for the Territory of Minnesota and the appoint-
ment of Father Cretin as its first bishop, which plan
was carried out. Father Cretin had been in the terri-
tory for some time, trying to revive the old Indian
missions and evangelize the Canadian voyageurs who
went there for the fur trade. The numerous Indians
roaming in the wilderness had nearly forgotten the
doctrines of Christianity preached to their ancestors
by the Recollects and Jesuits more than a century be-
fore, but they were still anxious to have the " black-
robes" come among them once more. In 1875 the
Vicariate Apostolic of Northern Minnesota was estab-
lished, and these two divisions of the whole State con-
tinued until 4 May, 1888, when St. Paul was raised to
the rank of an archdiocese with the four suffragan
sees of Duluth, Winona, Jamestown (now Fargo), and'
St. Cloud, the last-named being the new title for the
Vicariate of Northern Minnesota. Duluth, the see
city, was within these old limits of the vicariate. In
1866 the few Catholics there were brought together by
a visiting missionary. They numbered only about two
dozen families in 1870, and Father John Chebul, an
Austrian by birth, attended them as a mission from
Superior and built the first frame chapel for their use.
Other priests of the formative period were Fathers
G. Keller, a German; J. B. M. G6nin, a French Oblate,
Joseph Buh, Charles Verwyst. Joseph Staub, Christo-
pher Murphy, and G. J. Goebel.
The Rev. James McGolrick, a member of the
was nominated as the first bishop of the new see -nd
consecrated at St. Paul, 27 Dec., 1880. He was bom
1 May, 1841, at Bonisokane, County Tipperaiy, Ire-
land, and ordained for the American mission at All
Hallows Seminary, near Dublin, 11 June, 1867. Emi-
K i ting to the United States, he began his work at St.
ul as an assistant at the cathedral. He was next
appointed to establish a pariah in the then rising town
of Minneapolis and remained there (or twenty-two
years as pastor of the church of the Immaculate Con-
ception. He found, on taking charge of his new dio-
cese, a Catholic population of about 19,000, of which
3000 were Indians. There were 20 priests, 15 secular
and 5 regular; 34 churches, 10 stations, and 8 Chip-
pewa Indian missions attended by Benedictine, Fran-
ciscan, aad Jesuit missionaries.
The first railroad from Duluth to St. Paul ran only
in 1870, and in 1882 the first iron-range road, on which
industry the chief reliance for material prosperity
rested. The commercial panics of 1872 and 1893
were great blows to this section, but in ten years the
priests had increased to 38 and the missions and sta-
tions to 74 with 30 Indian missions and stations. The
Sisters of St. Benedict had been introduced and were
in charge of 9 parish and 2 Indian schools, with 1400
children. They also managed 2 hospitals and a home
for the aged. The Catholic population had also in-
creased to 23,000. Since then conditions have bet-
tered, and the statistics of the diocese for 1908 give
these figures: priests 65, 44 secular, 21 regular;
churches with resident priests 50; missions with
churches 36; stations 45; chapels 15; academies for
girls 3, with 395 pupils; parish schools 10, with 1586
pupils; Indian industrial schools 2, with 192 pupils;
orphan asylum 1; hospitals 6; Catholic population
54,300, White 50,000, Indian 4300. The religious
communities represented in the diocese are the Bene-
dictine and the Oblate Fathers, the Christian Broth-
ers, the Benedictine Sisters, and the Sisters of St.
Joseph. The Benedictine Fathers have charge of the
Indian missions, and the Benedictine Sisters attend to
the needs of the schools established for the benefit of
the Indian children, their industrial schools on the
Red Lake and White Earth reservations being espe-
cially successful in spite of scant means and other disad-
vantages. The constant good done by these institu-
tions, for the girls of the tribes especially, has been
manifested by every test applied to their operation.
The Christian Brothers have a high school attached to
the cathedral in Duluth.
Reom, Bioo. Cud. of the Hierarchy of U. S. (Milwaukee,
]8flSj; raUutlit .V™» INeiv York. Due.. 1B8B), file.; Directory nf
Calhtdral Pariih (Duluth, IMS); CatAotic Dirtttory U. .S. < Mi'
the Sorbonne won him further
» DUMAS
chemical investigation. The first researches on the
replacing of hydrogen by chlorine in organic bodies is
due to him; this was supplemented by researches as
to the atomic weight of carbon, his labours doing much
to establish the relations of the hydro-carbon com-
pounds in organic chemistry. With Bnussingault he
studied the composition of water and of the atmos-
phere. With Stas he investigated the composition of
carbon dioxide, and later his memoirs on hydrogen
and the amide compounds brought him at once into
the first rank among the chemists of the nineteenth
century.
In 1829 he founded the Ecole Centrale des Arts et
Manufactures with Peclet, Lavallie, and Olivier. Bril-
liant lecture course*
renown. He re-
placed Thenard as
professor at the
Ecole Polytech-
nique, was profess-
or at the Sorbonne
and dean of the
faculty of sciences.
Originally a very
poor speaker, by
Eracticeand study
e acquired elo-
cutionary powers
that brought him
great celebrity.
Dumas also be-
the Ecole deMede-
cine, a position he
resigned in favour
ofWurtz.oneofhis
most distinguished
pupils. His schol-
ars included such illustrious men as H. Sainte-Claire De-
ville, Wurti, Debray, Pasteur, and others. Turning his
attention to politics, Dumas was elected adeputy from
the department of Nord in 1849; among the pro-
interested were vanoui
n salt, sugar, etc.
■rehJTK of Archdiocese of St. Paul ud St. Paul Catholic Hie-
Thomab F. Meehan.
Dumas, Jean-Baftibte, distinguished French
chemist and senator, b. at Alais, department of (Sard,
14 July, 1800; d. at Cannes, 10 April, 1884. Like
many other distinguished chemists, Dumas began his
career as a pharmacist, and at Geneva, where he went
when a very young man, he obtained a position in the
Le Royer pharmacy. Here in connexion with Pre-
vent he published a memoir on the physiology of the
nervous system which attracted attention and is still
well known. This led to an invitation to go to Paris,
where he became tutor of Thenard 's course of lectures
in chemistry at the Ecole Polytechnique and was ap-
pointed professor at the Athenee. While engaged in
these positions his published researches concerning the
vapour density of the elements, those on the formulas
of alcohols and ethers, his memoirs on the law of sub-
stitution in organic compounds, and his work on
chemical types gave him an illustrious position in
posed laws in which he w
ones treating the recoining of money, stamped paper,
" ■■--■' ■■■ ■ ,: ---- alt, t
by Louis Napoleon, and after the coup
d'etat was made senator. From 1832 he was a mem-
ber of the Institute, being elected to the Academy of
Sciences, and in 1868 he was made a perpetual secre-
tary: in 1878 he became a member of the French
Academy. In 1858-59 he carried on an animated
controversy as to the nature of the elements with
Desprets;w the course of the discussion Dumas' ener-
getic methods in attacking his opponent's views ex-
cited some criticism. His abandonment of chemical
research for politics was considered a misfortune by
the scientific world, as he ceased his brilliant investi-
gations when in the very prime of his powers.
Dumas was a consistent Catholic, and remained
true to his faith all his life. When it was necessary, he
never hesitated to defend Christianity against the
attacks of materialism. Examples of his views in
this regard maybe found in his various addresses, as:
his address on Berard; his commemorative address on
Faraday, and the speech in which he extended the
greetings of the Academy to the historian Taine. The
Count d'Haussonville, at the funeral of Dumas, gave
eloquent testimony to the letter's religious belief.
Dumas was a prolific writer. Among his works may
be mentioned: "TraiW de chimie apphquee aux arts
(8 vols., 1828-45);" Precis de chimie physiologique et
m&licale"; "Lemons sur la philosophic chimique"
(1837) ; " Essai de statique chimique des etres organi-
ses" (1841), the last work written in collaboration
with Boussingault. Besides the publications just
mentioned there were numerous papers in scientific
r:
DUMETZ
190
DUNBAR
journals and in the transactions of the Academy of
Sciences. A list of his papers was published in the
" Catalogue of Scientific Papers of Royal Society,
London,
Maindron, L'CEuvre de Jean-Baptiste Duma* (1886); Die-
tionncrire Larousse, b. v.
T. 0*Conor Sloane.
Dumetz, Francisco, date of b. unknown; d. 14
Jan., 1811. He was a native of Mallorca (Majorca),
Spain, where he entered the Franciscan Order. In
May, 1770, he went to Mexico with forty-eight other
Franciscans to join the famous Franciscan missionary
college of San Fernando in the City of Mexico. On
volunteering for the Indian missions, he was sent to
California in October, 1770. Sailing from San Bias, Ja-
lisco, with ten friars in January, 1771, he reached Mon-
terey in May and was assigned to Mission San Diego.
In May, 1772, he was transferred to Mission San Car-
los, and in May, 1782, was appointed for Mission San
Buenaventura, where he continued his unostenta-
tious labours for the Indians until August, 1797, when
he was directed to found Mission San Fernando.
Father Dumetz remained there from its founding on
8 Sept. to the end of 1805, except during 1803 and
1804 when apparently he resided at San Gabriel.
From January, 1806, to the time of his death, Father
Dumetz was stationed at San Gabriel. His remains
were buried in the mission church on 15 January.
Dumetz was the last of the pioneer friars who did so
much for California, where he toiled without inter-
ruption for forty years.
Palou, Noticias (San Francisco, 1874), I; Idem, Vida del
Fray Junipero Serra (Mexico, 1787), Records of Missions, San
Carlos, San Buenaventura, San Fernando, San Gabriel ; Engel-
hardt, The Franciscans in California (Harbor Springs, Mich.,
1897).
Zephyrin Engelhardt.
Dumfries, Diocese of. See Galloway.
Dumont, Hubert-Andre, Belgian geologist, b. at
Liege, 15 Feb., 1809; d. in the same city, 28 Feb.,
1857. When only twenty years old he received the
gold medal of the Academy of Brussels for his " Des-
cription geologique de la province de Liege". This
memoir marked an important advance in stratigraph-
ical geology. In 1835 he won a doctorate in mathe-
matical and physical science and in the same year was
appointed professor of geology and mineralogy at the
University of Liege. He held this position until his
death, serving also for a time as rector of the university.
His native city has erected a statue in his honour.
Dumont was a devout Catholic, and one of his sons
entered the Society of Jesus. His principal achieve-
ment* was his geological map of Belgium, the prepara-
tion of which engaged his attention for a number of
years. The first edition was issued in 1849. Later
and more complete editions followed, the last being
" La carte geologique de la Belgique et des con trees
voisines representant les terrains qui se trouvent en
dessous du limon hesbayen et du sable campinien au
800,000*".
Dumont'B work, together with that of Gosselet on
the palaeozoic rocks of Belgium, served as a foundation
for a subsequent research in that region. The former
in 1848 had divided the Terrain Ardennais into the
Devillien, Revinien, and Salmien groups, the Terrain
Rh&ian into the Gedinnien, Coblentzien, and Ahrien
groups, and the Terrain Anthraxifere into the Eifelien,
Conarusien, and Houiller groups. This classification,
though based on purely local characteristics, was an
excellent one botn from a lithological and a strati-
graphical point of view. He did not, however, deem
it necessary to make any extended comparison be-
tween the subdivisions wnich he had distinguished in
Belgium and similar groups in other countries. It
was his opinion that the same fauna never extended
over the whole earth, so that extreme caution was
necessary in establishing a parallel between widely
separated rocks on the Dasis of fossils contained in
them. Besides the works already mentioned, Du-
mont was the author of a number of papers char-
acterized by careful observation and great clearness.
Among them are: " Notice sur une nouvelle espeoe de
phosphate ferrique" (Bull, de l'Acad. de Belgique, V) ;
'Observations sur la constitution geologique des ter-
rains tertiaires de l'Angleterre compares a ceux de la
Belgique" (Ibid., XI a); "Memoire sur les terrains
triasique et jurassique de la province de Luxem-
bourg^ (Mem. de l'Acad., XV). "Etude sur les ter-
rains ardennais et rhe'nan de l'Ardenne, du Rhin, du
Brabant, et du Condroa" (Ibid., XX-XXII).
Fayno, Andrt Dumont, sa vie et ses travaux (Lifcge. 1858);
D'Omauus d'Halloy, Notice sur Andre* Dumont (Brussels,
1858); Zittel, History of Geology and Palaeontology (London,
1901); Kneller, Das Christentum u. die Vertreter der neueren
Naturvrissenschaft (Freiburg, 1004).
Henry M. Brook.
Dumoulin (or Dumolin; latinized Molinjeus),
Charles, French jurist, b. at Paris in 1500; d. there 27
December, 1566. He was a descendant of a noble
family related to Anne Boleyn, the mother of Eliza-
beth of England. The life of Dumoulin was full of
vicissitudes. After taking the degree of Doctor of
Law, he first lectured on that subject at Orleans in
1521, and afterwards became an advocate of the Par-
lement of Paris (the highest court of France). He
soon abandoned this position, devoted himself ex-
clusively to the study of law, and gained a great repu-
tation by his works on jurisprudence. He liked to
call himself the jurisconsult of France and Germany.
It is related that he said : " Ego qui nemini cedo nee a
nemine doceri possum" (I yield to no one nor is any-
one able to teach me). His hatred for the papacy led
him into apostasy. In 1542 he embraced Calvinism,
but soon passed over to Lutheran ism. His violent at-
tacks on the papacy compelled him to seek refuge in
Germany. In 1553 he lectured on law at Tubingen,
and afterwards at Strasburg, D61e, and Besancon; re-
turning to Paris in 1557, he was soon obliged to quit
that city and went successively to Orleans and Lyons.
From 1564, he resided again in Paris ; on his death-bed
he abjured his heresy and was reconciled to the
Church. The following are his principal works upon
civil law: "Commentarii in consuetudines Parisi-
enses"; "Extricatio labvrinthi dividui et individui";
"Tractatus de eo cjuod interest". His chief work on
canon law is a critical edition of the " Decree of Gra-
tian" with the gloss, accompanied by notes (vostillce
or notes) hostile to the pope. Amongst his polemical
works may be mentioned : " Commentarius aa edictum
Henrici II, contra parvas datas et abusus curias Ro-
manse " (1552) ; " Conseil surle fait duConciledeTrente,
reception ou rejet d'icelui" (1564), which work caused
him to be cast into prison; "Consilium super com-
modiset incommodis novae sectse Jesuitarum" (edited
1604). His "Opera omnia" were published in three
volumes at Paris, in 1612; the best edition, however, is
that of Paris, 1681, in five volumes.
Brodeau, Viede Charles Dumoulin (Paris, 1654); Prat, Mai-
donat et VuniversiU de Paris au XVI* sihde (Paris, 1866); Aube-
pin, U influence de Dumoulin sur la legislation prancaise in
Revue critique de legislation et de jurisprudence, IV, 261 aqq.,
V, 32 sqq., 305 aqq.; Duvivter, Charles Dumoulin et le concue
de Trente in Belgique Judiciaire, xxiv, 716 aqq.
A. Van Hove.
Dunbar, William, Scottish poet, sometimes styled
the "Chaucer of Scotland", born c. 1460; died c.
1520(7). He graduated B. A. at St. Andrews University
in 1479. Educated for the Church, according to his
own statement he became a Franciscan novice, and as
such traversed the whole of England, preached in
various towns, and crossed over for a time to Picardy
in France. About 1490 he returned to Scotland and
entered the service of James IV, who employed him on
various embassies to Paris and elsewhere* and settled
DUNBOYNE
191
DUNEDIN
a small pension on him. He celebrated James's mar-
riage to Margaret of England by his well-known poem
"The Thrissil and the Rois" (The Thistle and the
Rose, 1503), symbolising the amity between the two .
kingdoms. The poet received gifts in money from the
king on this and on other occasions, such as the cele-
bration of his first Mass in 1504, but though he often
petitioned both the king and queen for a benefice (lim-
iting his wishes, as he said, to a small country kirk
covered with heather) he never obtained one, and
seems always to have lived in poverty. The best
known of his other poems were the " Goldyn Targe",
an allegory illustrating the victory of love over reason ;
a " Dance'1 (of the seven deadly sins), a work of much
gloomy power; and many other pieces, some humor-
ous and disfigured by the coarseness of the time, others
of a religious and ascetic type. A few were printed
during his lifetime; and in 1834 an admirable edition
of his complete works was published, edited by Dr.
David Laing. In 1511 Dunbar is mentioned among
Queen Margaret's train on one of her journeys; but
nothing is heard of him after 1513, the year of the bat-
tle of the Flodden. Laing conjectures that he may
have fallen at that fight, Dut other writers suppose
him to have survived until about 1520.
Laing, Works of Dunbar, with biography and notes (Edin-
burgh, 1834); supplement (1876).
D. O. Huntbr-Blair.
Dunboyne Establishment. See St. Patrick's
College (Maynooth).
Dunchadh (Dunichad, Duncad, Donatus), Saint,
confessor, Abbot of Iona; date of b. unknown, d. in
717. He was the son of Ceannfaeladh and grandson
of Maelcobha of the house of Conall Gulban. He is
first heard of as Abbot of Killochuir on the coast of
S. E. Ulster (perhaps Killough, County Down).
There is considerable dispute as to the year in which
he became Abbot of Hy (Iona). The "Annals of
Ulster" first mention him in that capacity under the
year 706 (really 707) ; but Conamhail was abbot from
704 to 710. It may be that St. Dunchadh was coad-
jutor to Conamhail (the phrase is princivatum tenuit).
Or perhaps there was some schism in tne monastery
over the paschal question, for though St. Dunchadh is
•said to have ruled from 710 till 717, in 713 the death
of "St. Dorbaine Foda, Abbot of la" is recorded by
the "Annals of the Four Masters", and the same au-
thority relates the appointment of "Faelchu, son of
Dorbene" to the abbacy in 714. It was this Faelchu
who was certainly abbot from 717 to 724. Both of
these, however, may have been really coadjutors to
St. Dunchadh, or priors, or even bishops, for there
were certainly bishops in Iona at that period, and the
phrase employed is cathedram Ice obtinuit. However
this may be, the paschal controversy was settled at
Iona by the adoption of the Roman usage, while St.
Dunchadh was abbot. This took place at the instance
of St. Egbert, a Northumbrian priest, who had been
educated in Ireland. He came to Iona in 716, and was
at once successful in persuading the community to aban-
don the Celtic Easter and tonsure.
Annals of the Four Masters, ed. O' Donovan (Dublin, 1856),
I, 307-315; Bede, Historia Ecdesiastica, ed. Husssr (Oxford,
1846), 124-303; Umher, Britannicarum Ecdesiarum Antiqui-
tales (Dublin, 1639), 702, 1170; Life of St. Columba . . . by
Adatnnan, ed. Reeves (Edinburgh, 1874), clxxii, 335; Lani-
oan, Ecclesiastical History of Ireland (Dublin, 1820), III. 154-7;
Gammack in Diet. Christ. Biog. (London, 1877), I, 911.
Leslie A. St. L. Tokb.
Dundrennan, Abbey of, in Kirkcudbrightshire,
Scotland, a Cistercian house founded in 1142 by King
David I and Fergus Lord of Galloway for monks
brought from Rievaulx in Yorkshire. ' The name
(Dun-naiv-droigheann) means "fort of the thorn-
bushes' \ and the monastery commands a fine view of
the Sol way Firth * Queen Mary fled to Dundrennan
after the battle of Langside and spent her last night in
Scotland there before embarking for England from the
neighbouring Port Mary. In 1587 the abbey and
lands passed to the Crown, and in 1621 it was annexed
to the royal chapel at Stirling. For many years the
buildings were used as a quarry for the erection of
houses m the vicinity, "but in 1842 steps were taken to
repair and preserve wnat was left of them. The cruci-
form church had a nave of six bays 130 feet long, and
choir 45 feet long, 175 feet in all ; and there was a cen-
tral tower 200 feet high. The style is transition be-
tween Norman and First Pointed. Among the tombs
which remain is that of Alan Lord of Galloway (c.
1250), much mutilated, in the east aisle of the north
transept, as well as those of several of the abbots and
priors. The finest remains architecturally are those
of the chapter-house, with its beautiful cinquefoil
arched doorway between two windows, and its roof
supported by octagonal columns, of which only frag-
ments are left. Of the domestic buildings of the ab-
bey nothing but a remnant has been preserved. The
abbey estate now belongs to the family of Maitland
of Dundrennan.
Hutchinson, Memorials of the Abbey of Dundrennan (Exeter,
1857): Maxwell, Dundrennan Abbey and Its History (Castle
Doudu. 1875). D 0 Hunteb-Blair.
Dunedin, Diocese of (Dunedinensis), comprises
the provincial district of Otago (including the Otago
part, Southland, and Stewart Island, as well as other
adjacent islands). The diocese contains the most
picturesque lake and fiord scenery in New Zealand.
Its area is about 24,000 sq. miles, of which some 4000
so. miles are cold-fields, and 2340 forest. This part of
New Zealand was visited (perhaps discovered) by
Captain Cook in 1770. Beyond a few traders, there was,
however, no white population in the Otago provincial
district till 1840, when some families settled on land at
Waikouaiti. In 1848 the district was first colonized
systematically and on a considerable scale by the
Otago Association, under the auspices of the Free
Church of Scotland. It was desired to retain the
province as a Free Kirk reserve, and the immigration
of Catholics was at first resented. The last barriers
of religious exclusiveness were, however, swept away by
• the rush of population that flowed into the province
from all parts of Australasia when, in 1861, rich gold
was discovered at Gabriel's Gully and elsewhere. The
new conditions thus brought about led to a rapid de-
velopment of the mineral, pastoral, agricultural, and
forest resources of Otago. All New Zealand formed
part of the Vicariate Apostolic of Western Oceania,
which was erected in 1835. The first vicar, Dr. Pom-
pallier, arrived in the country, with the pioneer
(Marist) missionaries, in 1838. All New Zealand re-
mained within his spiritual charge till 1848.
From 1848 till 1869 the territory now comprised in
the Diocese of Dunedin was included in the episcopal
See of Wellington. In the latter year the Diocese of
Dunedin was established. Its first bishop was the
Right Rev. Patrick Moran, translated thither from
the Cape of Good Hope, 3 December, 1860; d. 22 May,
1895. He was succeeded by the Right Rev. Michael
Verdon, consecrated 3 May, 1896. In 1840 Dr. Pom-
pallier, with Fathers Comte and Pezant, visited and
instructed the native villagers and a few white Catho-
lic whalers at Otakou and Moeraki. Up to 1859, how-
ever, there was no Catholic church or school or resi-
dent priest in the whole southern province, and only
about ninety scattered Catholics, who were periodic-
ally visited, on foot, by the saintly Marist, Father
Petitjean. Early in the gold-rush of the sixties,
another devoted Marist missionary, Father Moreau,
was appointed resident priest in Dunedin, with charge
of the whole province. He built, at Dunedin, the first
Catholic church and presbytery in that part of New
Zealand. Soon after the arrival of Bishop Moran, in
1871, Father Moreau and a few of his fellow-religious
DUNFERMLINE
192
DUNIN
who had been for some time labouring in Otago, were
recalled to the Diocese of Wellington.
The Dominican nuns and the secular clergy were
introduced by the new bishop in 1871, the Christian
Brothers in 1874. The "New Zealand Tablet" was es-
tablished in 1873, and strenuous work was done in ex-
tending the facilities for religion and education, a sum
of over £80,000 (about $388,000) having been ex-
pended for these causes during the first fifteen years
of the episcopate of Bishop Moran. When the secular
system of public instruction was established by law
in 1876, he became, and remained to the close of hiq
life, an eloquent champion of the rights of the Catholic
schools to a share in the moneys devoted by the State
to the education of youth. The extension of the ex-
ternal organization of religion has more than kept pace
with the increase of Catholic population, arid Dunedin
is one of the best equipped of the smaller dioceses of
Australasia. The first Sisters of Mercy were intro-
duced in 1890, the second and larger division in 1897,
the Marist Brothers in 1897, the Sisters of St. Joseph
in 1897-8, and the Little Sisters of the Poor in 1904.
A provincial ecclesiastical seminary for all New Zea-
land was opened at Mosgiel (near Dunedin) in 1900,
and has been greatly enlarged in later years.
At the beginning of 1908 there were in the diocese
20 parochial districts, 65 churches, 32 secular priests,
8 brothers, 160 nuns, 1 ecclesiastical seminary, 4
boarding schools for girls, 6 superior day schools, 20
primary schools, 1 orphanage, 1 home for aged poor,
and at the census of 1906 there were 22,685 Catholics
in a total white population of 180,974.
Thomson, Story of New Zealand (London, 1869); McNab,
Murihiku and the Southern Islands (InvercargHl. 1907); Pom-
palxjer. Early History of the Catholic Church m Oceania (Auck-
land, 1888); Mohan, History of the Catholic Church in Austral-
asia (Sydney, 8. d.) ; Ptke, History af the Early Gold Discoveries
in Otago (Dunedin, 1887).
Henry W. Cleart.
Dunfermline, Abbey of, in the south-west of Fife.
Scotland. Founded by King Malcolm Canmore ana
his queen, Margaret, about 1070, it was richly en-
dowed by him and his sons, and remodelled as a ffone-
dictine abbey by his successor. David I, who brought
an abbot and twelve monks from Canterbury. The
monastic buildings, which were of such extent and
splendour that three sovereigns and their retinues
might (says Matthew Paris) have been lodged there
together, were burned down by Edward I of England
in 1304, but were afterwards restored. The tombs of
Malcolm and Margaret are still to be seen within the
ruined walls of the Lady chapel, and were repaired and
enclosed by order of Queen Victoria. Dunfermline
Abbey was one of the richest Scottish houses, owning
almost all Western Fife, as well as property in other
counties. It possessed, within its own domains, civil
and criminal jurisdiction equal to that of the Crown.
The church succeeded Iona as the burial-place of
kings, and was thus the Westminster Abbey of Scot-
land. Besides Malcolm and Margaret, David I and
Robert Bruce, with his queen ana daughter, were in-
terred there. After the Dissolution, the property
passed through the hands of the Pitcairn family, Lord
Gray, and Seton Earl of Dunfermline, to the Marquises
of Tweeddale. The splendid church was destroyed in
1560 by the Reformers, all but the nave, which they
refitted for Presbyterian worship. It is a fine exam-
ple of Anglo-Norman architecture, with a beautiful
western doorway. The remains of the church and
palace are now Crown property.
Inxbs, Reqist. de Dunfermelyn (Bann&tyne Club. 1841);
Chalmers. Historical and Statistical Account of Dunfermline
(Edinburgh, 1844); Henderson, Royal Tombs at Dunfermline
(Dunfermline, 1866), and Annals of Dunfermline (Glasgow,
1870); Mercer, History of Dunfermline (Dunfermline. 1858);
Duodalb, Monast. Anglic., VII, 1152-1154.
D. O. Hvnter-Blair.
Dungal, Irish monk, teacher, astronomer, and poet
who flourished about 820. He is mentioned in 811 as
an Irish priest and scholar at the monastery of St-
Denis near Paris. In that year he wrote a letter to
Charlemagne explaining the eclipse of the sun which
was supposed to have taken place in 810. In one of
AlcuhVs letters (M. G., Epp., IV, 437) he is alluded to
as a bishop. In 823 he is mentioned in a " capitulary ' '
of Lothair, and in 825 in an imperial decree by which
he was appointed "master" of the school at Pa via.
This is the last mention of Dungal in the public rec-
ords of the empire. In 827 or 828 he appeared against
Claudius, Bishop of Turin, in a work defending the
veneration of images. From the fact that he be-
queathed his books to the library of St. Columbanus
at Bobbio it is inferred that he spent his last days in
the Irish monastery on the Trebbia. The date of his
death is unknown. His books, many of them at least,
were transferred by Cardinal Federigo Borromeo to
the Ambrosian Library in Milan, where they now are.
Some historians doubt whether the Dungal of St-
Denis and the adversary of Claudius are one person.
The prevalent opinion, however, is that they are one
and the same. In his letter to Charlemagne Dungal
brings to bear on the question of eclipses a knowledge
of astronomy far beyond the current ideas of the time.
His " Reply to Claudius is enriched with many cita-
tions from the Greek and Latin Fathers and from the
liturgical hymns of the Church. The poems ascribed
in most manuscripts to Exul Hibernicus are believed
by Dummler, editor of the "Poetse ;Evi Carol ini", to
have been written by Dungal, who like many of his
fellow-exiles from Ireland styles himself peregrinus,
exult pauper et peregrinus. Only three of them bear
the name Dungal. They are interesting from many
points of view, especially from that of the historian
who searches the records of Charlemagne's reign for
the all too scanty references to the personal feelings
and the attitude of mind of the Irish scholars who
flocked to the Continent of Europe in the ninth cen-
tury. Yet they do not enable us to determine when
and where Dungal was born, though from the fact that
among the books which he presented to the Library of
Bobbio is the " Antiphonary of Bangor", it is inferred
that he spent the ^ears of his student life in Ireland at
the famous Bangor school. Mabillon published a*
ninth-century poem from which it appears that Dun-
gal enjoyed among his contemporaries a reputation
for more than ordinary learning.
Neues Archiv der Geseusch. f. deutsche Gcschichtskunde, IV,
254; PoetcB am Carolini (Berlin, 1881), I, 393; Muratorx,
Antiq. Ital., III. dis. xliii; Tirabobchi, Storia delta letter, italiana.
Ill, 163; Catholic University Bulletin (Washington, 1907). XIII,
n«qq. William Turner.
Dunin, Martin von, Archbishop'of Gnesen and Po-
sen, b. 1 1 Nov., 1774, in the village of Wat near the city
of Rawa, Poland ; d. 26 Dec, 1842. in the city of Posen.
He studied theology in the Collegium Germanicum
at Rome (1793-97), and was ordained priest in Sept.,
1797. After some service in the Diocese of Cracow,
he was made a canon of Wloclawek by the Bishop of
Cujavia, in 1808 canon of Gnesen, in 1815 chancellor
of its cathedral chapter, in 1824 canon of Posen and
counsellor to the Government in matters of educa-
tion. On the death of Archbishop Theophilus von
Wolicki (1829) Von Dunin became administrator of
the Archdiocese of Gnesen and Posen, was appointed
archbishop in 1831, and consecrated 10 July of the
same year. He endeavoured at once to reorganise
his vast diocese, a work rendered necessary by the
vicissitudes of Poland in the eighteenth century, the
consequent reunion of the Dioceses of Gnesen and
Posen, and the secularization or suppression of the
monasteries. He reconstructed on a new plan the
ecclesiastical seminaries of Gnesen and Posen, trav-
elled throughout the two dioceses administering the
Sacrament of Confirmation and dedicating new
DT7NKELD
193
DUNKELD
churches, and discharged faithfully the other duties
of his pastoral ministry. In the exercise of these
duties ne came into conflict with the Prussian Govern-
' ment on the question of mixed marriages. The con-
ditions laid down by Benedict XIV (1740-58) in the
Constitution "Magnse nobis'1 (29 June, 1748), by
which marriages between Catholics and members of
other Christian denominations became lawful, had
been well observed in Catholic Poland. But in a
treaty concluded in 1768 , with various European
powers the Prussian Government undertook to en-
force another order of things. Mixed marriages were
no longer forbidden; male children born of such
marriages were to be brought up in the religion of
their father, the female offspring in that of the mother.
The marriage was to be blessed by the ecclesiastical
minister, under whose jurisdiction the bride was; if a
Catholic priest should refuse to solemnize \he mar-
riage, the minister of the other party was to officiate.
Similar provisions were contained in the code of Prus-
sian law extended to Prussian Poland in 1797. By a
royal decree of King Frederick William III (1797-
1840), 21 Nov., 1803, they were further modified in
an anti-Catholic sense: all the children of mixed
marriages were to be raised in the religion of the
father.
Such legislation was unquestionably hostile to
Catholic interests. It often happened, therefore, that
Catholic priests blessed mixed marriages without first
requiring the usual promise concerning the free exer-
cise of religion for tne Catholic party and the educa-
tion of all offspring in the Catholic Faith. The bishops
were silent; both priests and bishops seemed to be-
lieve that they must endure what they could not pre-
vent. Penalties were inflicted by the Government on
all priests who refused to bless mixed marriages con-
tracted without any of the above conditions. The
Catholic conscience was finally aroused by the Brief
"Litteris altera abhinc" of Pius VIII (1829-30), 25
March, 1830, forbidding priests to bless a mixed mar-
riage if no promise were given relating to the educa-
tion of the children in the Catholic Faith. In case of
such refusal Pius VIII agreed to tolerate a passive
assistance {assisieniia passim) on the part of the
priest. Realizing the harm done to the Catholic re-
ligion by the lax practice observed so far, Archbishop
Von Dunin resolved to break with it. In January,
1837, he requested from the Ministry of Ecclesiastical
Affairs in Berlin permission to publish the Brief of
Pius VIII, or at least to direct his clergy to obey its
provisions. His request was refused. A petition
sent directly to Frederick William III, 26 Oct., 1837,
was similarly treated. Determined not to betray his
high office he sent an instruction to his priests, 30 Jan.,
1838, in which he inculcated the principles of the
Church relating to mixed marriages; soon after (27
Feb.) he suspended ipso facto any priest of his diocese
who should henceforth bless a mixed marriage without
previous assurance as to the Catholic education of the
offspring. The king was notified of these acts, 10
.March, 1838. While the instructions of the arch-
bishop were well received throughout his diocese, the
Government was highly indignant and sought by all
means to render them ineffectual. They were de-
clared null and void; the archbishop was asked to re-
call them, and finally (in July, 1838) a regular trial was
commenced against him in the Court of Posen, to
which, however, he always objected as conducted bv
'' a non-competent authority. In the midst of this
struggle he received much consolation from the unan-
imous support of his clergy, and from an Allocution in
his favour by Gregory XVI, 13 Sept., 1838. At the
conclusion of his trial in 1839 he was summoned to
Berlin, where he arrived 5 April. A last ineffectual
~ attempt was made to have him recant; finally the
sentence of the court proclaiming his deposition from
V.— 13
office, inability ever to hold one, and a confinement of
six months in a fortress, was read to him. He ap-
pealed directly to the king for clemency, but nothing
was changed except that he was detained in Berlin
instead of being sent to a fortress.
Meanwhile the archbishop began to think of the
needs of his diocese, and being unable to obtain per-
mission to return, he departed secretly from Berlin
and arrived in Posen, 4 October. In less than two
days, during the night of 5-6 Oct., he was arrested and
taken to the fortress of Colberg, where he remained
until the death of Frederick William III (7 June, 1840).
After his departure the diocese put on public mourn-
ing; the bells and the organs remained silent during
the celebration of the Holy Mysteries; on all SundavB
and feast days public prayers were said for the speedy
return of the archbishop; and both the clergy and the
nobility of Posen made several fruitless attempts to
obtain his release. With the accession of the peaceful
king, Frederick William I V( 1840-61), matters changed.
On 3 Aug., 1840, Von Dunin was set free, and on the
5th of the same month he arrived in Posen amid the
rejoicing of his faithful flock. According to an agree-
ment reached with the Government he issued a pas-
toral letter, 25 Aug., in which his previous instruc-
tions were somewhat modified, without detriment,
however, to Catholic principle. He recommended his
clergy not to insist absolutely on the fulfilment of the
usual conditions required for mixed marriages, but at
the same time to abstain from all active participation
in such marriages, if the usual promises were not given.
No mention was made of any punishment in the case
of contravention. Later on (21 Feb., and 26 Sept.,
1842) he issued new instructions relating to the man-
ner of dealing in confession with the husband or wife
of a mixed marriage. The priests were directed to be
indulgent towards those who tried their best to influ-
ence tneir children in favour of the Catholic Faith, and
to distinguish them from those who were altogether
careless in the discharge of this sacred duty. With
this the whole controversy ceased. Archbishop Von
Dunin did not long survive these conflicts. His mem-
ory is held in respect for his unswerving loyalty to
Catholic principles, and for his courage, frankness, and
prudent moderation displayed in their defence.
Pohl. Martin Von Dunin, Ertbiachof von Oneaen und Poaen
(Mftrienburg, 1843); BrCck, Ouch, der koth. Kirche in Deutschl.
imneunzehnten Johrhundert (MOnster, 1003), II; Pohl in Kirch-
enlex., 8. v.; Mibbt in Reotincyklopadie, b. v.
Francis J. Schaefer.
Dunkeld, Diocese op (Dunkeldenbis), in Scot-
land, constituted, as far back as the middle of the
ninth century, the primatial see of the Columban
Church by King Kenneth Mac Alpine, who rebuilt
there the church and monastery founded by King
Constantino (afterwards destroyed-by the Danes), and
translated thither St. Columba's relics. The first oc-
cupant of the see is styled in the Annals of Ulster
(a. d. 865) Bishop of Fortrenn, the name by which the
kingdom of the Southern Picts was then known. He
was also Abbot of Dunkeld, with jurisdiction, form-
erly enjoyed by Iona, over the other Columban mon-
asteries in Scotland. The seat of the primacy was,
however, subsequently transferred to Abernethv, and
then to St. Andrews, and Dunkeld became subject to
lay abbots, from one of whom. Crinan, sprang Mal-
colm III and his successors on the throne of Scotland.
In 1127 King Alexander, who had already founded the
Diocese of Moray farther north, erected Dunkeld into
a cathedral church and replaced the Columban monks
by a chapter of secular canons. The new bishopric
included a great part of what afterwards became the
Dioceses of Argyll and Dunblane, and retained its ju-
risdiction over various churches representing old
Columban foundations. The Abbots of Iona re-
mained, as heretofore, subject to the ancient prima- .
1
DUNNE
194
DUNS
tial See of Dunkeld, until Iona became the seat of the
Bishop of the Isles at the end of the fifteenth century.
About the same time Dunkeld (together with Dun-
blane, Galloway, and Argyll) became a suffragan of
the newly-constituted Archbishopric of Glasgow; but
during the primacy of Archbishop Foreman of St.
Andrews (1513-1522) it was restored to the metropoli-
tan province. Thirty-five bishops occupied the See
of Dunkeld from its foundation in 1107 until the ex-
tinction of the ancient hierarchy in the sixteenth cen-
tury. Of this line of prelates the most distinguished
were James Kennedy (1438-1440), illustrious for his
birth, learning, and piety, who was translated, after
two years at Dunkeld, to the Bishopric of St. Andrews;
the famous poet-prelate Gavin Douglas (1516-1521),
who died in exile in Englamd; and John Hamilton
(1545-1547), who succeeded the murdered Cardinal
Beaten at St. Andrews, and closed his troubled career
on the scaffold at Stirling in 1571. The last pre-
Reformation Bishop of Dunkeld was Robert Crichton
(nephew of a former occupant of the see), who sur-
vived until 1586.
For close on three centuries, the Diocese of Dun-
keld, like the other Scottish bishoprics, remained va-
cant, until, on 4 March, 1878, it was restored by Leo
XIII by his Bull, "Ex supremo apostolatus apice".
The diocese, as then re-constituted, is one of the suf-
fragan sees of the archiepiscopal province of St. An-
drews, and includes the counties of Perth, Forfar,
Clackmannan, Kinross, and the northern part of Fife.
Since the revival of the see, it has been held by three
bishops: George Rigg (d. 1887); James G. Smith
(transferred to St. Andrews in 1900) ; and the Right
Rev. Angus Macfarlane, consecrated 1901. The bish-
op's pro-cathedral is in Dundee, the residence of the
great majority of the Catholics of the diocese, and the
cathedral chapter, erected in 1895, consists of a pro-
vost and eight canons. The total number of secular
priests in the diocese (1908) is 35; regulars (Redemp-
torists), 12. The missions and chaplaincies number
17, the churches, chapels, and stations 31, and the
parochial schools 15. There are two monasteries of
men (Redemptorists and Marists), four convents of
women (Sisters of Mercy, Little Sisters of the Poor,
Ursulines, and Sisters of Charity), and the Catholic in-
stitutions comprise a home for aged poor, a house of
mercy for servants, and a working girls' home. The
Catholic population of the diocese is estimated to be
rather more than 30,000. The old cathedral of Dun-
keld, beautifully situated on the Tay amid wooded
hills, was erected between 1220 and 1500. The build-
ing was much damaged in the reign of Robert II, and
suffered later at the hands of the Earl of Buchan,
styled the "Wolf of Badenoch". It fell partly into
ruins in the sixteenth century, since when the choir
has been used for Presbyterian worship. The Dukes
of Atholl, long the owners of the building, have spent
a good deal on its preservation and repair, and an ex-
tensive restoration of the choir was carried out in
1906, chiefly at the cost of Sir Donald Currie. There
is now no Catholic church or resident priest in the vil-
lage of Dunkeld.
Skene, Celtic Scotland (Edinburgh. 1876-80), II, 370; Mtln,
Vita Bpue. Dunkeld. (Edinburgh, 1831): Foroun, Scolichroni-
con, ed. Good all (Edinburgh, 1769), XVI, xxvii; Theinbr,
Vet. Mon. Hibern. atque Scot. (Rome, 1864), 506; Dunkeld: His-
torical and Descriptive (Dunkeld, 1879): Waloott, The Ancient
Church of Scotland (London, 1874), 208-217; Catholic Directory
for Scotland (1908).
D. O. Hunter-Blair.
Dunne, Edward J. See Dallas, Diocese of.
Dunne, John. See Bathtjrst, Diocese of.
Dunne, John. See Wilcannia, Diocese of.
Dunne, Robert. See Brisbane, Diocese of
Duns Scotus, John, surnamed Doctor Subtilis,
d. S Nov., 1306; he was the founder and leader of the fa-
mous Scotist School, which had its chief representatives
among the Franciscans. Of his antecedents and life
very little is definitely known, as the contemporary
sources are silent about him. It is certain tnat he
died rather young, according to earlier traditions at
the ace of thirty-four years (cf . Wadding, Vita Scoti,
in vol I of his works) ; but it would seem that he was
somewhat older than this and that he was born in
1270. The birth-place of Scotus has been the subject
of much discussion, and so far no conclusive argument
in favour of any locality has been advanced. The
surname Scotus by no means decides the question, for
it was given to Scotchmen, Irishmen, and even to na-
tives of northern England. The other name, Duns, to
which the Irish attach so much importance, settles
nothing; there was a Duns also in Scotland (Ber-
wick). Moreover, it is impossible to determine
whether Duns was a family name or the name of a
place. Appeal to supposedly ancient local traditions
m behalf of Ireland's claim is of no avail, since we can-
not ascertain just how old they are; and their age is
the pivotal point.
This discussion has bqen strongly tinged with na-
tional sentiment, especially since the beginning of the
sixteenth century after prominent Irish Franciscans
like Mauritius de Portu (O'Fihely) , Hugh MacCaghwell,
and Luke Wadding rendered great service by editing
Scotus's works. On the other hand, the English have
some right to claim Scotus; as a professor for several
years at Oxford, he belonged at any rate to the English
province; and neither during his lifetime nor for some
time after his death was any other view as to his
nationality proposed. It should not, however, be for-
gotten that in those days the Franciscan cloisters in
Scotland were affiliated to the English province, i. e.
to the cwttodia of Newcastle. It would not there-
fore be amiss to regard Scotus as a native of Scotland
or as a member of a Scottish cloister. In anv case it is
high time to eliminate from this discussion the famous
entry in the Merton College MS. (no. 39) which would
make it appear that Scotus was a member of that
college and therefore a native of Northern England.
The statutes of the college excluded monks; and as
Scotus became a Franciscan when he was quite young,
he could not have belonged to the college previous to
joining the order. Besides, the entry in the college
register is under the date of 1455, and consequently
too late to serve as an argument.
The case is somewhat Detter with the entry in the
catalogue of the library of St. Francis at Assisi, under
date of 1381 , which designates Duns Scotus's commen-
tary on the " Sentences of Peter Lombard as " mag-
istri fratris Johannis Scoti de Ordine Minorum, qui et
Doctor Subtilis nuncupatur, de provincia Hibernia"
(the work of master John Scotus of the Franciscan
Order, known as the subtle doctor, from the province
of Ireland). This, though it furnishes the strongest
evidence in Ireland's favour, cannot be regarded as
decisive. Since Scotus laboured during several years
in England, he cannot, simply on the strength of this
evidence, be assigned to the Irish province. The li-
brary entry, moreover, cannot possibly be accepted as
contemporary with Scotus. Add to this the geo-
graphical distance and it becomes plain that the dis-
cussion cannot be settled by an entry made in far-off
Italy seventy-three years after Scotus's death, at a
time too when geographical knowledge was by no
means perfect. Finally, no decisive evidence is of-
fered by the epitaphs of Scotus; they are too late and
too poetical. The question, then, of Scotus's native
land must still be considered an open one. When he
took the habit of St. Francis is unknown; probably
about 1290. It is a fact that he lived and taught at
Oxford; for on 26 July, 1300, the provincial of the
English province of Franciscans asked tin Bishop of
Lincoln to confer upon twenty-two of his subjects
jurisdiction to hear confessions. The bishop gave the
DUMB
permission only to eight; among those who wen
fused was" toannea Daunt". It is quite certain,
that be went to Paris about 1304 and that there he
was at first merely a Bachelor of Arts, for the general
of the Franciscans, GonsaivuB de Vallebona, wrote
(18 Nov., 1301) to the guardian of the college of the
ascans at Paris to present John Scotus at the
rsity for the doctor's degree. The general's let-
ki mentions that John Scotus had distinguished him-
self for some time past by his learning ingmioque tub-
tiliaaimo. He did not teach very long in Paris; in
1307 or 1308 he was sent to Cologne, probably as a
Erofessor at the university. There he died, and was
uried in the monastery of the Minorites. At the
present time (1908) the
process of his beatification
is being agitated in Rome
on the ground of a cullus
Du ns Scotus 's wri tings are
very numerous and they
have often been printed;
some, in fact, at a very early
date. But a complete edi-
tion, in 12 folio volumes,
was published only in 1639
by Wadding at Lyons; this,
however, included the com-
mentaries of the Scotists,
Lychetus, Pone i us, Cavel-
lus, and Hiqusus. A re-
print of Wadding's edition,
with the treatise "De per-
fectione statuum " added to
it, appeared 1891-45 at
Paris (Vives) in 26 vols. 4to.
Whether all the writings
contained in these editions'
are by Duns Scotus himself
is doubtful; it is certain,
however, that many changes
and additions were made
by later Scotists. A critical
edition is stilt wanting. Be-
sides these printed works,
some others are attributed
Bartwrini Palace,
re- may be notes written out after his lectures, but this is
oo. merely a surmise.
Scotus seems to have changed his doctrine in the
course of time, or at least not to have been uniformly
precise in expressing his thought; now he follows
rather the Knlcnlia communit as in the "Qutestiones
Suodlibetales"; then again he goes his own way.
any of his essays are unfinished. He did not write
a gumma phitosophiea or Iheofogiea, as did Alexander
of Hales and St. Thomas Aquinas, or even a compen-
dium of his doctrine. He wrote only commentaries
or treatises on disputed questions; but even these
commentaries are not continuous explanations of
Aristotle or Peter Lombard. Usually he cites first
the text or presupposes it
as already known, then he
takes up various points
which in that day were live
issues and discusses them
from all sides, at the same
time presenting the opinions
of others. He is sharp in
his criticism, and with re-
lentless logic he refutes the
'opinions, or at least the
arguments, of his opponents.
Innis fervour he sometimes
forgets to set down his own
iply states
J books
of Scripture. The printed
writings deal with gram-
matical and scientific, but
chiefly with philosophical
and theological, subjects.
Of a purely philosophical nature
taries and qwr.atione* on various works of Aristotle.
These, with some other treatises, are contained in
the first seven volumes of the Paris edition. Tlie
principal work of Scotus, however, is the so-called
Opus Oxoniense", i. e. the great commentary on the
"Sentences" of Peter Lombard, written in Oxford
(vols. VIII-XXI). It is primarily a theological
work, but it contains many treatises, or at least di-
gressions, on logical, metaphysical, grammatical, and
scientific topics, so that nearly his whole system of
philosophy can be derived from this work. Volumes
XXII-XXIV contain the "Reportata Parisiensia",
i. e. a smaller commentary, for trie most part theologi-
cal, on the "Sentences". The "Qua^stiones Quodii-
betales", chiefly on theological subjects, one of his
most important works, and the above-mentioned
essay, "De perfectione statuum", fill the last two
volumes. As to the time when these works were com-
posed, we know nothing far certain. The
there
ii for w
ble opinions, and puts them
forward as more or less prob-
able; this he does especially
intheI*Collationes". Hence
it is said that he is no system-
atizer, that he is better at
tearing down than at build-
ing up. It is true that none
of bis writings plainly re-
veals a system; while sev-
eral of them, owing no doubt
to his early death, betray
lack of finish. His real
teaching is not always fully
stated where one would nat-
urally look for it; often
enough one finds instead the
discussion of some special
point, or a long excursus in
which the author follows his
critical bent. His own
opinion is to be sought else-
where, in various incidental
remarks, or in the presuppositions which serve as a basis,
for his treatment of other problems ; and it can be dis-
covered only after a lengthy search. Besides, in the
heat of controversy he often uses expressions which
seem to goto extremes and even to contain heresy. His
languageisfrequentlyobscure; amaseofterms.defini-
tions, distinctions^ and objections through which it is
by no means easy to thread one's way. For these
reasons the study of Scotus's works was difficult; when
undertaken at all, it was not carried on with the requis-
ite thoroughness. It was hard to find a unified sys-
tem in them. Not a few unsatisfactory, one-sided,
or even wrong opinions about him were circulated ana
passed on unchallenged from mouth to mouth and
from book to book, growing more erroneous as they
went. Nevertheless, there is in Scotus's teach'- - -
rounded-out system, to be found especially i
principal work, a system worked out in minutest de-
tails. For the present purpose, only his leading ideas
and his departures from St. Thomas and the tenientia
communis need be indicated.
System of Philosophy. — The fundamental princi-
ples of his philosophical and theological teaching an
his dtetxjictio joTmnlit, and bis idea of being. The dis
hinga
DUNS
196
DUNS
Hnctie formalis is intermediate between the distinctio
ration** tantum, or the distinction made by the Intel-
lect alone, and the distinctio realis, or that which ex-
ists in reality. The former occurs, e. g., between the %
definition and the thing defined, the latter, within the
realm of created reality, between things that can exist
separately or at least can be, made to exist separately
by Divine omnipotence, as, e. g., between the different
Sarts of a body or between substance and accident.
l thing is "formally distinct" when it is such in es-
sence and in concept that it can be thought of by it-
self, when it is not another thing, though with that
other it may be so closely united that not even omni-
potence can separate it, e. g. the soul and its faculties
and these faculties among themselves. The soul
forms with its faculties only one thing (res), but con-
ceptually it is not identical with the intellect or the
will, nor are intellect and will the same. Thus we
have various realities, entities, or formalities of one
and the same thing. So far as the thing itself exists,
these entities have their own being; for each entity
has its own being or its own existence. But existence
is not identical with subsistence. The accident, e. g.,
has its own being, its own existence, which is different
from the existence of the substance in which it inheres,
just because the accident is not identical with the sub-
stance. But it has no subsistence of its own, since it
is not a thing existing by itself, but inheres in the sub-
stance as its subject and support; it is not an inde-
pendent being. Moreover, only actually existing
things have real being: in other words, being is identi-
cal with existence. In the state of mere ideality or
possibility, before their realization, things have an es-
sence, an ideal conceivable being, but not an actual
one; else they could not be created or annihilated,
since they would have had an existence before their
creation. And since being is eo ipso also true and
good, only those things are really good and true which
actually exist. If God, therefore, by an act of His
free will gives existence to the essences, He makes '
them by this very act also true and good. In this
sense, it is quite correct to say that according to
Scotus things are true and good because God so wills.
By this assertion, however, he does not deny that
things are good and true in themselves. They have
an objective being, and thence also objective truth
and goodness", because they are in the likeness of God,
Whose being, goodness, and truth they imitate. At
the same time, m their ideal being they are necessary;
the ideas of them are not produced by the Divine
free will, but by the Divine intellect, which, without
the co-operation of God's will, recognizes His own
infinite essence as imitable by finite things, and thus
aof necessity conceives the ideas. In this ideal state
God necessarily wills the things, since they cannot but
be pleasing to Him as images of His own essence.
But from this it does not follow that He must will
them with an effective will, i. e. that He must realize
them . God is entirely free in determining what things
shall come into existence. ^
God alone is absolutely immaterial, since He alone
is absolute and perfect actuality, without any poten-
tiality for becoming other than what He is. All crea-
tures, angels and human souls included, are material,
because they are changeable and may become the sub-
ject of accidents. But from this it does not follow
that souls and angels are corporeal ; on the contrary,
they are spiritual, physically simple, though material
in the sense just explained. Since all created things,
corporeal and spiritual, are composed of potentiality
ana actuality, the same materia prima is the founda-
tion of all, and therefore all things have a common
substratum, a common material basis. This materia,
in itself quite indeterminate, may be determined to
any sort of thing by a form — a spiritual form deter-
mines it to a spirit, a corporeal form to a material
body. Scotus, nowever, does not teach an extreme
Realism; he does not attribute to the universals or
abstract essences, e. g. genus and species, an existence
of their own, independent of the individual beings in
which they are realized. It is true, he holds that
materia prima, as the indeterminate principle, can be
separated from the forma, or the determining princi-
ple, at least by Divine omnipotence, and that it can
then exist by itself. Conceptually, the materia is
altogether different from the forma; moreover, the
same materia can be determined by entirely different
forms, and the same form can be united with different
materia}, as is evident from the processes of generation
and corruption. For this reason God at least can
separate the one from the other, just as in the Holy
Eucharist He keeps the accidents of bread and wine in
existence, without a sinSstance in which they inhere.
It is no less certain that Scotus teaches a plurality of
forms in the same thing. The human body, e. g.,
taken by itself, without the soul, has its own form, the
forma corporeUatis. It is transmitted to the child by
its parents and is different from the rational soul,
which is infused by God himself. The forma corporei-
tatis gives the body a sort of human form, though
quite imperfect, and remains after the rational soul
has departed from the body in death until decomposi-
tion takes place. Nevertheless, it is the rational soul
which is the essential form of the body or of man; this
constitutes with the body one being, one substance,
one person, one man. With all its faculties, vegeta-
tive, sensitive, and intellectual, it is the immediate
work of God, Who infuses it into the child. There is
only one soul in man, but we can distinguish in it
several forms; for conceptually the intellectual is not
the same as the sensitive, nor is this identical with the
vegetative, nor the vegetative with that which gives
the body, as such, its form ; yet all these belong for-
mally, by their concept and essence, to the one indi-
visible soul. Scotus also, maintains a formal distinc-
tion between the universal nature of each thing and its
individuality, e. g. in Plato between his human nature
and that which makes him just Plato — his Platoneity.
For the one is not the other; the individuality is
added to the human nature and with it constitutes the
human individual . In this sense the property or differ-
ence, or the hcBcceitas, is the principium indivtduationis.
Hence it is clear that there are many points of re-
semblance between matter and form on the one hand
and universal natures and their individualization on
the other. But Scotus is far from teaching extreme
Realism. According to his view, matter can exist
without form, but not the universal essence without
individuation ; nor can the different forms of the same
thing exist by themselves. He does not maintain that
the uniform matter underlying all created things is
the absolute being which exists by itself, independent
of the individuals, and is then determined by added
forms, first to genera, then to species, and lastly to in-
dividuals. On the contrary, materia prima, which
according to him can exist without a form, is already
something individual and numerically determined.
In reality there is no materia without form, and vice
versa. The materia which God created had already
a certain form, the imperfect form of chaos. God
could create matter by itself and form by itself, but
both would then be something individual, numer-
ically, though not specifically, different from other
matter and other forms of the same kind. This mat-
ter, numerically different from other matter, could
then be united with a form, also numerically different
from other forms of the same kind; and the result
would be a compound individual, numerically differ-
ent from other individuals of the same kind. From
such individualized matter, form, and compound we
get by abstraction the idea of a universal matter, a
universal form, a universal compound, e. g. of a uni-
versal man. But by themselves universal matter and
universal form cannot exist. The universal as such is
DUNS
197
DUNS
a mere conception of the mind; it cannot exist by it-
self, it receives its existence in and with the individ-
ual ; in and with the individual it is multiplied, in and
with the individual it loses again its existence. Even
God cannot separate in man the universal nature from
the individuality, or in the human soul the intellectual
from the sensitive part, without destroying the whole.
In reality there are only individuals, m which, how-
ever, we can by abstraction formally separate both the
abstract human nature from the individuality and the
several faculties from one another. But the separa-
tion and distinction and formation of genera ana spe-
cies are mere processes of thought, the work of the
contemplating mind.
The psychologyof Scotus is in its essentials the same
as that of St. Thomas. The starting-point of all
knowledge is the sensory or outer experience, to which
must be added the inner experience, which he desig-
nates as the ultimate criterion of certitude. He lays
stress on induction as the basis of all natural sciences.
He denies that sense-perception, and a fortiori intel-
lectual knowledge, is merely a passive process; more-
over, he asserts that not only the universal but also
the individual is perceived directly. The adequate
object of intellectual knowledge is not the spiritual
in the material, but being in its universality. In the
whole realm of the soul the will has the primacy since
it can determine itself, while it controls more or less
completely the other faculties. The freedom of the
will, taken as freedom of choice, is emphasized and
vigorously defended. In presence of any good, even in
the contemplation of God, the will is not necessitated,
but determines itself freely. This doctrine does not
imply that the will can decide what is true and what
is false, what is right and what is wrong, nor that its
choice is blind and arbitrary. ^ Objects, motives, habits,
passions, etc. exert a great influence upon the will,
and incline it to choose one thirfg rather than another.
Yet the final decision remains with the will, and in so
far the will is the one complete cause of its act, else it
would not be free. With regard to memory, sensa-
tion, and association we find in Scotus many modern
views.
System of Theology. — It has been asserted that
according to Scotus the essence of God consists in His
will; but the assertion is unfounded. God, he holds,
is the ens infinitum. It is true that according to him
God's love for Himself and the spiration of the Holy
Ghost by Father and Son are not based upon a natural
instinct, so to say, but upon God's own free choice.
Every will is free, and therefore God's will also. But
His will is so perfect and His essence so infinitely good,
that His free will cannot but love it. This love, there-
fore, is at once free and necessary. Also with regard
to created things Scotus emphasizes the freedom of
God, without, however, falling into the error of merely
arbitrary, unmotived indeterminism. It has been
asserted, too, that according to Scotus, being can be
attributed uni vocally to God and creatures; but this
again is false. Scotus maintains that God is the ens
per esaenHam, creatures are entia per participationem —
they have being only in an analogical sense. But
from the being of God and the being of creatures, a
universal idea of being can be abstracted and predi-
cated univocally of both the finite and the infinite:
otherwise we could not infer from the existence of
finite things the existence of God, we should have no
proof of God's existence, as every syllogism would con-
tain a quaternio terminorwn. Between God's essence
and His attributes, between the attributes themselves,
and then between God's essence and the Divine Per-
sons, there is a formal distinction along with real
identity. For conceptually Divinity is not the same
as wisdom, intellect not the same as will ; Divinity is
not identical with paternity, since Divinity neither
begets, as does the Father, nor is begotten, as is the
Son. But all these realities are formally in God and
their distinction is not annulled by His infinity; on
the other hand it remains true that God is only one
res. The process constituting the Blessed Trinity
takes place without regard to the external world.
Only after its completion the three Divine Persons, as
one principle, produce by their act of cognition the
ideas of things. But quite apart from this process,
God is independent of the world in His knowledge and
volition, for the obvious reason that dependence of any
sort would imply imperfection.
The cognition, volition, and activity of the angels is
' more akin to ours. The angels can of themselves
know things; they do not need an infused species,
though in fact they receive such from God. The devil
is not necessarily compelled, as a result of his sin,
always to will what is evil ; with his splendid natural
endowments he can do what in itself is good ; he can
even love God above all things, though in fact he does
not do so. Sin is only in so far an infinite offence of
God as it leads away from Him; in itself its malice is
no greater than is the goodness of the opposite virtue.
In his Christology, Scotus insists strongly on the
reality of Christ's Humanity. Though it has no per-
sonality and no subsistence of its own, it has its own
existence. The unio hypostatica and the communica-
tio idiomatum are explained in accordance with the ^
doctrine of the Church, with no leaning to either Nes-
torianism or Adopt ion Ism. It is true that Scotus ex-
Elains the influence of the hypostatic union upon the
uman nature of Christ and upon His work differently
from St. Thomas. Since this union in no way changes
the human nature of Christ, it does not of itself impart
to the Humanity the beatific vision or impeccability.
These prerogatives were given to Christ with the fullness
of grace which He received in consequence of that
union. God would have become man even if Adam
had not sinned, since He willed that in Christ human-
ity and the world should be united with Himself by
the closest possible bond. Scotus also defends ener-
getically the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed
Virgin. All objections founded on original sin and
the universal need of redemption are solved. The
merits of Christ are infinite only in a broader sense,
but of themselves they are entirely sufficient to give
adequate satisfaction to the Divine justice; there is
no deficiency to be supplied by God's mercy. But
there is needed a merciful acceptation of the work of
Christ, since in the sight of God there is no real merit
in the strictest sense of the word.
Grace is something entirely supernatural and can be
given only by God, and, what is more, only by a crea-
tive act; hence the sacraments are not, properly
speaking, the physical or instrumental cause of grace,
because God alone can create. Sanctifying grace is
identical with the infused virtue of charity, and has its
seat in the will ; it is therefore conceived rather from
the ethical standpoint. The sacraments give grace of
themselves, or ex opere operate, if man places no obstacle
in the way. The real essence of the Sacrament of Pen-
ance consists in the absolution; but this is of no avail
unless the sinner repent with a sorrow that springs
from love of God; his doctrine of attrition is by no
means lax. As to his eschatology it must suffice to
state that he makes the essence of beatitude consist
in activity, i. e. in the love of God, not in the Beatific
Vision; this latter is only the necessary condition.
In ethics Scotus declares emphatically that the mor-
ality of an act requires an object which is good in its
nature, its end, and its circumstances, and according to
the dictate of right reason . It is not true that he makes
God's free will decide arbitrarily what is good and
what is bad; he only asserts that the Commandments
of the second table of the Decalogue are not in such
strict sense laws of nature as are those of the first
table; because God cannot grant a dispensation from
the laws of the first, whereas He can dispense from
those of the second, as in fact He did when He com-
^
DUNS
198
DUNS
manded Abraham to sacrifice his son. But the pre-
cepts of the second table also are far more binding
than the other positive laws of God. In the present
order of things God cannot permit manslaughter uni-
versally, taking the property of others, and the like.
There are also indifferent actions in individuo. Abso-
lutely speaking, man should direct all his actions
towards God ; but God does not require this, because
He does not wish to burden man with so heavy a yoke.
He obliges man only to observe the Decalogue ; the rest
is free. Social and legal questions are not treated
by Scotus ex profetso; his works, however, contain
sound observations on these subjects.
Relation between Philosophy and Theology.
— Scotus does not, as is often asserted, maintain that
science and faith can contradict each other, or that a
proposition may be true in philosophy and false in
theology and vice versa. Incorrect, also, is the state-
ment that he attaches little importance to showing
the harmony between scientific knowledge and faith
and that he has no regard for speculative theology.
Quite the contrary, he proves the dogmas of faith not
only from authority but, as far as possible, from rea-
son also. Theology presupposes philosqphy as its
basis. Facts which have uod for their author and
yet can be known by our natural powers, especially
miracles and prophecies, are criteria of the truth of
Revelation, religion, and the Church. Scotus strives
to gain as thorougn an insight as possible into the
truths of faith, to disclose them to the human mind,
to establish truth upon truth, and from dogma to
prove or to reject many a philosophical proposition.
There is just as little warrant for the statement that
his chief concern is humble subjection to the authority
of God and of the Church, or that his tendency a priori
is to depreciate scientific knowledge and to resolve
speculative theology into doubts. Scotus simply be-
lieves that many philosophical and theological proofs
of other scholars are not conclusive; in their stead
he adduces other arguments. He also thinks that
many philosophical and theological propositions can
be proved which other Scholastics consider incapable
of demonstration. He indeed lays great stress on the
authority of Scripture, the Fathers, and the Church ;
but he also attaches much importance to natural
knowledge and the intellectual capacity of the mind
of angels and of men, both in this world and in the
other. He is inclined to widen rather than narrow
the range of attainable knowledge. He sets great
value upon mathematics and the natural sciences and
especially upon metaphysics. He rejects every un-
necessary recourse to Divine or angelic intervention
or to- miracles, and demands that the supernatural and
miraculous be limited as far as possible even in mat-
ters of faith. Dogmas he holds are to be explained in
a somewhat softened and more easily intelligible
sense, so far as this may be done without diminution
of their substantial meaning, dignity, and depth. In
Scripture the literal sense is to be taken, and freedom
of opinion is to be granted so far as it is not opposed to
Christian Faith or the authority of the Church. Sco-
tus was much given to the study of mathematics, and
for this reason he insists on demonstrative proofs in
philosophy and theology; but he is no real sceptic.
He grants that our senses, our internal and external
experience, and authority together with reason, can
furnish us with absolute certainty and evidence. The
difficulty which many truths present lies not so much
in ourselves as in the objects. In itself everything
knowable is the object of our knowledge. Reason
can of its own powers recognize the existence of God
and many of His attributes, the creation of the world
out of nothing, the conservation of the world by God,
the spirituality, individuality, substantiality, and
unity of the soul, as well as its free will. In many of
his writings he asserts that mere reason can come to
know the immortality and the creation of the soul; in
others he asserts the direct opposite; but he never
denies the so-called moral evidence for these truths.
Theology with him is not a scientific study in the
strictest sense of the word, as are mathematics and
metaphysics, because it is not based upon the evidence
of its objects, but upon revelation and authority. It
is a practical science because it pursues a practical
end: ,the possession of God. But it gives the mind
perfect certainty and unchangeable truths; it does not
consist in mere practical, moral; and religious activity.
Thus Scotus is removed from Kant and the modern
• Oejuhlstheologen, not by a single line of thought but by
the whole range of his philosophical speculation. Sco-
tus is no precursor of Luther; he emphasizes ecclesias-
tical tradition and authority, the freedom of the will,
the power of our reason, and the co-operation with
grace. Nor is he a precursor of Kant. The doctrine
regarding primacy of the will and the practical char-
acter of theology has quite a different meaning in his
mind from what it has in Kant's. He values meta-
physics highly and calls it the queen of sciences. Only
as a very subtle critic may he be called the Kant of the
thirteenth century. Nor is he a precursor of the Mod-
ernists. His writings indeed contain many entirely
modern ideas, e. g. the stress he lays on freedom in
scientific and also in religious matters, upon the separ-
ateness of the objective world and of thought, the self-
activity of the thinking subject, the dignity and value
of personality; yet in all this he remains within proper
limits, and in opposition to the Modernists he asserts
very forcibly the necessity of an absolute authority in
the Church, the necessity of faith, the freedom of the
will; and he rejects absolutely any and every monistic
identification of the world and God. That he has so
often been misunderstood is due simply to the fact
that his teaching has been viewed from the standpoint
of modern thought.
Scotus is a genuine Scholastic philosopher who
works out ideas taken from Aristotle, St. Augustine,
and the preceding Scholastics. He is universally rec-
ognized as a deep thinker, an original mind, and a
sharp critic; a thoroughly scientific man, who without
personal bias proceeds objectively, stating his own
doctrines with modesty and with a certain reserve.
It has been asserted that he did more harm than good
to the Church, and that by his destructive criticism,
his subtleties, and his barbarous terminology he pre-
pared the ruin of Scholasticism, indeed that its down-
tall begins with him. These accusations originated to
a great extent in the insufficient understanding or the
false interpretation of his doctrines. No doubt his
diction lacks elegance; it is often obscure and unin-
telligible; but the same must be said of many earlier
Scholastics. Then too, subtle discussions and dis-
tinctions which to this age are meaningless, abound in
his works; yet his researches were occasioned for the
most part, by the remarks of other Scholastic philoso-
phers, especially by Henry of Ghent, whom he attacks
perhaps even more than he does St. Thomas. But
the real spirit of scholasticism is perhaps in no other
Scholastic so pronounced as in Scotus. In depth of
thought, which after all is the important thing, Scotus
is not surpassed by any of his contemporaries. He
was a child of his time ; a thorough Aristotelean, even
more so than St. Thomas; but he criticizes sharply
even the Stagirite and his commentators. He tries
always to explain them favourably, but does not hesi-
tate to differ from them. Duns Scotus's teaching is
orthodox. Catholics and Protestants have charged
him with sundry errors and heresies, but the Church
has not condemned a single proposition of his; on the
contrary, the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception
which he so strongly advocated, has been declared a
dogma.
MOller, Biographvtehes tiber D. Scotus (Cologne. 1881),
Programm: Little, The Grey Friars in Oxford (Oxford, 1892),
219 aqq.; Kenan, Hist. lilt, de la France (1869). XXV, 404-
Plticl-oloaii: vad Erki
■ la phiiotirphie dt p. Scbl. <P»ri». and commifted to the care of the Irish scholars, who
/wk^lto jI*n™H«^»fw"™*nn* then freq"er>ted the desolate Sanctuary of Qlaston-
^Wotu *n Dun* Scofu. (Lapiie. 1900);' bury. We are told of his childish fervour, of his visioQ
minou, M Dun* Hootui.indtttTminutt (MQmWr. 1805): loot, of the great abbey restored to splendour, of his nearly
^Co^^J^CnA.Woi./.HwnaniBMKAHCHn™ fatal jflness and miraculous rerawnrv. of the enthiiHi-
fatal illness and miraculous recovery, of the enthusi-
...„ asm with which1 he absorbed every kind of human
I Stmipdapianumui gejrruji (MuneWr. 1908): low, Vtr- knowledge, and of his manual skill. Indeed, through'
'nip Hwin Olagm «W l^.m, TWjji. JJ^J^fe out his life he was noted for his devotion to learning
iiuiu nuiu a«*i rfori^na Dfciio.nn/iim d Hiroimnra ouoad ret manahip. With his parents consent he was tonsured,
received minor orders, and served in the ancient
church of St. Mary. So well known did he become
for devotion and learning that he Is said to have
been summoned by his uncle Athelm, Archbishop of
, ._ ... Canterbury, to enter
{."WefTst
author: Dit aiwtolicA tail
/. kalh. Throl. (InruhnH'K. ]
Wtrktnac* Dum .l'=u(i.« iti 7
70-93; Brilrao lur Lekre
a>« l>iau Kcalut vbtr </i<
Pertan Jetu CkriM i.Til-
bmucni. 3S-1-1J!: /*<■■(*■<-
t<>na:<onObykl. [.'«J'liw™
vndZwtek far di.: SMlich-
kril i in,:, Attn nach Duni
Xcotut in mtotophitcKct
Jalubnek (Fulda, 19081.
WW-347: K'itrae *ur Lchrt,
drt Burn Scelu* titer d«
(,'niwwjftim rfr« Seinaoe-
,?n/r™ il-'uliU), 306-323.
nix SaHicum ( Venice,
16901. I, II; Garcia. Leii-
r,m,SrJ,.J„Wicmii'Sr,)(Jru<n),
Hjunraclii. 1906-1908),
litifniulw. 1-1.
Partheniub Minors.
Dunstan, Saint,
archbishop and con-
fessor, one of the great-
est saints of the Anglo-
Saxon Church; b. neat
Glastonbury on the
estate of nis father,
lieorstan, a West Sax-
on noble. His mother,
will ti contidrrafa (Quamcchi. 191
iwing periodical articles by the at
■f Hturiehre drt Dun* Scotut in Zritt
"BOD. 231-261: Tier if ert der gi
heal. QuariaUtAr. (Tubingen. 19
i'|h :"t£t»p;e|«kn»anri sntainftai
... Byoi
St. Dunstan 's earliest
biographers we are in-
formed that the young
scholar was introduced
by his uncle to King
Aethelstan, but there
must be some mistake
here, for Athelm prob-
ably died about 923,
and Aethelstan did not
come to the throne till
the following year.
Perhaps there is con-
fusion between Athelm
and his successor Wulf-
helm. At any rate the
young man soon be-
came so great a favour-
ite with the king as to
excite the envy of his
kinsfolk at court. They
accused him of study-
ing heathen literature
iagn
., F. IV. 32, Bodleu
wrought on the king
that St. Dunstan was
ordered to leave the
court. As he quitted
the palace his enemies
attacked him, beat him
severely, bound him,
and threw him into a
filthy pit (probably a
cesspool), treading
him down in the mire.
He managed to crawl
out and make his way
to the house of a friend,
whence he journeyed to
Winchesterand entered
of saintly life, was mir- *
aculously forewarned \
of the sanctity of the *
child within her. She *
was in the church of St.
Mary on Candlemas
Day, when all the
lights were suddenly
extinguished. Then the
candle held by Cyne-
thryth was as suddenly
relighted, and all pres-
ent lit their candles at
this miraculous flame,
thus foreshadowing
that the boy "would be the minister of eternal light" the service of Bishop Aelfheah the Bald, who W_._ _.
to the Church of England. In what year St. Dun- relative. Tile bishop endeavoured to persuade him to
stan was bom has been much disputed. Osbern, a become a monk, but St. Dunstan was at first doubtful
writer of the late eleventh century, fixes it at "the whether he had a vocation to a celibate life. But an
first year of the reign of King Aethelstan", i.e. attack of swelling tumours all over his body, so severe
924-6. This date, however, cannot be reconciled that he thought it was leprosy, which was perhaps
with other known dates of St. Dunstan's life and in- some form of blood-poisoning caused by the treatment
volves many obvious absurdities. It was rejected, to which he had been subjected, changed his mind.
therefore, by Mabillon and Lingard; but on the He made his profession at the hands of St. Aelfheah,
strength of two manuscripts of the Chronicle" and and returned to live the life of a hermit at Glaaton-
"an entry in an ancient Anglo-Saxon paschal table", bury. Against the old church of St. Marv he built a
Dr. Stubbs argued in its favour, and nis conclusions little cell only five feet long and two and a half feet
have been very generally accepted. Careful examina- deep, where he studied and worked at his handicrafts
tion, however, of this new evidence reveals all three and played on his harp. Here the devil is said (in a
passages as interpolations of about the period when late eleventh -century legend) to have tempted him
Osbem was writing, and there seem to be very good and to have been seised by the face with the saint's
reasons for accepting the opinion of Mabillon that the tongs.
saint was bom long before 925. Probably his birth While Dunstan was living thus at Glastonbury he
dates from about the earliest years of the tenth cen- became the trusted adviser of the Lady Aethelffaed,
tury. King Aethelstan's niece, and at her death found him-
In early youth Dunstan was brought by his father self in control of all her great wealth, which he used in
^
bUN8TAK
200
DUN8TAN
loiter life to foster and encourage the monastic revival.
4 About the same time his father Heorstan died, and St.
Dunstan inherited his possessions also. He was now
become a person of much influence, and on the death
of King Aethelstan in 940, the new king, Eadmund,
summoned him to his court at Cheddar and numbered
him among his councillors. Again the royal favour
roused agamst him the jealousy of the courtiers,' and
they contrived so to enrage the king against him that
he bade him depart from the court. There were then
at Cheddar certain envoys from the "Eastern King-
dom", by which term may be meant either East An-
glia or, as some have argued, the Kingdom of Saxony.
To these St. Dunstan applied, imploring them to take
him with them when they returned. They agreed to
do so, but in the event their assistance was not needed.
For, a few days later, the king rode out to hunt the
stag in Mendip Forest. He became separated from his
attendants and followed a stag at great speed in the
direction of the Cheddar cliffs. The stag rushed
blindly over the precipice and was followed by the
hounds. Eadmund endeavoured vainly to stop his
horse; then, seeing death to be imminent,. he remem-
bered his harsh treatment of St. Dunstan and prom-
ised to make amends if his life was spared. At that
moment his horse was stopped on the very edge of the
cliff. Giving thanks to God, he returned forthwith
to his palace, called for St. Dunstan and bade him
follow, then rode straight to Glastonbury. Enter-
ing the church, the king first knelt in prayer before
the altar, then, taking St. Dunstan by the hand,
he gave him the kiss of peace, led him to the ab-
bot^ throne and, seating him thereon, promised
him all assistance in restoring Divine worship and
regular observance.
St. Dunstan at once set vigorously to work at these
tasks. He had to re-create monastic life and to rebuild
the abbey. That it was Benedictine monasticism
which he established at Glastonbury seems certain.
It is true that he had not yet had personal experi-
ence of the stricter Benedictinism which had been
revived on the Continent at great centres like Cluny
and Fleury. Probably, also, much of the Benedictine
tradition introduced by St. Augustine had been lost in
the pagan devastations of the ninth century. But
that the Rule of St. Benedict was the basis of his resto-
ration is not only definitely stated by his first biog-
rapher, who knew the saint well, but is also in accord-
ance with the nature of his first measures as abbot,
with the significance of his first buildings, and with
the Benedictine prepossessions and enthusiasm of his
most prominent disciples. And the presence of secu-
lar clerks as well as* of monks at Glastonbury seems to
be no solid argument against the monastic character
of the revival. St. Dunstan's first care was to re-
erect the church of St. Peter, rebuild the cloister, and
re-establish the monastic enclosure. The secular
affairs of the house were committed to his brother
Wulfric, "so that neither himself nor any of the pro-
fessed monks might break enclosure". A school for
the local youth was founded and soon became the
most famous of its time in England. But St. Dun-
stan was not long left in peace. Within two years
after the appointment King Eadmund was assassin-
ated (946). His successor, Eadred, appointed the
Abbot of Glastonbury guardian of the royal treasure
and records, and entrusted much of the government
of the realm to his hands. The policy of Dunstan was
supported by the queen-mother, Eadgifu, by the pri-
mate, Oda. and by the East Anglian party, at whose
head was the great ealdorman, Aethelstan, the u Half-
king". It was a policy of unification, of conciliation
of the Danish half of the nation, of firm establishment
of the royal authority. In ecclesiastical matters it
favoured the spread of regular observance, the re-
building of churches, the moral reform of the secular
olergy and laity, the extirpation of heathendom.
Against all this ardour of reform was the West-Saxon
party, which included most of the saint's own rela-
. tions and the Saxon nobles, and which was not entirely
disinterested in its preference for established customs.
For nine years St. Dunstan's influence was dominant,
during which period he twice refused a bishopric (that
of Winchester in 951 and Crediton in 953), affirming
that he would not leave the king's side so long as he
lived and needed him.
In 955 Eadred died, and the situation was at once
changed. Eadwig, the elder son of Eadmund, who
then came to the throne, was a dissolute and head-
strong youth, wholly devoted to the reactionary party
and entirely under the influence of two unprincipled
women. These were Aethelgifu, a lady of high rank,
who was perhaps the king's foster-mother, and her
daughter Aelfgif u, whom she desired to marry to Ead-
wig. On the day of his coronation, in 956, the king
abruptly quitted the royal feast, in order to enjoy the
company of these two women. The indignation of
the assembled notables was voiced by Archbishop
Oda, who suggested that he should be brought back.
None, however, were found bold enough to make the
attempt save St. Dunstan and his kinsman Cynesige,
Bishop of Lichfield . Entering the royal chamber they
found Eadwig with the two harlots, the royal crown
thrown carelessly on the ground. They delivered
their message, and as the king took no notice, St. Dun-
stan compelled him to rise and replace his crown on
his head; then, sharply rebuking the two women, he
led him back to the banquet-hail. Aethelgifu deter-
mined to be revenged, and left no stone unturned to
procure the overthrow of St. Dunstan. Conspiring
with the leaders of the West-Saxon party she was soon
able to turn even his own scholars agamst the abbot,
and before long induced Eadwig to confiscate all Dun-
stan's property in her favour. At first Dunstan took
refuge witn his friends, but they too felt the weight of
the King's anger. Then, seeing his life was threat-
ened, he fled the realm and crossed over to Flanders,
where he found himself ignorant alike of the language
and of the customs of the inhabitants. But the ruler
of Flanders, Count Arnulf I, received him with honour,
and lodged him in the Abbey of Mont Blandin, near
Ghent. This was one of the centres of the Benedic-
tine revival in that country, and St. Dunstan was able
for the first time to observe the strict observance that
had had its renascence at Cluny at the beginning of
the century. But his exile was not of long duration.
Before the end of 957 the Mercians and Northum-
brians, unable longer to endure the excesses of
Eadwig, revolted and drove him out, choosing his
brother Eadgar as king of all the country north of the
Thames. The south remained faithful to Eadwig.
At once Eadgar's advisers recalled St. Dunstan, caused
Archbishop Oda to consecrate him a bishop, and or* ,
the death of Cynewold of Worcester at the end of 95?
appointed the saint to that see. In the following year
the See of London also became vacant and was con-
ferred on St. Dunstan, who held it in conjunction with
Worcester. In October, 959, Eadwig died, and his
brother was readily accepted as ruler of the West-
Saxon Kingdom. One of the last acts of Eadwig had
been to appoint a successor to Archbishop Oda, who
died on 2 June, 958. First he appointed Aelfsige of
Winchester, but he perished of cold in the Alps as he
journeyed to Rome for the pallium. In his place
Eadwig nominated Brithelm, Bishop of Wells. As
soon as Eadgar became king he reversed this act on
the ground that Brithelm had not been able to govern
even his former diocese properly. The archbishopric
was conferred on St. Dunstan, who went to Rome in
960 and received the pallium from Pope John XII.
We are told that, on his journey thither, the saint's
charities were so lavish as to leave nothing for himself
and his attendants. The steward remonstrated, but
St. Dunstan merely suggested trust in Jesus Christ*
DUNSTAN
201
DUNSTAN
That same evening he was offered the hospitality of a
neighbouring abbot.
On his return from Rome Dunstan at once regained
his position as virtual ruler of the kingdom. By his
advice Aelfstan was appointed to the Bishopric of
London, and St. Oswald to that of Worcester. In 963
St. Aethelwold, the Abbot of Abingdon, was appointed
to the See of Winchester. With their aid and with
the ready support of King Eadgar, St. Dunstan
pushed forward his reforms in Church and State.
Throughout the realm there was good order main-
tained and respect for law. Trained bands policed
the north, a navy guarded the shores from Danish
pirates. There was peace in the kingdom such as had
not been Ipown within memory of living man. Mon-
asteries were built; in some of the great cathedrals
monks took the place of the secular canons ; in the rest
the canons were obliged to live according to rule. The
garish priests were compelled to live chastely and to
t themselves for their office ; they were urged to teach
their parishioners not only the truths of tne Catholic
Faith, but also such handicrafts as would improve
their position. So for sixteen years the land pros-
pered. In 973 the seal was put on St. Dunstan's
statesmanship by the solemn coronation of King Ead-
?ir at Bath by the two Archbishops of Canterbury and
ork. It is said that for seven years the king had
been forbidden to wear his crown, in penance for vio-
lating a virgin living in the care of the nunnery of Wil-
ton. That some severe penance had been laid on him
for this act by St. Dunstan is undoubted, but it took
place in 961 and Eadgar wore no crown till the great
day at Bath in 973. Two years after his crowning
Eadgar died, and was succeeded by his eldest son
Eadward. His accession was disputed by his step-
mother, Aelfthryth, who wished her own son Aethel-
red to reign. But, by the influence of St. Dunstan,
Eadward was chosen and crowned at Winchester.
But the death of Eadgar had given courage to the re-
actionary party. At once there arose a determined
attack upon the monks, the protagonists of reform.
Throughout Mercia they were persecuted and de-
prived of their possessions by Aelfhere, the ealdorman.
Their cause,, however, was supported by Aethelwine,
the ealdorman of East Anglia, and the realm was in
serious danger of civil war. Three meetings of the
Witan were neld to settle these disputes, at Kyrtling-
ton, at Calne, and at Amesbury. At the second place
the floor of the hall (solarium) where the Witan was
sitting gave way, and all except St. Dunstan, who
clung to a beam, fell into the room below, not a few
being killed. In March, 978, King Eadward was as-
sassinated at Corfe Castle, possibly at the instigation
of his step-mother, and Aethelred the Redeless be-
came king. His coronation on Low Sunday, 978, was
the last action of state in which St. Dunstan took
part. When the young king took the usual oath
to govern well, the primate addressed him in solemn
warning, rebuking the bloody act whereby he became
king and prophesying the misfortunes that were
shortly to fall on the realm. But Dunstan's influ-
ence at court was ended. He retired to Canterbury,
where he spent the remainder of his life. Thrice
only did he emerge from this retreat: once in 980
when he joined Aelfhere of Mercia in the solemn
translation of the relics of King Eadward from their
mean grave at Wareham to a splendid tomb at
Shaftesbury Abbey; again in 984 when, in obedience
to a vision of St. Andrew, he persuaded Aethelred
to appoint St. Aelfheah to Winchester in succes-
sion to St. Aethelwold; once more hi 986, when
he induced the king, by a donation of 100 pounds
of silver, to desist from his persecution of the See of
Rochester.
St. Dunstan's life at Canterbury is characteristic;
long hours, both day and night, were spent in private
prayer, besides his regular attendance at Mass and the
Office. Often he would visit the shrines of St. Augus-
tine and St. Ethelbert, and we are told of a vision of
angels who sang to him heavenly canticles. He
worked ever for the spiritual and temporal improve-
ment of his people, building and restoring churches,
establishing schools, judging suits, defending the
widow and the orphan, promoting peace, enforcing re-
spect for purity. He practised, also, his handicrafts,
making bells and organs and correcting the books in
the cathedral library. He encouraged and protected
scholars of all lands who came to England, and was
unwearied as a teacher of the boys in the cathedral
school. There is a sentence in the earliest biography,
written by his friend, that shows us the old man sitting
among the lads, whom he treated so gently, and tell-
ing them stories of his early days and of his forebears.
And long after his death we are told of children who
prayed to him for protection against harsher teachers,
and whose prayers were answered . On the vigil of As-
cension Day, 988. he was warned by a vision of angels
that he had but tnree days to live. On the feast itself
he pontificated at Mass and preached three times to
the people: once at the Gospel, a second time at the
benediction (then given after the Pater Noster), and a
third time after the Agnus Dei. In this last address
he announced his impending death and bade them
farewell. That afternoon he chose the spot for his
tomb, then took to his bed. His strength failed rap-
idly, and on Saturday morning (19 May), after the
hvmn at Matins, he caused the clergy to assemble.
Mass was celebrated in his presence, wen he received
Extreme Unction and the Holy Viaticum, and expired
as he uttered the words of thanksgiving: "He nath
made a remembrance of his wonderful works, being a
merciful and gracious Lord: He hath given food to
them that fear Him." They buried him in his cathe-
dral ; and when that was burnt down in 1074, his relics
were translated with great honour by Lanfranc to a
tomb on the south side of the high altar in the new
church. The monks of Glastonbury used to claim
that during the sack of Canterbury by the Danes in
1012, the saint's body had been carried for safety
to their abbey; but this claim was disproved by
Archbishop Warham, by whom the tomb at Can-
terbury was opened in 1508 and the holy relics found.
At the Synod of Winchester in 1029, St. Dunstan's
feast was ordered to be kept solemnly throughout
England on 19 May. Until his fame was overshad-
owed by that of St. Thomas the Martyr, he was the
favourite saint of the English people. His shrine was
destroyed at the Reformation. Throughout the Mid-
dle Ages he was the patron of the goldsmiths' guild.
He is most often represented holding a pair of smith's
tongs; sometimes, in reference to his visions, he is
shown with a dove hovering near him, or with a troop
of angels before him.
Acta S3., 19 May, IV, 344-84; Wharton, Anglia Sacra
(London, 1691), II, 88-121, 148, 211-233; d'Achert and
Mabillon, Acta 88. O.S.B. (Venice, 1733-40), V, 639-07;
Memorial* of St. Dunstan. ed. Sttjbbs in R. 8. (London. 1874);
Icelandic Sagas . . . Relating to ... the British Isles, ed.
VxoFUssoN and Dasent in R. S. (London, 1887-94), II, xxiii-
xxy, 385-408; IV, 397-420; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. Thorpe
in R. S. (London, 1861); William or Malmmbury, De
antiquitate Olastoniensis Ecclesia in Gale, Scriptores (Ox-
ford, 1891), XVj Idem, Oesta Pontifieum, ed. Hamilton in R.
S. (London, 1870); Idem, Gesta Regum, ed. Stubbs in R. 8.
(London, 1887-9); Chron. Monast. de Abingdon, ed. Stevenson
in R. 8. (London, 1858); Chron. Abbatias Ramesiensis, ed. Mac-
rat in R. 8. (London, 1886); Retner, Apostolatus Benedict, in
Anglia (Douai, 1626). III. 77-94; Ypes. Chronica gen. de la
orden de San Benito (Valladolid, 1615). V, 106a-112 b; Alpobd,
Ann. Bed. AnglicancB (Leyden, 1663). III. ad ann. 925-1021;
Mabillon. Annates O. S. B. (Lucca. 1739), III, 393, 420, 449,
480, 491. 498, 508, 517, 543. 545, 563. 693, 615; IV, 42, 46, 176,
221, 232; Wriqht. Biog. Brit. Lit. (London, 1842). I, 448-462;
Robinson, Hist, of Glastonbury Abbey, Somersetshire, and Life
of St. Dunstan (London, 1844); Lingard, Hist, and Antiq. of
the Anglo-Saxon Ch. (London, 1845), II. 267-311. 445-450;
Hook. Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury (London, 1868);
Freeman, Hist, of the Norman Conquest (Oxford. 1870), I. 63-6,
263-6; Green, The Conquest of England (London, 1883); Id.,
Dunstan at Glastonbury in Proc. Somersetshire Archmcl. Soc,
XL ii, 122-142; Jones, Muniments of the town of Anbridge va
DUPANLOUP
n
Aw. Sim. ArcJimol. 3oe.,XV, il, 22-26; Hcht In Did. Nat.
Biog., i. v.: Hunt, The Engluh Ch. ... to Hit Norman Con-
mat (London, 1399), 331-30S; OiMCR and Bishop, The
Botutorth PtaUet (London, 1B08); Toie, Nota on At Accepted
Dolt at St. Dunttan'i Birth in appendix to Qaswkt ind
i The Boneorlh PeaUer; Wilkinb. Cmcitia Magna
' 'Iekblb, Codex dijAomaticue an
Lieb«rmahh, UnoedTUcItte angto-
;B(niHburg. 1878). 3.
..eslie A. St. L. Toke.
1802; d. at Lacombe, Isere, 11 October, 1878. His
mother, Anne Dechosal, to whom he ever remained
tenderly devoted, gave him bis early education. The
better to screen his future from trie disgrace of bis
illegitimate birth, she took him when only seven yean
old to Paris where, by dint of work and privations, she
succeeded in keeping him for some time at the College
Sainte-Barbe. After various attempts in other direc-
tions, F£lix ehose the ecclesiastical career, studying
grammar at the Pdiie Communradi, humanities at the
preparatory seminary of Saint-Nicolas du Chardonnet,
philosophy at Issy, and theology at Saint-Sulpice. Or-
dained priest 18 Dec., 1825, he went aa curate to the
Madeleine where be founded the famous Catechismes
de l'Asaomption and the Acad£mie de St-Hyacinthe,
being entrusted meanwhile with the religious educa-
tion of the Due de Bordeaux and of the Princes d'Or-
16ans.- The novelty and success of his catechizing
methods drew upon him the ill will of his pastor.
Transferred to Saint-Roch (1834), he soon won a repu-
tation as pulpit orator and director. As superior of
the preparatory seminary of Saint-Nicolas (1837-45),
he so completely transformed the institution that ad-
mission into it was eagerly sought by members of the
beat families of France. " During those few years",
says Renan, himself a pupil of Saint-Nicolas (Souve-
nirs d'enfanceetde jeunesse), " the old house of the rue
St- Victor became the school in France which sheltered
the greatest number of historical or well-known
names." At Saint-Nicolas Dupanloup was truly the
ideal educator later described in his famous book: "La
haute Education intellectuelle". Absorbed as he was
Pauline de Pengord, he brought about the
of Talleyrand (1838). A course in sacred eloquence
which he had brilliantly inaugurated at the Sorbonne
was discontinued after the eleventh lecture, owing to
the excitement occasioned by the lecturer's severe
criticism of Voltaire and Viliemain's unwillingness to
enforce order. In 1844, in connexion with the Ville-
main educational bill, which was scarcely more satis-
factory to the Catholics than its numerous predeces-
sors, Dupanloup inaugurated with Hontalembert and
Ravignan that long struggle for liberty of education
which resulted in the lot F< aUoux. It was at his sug-
Festion that Ravignan wrote "De 1' existence et de
institut des Jesuites", in order to put down the stilt
active bugbear of the famines noirg called up by Beren-
ger. He also actively supported Montalembert in the
formation of the Committee for the Defence of Relig-
ious Liberty, and when later Thiers spoke in favour of
another unacceptable educational bill, Dupanloup
wrote inreply " Des associations religjeuses", a pamph-
let which became later the book De la pacification
religieuse". A difference of views with Archbishop
Afire, in connexion with the above-mentioned polem-
ics and the direction of Saint-Nicolas, ended in Du-
panloup'a transfer from the seminary to a canonicate
at Notre-Dame, 1845.
The four years of his canonicate were by no means
years of leisure. In spite of his increasing activity in
confessional and pulpit, he found time for public inter-
ests. The elections of 1846 sent to the French Parh's
)2 DTJPAHltoUP
auestion", a moderate but clear assertion of Catholic
aims. As the Salvandy project of 1847 fell short of
these claims, he again published a series of pamphlets,
"Dunouveauprojet de loi", "Despetite-seminairee",
among others; and the better to control public opin-
ion, he undertook the work of a Catholic daily paper,
finally purchasing " L' ami de la religion ". In 1848
when Falloux, yielding to Dupanloup s persuasion, ac-
cepted a portfolio under President Louis Napoleon, he
appointed a commission to draft an educational bill,
and made Dupanloup a member. Dupanloup's cour-
tesy and undeniable competence won over to the Cath-
olic view such men as Thiers and Cousin, thus insur-
ing the enactment of 1850. "He made me minister
against my will", said Falloux 'speaking of Dupan-
loup; " I have made him bishop against his will." Ap-
fointed to the See of Orleans, he took possession of it
1 Dec., 1849, and during the twenty-eight years of
his episcopate showed incredible activity. His ad-
ministration, min-
utely described by
Cochard, touched
on every vital in-
terest of the di-
ocese: the holding
of synods, parish
visitations, organ-
isation of eattchit-
mes and petilt-
ȣminaire& along
the lines adopted
in Paris, develop-
ment of charitable
works, encourage-
ment of ecclesiasti-
cal studies among
priests, completion
of the cathedral
of Ste-Croix' in-
troduction of the
Roman Liturgy,
etc. Still his en-
ergy was not ex-
hausted. Wherever the interests of religion were at
stake, he gave them vigorous support. In the question
of the classics he stood for the broader view and entered
upon a lively discussion with Louis Veuillot. Profit-
ing by his membership in the French Academy, to
which he had been electedSMay, 1854, Dupanloup pre-
vented the award of the prixBodin to Table's" History
of English Literature" and opposed the admission of
Littrt into that body. The reorganization of "LeCor-
respondant", with Falloux, Foisset, Cochin, and de
Broglie at its bead, was also largely his work. The
Pucetle d'Ortfant (Jeanne d' Arc) found in him an ar-
dent champion; twice he pronounced her panegyric at
Orleans, and it was he who introduced in Rome the
cause of her beatification and raised the first funds
towards a new monument in her honour.
periodical Irish famines, he preached a charity sf
m the Church of St-Roch at Paris, which netted the
sum of thirty thousand francs. The grateful Irish re-
turned this with interest during the Franco-Prussian
war when they remitted to the eloquent Bishop of Or-
leans the sum of two hundred thousand francs in re-
sponse to his appeal for the needs of France. On the
occasion of the centenary (1875) of Daniel O'Connell,
whom he had always admired and often praised pub-
licly, Dupanloup was formally invited by the centen-
ary authorities to take port in the celebration.
Though too ill at the time to accept the honourable in-
vitation, he wrote in reply two letters, memorable for
their eloquence, to the Lord-Mayor of Dublin and to
Cardinal McCabe, and which were printed in "Le
Monde", 9 and 10 Aug., 1875 (Lagrange, Vie de Du-
DUPERRON
203
DUPERRON
panloup. Paris; 1894, II, 347-48; III, 317). His " Let-
ter on Slavery", written on the occasion of the Civil
War in the United States, is another evidence of
Dupanloup's broad sympathy, and helps to account
for his popularity in English-speaking countries.
Dupanloup's main efforts, however, were directed
towards the defence of the Holy See, menaced in its in-
dependence by the ambition of the House of Savoy and
the ill-disguised connivance of Napoleon III. Salo-
mon says (Mgr Dupanloup, p. 58) : " For eight years,
he did not lay down his arms. From Villafranca to
Mentana, he never took off his breast-plate." During
this phase of his life, besides endeavouring to enlist pon-
tifical zouaves and to increase the Peter's-pence, he
wrote the "Protestation" against the impending
spoliation of the pope; the " Lettre a un cathohque sur
la brochure l Le pape et le congres ' " ; "La souverainete*
pontificate ", in which he cited a declaration made by
Cousin in favour of the temporal power of the pope;
two other pamphlets, one against the Convention of 15
Sept., 1864, and the other in defence of the Encyclical
of 8 Dec. and of the Syllabus; several letters to Ra-
tazzi, Minghetti, etc. The Vatican Council and the
Franco-Prussian War exhibit Dupanloup in two very
different lights. At the council he was the leader of
that minority which for political reasons stood, if not
against the papal infallibility itself, at least against the
opportuneness of its definition. The papal Bull of indic-
tion, in which no mention was made of infallibility, he
welcomed with joy and transmitted to his flock in a
dignified pastoral letter; but when the Catholic senti-
ment, voiced by such organs as the " Civilta Cattolica "
and the "Univers", began to petition for the defini-
tion, he appended to his pastoral letter certain obser-
vations which, by making known in advance the posi-
tion he intended to take2 involved him in a petty con-
troversy with Louis Veuillot. Once in Rome he never
swerved from his position but used all the resources of
his fiery nature to win others over to his views. It
was he who, on the eve of the final vote, advised the
minority to vote neither placet nor non-placet, but to
abstain and withdraw. That he appealed to the secu-
lar arm and threatened the council with diplomatic in-
tervention has been both asserted and denied. This
much is vouched for by Ollivier, then minister of Napo*
leon III: "No bishop of the minority, Dupanloup or
other, ever demanded the evacuation of the pontifical
territory " (Le Correspondant, 10 Dec., 1892) . In jus-
tice to him it should be added that, once the dogma
was defined, he was neither slow to acquiesce in what
he called " the victory of truth and of God " nor half-
hearted in declaring his adherence. During the
Franco-Prussian War Dupanloup showed himself a
worthy successor of Saint- Aignan and like him won the
title of defensor civitatis. His prestige enabled him to
have the severe conditions imposed by the victors on
the city of Orleans either withdrawn or mitigated. In
gratitude his people sent him to the National Assem-
bly. As a member he took an effective part in secur-
ing the passage of the law which restored the military
chaplains (1874) and of that which authorized the
Catholic institutes (1875). He was made Senator in
1875, and one of his last public acts was to deter the
French Government from officially taking notice of the
centenary of Voltaire (1878). A malady which had
long undermined his health resulted in his death while
at the chateau de Lacombe. His remains were laid to
rest in the cathedral of Orleans and his heart conveyed
to Saint-Felix, his native place. As a clause of his
last will forbade any funeral oration, Bishop Bougaud
E renounced only a few words of eulogy, trie oration
eing delivered in 1888 by Bishop Besson at the
imveiling of Dupanloup's monument.
Dupanloup was without question one of the ablest
Frencn bishops of his day. He repeatedly refused
higher positions. In many things a conservative and
even a legitimist, he was one of the first who thought
of appealing, in behalf of the Catholic cause, to com*
mon law and public liberties before a generation no
longer able or willing to recognize the Divine right of the
Church. The criticisms passed on him by Catholics
of a different school were more than offset by numer-
ous papal Briefs of encouragement and episcopal let-
ters of approval from all parts of the world. A man of
action, he was also a prolific writer. A complete list of
his writings is given by Lagrange, his biographer.
Some of his polemical pamphlets have already been
noticed . In his educational writings Dupanloup enun-
ciates some of the most important principles which are
now generally accepted. Among these are his concep-
tion of education as a process of developing mental
activity instead of injecting knowledge into the mind,
and his insistence \m the duty of the^ teacher to respect
the freedom of the pupils and to cultivate in them a
spirit of honour. He advocates physical education by
means of games, and warns against the danger of forc-
ing precocious children. Education, he holds, is in-
tellectual, moral, religious, and physical; but it is es-
sentially one, and to neglect any of its purposes would
be fatal.
His more important works are: — catechetical:
"L'oeuvre par excellence" (1869); educational:
" L Education en general ", " La haute Education intel-
lectuelle" (1850), "La femme studieuse" (1869), and
"Lettres sur T^ducation des filles" (1878); historical:
"Vie de Mgr Borderies" (Paris, 1904): oratorical:
panegyrics of Jeanne d'Arc (1855 and 1869), St. Mar-
tin (1862), and St. Vincent de Paul (1863); funeral
orations of Pere de Ravignan (1858), the volunteers
(1860), Mgr Menjaud (1861), and Lamoriciere (1865);
pastoral: "Lettres pastorales et mandements" (in the
archives of the episcopal palace of Origans).
Dupanloup, Journal intime. ed. in part, Branchcreau
(Paris, 1902); Lagrange, Vie de Mgr Dupanloup (Paris, 1883;
7th ed., 1894); Salomon, Mgr. Dupanloup in Lee Grande
Homme* de VEoiise au XIX* eiede (Paris, 1907), VI: Co-
chard, Dupanloup in L'tpiscopat francais (1802-1905) (Paris,
1907), s.v. Orleans; Thureau-Dangin, Hist, de la monarchic de
JuHlet (Paris, 1892), V; Lecanuet, L'Eglise de France sous la
troieieme r&publique (Paris, 1907); Grimaud, IAberte* d'enseignc-
menl en France (Paris, 1907); Ollivier, VEqlise et VEtat au Con*
die du Vatican (Paris, 1879). See also E. Veuillot, Louis
Veuillot (Paris, 1901); Lecanuet, Viede Montalembert (Paris.
1895-1901); Pontlevot, Vie du R. P. Xavier de Ravignan (Paris,
1860); Ledos, Vie du R. P. Lacordaire (Paris, 1902).
J. F. SOLLJER.
Duperron, Jacques-Davy, theologian and diplo-
mat, b. 25 Nov., 1556, at St-Ld (Normandy), France j
d. 5 Sept., 1618, at Batignolles, a suburb of Paris. His
parents were Calvinists and on account of persecution
sought re(uge in Switzerland soon after his birth.
Having received a thorough literary, scientific, and
philosophical education, he applied himself to the
study of the Fathers and ecclesiastical writers, espe-
cially St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, and in
1577 or 1578 was converted to the Catholic Faith. He
enjoyed the favour and confidence of King Henry III,
to whom he had been presented in 1576, and later that
of Henry IV. The latter 's conversion was to a great
extent due to Duperron's instructions and influence,
and his absolution from heresy was obtained from the
pope by Duperron and Cardinal d'Ossat (1595).
While in Rome for that purpose, Duperron was con-
secrated Bishop of Evreux, a see to which King Henry
IV had already appointed him in 1591, though he was
not yet in Holy orders. Immediately after his con-
version Duperron began to work with untiring zeal for
the conversion of Protestants. By his science, elo-
quence, and power of argument he won many victories
in controversies and conferences with ministers of the
reformed sects. In 1600 the famous Fontainebleau
conference took place with the leader of French Cal-
vinism, Duplessis-Mornay, who had been accused by
Duperron ot mutilating, falsifying, and misinterpreting
texts from the Fathers in his work on the Eucharist.
Of the judges three were Catholics, and three Calvin?-
DUNN
204
DUPIH
lets. Qn 4 May nine passages were examined concern-
ing which the commission decided against Duplessis.
The latter's real or feigned sickness and his departure
prevented further meetings.
Duperron was created a cardinal in 1604. The same
year he went to Rome, and was invited to assist at the
meetings of the Congregatio de Auxiliis which Clement
VIII had summoned to end the discussions on grace
and freedom. Meanwhile he took an important part in
the election of Leo XI and Paul V. The decision of
Paul V not to condemn the Molinistic system was due
largely to Duperron's advice. Duperron became Arch-
bishop of Sens in 1606. In 1611 he stopped the de-
cision of the Parliament condemning one of Bellar-
mine's works, and defended the latter's thesis of the
. pope's infallibility and superiority over councils. At a
synod held at Paris (1612) ne condemned the work " De
ecclesiastica et politica po testate " by Edmond Richer,
syndic of the Sorbonne. In 1614-15, at the meeting of
the States General at Paris, he urged, against the Third
Estate, the acceptance of the decrees of the Council of
Trent on discipline and reform. Duperron's knowledge
and eloouence were so great that Pope Paul V said of
him: "Let us pray that God may inspire Duperron,
for he will persuade us of whatever he pleases.1
His works were collected in three volumes (Paris,
1620 and 1622). The first volume contains hjs "Traite*
du sacrement de l'Eucharistie" written against Du-
plessis-Mornay. Its three books deal with (1) a com-
parison of the Eucharist and the other sacraments of
the New Law with those of the Old Law ; (2) the tradi-
tion of the Fathers, to which is added a special study
of St. Augustine's doctrine; (3) the practice of the
Church concerning the adoration of the Eucharist.
The second volume is the " Replique a la Rlponse du
Roy de la Grande-Bretagne". James I of England
claimed that he belonged to the Catholic Church, as
he believed all truths considered necessary by the first
Christians. In his answer Duperron treats of the char-
acteristics of the Catholic Church, of some articles
which the king did not look upon as essential, the
preservation and integrity of the doctrine and disci-
pline of the Church, the Eucharist as a sacrament and
a sacrifice, the invocation of the Saints, the use of
Latin, translation of Holy Scripture, etc. The third
volume contains various works among which are a
treatise on vocation, the Acts of the Fontainebleau
conference, a refutation of the work of Tflenus on
Apostolic traditions, some moral and spiritual trea-
tises, and poems both Christian and profane. Duper-
ron's secretary, Cesar de Limy, wrote "Ambassades
et negotiations du cardinal Duperron" (Paris, 1618).
Under the title of "Perroniana", remarks on theo-
logical, political, and literary subjects were published
by Christophe du Puy from the notes of his brother,
Wno had been with Duperron for a long time.
F*bet, he cardinal Duperron (Paris, 1877); de Buiuqnt,
Vie du cardinal Duperron (Paris, 1768); Dvris^Nouvelle bibli'
otMque dee auteure eecUeiaetiquee (Paris, 1710), XVI 1, 25; Ram,
Die Convertilen text der Reformation (Freiburg, 1886), II, 226,
441, III, 384; Gallia chrietuma (2d ed., Paris, 1870), XI, 612,
XII, 06; Seidl in KirchenUxicon, IV, 26.
C. A. DUBRAT.
Dupin (also Du Pin), Louib-Ellies, theologian, b.
17 June, 1657, of a noble family in Normandy; a. 6
June, 1719. His mother, a Vitart, was the niece of
Marie dee Moulins, grandmother of the poet Jean Ra-
cine. At the age of twenty Dupin accompanied Ra-
cine who made a visit to Nicole for the 'purpose of
becoming reconciled to the gentlemen of Port Royal.
But, while not hostile to the Jansenists, Dupin's intel-
lectual attraction was in another direction; he was
the disciple of Launoy, a learned critic and a Gallican.
Dupin took hiB theological course at the Sorbonne, and
received there the degree of bachelor in 1680, and of
doctor in 1684.
From the beginning of his studies he had accumu-
lated notes on the works and teachings of the Fathers.
In 1686 there appeared the first vplume of the "Nou-
velle bibliotheque des auteursecclesiastiques", cover-
ing the first three centuries. In it Dupin had treated
simultaneously biography, literary criticism, and the
history of dogma; in this he was a pioneer leaving far
behind him aU previous efforts, Catholic or Protestant,
which were still under the influence of the Scholastic
method. He was also the first to publish such a col-
lection in a modern language. Unfortunately he was
young and worked rapidly. In this way errors crept
into his writings and his productions were violently
attacked. Matnieu Petit-Didier. a Benedictine, pub-
lished an anonymous volume of "Remarques sur la
bibliotheque des auteurs ecclesiastiaues de M. Du Pin11
(Paris, 1691), and this was followed by two other vol-
umes to which the author's name was appended
(Paris, 1692 and 1696). Dupin answered him in his
fifth volume and Petit-Didier replied in the fore part of
his second volume of "Remaraues". Petit-Didier*s
observations were often inspired by contemporaneous
prejudice. Thus Dupin had placed in the fourth cen-
tury, to which indeed: he rightly belongs, St. Macarius
the Egyptian. Petit-Didier discovered Semipelagian-
ism in this author's works, in reality ideas professed
by many before St. Augustine, but from whicn the ad-
versary of Dupin concluded that Macarius should
come after Pelagius and St. Augustine (II, 198).
A more formidable enemy appeared in Bossuet, who,
during a public thesis at the College of Navarre in
1692, condemned the audacity of the critic. Dupin
answered him and Bossuet appealed to the civil au-
thority, denouncing Dupin to Chancellor Boucherat
and to Archbishop de Harlay. Bossuet simply enu-
merated the points that he disapproved in the " Biblio- *
theque" concerning original sm, purgatory, the can-
onicity of the Sacred Scriptures, tne eternity of hell's
torments, the veneration of saints and of their relics,
the adoration of the Cross, grace, the pope and the
bishops, Lent, divorce, the celibacy of the clergy, tra-
dition, the Eucharist, the theology of the Trinity, and
the Council of Nicaea. He demanded a censure and a
retractation.
Like Petit-Didier Bossuet would not admit that any
of the Greek or Latin Fathers differed from St^ Augus-
tine on the subject of grace, nor that this matter could
be called subtle, delicate, and abstract. Between Du-
pin and Bossuet there was a still wider difference.
"The liberty M. Dupin takes of so harshly condemn-
ing the greatest men of the Church should, in general,
not be tolerated " (Bossuet, CEuvres, XXX, 513). On
the other hand Bossuet strongly contended that
heretics could not be too severely dealt with: "It is
dangerous to call attention to passages that manifest
the firmness of these people without also indicating
wherein this firmness has been overrated: otherwise
they are credited with a moral steadfastness which
elicits sympathy and leads to their being excused"
(op. cit., XXX, 633).
Dupin submitted but was nevertheless condemned
by the Archbishop of Paris (14 April, 1696). He con-
tinued his " Bibliotheque ", which was put on the Index
long after his death (10 May, 1757), though other works
of his were condemned at an earlier date. He had also
to suffer the criticism of Richard Simon (Paris, 1730,
4 vols.). Simon and Dupin had similar views and
methods so that when Bossuet was writing the "De-
fense de la Tradition et des Saints Peres" (which did
not appear, however, until 1743), he included both in
his invectives against the "haughty critics" who in-
clined to rabbinism and the errors of Socinus. Al-
though Dupin spoke favourably of Arnauld and
signed the "Cas de conscience", he was not a Jansen-
ist. On these matters he rather shared the opinion of
Launoy who "had found a way to be at once both
demi-Pelagian and Jansenist* (Bossuet, (Euvres,
XXX, 509). Dupin was pre-eminently a Gallican. It
was probably on this account that Louis XIV had him
DUPIN
205
DUPBAT
exiled to ChAtellerault, on the occasion of the "Cas de
conscience '*. Dupin retracted and returned, but his
chair in the College of France was irretrievably lost.
Later Dubois, who aspired to the cardinalate and
sought therefore the favour of Rome, made similar ac-
cusations against Dupin. Dupin was on friendly
terms with Wake, the Anglican Archbishop of Canter-
bury, who hoped for a union of the two Churches. The
correspondence was looked on with suspicion, and in
1718 the regent had Dupin's papers seized. This act
led to calumnies against the writer, who really had had
no other aim than the reconciliation of the separated
Anglicans. A similar purpose animated the "m£-
moires " he presented to Peter the Great during the lat-
ter's residence in France. Dupin died shortly after.
Besides the "Nouvelle bibliotheque ecclesiastique"
(58 vols. 8vo with tables), the "Remarques" by Pe-
tit-Didier, and the " Critiaue " by R. Simon reprinted in
Holland (19 vols. 4 to), Dupin edited the works of
Gerson (Paris, 1703), Optatus of Mileve (Paris, 1700),
the Psalms with annotations (1691), and published
"Notes sur le Pentateuque" (1701), an abridgment of
"I/histoire de l'Eglise'1 (1712), "LTiistoire profane"
(1714-1716), "L'histoire d'Apollonius de Tyane"
(1705, under the name of M. de Clairac), a "Traite de
la puissance ecclesiastique et temporelle", a commen-
tary on the Four Articles of the clergy of France(1707),
the "Bibliotheque universelle des historiens" (1716),
numerous works and articles on theology, reprints of
former works, etc. Dupin was no pedant. Etienne
Jordan, a contemporary who saw him, said: "In the
morning he would grow pale over books and in the
afternoon over cards in the pleasant company of
ladies. His library and adjoining apartment were
marvellously well kept."
Nic&ron, Memoirea pour acrvir d Vhistoire dee hommea \Uua-
tree (Paris, 1727-1745), II, 31: Bossuet. (Buvrea (Veraailles,
1817V XXX, 475; Rkubch, Der Index der verbotenen Bucher
(Bonn, 1885), II. 586; Margxval, £. Simon in Revue d'hisloire
et de litUroture retigieuaea (Paris, 1899), IV, 435; Sainte-Beuve,
Port-Royal, VI, 129, 174, 365; Moshexm and Maclaine, Hia-
toire eccteaiaetique ancienne etmoderne (1776), VI, 135; also Et.
Jordan, RecueU de litUratun, de philosophie et cThistoire
(Amsterdam, 1730), 66»
Paul Lejay.
Dupin, Pierre-Charles-Francois, known as
Baron Charles Dupin, a French mathematician and
economist, b. at Varzy, Nievre, 6 October, 1784; d.
at Paris, 18 January, 1873. At the age of twenty-
three he entered the Ecole polytechnique, and after
three years of successful studies under the famous
Monge, he received the decree of naval engineer. He
then served in that capacity in the navy and showed
so much ability that he was later appointed inspector-
general of the navy. In 1813 he published a pamph-
let, "Developpement de geom£trie pour faire suite a
la geomltrie pratique de Monge'1 (Paris, 1813), con-
taining many new and brilliant theories, the most
important of which were one relating to the indicatrix
of curved surfaces and another on orthogonal sur-
faces. He was elected to the Academy of Sciences
in 1818. The next year Dupin received a professor-
ship at the Conservatoire des arts et metiers; during
this period he wrote various pamphlets on scientific
topics, such as: u Applications de geomltrie et de
\inecanique a la marine" (Paris, 1822); "Di verses
leoons sur l'industrie, le commerce, la marine11 (Paris,
1825), and also numerous memoirs for the Academy
of Sciences, which were highly spoken of. Notwith-
standing his brilliant prospects as a mathematician,
he soon preferred to devote himself to political
economy. His " Voyages en Grande Bretagne de 1 8 1 6
a 1819" (6 vols., Paris, 1820-1824), which were the
result of a personal inquiry into the commerce and
industry of England, placed him in the foremost rank
of statisticians. In his "Carte de la France eclairee"
(Paris, 1824), he was the first to use different colours
to show the development of education in various parts
of France. Charles X gave him the title of baron in
1824. Dupin gradually turned to politics and for
forty years was a member of legislative assemblies.
Under the Restoration, in spite of the honour be* *'
stowed upon him by the Bourbons, he sided with the
Liberals and took his seat at the Left of the Chamber;
under the Monarchy of July, he sat with the Centre,
and finally with the Right, under the Republic of
1848. He rallied to the Second Empire ana was ap-
pointed senator by Napoleon III. In his political
career he showed himself a man of ability, of great
industry and activity, and never failed to assert his
Catholic convictions. Although a less brilliant man
than his brother the Elder Dupin; he may have a more
lasting reputation on account of his discoveries in
geometry.
Anonymous, Notice hiatorique »ur le baron Charles Dupin
(Paris, 1857); Lea Mondea (Pari*, 1873), XXX, 185; Revue dee
questions hiatoriquea (1881), IX, 517-500.
Louis N. Delamarrb.
Da Plessis d'Argentrrf, See Abgentre.
Duplex (Double). See Calendar.
Duplication of Mass. See Bination.
Duponceau, Peter Stephen, jurist and linguist,
b. at St-Martin de R£, France. 3 June, 1760; d. at
Philadelphia, U. S. A., 1 April, 1844. Educated in
a Benedictine college, he exhibited a marked taste
for languages, and in 1777 accompanied Baron
Steuben to America, serving as his secretary in the
Revolutionary army, with rank of captain, until com-
pelled by ill-health to resign in 1781. He settled in
Philadelphia, studied law, and was admitted to the
Bar. Throughout a long life he was identified with
public affairs and was also author or translator of a
number of legal or historical treatises, but his fame
rests chiefly upon his studies of the native American
languages at a period when ethnology was as yet
hardly recognized as a science. Most of his linguistic
papers appeared in volumes of the American Philo-
sophical society (Philadelphia), of which he was a
member from 1791 and president from 1827 until
his death. His memoir on the grammatical system
of the Indian languages (Memoire sur le systems
grammatical des Ungues de quelquea. nations Indien-
nes de l'Amerique du Nord) won the Volney prise of
the French Institute in 1835.
Dvnqubos, Public Discourse in Commemoration of Peter 8.
Duponceau (Philadelphia, 1844); Pilling, Bibliography of
Algonquian Languages (Washington, 1891).
James Moonbt.
Duprat, Antolne, Chancellor of France and Cardi-
nal, b. at Issoire in Auvergne, 17 January, 1463; d.
at the Chateau de Nantouillet near Meaux, 9 July,
1535. Educated for the law he won a high position
in his profession and in 1507 became first president of
the Parliament of Paris (the highest court of France).
In 1515 Francis I made him chancellor and prime
minister. In 1517, after his wife's death, he took
Sacred orders and gradually rose in the hierarchy:
first as bishop of several dioceses held by him in plu-
rality; then as Archbishop of Sens, 1525; cardinal,
1527, and legate a latere, 1530. Duprat's influence
extended much beyond the departments of justice
and finance placed under his direct control. Hano-
taux, in the introduction to his " Recueil des instruc-
tions", calls Duprat "one of the most notable men of
ancient France, second only to Richelieu in the de-
cisive influence he exercised on the destinies of his
country". This influence was constantly exerted to
strengthen royal absolutism • it was felt in the stern
measures he took against the grands Seigneurs, and
in his elaborate fiscal system. Duprat's influence was
also manifested, together with his perfect orthodoxy,
in those measures which affected the relations of
France with the Church, namely, the signing of the
Concordat of 1516, and the checking of nascent Prat-
1
N
DUPUYTREN
206
DTTRANQ
estantism. The Concordat, which Duprat himself
negotiated with Leo X at Bologna, did away with the
schismatical principles of the ''Pragmatic Sanction";
on the other nand, by causing the appointment of the
French hierarchy to rest on royal nomination instead
of the old canonical elections, it vested in the civil
B>wer an easily abused authority over Church affairs,
uprat's uncompromising attitude towards Protes-
tantism was dictated botn by his political sense and
his orthodoxy. The wiles of Luther, Melanchthon,
and Calvin aid not deceive him ; even so the well-
known Protestant sympathies of Marguerite cf'Angou-
l&ne, the Ducheese d'Etampes, and the Minister du
Bellay failed to move him. The Sorbonne and the
Parliament were instructed to exclude the writings of
the innovators; in 1534 the posting of subversive
pamphlets at the door of the royal apartments cost
the perpetrators their lives. Duprat left no writings,
but took a leading part in the compilation of the
"Coutumes d'Auvergne"; he also did much, to en-
courage the renaissance of letters.
(2) Guillaume, son of the foregoing, b. at Issoire,
1507 ; d. at Beauregard, 1560. Appointed Bishop of
Clermont in 1529, he led a zealous and saintly life and
is favourably known by the leading part he took in
the last sessions of the Council of Trent as well as by
his patronage of the Jesuits. Not only did he receive
them in his diocese;, where they were put in charge of
the colleges of Billom and Mauriac, but, in face of
much opposition, he helped them financially and in
other ways to found in Paris the College de Clermont,
so called after Duprat's episcopal city.
Duprat, Vie d'Antoin* Duprat (Paris, 1867); Hanotadx,
Etudes historiques sur Us XVI* et XV11* siedes (Paris. 1886);
Idem, Recueildes instructions donnies aux ambassadeurs (Paris,
1888), I; Baudrillart, Quatre cento ana de concordat (Paris,
1905); Fournier, Ouwaume Duprat in Etudes religieuses,
1904.
« J. F. SOLLIER.
Dupuytren, Guillaume, Baron, French anato-
mist and surgeon, b. 6 October, 1777, at Pierre-Buffiere,
a small town in the Limousin, France; d. in Paris, 8
February, 1835. His parents were so poor that he
received his education at the College de la Marche
through charity. By competitive examination he
gained the position of prosector in anatomy at the
newly established Ecole de MecLecine, Paris, when he
was but eighteen. In 1803 he was appointed assist-
ant surgeon to the Hdtel-Dieu. In 1811 he became
professor of operative surgery, and in 1815 professor
of clinical surgery at the Ecole de Meclecine and head
surgeon to the H6tel-Dieu. He was indefatigable in
his devotion to his profession and had one of the larg-
est surgical practices of all time. He amassed a for-
tune estimated at $1,500,000. He succeeded in
accomplishing all this in spite of a consumptive ten-
dency against which he had to battle all his life and
which finally carried him off. In his will he endowed
the chair of anatomy at the Ecole de Meclecine and
established a home for physicians in distress. A
curious contraction of the fascia of the palm of the
hand, which cripples the fingers, is called after him,
and the anatomical museum of the Ecole de Meclecine
bears his name. The most important of his writings
is his treatise on artificial anus. He published also a
treatise on gunshot wounds and clinical lectures on
surgery. Dupuytren was not an original investigator
in surgical subjects, but he was an excellent observer
and a great worker, who knew how to adopt and adapt
others' ideas very practically.
Vidal Duputtrbn, Essai Hist. (Pa rifl , 1835); Larky, Dis-
cours a V inauguration de la Statue de O Dupuytren (Paris, 18(09).
James J. Walsh.
Duqueanoy, Francois (called also Francois
Flamand, and in Italy II Flamingo), b. at Brussels,
Belgium, 1594; d. at Leghorn, Italy, 12 July, 1646.
Duquesnoy was the son of an excellent Dutch sculp-
tor from whom he received his first lessons. At an
early age he carved the figure of justice on the portal
of the chancellerie at Brussels, and two angels for the
entrance of the Jesuit church of that city. In 1610,
at the age of twenty-five, he was sent by the Archduke
Albert to study in Rome, and there he resided many
years, executing various works of importance. To
nim we owe the handsome baldachinum over the high
altar in St. Peter's, the colossal statue of St. Andrew
with his cross, also in St. Peter's, and the Santa Su-
sanna in the church of S. Maria di Loreto. In the
cathedral of Ghent is his rococo tomb for Bishop
Triest, a good work in its_ own style. Duquesnoy was
a contemporary of Bernini and a friend of Le Pous-
sain, who recommended him to Cardinal Richelieu.
The sculptor was about to start for Paris when death
overtook him at Leghorn. It is reported that he was
poisoned by his own brother, Jer6me, who was also a
clever sculptor (b. 1612; burned for unnatural crime,
24 Oct., 1654). Francois is famous for his beautiful
sporting children in marble and bronze, his ivory
carvings for drinking-cups, etc. The figure known to
the populace of Brussels as the ".Mannecken" is com-
monly attributed to him.
LObke, History of Sculpture (tr. London, 1872); Clement,
Sculpture (New York, 1885).
M. L. Handlet.
Duran, Narcisco, b. 16 Dec., 1776, at Castellon de
Ampurias, Catalonia, Spain ; d. 1 June, 1846. He en-
tered the Franciscan Order at Gerona, 3 May, 1792.
volunteered for the Indian Missions, was incorporated
into the Franciscan Missionary College of San Fer-
nando in the City of Mexico, and in 1806 came to Cali-
fornia. He was assigned to Mission San Jose* and
toiled there among the i Indians until April, 1833, when
he retired to Mission Santa Barbara. As early as 1817
Father Sarrid, the comisario prefecto y recommended
Duran for higher offices. Father Payeras, the co-
misario prefecto in 1820, likewise held him worthy and
capable of any office. Towards the end of 1824 the
College of San Fernando elected him presidente of the
missions, which post he held with the exception of one
term (1828-1831) until 1838. From 1844 till his
death in 1846 he again held this office, and from 1837
to 1843 he was also comisario prefecto of the Fernandi-
nos, i. e. Franciscans subject to the college in Mexico,
who were in charge of the missions in Southern Cali-
fornia. During the troublous times of the seculariza-
tion and sale of the missions it was Father Duran who
fought the pillagers step by step, though in vain, and
fearlessly unmasked the real aims of the despoilers.
His numerous letters to the Government on the sub-
ject are masterpieces of close reasoning, pungent sar-
casm, and unanswerable argument. Governor Fi-
gueroa recommended the exile of Father Duran, but
the Mexican Government allowed him to remain un-
molested at Mission Santa Barbara until his death.
Six weeks previous to this the dying Bishop of Calif or-
niahad appointed Father Duran vicar-general, and for
a month tie held the office of administrator of the dio-
cese. His body was placed in the vault beneath the
sanctuary of the mission church. He was almost the
last survivor of the Fernandinos, and for virtue, learn-
ing, and missionary zeal ranks with the most brilliant
of nis predecessors.
Records of Mission San Josl; Archives of the Archbishop of
San Francisco; Archives of Mission Santa Barbara; Bancroft,
History of California (San Francisco, 1886), III-V; Enoel-
raBdt, The Franciscans in California (Harbor Springs. 1897);
Clinch, California and its Missions (San Francisco, 1904).
Zephyrin Engelhardt.
Durand de Maillane, Pierre Toussaint. See
Galucanism.
Durand Ursin, a Benedictine of the Maurist Con-
gregation, b. 20 May, 1682, at Tours; d. 31 Aug.,
1771, at Paris. He took vows in the monastery of
DTJRAHDijS
207
DUBANDUS
Marraoutier at the age of nineteen and devoted him-
self especially to the study of diplomatics. In April,
1709, he joined his confrere Edmond Martene, who was
making a literary tour through France with the pur-
pose of collecting material for a new edition of "Gallia
Christiana" (q. v.). After searching the archives of
more than eight hundred abbeys and one hundred
cathedral churches, they returned in 1713 to the mon-
astery of St-Germain-des-Pres, laden with all kinds of
valuable historical documents, many of which were
included in "Gallia Christiana1', while the others were
published in a separate work, entitled "Thesaurus
novus Anecdotorum" (5 vols, folio, Paris, 1717). In
1718 the two Maurists started on a new literary tour
through Germany and the Netherlands to collect ma-
terial for Bouquet's "Rerum Gallicarum et Franci-
carum Scriptores". Besides collecting valuable ma-
terial for Bouquet's work they gathered an immense
mass of other historical documents which they pub-
lished in a large work entitled " Veterum scriptorum
et monumentorum historicorum, dogmaticorum et
moralium amplissima collectio" (9 vols, fol., Paris,
1724-33). They also jointly published in French a
learned account of their journeys: "Voyage litteraire
de deux Religieux Ben&lictins de la Congregation
de St. Maur" (2 vols., Paris, 1717 and 1724). In ad-
dition to the works which Durand published jointly
with Martene, he also collaborated with Dantine and
Clemencet in a French work on diplomatics, entitled
"L'Art de verifier les dates'', continued Coustant's
"Collection of Papal Letters", assisted Sabatier with
the edition of the "Itala", and contributed to many
other Maurist publications. In 1734 he was banished
from the monastery of St-Germain-desrPres as a Jan-
senist "Appellant ', at the instance of Cardinal de
Bissy. He was sent to the monastery of St-Eloi in
Noyon. After two years he was permitted to repair
to the monastery of Blancs-manteaux in Paris;
where he spent the remainder of his life in literary
pursuits.
Tamun, Histoire litteraire de la congregation de Si- Maur
(Brussels, 1770), 550-567; BerliIsr^, Nouveau supplement a
Vhistoire litteraire de la cong. de St- Maur (Paris, 1908). I. 196-
7; Ger. tr. (Frankfort, 1774), II, 263 sqq.; Herbst in Theol.
QuartaUchr. (Tubingen, 1833), 239 sqq.; de Lama, Bibl. dee
ecriv. de la cong. de St- Maur (Munich and Paris, 1882), 147
, M»d 161. MlCHAEL OlT.
Durandus (Duranti, Durantis), William, can-
onist and one of the most important medieval liturgi-
cal writers; b. about 1237 at Puimisson in the Diocese
of B&iers. Provence, d. at Rome, 1 Nov., 1296. He
was called "Speculator" from the title of one of his
works, " Speculum Judiciale". He studied law at
Bologna under Bernard of Parma and then taught it
at Modena. Clement IV (Guy Foulques, 1265-1268,
also a Provencal) summoned Durandus to Rome, or-'
dained him subdeacon, and gave him titular canonries
at Beauvais and Chartres. He' was then attached to
the papal curia as Auditor generate causarum sacri
palatii. He accompanied Gregory X (1271-1276) to
the Second Council of Lyons (1274) ana, as the pope's
secretary, drew up its decrees. In 1279 he was made
dean of Chartres, but did not reside there. At about
the same time he went to Romagna as papal governor
and succeeded in subduing a rebellion under Guy of
Montefeltro. He destroyed Guy's fortress della Kipa
and founded in its place the town of Urbania. In
1286 he was elected bishop by the chapter of Mende
(Mimatum) in the province of Narbonne, but did not
go into residence till 1291. Meanwhile his diocese
was administered by his nephew, William Durandus
the younger. In 1295 he was again in Italy (under
Boniface VIII, 1294-1303) as governor of Romagna
and Ancona, where the Ghibellines were again in re-
bellion. He refused the pope's offer to make him
Archbishop of Ravenna, came to Rome, and died
there. There is no reason to suppose that Durandus
belonged to any religious order, though he has been
claimed by both the Dominicans and the Austin
Canons. He is buried at Rome in Santa Maria Sopra
Minerva, where a long epitaph tells the story of his
life and gives a list of his works.
Of these works the most famous is the "Rationale
divinorum officiorum" (first ed. by Fust and Schoef- ,
fer at Mainz, 1459, and reprinted frequently, at Ulm
by John Zainer, 1473; latest ed. at Naples, 1839). It
was written in 1286. Its eight books contain a de-
tailed account of the laws, ceremonies, customs, and
mystical interpretation of the Roman Rite. Book I
treats of the church, altar, pictures, bells, churchyard,
etc.; II of the ministers; III of vestments; IV of the
Mass; V of the canonical hours; VI of the Proprium
TemporU; VII of the Proprium Sanctorum; and VIII
of the astronomical calendar, manner of finding Easter,
Epacts, etc. Durandus's "Rationale" is the most
complete medieval treatise of its kind; it is still the
standard authority for the ritual of the thirteenth
century and for the symbolism of rites and vestments.
The allegorical explanation of vestments, for instance,
as signifying virtues or the garments worn by Christ
in His Passion, is taken from its third book. Other
works are "Speculum Legatorum", afterwards en-
larged into "Speculum Judiciale1' (four books), a
treatise on the canonical rights of legates and the
forms of canonical processes (first ed. at Strasburg in
1473; Frankfort, 1668); "Breviarium, sive Reper-
torium juris canonici" (Rome, 1474), "Breviarium
gossarum et textuum juris canonici" (Paris, 1519),
>th commentaries on the decretals, arranged in the
same order; and "Commentarius in canones Coneilii
Lugdunensis II " (Fano, 1569, with a life of the author
by Simon Majolus), a semi-official exposition of the
canons of the Second Council of Lyons. Durandus's
epitaph also mentions a "Pontificate", which is now
lost. For works wrongly attributed to hini see
Schulte (op. cit. infra.), II, 155-156.
Sarti, De darts archigwnnasii Bononiei
Bononiensis professoribtts a
see. XI. usq. sac. XIV. (Bologna, 1769), 386, $99; Hurter,
Nomenclator (Innsbruck, 1899), IV. 352-356; Schultb. Gesch.
der Quel. u. Lit. dee can. Rechtea (Stuttgart, 1875). II, $35, pp.
144-156; Rationel, ou Manuel aes divine offices, de GuUlaume
Durand, tr. by Barthblemy (with an historical notice of the
author), 5 volumes (Paris, 1854); Neale and Webb, The Sym-
bolism of Churches and Church Ornaments, a tr. by Green of
the first book of the Rationale divinorum oMciorum (Leeds,
1843). Adrian Fortescue.
Durandus, William, the Younger, d. 1328, can-
onist, nephew of the famous ritualist and canonist of
the same name (with whom he is often confounded).
He was at first archdeacon of Mende, Languedoc, under
his uncle and was appointed bishop of that see by
Boniface VIII, in 1296, after the uncle's death. He
was present at the Council of Vienne in 1311-1312.
The pope (John XXII, 1316-1334) and the King of
France (Charles IV, 1316-1328) sent him on an em-
bassy to the Sultan Orkhan (1326-1360) at Brusa, t©
obtain more favourable conditions for the Latins in
Syria. He died on the way back, in Cyprus (1328).
He wrote, by command of Clement V (1306-1314),
a work: "Tractatus de modo coneilii generalis cele-
brandi et de corruptelis in ecclesia reformandis", in
three books. It is a treatise on the canonical process
of summoning and holding general councils, gathered
from approved sources with many quotations and il-
lustrations from the Fathers and from church history,
together with attacks on various abuses and corrup-
tions that were common in the fourteenth century
among ecclesiastical persons. The first edition was
printed at Lyons in 1531, then again at Paris by Philip
Probus, a canonist of Bourges, in 1545, and dedicated
to Pope Paul III (1534-1549) as a help towards the
Council of Trent. Other editions, Paris, 1671, etc.
Sarti, De darie archigymnasii Bononieneie profesaoribua a
aotc. XL uaq. scec. XIV. (Bologna, 1709), 395 seq.; Hurter,
Nomenclator (Innsbruck, 1899), IV, 432, note; Schulte,
Geach. der Quellen und LiU. dee can. Rechtea (Stuttgart, 1875).
II, |51, 195-196.
Adrian Fortbscub.
1
I DURANDUS
208
DURANGO
/
Durandus of Saint-Pourc.ain, philosopher and
theologian, b. at Saint-Pourcain, Auvergne, France;
d. 13 September, 1332, at Meaux. He entered the
Dominican Order at Clermont and obtained the doc-
tor's degree at Paris in 1313. John XXII called him
to Avignon as Master of the Sacred Palace, where he
expounded the Scriptures. In 1318 he was conse-
crated Bishop of Le Fuy-en-Velay and was transferred
to Meaux in 1326. He is known as Doctor Resolutissi-
muB owing to his strenuous advocacy of certain opin-
ions novel to the Schoolmen of his day. His writings
include commentaries on the "Sentences" (Paris,
1508); "De origine jurisdictionum" (Paris, 1506);
and a treatise on the condition of holy souls after their
separation from the body. His nominalism was so
.much opposed to the contemporary philosophic real-
ism that the third period of Scholasticism is made to
begin with him. He rejects both the sensible and the
intelligible species, introduced, he says, to explain
sense-perception, as also the active intellect. He
denies the principle of individuation as distinct from
the specific nature of the individual. In theology he
argues for a separation of natural knowledge from that
obtained through faith and revelation. Certain dog-
mas, as that of the Trinity, cannot be shown not to
contain impossibilities; but to believe them, withal,
increases the merit of faith. Because the miracles of
Christ do not prove His Divinity, His acceptance by
the faithful enhances the merit of believing. After all,
he says, theology is not strictly a science, since it rests
on faith, not on the first principles of knowledge. In
theology it is sufficient to know the idea of him who,
being inspired, cannot err. He teaches, besides, that
all actions proceed from God Who gives the power to
act, but this is no immediate influx of the Creator upon
the actions of the creature. The sacraments are only
causes without which grace is not conferred. Mar-
riage is not strictly a sacrament. He also insinuates
that Christ could be present in the Eucharist with the
substances of bread and wine remaining. Throughout,
Durandus shows admirable submission to the correc-
* tive prerogative of the Church, the exercise of which
was not unnecessary. By order of John XXII, the
treatise " De statu animarum ' ' was examined and was
found to contain eleven errors.
Quftnr and Echard, Script. O. P., 1, 586; Stocxl, Oeschiehte
der Philosophic im A/. A., II. 976: Haureau, De la philosophic
scoUutique, Pt. II (Paris, 1880), II, 346: Mortier, Histoire dee
maitres otniraux de VOrdre dee Freres Pricheurs (Paris, 1007),
III, 68-86; FtRET, La faeulti de thiologie de Parte el eee doe-
teure lee plus cHebres, III, 401-408.
Thos. M. Schwbrtnbr.
Durandus of Troarn, French Benedictine and ec-
clesiastical writer, b. about 1012, at Le Neubourg near
Evreux; d. 1089, at Troarn near Caen. Affiliated
from early childhood to the Benedictine community
of Mont-Sainte-Catherine and of Saint- Vandrille, he
was made abbot of the newly founded Saint-Martin of
Troarn by William, Duke of Normandy, in whose es-
teem he stood on a par with Lanfranc, Anselm, and
Gerbert. Ordericua Vitalis calls him ecclesiastici can-
tua et dogmatic doctor periti88tmu8. Of his achieve-
ments in sacred music we know nothing beyond that
mention, but we have his " Liber de Corpore et San-
guine Domini " (P. L., CXLIX, 1375) against Beren-
garius. The ninth and last part of it contains precious
historical information about the heresiarch. In Du-
randus's mind Berengarius is a figurist pure and simple,
after the manner of Scotus Eriugena, whose now lost
book he is said to have possessed and used. In the
rest of his book Durandus follows Paschasius, whom he
somewhat emphatically styles Divini sacratnenti acrvr
tator diligenti88tmu8 discussorque catholicus, and from
whom he borrows both his patristic apparatus and his
theological views. Tunnel, however, notes that Du-
randus quotes new texts of Bede, Amalarius, Fulbert
de Chartres, and St. John Chrysostom. His presenta-
tion of the Eucharistic dogma is frankly Ambrosian,
i. e. he maintains with Paschasius and Gerbert the
conversion of the bread and wine into the identical
body and blood of Christ, thus excluding the Augus-
tinian theory of the Prcesentia spiritalis still held by
some of his contemporaries and contributing to pre-
Eare the definition of the Fourth Lateran Council (1215).
turandus explains with skill the Augustinian texts,
chiefly in the t>e doctrina Christiana ' ' and the " Letter
to Boniface", misused by Berengarius; but in the last
analysis he appeals to the argument of authority
already used by Guitmond (P. X., CXLIX, 1415):
"The saintly Doctor of Hippo, wearied by the labours
of composition, fails at times to clearly bring out his
thought. Hence he may appear obscure to the
unlearned and even become a source of error.
If perchance he should have erred in so great a
mystery, we should then bethink ourselves of the
Apostolic saying: 'But though an angel from
heaven preach a gospel to you besides that which
you have received, let him be anathema'" (loc.
cit., 1415). Durandus wrote also against Beren-
garius a poem of 900 verses, of which twenty-five
preface the above treatise and thirteen are quoted
in Mabillon's "Annales" (LXIV, 119), the rest
being unpublished. Migne (loc. cit.) appends to the
"Liber" two epitaphs composed by Durandus, one
for Abbot Ainard and the other for the Countess
Mabile. (See Berengarius of Tours.)
Cejllier, Hist, dee auteure sacris (Paris, 1863), XIII, 450;
Turmel, Hist, de la thiol, positive (Paris, 1004). I, index; Ba-
tiffol, V EucharisHe in Etudes de thiol, positive (Paris, 1005), II,
370; Chevalier, Bio-Bibl., s. v.; Orderxcus Vitalis, Hietoria
eccl. in P. L. CLXXXVIII, 548, 577.
J. F. Sollier.
Durango (Durangum), Archdiocese of, located
in north-western Mexico. The see was created 28
Sept., 1620, seventy-two years after the Friars Diego de
la Cadena and Ger6nimo de Mendoza had established
the San Juan Bautista de Analco mission in the valley
of the Sierra Madre. The city of Durango was
founded in 1554 by the Spanish captain Ibarra, and
served at once as a centre for numerous missionaries,
whose efforts to convert the natives were so successful
that under Philip III the Diocese of Guadalajara was
divided by Paul V, and Durango was raised to epis-
copal rank. The first bishop, Gonzalo Hernandez y
Hermosillo, devoted much time to the evangelization
and spiritual welfare of the Indians. In the beginning
the Diocese of Durango included New Mexico (Santa
F6), Chihuahua, and Sonora; eventually these were
made independent sees. Durango was made an arch-
diocese by Leo XIII (23 June, 1891), and now includes
all the State of Durango and part of Zacatecas, with So-
nora, Chihuahua, and Sinaloa for suffragans. The first
archbishop was Vicente Salinas. Among the remark-
able bishops of the see were the scholarly Gorospe, to
whom the city owes its canal ; the famous writer Le-
gaspi, who began the cathedral that was finished and
consecrated by Antonio Zubirfa y Escalante, and
lately decorated anew by Archbishop Santiago Zu-
birfa y Manzanera. The Catholic press is represented
by "El Domingo", and the "Boletin Eclesiastico".
Besides the Escuelas Guadalupanas there are two
colleges, the Colegio Guadalupano and a College of
the Brothers of Mary. The territory of the diocese is
quite mountainous and is watered only by a few
streams, but is well adapted for grazing. There are
many rich mines of gold, silver, and iron. In 1900
the population of the State of Durango was 307,274,
that of the city 31,092. The latter, known also as
Guadiana and Ciudad de Victoria, stands pictu-
resquely at 6700 feet above sea-level, and has several
important industries and a large trade in cattle and
leather.
Oerorchia CaUolica (Rome, 1008); Battandier, Ann. Pont.
Gath. (Pari*, 1008); Heilprin, LippincotVs Gazetteer (Philadel-
phia, 1006).
Rkginaldo GOerkca.
DURAZZO
209
DtMR
Durauo, Abchdiocese of (Dyrrachiensis), in
Albania, situated on the Adriatic, has a good port,
and is the chief town of a sandjak in the vilayet of
Scutari; the population is about 9000. According to
t Appian it was founded by a barbarian king, Epidam-
nus, after whom it was called Epidamnum; it then
took the name of Dyrrachium, from Dyrrachus,
^nephew of a daughter of Epidamnus, to whom was
due its port. According to Thucydides and Strabo it
was more probably a colony of Corcyra. It was one
of the causes of the Peloponnesian War. Conquered
by the kings of Illyria, when attacked by the Romans,
it surrendered to the latter and received from Rome
many privileges. Its port was important for com-
munication with Greece. Cicero and Pompey in their
disgrace took refuge at Dyrrachium. When towards
the end of the fourth century the empire was divided
into two parts, the city fell to the Eastern Empire.
The Byzantine emperors made it a strong fortress,
and Anastasius I was born there. After the seventh
century it was the centre of a theme; in 1011 its
governors received the title of dukes. Under Michael
the Paphlagonian (1034-1041) it was occupied by the
Bulgarians ; in 1042 it was retaken by the Greeks. In
1082 it was captured by Robert Guiscard, who de-
feated Alexius Comnenus under its walls ; at the death
of Robert it fell again into the power of the Greeks,
who held it till the capture of Constantinople by the
Latins (1204). From 1206 to 1294 it belonged to the
despots of Epirus. It was then conquered by the
Angevin kings of Naples, who gave it as a fief to princes
of their family; the descendants of these rulers kept
the title of "Duras" even when they no longer held
the city. The effective lordship passed to the Thopias
about the middle of the fourteenth century. In 1373
the city was bccupied by the Balsas of the Zetta, in
1386 by the Venetians, and finally, in 1501, by the
Turks.
The church of Durazzo is the most ancient in
Albania. According to local tradition the first bishop
of the country was St. Ceesarius, one of the Seventy
Disciples. St. Astius, his successor, is said to have
suffered martyrdom under Trajan about a. d. 100.
A list of the Greek bishops is in Lequien (Oriens
Christianus, II, 240-247), but it is very incomplete.
Durazzo is even yet a metropolis for the Greeks.
Under Eucharius, who. attended the Council of Ephe-
sua, 431, it was the metropolis of Epirus Nova or
Illyria Gneca. The see, long disputed between the
Greeks, the Bulgarians, and Serbs, remained finally
in the hands of the first named. Its bishops, who as
early as 519 had sided with Aoacius, Patriarch of
Constantinople, against Pope Hormisdas, followed the
schism of Michael Cserularius in the eleventh century.
At the beginning of the thirteenth century, after the
Latin conquest of Constantinople, a Latin see was
established there (1209). The Latin succession was
often interrupted, on account of political chances; the
actual (1908) archbishop is the fifty-second of the list
(Lequien, III, 950-954; Gams, I, 407; II, 87; Eubel,
I, 241 ; II, 164). The episcopal residence was likewise
subject to several removals; after the Turkish con-
ouest the archbishops transferred it to Corbina (1509),
then to Canovia; to-day they reside at Delbenisti.
Durazzo had originally but one suffragan, Cernicum
or Tzernicum, site unknown. Later it had Prisca,
Croia, Alessio, and Canovia. To-day Alessio only
is subject to the Archbishop of Durazzo, but his
power over it has been so limited by Propaganda
that he may be considered an archbishop without a
suffragan.
There are in the archdiocese about 250,000 inhabi-
tants, of whom about 140,000 are Mussulmans (Turks
and chiefly Albanese), 95,000 Greeks or Graecized
Albanese, 14,000 Catholics (Albanese, except a few
Italians and Austrians). There are also at Elbassan
about 150 recently converted Greeks. The diocese
V.— 14
has no seminary, but some students are sent to the
seminary of Scutari. It has 20 priests, of whom 13
are secular priests, 22 parishes, 46 churches or
chapels, 39 stations, 5 schools for boys and 1 for girls
(the latter conducted by Sisters of Charity of
Agram). Franciscan friars have charge of several
parishes.
Farlati, lUyricum sacrum. VII, 335-384; Deoband, Sou-
venirs de la Haute Albonie (Paris, 1901), 170-183; Missiones
Catholica (Rome, 1907), 132.
L. Petit.
Durbin, Elisha John, the "patriarch-priest of
Kentucky", b. 1 Feb.. 1800, in Madison Co., in that
State, of John D. Durbin; son of Christopher Durbin,
pioneer, and Patience Logsdon; d. in 1887 at Shelby-
ville, Kentucky. In 1816 he was sent to the prepara-
tory seminary of St. Thomas, in Nelson Co., where he
spent about four years of manual labour and study
under such distinguished missionaries as David
Flaget, Felix de Andreis, and Joseph Rosati ; thence he
went to the near-by Seminary of St. Joseph, at Bards-
town, where, in 1821-1822, he had as instructor Francis
Patrick Kenrick, later Bishop of Philadelphia and
Archbishop of Baltimore. He was ordained priest in
Bardstown, by Bishop David, 21 Sept., 1822. Early
in 1824 Bishop Flaget entrusted to him the pastoral
care of western and south-western Kentucky, about
thirty counties, with an area of over 11,000 square
miles, nearly one-third of the State. Then began a
missionary career of over sixty years hardly paralleled
in the United States, and that subsequently won for
him the names of "Apostle of Western Kentucky"
and " Patriarch-Priest of Kentucky ' \ Union County
was the centre of his mission. From it he journeyed
on horseback over his vast territory, erected churches,
established stations, formed congregations, and visited
isolated families. In the beginning duty called him
beyond his missionproper into Indiana, and once a
year to Nashville, Tennessee. He traversed his ex-
tensive and sparsely settled mission- incessantly for
over sixty years, his churches, stations, and the rude
homes of his poor flock his only abiding places. Oc-
casionally a communication from him would appear
in the press, and then only in defence of truth or out-
raged justice. When he did write, he wrote cogently
and elegantly. Enfeebled by age, nis sturdy constitu-
tion gave way in 1884, when his bishop, yielding to
his entreaties, assigned him the small mission at
Princeton, Kentucky. After a stroke of paralysis he
was* given, in 1885, the chaplaincy of an academy, at
Shelby ville, Ky., Where he died.
The Catholic Advocate (Louisville, 1836-1887); The Record
(Louisville, 1879-1887); Webb, Centenary of Catholicity in
Kentucky (Louisville, 1884); Howlett, Historical Tribute to
St, Thomas' Seminary (St. Louis, 1906); Maes, Life of Rev.
Charles Nerinckx (Cincinnati, 1880).
Louis G. Deppkn.
Dflrer, Albrecht, celebrated painter and en*
graver, b. at Nuremberg, Germany, 21 May, 1471 ; d.
there, 6 April, 1528. Durer left his native city, then
famous for its commerce, learning, and art, but three
times in his life. His first journey was undertaken after
he had completed his apprenticeships both to his
father, a goldsmith, and to the painter and engraver
Wohlgemut; on this occasion he travelled through
Germany and visited at Colmar and Basle the
family of the recently deceased Schongauer; in
1 50W)7 he spent some time in Venice; in 1520-
1521 he went to the Netherlands, visiting especially
Antwerp.
First Period: to 1505. — After the earliest works of
his youth (portraits, Madonnas, coats-of-arms, land-
scape-sketches) he set up in 1,494 a studio of his own.
In the same year he married Agnes Frey but they had
no children. Among his Nuremberg friends the learned
humanist Willibald Pirkheimer held the first place.
Besides great advancement in learning, Durer owed
to Pirkheimer the happiness of a lifelong friendship
DtfeEK 2
and the acquaintance with classical antiquity which
he occasionally drew upon in his work. DUrer's
art, however, with its sources in the German Mid-
dle Ages, remained essentially German; the influ-
ence of the art of Italy and the Netherlands was
merely supplementary. In his own country there were
few chances for mural paintings: but the demand for
altar-pieces and portraits was all the greater. His
woodcuts were eagerly sought after by the general
public, his engravings on copper by connoisseurs.
Among his fine compositions are: the Baumg&rtnar
altar-painting, the central panel of which represents
the Adoration of the Christ Child, the wings, the
donors as Sts. George and Eustachius ; the " Lamenta-
tion of Christ", in which the pathos is noteworthy;
and the remarkable picture of himself (1500). These
are preserved in the Old Pinakothek in Munich. The
portrait of himself just mentioned is greatly idealized
as is also that of a lady of the Ftirleger family. On the
other hand, in the portraits of his father and mother
realism predominates. But here, as in the "Prodigal
Son" and' in his drawings, Dttrer
seeks to elevate his na'
0 DttMR
former by his directions to the wood-engravers who
carried out his designs.
Second Period: 1505 to 1520.— In, the "Festival
of the Rosary", painted in Venice for German mer-
chants residing there, he competes, not unsuccessfully,
with the Italian oolourists, though it may be said that
colour was not his strong point. The painting (Abbey
of Strahow, Prague) is damaged, but a good copy is
preserved in the Imperial Museum at Vienna. An oil-
painting of the same period, "Christ on the Cross",
and other works that followed, e. g. "Adam and Eve
(Madrid and Florence), show that DQrer'a trip to
Italy and the acquaintance made there with Giovanni
Bellini were not without profit to his art; but DOrer's
nationality and the independence of his genius are
always evident. Another work much admired was the
so-called Heller altar-piece, destroyed at Munich in
1674 by fire. Valuable studies for this picture and an
indistinct copy are still extant. One of the finest
examples of German art is the "Adoration of the
Trinity" or "All Saints" (1511). Placed beside the
" Disputa"of Raphael or the Sistine
sweet simplicity, depth of feeling, and grandeur of duced in the same year, it would not suffer from
conception. The "Adoration of the Magi" in the the comparison. God the Father sits upon a throne
Uffizi at Florence will bear comparison, at least for and holds forth the Cross with the Crucified; above
German taste, with the masterpieces of Italy and both of them, in the form of a dove, the Holy
the Netherlands. Dilrer's woodcuts have a quality Ghost hovers. About them the saints of heaven in
entirely their own; though without colouring, they two companies with the Mother of God and John the
yet produced the effect of colour. The "Apocalypse Baptist at their head kneel in adoration. In the upper
(15 cuts) is distinguished by its daring fancy and part of the picture, above the blessed hosts, choirs of
grandeur of conception. The most striking of the angels surround the Holy Trinity; in the lower part,
■ ■ -' "' Riders", the "Angels of the the Church Militant, led by the powerful figures o'
i*1q nf #v.o a n»Ai> nrii-K *Ua pope and an emperor, takes part ir **** * j*-**!**.
Euphrates", the "Battle of the Angels with th<
Dragon ' '. To the same period belong, for the most part,
the powerful "Larger Passion" (7, later 12, cuts) as well
as the beautiful "Life of the Virgin " (16, later 20, cuts),
in which the scenes from the life of the Holy Family in
Egypt have all the sweetness of a charming idyll. Men-
tion should be made of the so-called "Green Passion"
in the Albert ina Museum at Vienna, a series of twelve
drawings with the pen on green paper, also of the In the
" Smaller Passion " of a later date in 37 woodcuts, and
,....,. the adoration. As
idealization of the world this multitude stands above
the clouds. At the very bottom and to one side, as
though left behind, is seen the humble figure of the
painter. This work deserves no less praise for its per-
fection of finish than for its sublimity of conception.
The frame, carved in renaissance style from draw-
ings by DUrer, is still preserved at Nuremberg,
le same year, 151 1, DQrer produced the " Virgin
the Pear , one of the finest of his Madonnas. In
of the 17 copperplate engravings on the same subject, the years 1513^14 he executed three great copper-
For the fifth time the artist came back to the Passion plate engravings ; these may, perhaps, be looked
of Christ eight years before his death; a few sketches upon as ideal representations of a fearless knight, an
are to be found in the Uffizi at Florence and in the unsatisfied searcher for knowledge, and a saint happy
Albertina at Vienna. Wood and copperplate engrav- in God and are called: "The Knight with Death and
ing were brought to great perfection by Durer; the theDevil";"Melancholia";"St.JeromeinhisStudy".
latter, and etching as well, by his own work; the To these must be added various pnintinjps, e.g. of Charle-
DURHAM
211
DURHAM
magne, Sigismund, and Albrecht of Brandenburg;
further, the marginal drawings, displaying great fancy
and humour, made for Maximilian s ''Prayer Book',
and the "Triumphal Arch of Maximilian ' belong to
the same time.' Later, Durer worked also on the
"Triumph of Maximilian", and produced (1522) the
large "Triumphal Car", for the emperor.
Third Period : 1 520 to 1 528. — Admirable sketches
for "St. Jerome with the Skull", lately discovered by
Anton Weber in Lisbon, give ample proof of the art-
ist's diligence during his stay in the Netherlands.
The striking head of the saint is very like the " Head
of an Old Man " in the Albertina. After his return to
Nuremberg, Durer painted a noteworthy "Head of
Christ" and portraits of Pirkheimer, Erasmus, and
Holzschuher. His last work of importance (1526) was
the "Four Apostles", Peter with John, and Paul with
Mark ; these paintings, which are now in Munich, are
much admired for the individuality of character ex-
pressed by the figures and the fine treatment of the
drapery. From the inscription under these pictures,
despite the fact that Peter is represented as holding
the keys of heaven, and from other circumstances that
prove little, some have wished to infer that towards
the end of his life Durer became attached to the doc-
trines of Luther. But even the Protestants van Eye,
A. W. Becker, C. KinkeLand others, do not share in
this opinion, and M. Thausine, the great Durer
scholar, has now rejected it. No doubt many well-
disposed persons of the time saw the necessity for
ecclesiastical reform and hoped that it would be hast-
ened by Luther's stand. . But they were deceived and
acknowledged it, as Pirkheimer did for himself and his
friend: "I confess that in the beginning I believed in
Luther, like our Albert of blessed memory . . . but
as anyone can see, the situation has become worse."
In the years 1525-27, Durer wrote three books: on
geometry, the proportions of the human figure, and
the art of fortification.
Sinqer, Verntch einer Dftrer BMiographie in Studien *ur
deutschen Kunstgeschichte (1905); Conway, Literary Remains of
Albrecht DUrer (Cambridge, 1889); Cubt, Albrecht DUrer, a
Study of his Life and Works (London. 1897); Knackposs, A.
DUrer (8th ed.f 1899), tr. Dodgbbon (London, 1900); Webxb,
A. DQrer (3r4 edM Ratiabon, 1903); Collection of drawings by
LtpPMANtt (4 vote.) ; of woodcuts, LOtzow; of copperplates and
etchings, LOtzow and Soldau; of letters and dianes, Thau-
G. GlETMANN.
disfarne and Hexham, while finally a separate bishop-
ric was created for the Southern Ptcts. So that when
St. Cuthbert (q. v.) became Bishop of Lindisfarne the
diocese was only a fragment of what it had been under
St. Aidan. In the ninth century, when the Danes re-
peatedly harassed Northumbria, the Diocese of Hex-
nam ceased to have a separate existence, and about
820 was merged in that of York. In 875, Eardulf.
Bishop of Lindisfarne, was driven from his see, ana
taking the body of St. Cuthbert, he with his monks
fled from the Danes. After wandering seven years
they found a resting place at Chester-le-Street (882);
and from here Eardulf and his eight immediate suc-
cessors ruled the see. In 995 Bishop Aldhun again
found himself defenceless before the Danes and fled
with St. Cuthbert 's body to Ripon. When peace was
restored, he was returning to Chester-le-Street when
miraculous signs were given that the body of the
saint was to remain at Dunholm, the place where the
city of Durham now stands. A stone chapel was built
to receive St. Cuthbert 's body and Aldhun began a
great church where the cathedral now is, which was
finished and consecrated in 999. In this way Ald-
hun became the first Bishop of Durham.
The following is the list of bishops with the dates of
their accession. Those marked thus (t) held the
office of Lord Chancellor: —
Bishops of
St. Aidan, 635
St. Finan, 652
St. Colman, 661
Tuda, 664
St. Eata, 678
St. Cuthbert, 685
St. Eadbert, 688
Eadfrid, 698
St. Ethelwold, 724
LlNDISFARNB
Cynewulf , 740
Higbald, 780
Egbert, 803
Heathured (otherwise
Egfrid), 821
Ecgred, 830
Eanbert, 845
Eardulf, 854
Chester-le-Street
Cutheard, 900
Tilred, 915
Wilgred, 928
Uchtred, 944
Sexhelm, 947
Aldred, 947
Elfsig, 968
Aldhun or Aldwin, 990
Bishops of Durham
aiNQ.
Durham (Dunelmum), Ancient Catholic Dio-
cese of (Dunelmensis). — This diocese holds a unique
position among English bishoprics. Owing to its geo-
graphical position on the Scottish border* the succes-
sive bishops were led to assume constitutional and
political functions in addition to their spiritual office.
Consequently their rights and privileges were peculiar
and extensive; and even to this day the Anglican,
Bishop of Durham has precedence over all other Eng-
lish prelates except those of Canterbury, York, and
London. The diocese is the lineal continuation of the
Anglo-Saxon See of Lindisfarne, founded by St. Aidan
in 635, when he came from the monastery of Iona at
the request of St. Oswald, King of Northumbria, to
evangelize that newly-conquered heathen kingdom.
He built his monastery on the Island of Lindisfarne,
now Holy Island, off Northumbria. Thus Northum-
brian Christianity was of Celtic origin and followed
the Celtic use as to the observance of Easter and other
matters. But in the south the Roman use prevailed
and conflict became inevitable. The controversy
arose in the time of St. Colman, the third bishop, and
was settled in 664 at the Synod of Whitby when the
Roman use was adopted. Shortly after, St. Colman
resigned the episcopate and the see was transferred to
York, with St. Wilfrid as bishop.
In 678, St. Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury,
eut off from it two new sees, one for tne Lindiswaras of
Lincolnshire and the other for Bernicia. In 680 the
Bernician see was subdivided into the Dioceses of Lin-
Aldhun came to Durham,
995
Vacancy, 1018
Eadmund, 1021
Eadred, 1041
Egelric, 1042
fgelwin, 1056
alcher, 1071
William de S. Cariief,
1080
Vacancy, 1096
Rannulf Flambard, 1099
Vacancy, 1129
Galfrid Rufusf, 1133
Vacancy and usurpation
of Cumin, 1140
William de S. Barbara,
1143
Hugh de Pudsey, 1153
Vacancy. 1194
Philip de Pictavia (el.
1195, cons. 1197)
Vacancy, 1208
Richard de Mariscot, 1217
Vacancy, 1226
Richard Poor, 1228
Vacancy, 1237
Nicholas de Farnham,
1241
Walter de Kirkham, 1249
Robert de Stitchill, 1260
Robert de Insula, 1274
Antony Beck, 1283
Richard de Kellaw, 1311
Lewis de Beaumont, 1318
Richard de Buryt, 1333
Thomas de Hatfield, 1345
John Fordham, 1382
Walter Skirlaw, 1388
Thomas Langleyf (after-
wards Cardinal), 1406
Robert Neville. 1438
Laurence Bootnt, 1457
William Dudley, 1476
Vacancy, 1483
John Sherwood, 1485
Richard Fox, 1494
William Sever, 1502
Vacancy. 1505
Christopher Bainbridge
(afterwards Cardinal),
1507
Vacancy, 1508 '
Thomas Ruthall, 1509
Thomas Wolsey (already
Cardinal and Abp. of
York), 1523
Cuthbert Tunstall, 1530
The Cathedral. — The first Norman bishop, Wal-
cher, was murdered by the people in 1080, and was
1
y Benedictin
Tne situation of the cathedral is very remarkable,
stands high on the cliff overhanging the river, and the
building itself is most imposing, with its noble propor-
tions, and what Dr. Johnson called its appearance of
"rocky solidity and of indeterminate duration".
Bishop Carilef died shortly after beginning it; but
the building was carried on with energy by the next
bishop, the infamous Ran nulf Flam bard! He built the
nave and aisles and the lower part of the west front,
and in 1104 the shrine of St. Cuthbert was transferred
to the new cathedral. In 1 143 the see was usurped by
William Cumin, chancellor of the King of Scotland,
who for sixteen months violently kept the rightful
bishop out of possession. This interfered with the
building, but the next bishop, Hugh de Pudsey, was a
great builder, and among his additions is the " Gali-
lee Chapel", a unique specimen of transitional work.
Another special feature of Durham cathedral is the
eastern transept, known as the "Chapel of the Nine
Altars", built by Bishop Poor about 1230. The cen-
tral tower (214 feet) was rebuilt towards the end of the
fifteenth century. The bishops also built their own
half-regal residence, Durham Castle, and the extensive
buildings of the monastery, portions of which still
remain. The relations between the bishops and the
monks were frequently very strained, especially in the
time of the warrior-prelate, Antony Beck, though
bishops like Richard Poor, Richard de Kellaw, or the
scholar, Richard de Bury, lived in harmony with
them.
Civil Jurisdiction of the Bishopric of Dur-
ham.— The twofold jurisdiction of the bishops of Dur-
ham was clearly recognized by law from early times.
In the reign of Edward I the Rolls of Parliament
state: "Episcopus Dunelmensis duos habet status,
videlicet, statum episcopi quoad sph-itualia et statura
comitis palacii quoad tenements sua temporalis."
But the origin of this civil jurisdiction has never been
ascertained. According to one theory it represents a
12 DURHAM
local survival of the old Northumbrian Kingdom.
According to another view it waa conferred by giant
of some king, Alfred or, more plausibly, William the
Conqueror. There is, however, no historical trace of
any such grant, and recent research makes it more
probable that it is a development of immunities
granted to the Bishopric of Durham. Even before
the Conquest the bishops held targe endowments of
land known as the patrimony of St. Cuthbert, Terra
or patrimtmium Saneti Cuthberti. Therefore the dio-
cese possessed large franchise or immunity both as
against the sovereign power of the Kins of England
and the local rights of the Earl of Northumberland.
Thus the bishopric was not included in Domesday
Book, and even at the time of the Conquest the county
of Durham was governed by the bishop with almost
complete local independence. These extensive rights
were strengthened by the fact that the bishops fre-
Suently had to repel Scottish invasions, by their own
irces and at their own expense, which fostered both
the military and financial independence of the palati-
nate. The strong local feeling of Northumbrian inde-
policy of Henry Tl brought Durham into subordina-
tion to the central government. But this subordina-
tion was exceedingly limited even then, and the bish-
opric escaped the deprivation of its privileges which
befell many other franchises at that time. This was
due to Bishop Hugh de Pudsey, who was the king's
cousin and personal friend, and who took care as time
went on to obtain the charters necessary to safeguard
the liberties of his see.
These were most considerable. First, the bishop
hod within the bishopric every right that the king had
in the country : Quicquid rex habet extra epitcoput
habet intra. He was therefore the head of the civil
government, with appointment of all civil officers.
The bishop's writ, not the king's, ran within the bish-
opric, and the "Bishop's peace was regarded as dif-
ferent from the "King's peace" until the time of
Henry VIII. Offenders and law-breakers were tried
in the bishop's court and if necessary punished by bis
officials. Forfeitures for treason and forfeitures of
ever, have the right of m airing treaties with foreign
powers, though instances of attempted secret treaties
with Scotland are not wanting. The bishops had
their own mint, and their coinage bears their initials
*' "*"""hcom. From the feudal point of
« the b
is the u
diately of him and not of the king. From this fol-
lowed his rights of wardship, rights to all mines and to
treasure-trove, as well as his extensive forest rights.
At law he could stay procedure against offenders,
grant pardons and even suspend the application of a
statute. He had courts of common law, eauity, and
admiralty, besides his spiritual courts; ana he regu-
lated the relations between the latter and the tem-
poral courts.
Thus, in theory, the bishop was as a king in his
bishopric, but in practice his power was limited by the
sovereign. In some instances the king actually in-
fringed upon his rights, and in other cases there was
conflict of jurisdiction. Up to the end of the thir-
teenth century the episcopal power developed in
every way, then followed a penod during which the
kings somewhat unwillingly tolerated the position,
for the sake of the convenience of having what
amounted to a buffer state between England and
Scotland, and also because it was difficult to solve a
problem so beset with complications both ecclesiasti-
cal and feudal. Although it is sometimes stated that
the bishops had a council in the nature of a parlia-
ment, it is becoming increasingly clear that we hare
X$j,
here a confused tradition of two separate bodies — the
assembly and the council. The assembly (eommuni-
ta») was practically the same gathering as the shire-
moot in other counties. It raised money by taxation
at the request both or the king and of the bishop, and
sometimes for its own purposes. But it was not a
legislative assembly, since all general legislation ap-
plied to the palatinate, although Durham was not rep-
resented in Parliament till the time of the Stuarts.
When Acts were not intended to apply to Durham ex-
press exemption was stated. The council was in ori-
gin a feudal body, chosen from the bishop's immediate
followers and officials, the functions entrusted to it
being the general administration of the palatinate,
financial affairs, and the duty of advising the bishop.
The judicial courts of the palatinate arose out of this
body. Much of the civil and judicial independe1
SociSTT in Hietoria Dunelmerui* Seriptaret Tret (London,
1830). IX. Many other volumes of tne Sunns Society
throw light on the history of tb
Hutchinson, Hilton,
... . . .J6-17»4>; Soaiua. Hi
ton/ and Antiquitiee of the County Palatine of Durham (' '
1810-1840); Raine. Hittoryand Antiquum of North
(1852); Low, Durham in 8.P.C.K., Diocesan' Hit!. Sen
Counts of I
I and Antuji
Palatine of Durham (London.
<Lon-
e, Durhatrujht Cathedral and See (London,
(1862); Low, in
don, 1881); Bt> , ~ _ -.
1889); Lafslbv, The County Palatine of Durham
Hietorital Stadia (London. 1900) VIII, it most vaiuatue worn
on the constitutional power* of the bishop* of Duibam, with
very full bibliography and u appendix on the Recants of the
Palatinate.— For Durham Liturgy, see RituaU BccUtitt Dunet-
meniie, Sobtem Sac. (London, 18.16), X, and Hilee of Durham,
Subteeb Boc. (London, 1842). XV. The Durham Brttiary u
announced for publication by the Hiuar Bbadbhaw Sooitt,
—For (he Episnopal Coinage, see Rudibo, AnnaU of the Coinage
at Great Britain. II; Leake, Hietorieal Account of Bngiieh
Money; Noble. Two Dieiertatumi on the Mint of the Bpiecopal-
Pataiinee of Durham; Bihtlet, Epieaipal Coins of Durham in
ArehaoloQV, (1778), reprinted {Newcastle. 1817), and Laps-
■"• "" iral literature on the subject!* very
Catalogue of Book* on Durham
anTfi
Northumberland (Newr*atle-on-Tyne J8S8)
power was abolished
Wit
El
Idwtn Boston.
Galilee Chapel, Dtri
The see at this time was held by Cuthbert Tunstall,
the venerable prelate who was the last Catholic bishop
and who lived to witness the suppression of monas-
teries, the Pilgrimage of Grace (1536), and finally the
surrender of Durham Abbey (1540), which involved
the spoliation of St. Cuthbert's shrine. During the
reign of Edward VI he was imprisoned and an Act of
Parliament was passed dissolving the bishopric and
forming it into a county palatine. After the brief re-
spite of Mary's reign, Bishop Tunstall was deprived of
his see by Elisabeth, July, 1559. With his death in
confinement, on 18 Nov., the line of Catholic bishops
ended. Ten years later during the "Rising of the
North" the Catholics seized Durham cathedral, re-
stored the altar, and publicly selebrated Mass, thus
making it the last of the old English cathedrals in
which Mass has been said.
In the bishopric there were six collegiate churches,
Auckland, Darlington, Chester- le- Street, Lanchester,
Norton, and Steindrop. The Benedictines held Dur-
ham Abbey, with the dependent houses of Jarrow,
Wesrmouth and Finchale. There were Augustin-
ians at Hexham and Brinkburn; Cistercians at New-
minster; and Premonstratensians at Blanchland.
Durham College (now Trinity), at Oxford, was greatly
Cected and helped by various bishops and priors of
ham, and possibly was originally a Durham foun-
•"' "- " " - - — -is be-
dation. The arms of th<
tween four lions rampant,
is encircled by a ducal coronet.
- -"arts of Symeon of Di
icircled by a
is HietoriaA W
The mitre o<
> in H S. (1882-
imoham. Liber de Statu EceUtia Dunhelmeneie (115J-12141;
(\2\i-YK
punheime
! Statu Bet. Dunhelm.
-all three ed. by Raj hi and pub. by StJITiU*
(Bede, Hist. Eccl.. IV, xxvi)]. The MS, (in the library
of Durham cathedral, A, IV, 19) is of the early ninth
century. It contains capitula, chants, and especially
collects, from the Epiphany to Easter, then a pre-
mium tanetorum, a commune tanctorum, and many
forms for blessings. The greater part has an inter-
linear Anglo-Saxon translation. At the end various
scribes have used up the blank pages to write out a
miscellaneous collection of hymns and exorcisms and
a list of contractions used in books of canon law. Its
connexion with Durham and Northumberland is
shown by various allusions, such as that to St. Cuth-
bert in a collect (irUercedente bealo Cvdbertfto SacerdoU;
p. 185 of the Surtees Soc. edition). This fragment
represents the fusion of the Roman and Gallican usee
that had taken place ail over Narth-Westem Europe
since the Emperor Charles the Great (768-81 4) or even
earlier (Duchesne, OrigineB du culte Chretien, 2nd ed.,
89-99). Many parts of it exactly correspond to the
Gregorian Sacrameutary sent by Pope Adrian I to the
emperor (between 784 and 791; Duchesne, op. cit.,
114-119).
The great Benedictine monastery of Durham was
founded by William of St. Carileph in 1083; he
brought monks from Wearmouth and Jarrow to fill it.
These monks served the cathedral till the suppression
in 1538. The foundation of the cathedral was laid in
1093 and St. Cuthbert's body was brought to its shrine
in 1104. A catalogue drawn up at Durham in 1395
gives a list of the books used by the monks for various
services. Of such books not many remain. A
Gradual of about the year 1500 with four leaves of a
Towirium is at Jesus College, Cambridge (MS. 22;
Q. B. S-), and a Durham Missal written in the four-
teenth century is in the British Museum (Harl. 5289).
The parts of this Missal that correspond to Holy Week
and Easter are printed in vol. CVI1 of the Surtees
Society's publications (pp. 172-191; see also the
"Westminster Missal", III, 1424, Henry Bradahaw
Soc., 1897, where the Durham variants are given).
But the most important document of this kind is the
volume called "The Ancient Monuments, Rites and
Customs of the Monastical Church of Durham before
the Suppression". This book, written in 1593, exists
in several manuscript copies and has been printed and
edited on various occasions, lastly by the Surtees So-
ciety (vol. CVII, 1903; see bibliography). It is a de-
tailed description, not only of the fabric of the cathe-
dral, but also of the various rites, ceremonies, and
special customs carried out by the monks who served
it. From it we see that the Durham Rite was prac-
M
DUBROW
214
DUEBOW
tically thai of the North of England (corresponding in
all its main points to that of York), with a few local
modifications such as one would expect to find in a
great and flourishing monastic church. The treatise
begins with a description of the famous nine altars
(ea. Surtees Soc., p. 7) and of the choir and high altar.
The Blessed Sacrament was reserved in a silver pelican
hung over the High Altar. It should be noted that a
pelican in her piety was assumed as his arms by
Richard Fox (Bishop of Durham, 1494-1502) and was
constantly introduced into monuments built by him
(so at Winchester and at Corpus Christi College, Ox-
' ford). The great paschal candlestick was a conspicu-
ous and splendid feature of Easter ritual at Durham;
it and the rite of the paschal candle are described in
chapter iv (ed. cit., p. 105- The Office for Palm Sunday
does not differ from that of Sarum and the other English
uses (ed. cit., p. 179). On Maundy Thursday tnere
was a procession with St. Cuthbert's relics. A special
feature of the Good Friday service was the crucifix
taken by two monks from inside a statue of Our Lady,
for the Creeping to the Cross. On the same day the
Blessed Sacrament was enclosed in a great statue of
Christ on a side altar and candles were burned before
it till Easter Day. The Holy Saturday service in the
Durham Missal is given on pp. 185-187 of the Surtees
Society edition. The monks sang the "Miserere"
while they went in procession to the new fire. When
the paschal candle is lit they sing a hymn, " Inventor
rut ill", with a verse that is repeated each time. There
are only five Prophecies, and then follow the litanies.
iWhen "Omnes Saneti" is sung those who are to serve
the Mass go out. The word Accendtte is said and the
candles are lighted. It is repeated three times; at
the third repetition the bishop comes out to begin the
Mass. All the bells (signa) are rung at the Kyrie
eleison, the Gloria, and the Alleluia. Between three
And four o'clock in the morning of Easter Day the
Blessed Sacrament was brought in procession to the
high altar, while they sang an antiphon, "Christus
resurgens ex mortuis, iara non moritur", etc. An-
other statue of Christ Risen remained on the high
altar during Easter week. On Ascension Day, Whit-
Sunday, and Trinity Sunday processions went round
the church, on Corpus Christi round the palace green,
and on St. Mark's Day to Bow Church in the city (chs.
Iv, lvi) . The rogation-days (three cross-daies) also had
their processions. In ail these the relics of St. Bede
were carried and the monks appeared in splendid
copes. The prior, especially, wore a cope of cloth of
gold so heavy that he could only stand in it when it
was supported by "his gentlemen" (ed. cit., p. 85).
The prior had the right of wearing a mitre since Prior
Bernngton of Walworth (ch. lvi, ed. cit.,'p. 107).
Throughout the year the chapter Mass was sung at
nine o'clock, Vespers at three p. m. On Thursdays,
except in Advent, Septuagesima, and Lent, the Office
of St. Cuthbert was sung in choir (ed. cit., p. 191).
On Fridays there was a ''Jesus-Mass" (a votive mass
of the Holy Name), and the "Jesus- Antiphon" was
sung after Complin (ed. cit., p. 220). This was also
the custom at York, Lincoln, Lichfield, and Salisbury.
On St. Cuthbert's Day (20 March) there was, natur-
ally, a great feast and his relics were exposed. Chap-
ter x (ed. cit., p. 16) describes the great book contain-
ing names of benefactors (Liber Vitae) that was kept
on the high altar, chapter xxi the forms for giving
sanctuary to accused persons. They had to use the
knocker, still shown to visitors, and, when they were
received, to wear a black gown with a yellow cross "of
St. Cuthbert" on the left shoulder (ed. cit., p. 41).
No woman was allowed to approach the saint's tomb
beyond a line of blue marble traced on the floor. To
explain this, chapter xviii tells a legend about a king's
daughter who falsely accused him and was eventually
swallowed up by the earth. In the "Galilee" was a
chapel of Our Lady for women (ch. xxii, ed. cit., p.
42). When a monk died his body was carried to St. '
Andrew's chapel, two monks watched before it all the
time; after the dirge and the requiem Mass it was
buried in the sanctuary garth witn a chalice of wax
laid on the breast (ch. xxiii). Priors were buried in the
abbey church (xxv) and bishops in the sanctuary
(xxvii). (See Durham, Diocese of.)
The Anglo-Saxon Rituals ecdesia Dunelmensis is published
(from the MS. at Durham) by the Surtees Society (vol. X, i
1840). and was re-edited by Sweet in his Oldest English Text*
(1885). The Ancient Monuments, Rites and Customs of the >
Monastical Church of Durham before the Suppression exists ia
a MS. of 1620 in the Cosin library at Durham (MSS., B. II, 11)
and in a MS. of 1656 belonging to Sir John Lawson, Bart., of
Brough Hall. Catterick (Fol., pp. 1-93). From these two texts
the edition of the Surtees Society has been printed (vol.CVII.
Rites of Durham^ 1903). Other editions are: one curtailed and
modernized by Da vies (London, printed for W. Hensman in
1672): Hunter, Durham Cathedral as it was before the dissolu-
tion of the monasteries (Durham, by J. Ross for Mrs. Waghorn,
1733; reprinted.Durham, 1733); and Sanderson, The Antiquities
of the Abbey or Cathedral Church of Durham (Newcastle-on-Tyne,
1767). The Durham Obituary Roll (c. 1468) was edited by
Raine for the Surtees Society (vol. XXXI, 1856) and the Liber
Vita Ecdesia Dunelmensis, from a ninth-century MS., by
Stevenson for the same society (vol. XIII, 1841). The Sur-
tees Society Catalogue (pp. 38. 115) gives a Durham Canon Mis-
ses, bound up with a psalter, nvmnary, and journal, of 1391 and
1416. Part of the Missal of the fourteenth century in the
British Museum (Harl. 5289) is printed in vol. CVII of the Sur-
tees Society (pp. 172-191). Occasional references to the Dur-
ham Rite will be found in Rock, Church of our Fathers, ed.
Hart and Frere (4 vols., London, 1904), and in Wordsworth
and Littledale, The Old Service-books of the English Church
(London, 1904).
Adrian Fortescue.
Durrow (Irish Dairmagh, Plain of the Oaks),
School of, is delightfully situated in the King's
County, a few miles from the town of Tullamore. St.
Columba, who loved to build in close proximity to
oak-groves, because of their natural beauty, as well as
perhaps to divest them of their Druidic associations,
found here, as in Deny, a site just after his heart. It
was freely given to him by Aedh, son of Brendan, lord
of the soil, in 553, and the saint lost no time in found-
ing his monastery, which, with more or less constant
personal supervision, he ruled till 563. When, in that
year, either as a matter of penance, or as Adamnan
says, "of choice for Christ's sake", he became an exile
in the wilds of Scotland, he appointed a most estim-
able monk, Cormac Ua Liatnain, to take his place.
But owing to the jealousies that existed between
the northern and the southern tribes, especially on the
borderland, Cormac found it impossible to retain
the office of prior, and so he fled from the monastery,
leaving in charge a first cousin of Columba, Laisren by
name, who, acceptable to both sides, governed the
institution with conspicuous success. - Durrow. dur-
ing Columba's life and for centuries after his death, was
a famous school, at one time being esteemed second
to none in the country. The Venerable Bede styles it
Monasterium nobile in Htberntd, and, at a later period,
Armagh and itself were called the " Universities of the
West". It will be ever noted for the useful and ad-
mirable practice of copying manuscripts, especially of
the Sacred Scriptures, which had become auite a fine
art amongst the masters and disciples tnere. Co-
lumba himself, who was an expert scribe, is generally
credited with having written with his own hand the
incomparable copy of the Four Gospels now known as
the "feook of Durrow". It is a piece of the most
exquisite workmanship, charming the mind as well as
the eye with its intricate and highly ornamental de-
tails. An entry on the back of one of the folios of this
remarkable book, which is now to be seen in Trinity
College, Dublin, prays for a "remembrance of the
scribe, Columba, who wrote this evangel in the space
of twelve days".
Columba dearly loved Durrow. It held a place in
his affections next to his own Deny, and while in Iona
he manifested the tenderest interest in everything
that concerned its welfare. When he was urging
Cormac Ua Liathain to return to the monastery there,
DUTOH
215
DUTY
«*e recounted for him the manifold beauties of that
-city devout, with its hundred crosses, without blem-
ish, and without transgression", and added, "I pledge
thee my unerring word, which may not be impugned,
that death is better in reproachless Erin than life for-
ever in Alba." Durrow, like Clonard, Deny, and the
rest, was frequently ravaged by the Danish invaders,
but its complete devastation was left for the fierce
Norman invader, Hugh de Lacy. In 1186 he began
the building of a castle for himself out of the stones of
the dismantled monastery, but the axe of an Irish
labouring man cut him short in his unholy work. The
church and the school are long since gone; not a stone
of the original building may now be found. There
are, however, still to be seen at Durrow a churchyard,
probably marking the ancient site, a Celtic cross, and
a holy well, which will serve to keep the name and the
fame of St. Columba fresh in the minds of the people
forever.
Adamhan, Life of Columba, ed. Rehves (Dublin, 1857); also
by Fowler (London, 1905): Life in The Book of Lismore;
Healy, Ireland?* Ancient Schools and Scholars (Dublin, 1890);
Gilbert, Facsimiles of Irish National MSS.; Whitley Stokes
in Anecdota Oxoniensia (Oxford, 1890).
John Healy.
Dutch Guiana. See Guiana.
Duty. — The definition of the term duty given by
lexicographers is: " something that is due ; " obliga-
tory service"; "something that one is bound to per-
form or to avoid". In this sense we speak of a duty,
duties; and, in general, the sum total of these duties is
denoted by the abstract term in the singular. The
word is also used to signify that unique factor of con-
sciousness which is expressed in the foregoing defini-
tions by "obligatory", "bound", "ought", and
"moral obligation". Let us analyse this datum of
consciousness. When, concerning a contemplated
act, one forms the decision "I ought to do it , the
words express an intellectual judgment. But unlike
speculative judgments, this one is Felt to be not merely
declaratory. Nor is it merely preferential; it asserts
itself, as imperative and magisterial. It is accom-
panied by a feeling impelling one, sometimes effect-
ively, sometimes ineffectively, to square his conduct
with it. It presumes that there is a right way and a
wrong way open, and that the right is better or more
worthy than the wrong. All moral judgments of this
kind are particular applications of a universal judg-
ment which is postulated in each one of them: right is
to be done; wrong is to be avoided. Another phe-
nomenon of our moral consciousness is that we are
aware from our consciousness that nature has consti-
tuted a hierarchical order among our feelings, appe-
tites, and desires. We instinctively feel, for example,
that the emotion of reverence is higher and nobler
than the sense of humour; that it is more worthy of us
as rational beings to find satisfaction in a noble drama
than in watching a dog-fight; that the sentiment of
benevolence is superior to that of selfishness. Fur-
thermore we are conscious that, unless it has been
weakened or atrophied by neglect, the sentiment
attending moral judgments asserts itself as the highest
of all: awakens in us the feeling of reverence; and de-
mands that all other sentiments and desires, as
motives of action, shall be reduced to subordination to
the moral judgment. When action is conformed to
this demand, there arises a feeling of self-approbation,
while an opposite course is followed by a feeling of
self-reproach. Starting from this analysis we may
expose the theory of duty according to Catholic ethics.
Dutt in Catholic Ethics. — The path of activity
proper and congenial to every being is fixed and dic-
tated by the nature which the being possesses. The
cosmic order which pervades all the non-human uni-
verse is predetermined in the natures of the innumera-
ble variety of things which make up the universe. For
man, too, the course of action proper to him is indi-
cated by the constitution of his nature. A great part
of his activity is, like the entire movements of the non«
human world, under the iron grip of determinism;
there are large classes of vital functions, ov;er which he
has no volitional control; and his body is subject to
the physical laws of matter. But, unlike all the lower
world, he is himself the master of his action over a wide
range of life which we know as conduct. He is free to
choose between two opposite courses; he can elect, in
circumstances innumerable, to do or not to do; to do
this action, or to do that other which is incompatible
with it. Does, then, his nature furnish no index for
conduct? Is every form of conduct equally congenial
and equally indifferent to human nature? By no
means. His nature indicates the line of action which
is proper, and the line which is abhorrent to it. This
demand of nature is delivered partly in that hierarchi-
cal order which exists in our feelings and desires as
motives of action; partly through the reflective reason
which decides what form of action is consonant with
the dignity of a rational being; comprehensively, and
with immediate practical application to action, in
those moral judgments involvmg the " ought ". This
function of reason, aided thus by good will and prac-
tical experience, we call conscience (q. v.).
We have now reached the first strand of the bond
which we know as moral obligation, or duty. Duty
is a debt owed to the rational nature of which the
spokesman and representative is conscience, which
imperatively calls for the satisfaction of the claim.
But is this the be-all and the end-all of duty? The
idea of duty, of indebtedness, involves another self or
person to whom the debt is due. Conscience is not
another self, it is an element of one's own personality.
How can one be said, except through a figure of
speech, to be indebted to oneself? Here we must take
into consideration another characteristic of conscience.
It is that conscience in a dim, undefinable, but
very real way, seems to set itself over against the rest
of our personality. Its intimations awake, as no
other exercise of our reason does, feelings of awe, rev-
erence, love, fear, shame, such as are called forth in us
by otner persons, and by persons only. The univer-
sality of this experience is testified to by the expres-
sions men commonly employ when speaking of con-
science; they call it a voice, a judge; they say that
they must answer to conscience for their conduct.
Their attitude towards it is as to something not com-
pletely identical with themselves; its whole genesis is
not to be accounted for by describing it as one func-
tion of life. It is the effect of education and training,
some say. Certainly education and training may do
a great deal to develop this impression that in con-
science there is another self implicated beyond our-
selves. But the quickness with which the child re-
sponds to its instructor or educator on this point
proves that he feels within himself something which
confirms his teacher's lesson. Ethical philosophers,
and conspicuously among them Newman, have argued
that to him who listens reverently and obediently to
the dictates of conscience, they inevitably reveal
themselves as emanating, originally, from "a Su-
preme Governor, a Judge, holy, just, powerful,
all-seeing, retributive". IF, however, we accept New-
man's view as universally true, we cannot easily ad-
mit that, as is generally asserted and believed, many
men obey conscience and love righteousness, who
nevertheless, do not believe in a personal, moral ruler
of the universe. Why may not the most uncompro-
mising theist admit that the moral guide which the
Creator has implanted in our nature is powerful
enough successfully to discharge its function, at least
in occasional cases, without fully unfolding its impli-
cations? One of the leading Unitarian moralists has
eloquently expressed this opinion. "The profound
sense of the authority and even sacredness of the
moral law is often conspicuous among men whose
DUTY
216
DUTY
thoughts apparently never turn to superhuman
things, but who are penetrated by a secret worship of
honour, truth and right. Were this noble state of
mind brought out of its impulsive state and made to
unfold its implicit contents, it would indeed reveal a
source higher than human nature for the august au-
thority of righteousness. But it is undeniable that that
authority may be felt where it is not seen— felt as if it
were the mandate of a Perfect Will, while yet there is no
overt recognition of such a Will: i. e., conscience may
act as human, before it is discovered to be divine. To
the agent himself its whole history may seem to lie in
his own personality and his visible social relations ; and
it shall nevertheless serve as his oracle, though it be
hid from him Who it is that utters it." (Martineau,
A Study of Religion, Introduc, p. 21.) Nevertheless
it must be admitted that such persons are compara-
tively few; and they, too, testify to the implication of
another self in the intimations of consciousness; for
they, as Ladd says, " personify the conception of the
sum-total of ethical obligations, they are Tain to spell
the words with capitals and swear allegiance to this
purely abstract conception. They hypostatize and
deify an abstraction as though it were itself existent
and divine." (Ladd, Philosophy of Conduct, p. 385.)
The doctrine that conscience is autonomous, inde-
pendent, sovereign, a law-giver deriving its authority
from no higher source, will neither, logically speaking,
satisfy the idea of duty, nor sufficiently safeguard
morality. One cannot, after all, owe a debt to him-
self ; he cannot lay a command on himself. If moral
judgments can claim no higher origin than one's own
reason, then under close, severe inspection they must
be considered as merely preferential. The portentous
magisterial tone in which conscience speaks is a mere
delusion; it can show no warrant or title to the author-
ity which it pretends to exercise. When, under stress
of temptation, a man who believes in no higher legisla-
tor than conscience, finds arising in his mind the in-
evitable question, Why am I bound to obey my con-
science wnen my desires run in another direction? he
is perilously tempted to adjust his moral code to his
inclinations; and the device of spelling duty with a
capital will prove but a slender support to it against
the attack of passion.
Reason solves the problem of duty, and vindicates
the sanctity of the law of righteousness by tracing
them to their source in God. As the cosmic order is a
product and expression of the Divine Will, so, like-
wise, is the moral law which is expressed in the ra-
tional nature . God wills that we shape our free action
or conduct to that norm. Reason recognizing our de-
pendence on the Creator, and acknowledging His in-
effable majesty, power, goodness, and sanctity,
teaches us that we owe Him love, reverence, obedi-
ence, service, and, consequently, we owe it to Him to
observe that law which He has implanted within us as
the ideal of conduct. This is our first and all-compre-
hensive duty in which all other duties have their root.
In the light of this truth conscience explains itself,
and is transfigured. It is the accredited representa-
tive of the Eternal; He is the original Imponent of
moral obligation; and disobedience to conscience is
disobedience to Him. Infraction of the moral law
is not merely a violence done to our rational nature;
it is also an offence to God, and this aspect of its malice
is designated by calling it sin. The sanctions of con-
science, self-approbation, and self-reproach, are rein-
forced by the supreme sanction, which, if one may use
the expression, acts automatically. It consists in
this, that by obedience to the law we reach our perfec-
tion, and compass our supreme good; while, on the
other hand, the transgressor condemns himself to miss
that good in the attainment of which alone lies the
happiness that is incorruptible. To obviate a possi-
ble misapprehension it may be remarked here that the
distinction between right and wrong hangs not upon
any arbitrary decree of the Divine Will. Right is
right and wrong is wrong because the prototype of the
created order, of which the moral law forms a part, is
the Divine Nature itself, the ultimate ground of all
truth intellectual and moral.
Erroneous Ethics. — We have already touched
upon the main weakness of the Kantian theory, which
is to treat conscience as autonomous. Another mis-
take of Kant is that in his system duty and right are
made coterminous. A moment's reflection' is suffi-
cient to perceive that this is an error. There are
many conceivable good actions which one can do, and
which it would be highly praiseworthy to perform, yet
which no reasonable person, however rigorous his ideal
of conduct might be, would say one is bound to per-
form. Duty and right are two concentric circles.
The inner one, duty, embraces all that is to be ob-
served under penalty of failing to live rationally. The
outer contains the inner, but, stretching far beyond,
permits an indefinite extension to the paths of virtue
that lead to consummate righteousness and sanctity.
Every philosophic system which embraces as one of
its tenets the doctrine of determinism thereby com-
mits itself to the denial of the existence of moral obli-
gation. Duf;y implies that the subject of it possesses
the power to observe the law, or to disobey, and the
power to choose between these alternatives. What
reproach can a determinist mentor logically address to
one who has committed a wrong action? "You
ought not to have done so"? The culprit can reply:
" But you have taught me that free will is a delusion;
that no one can act otherwise than he does. So,
under the circumstances in which I found myself, it
was impossible for me to refrain from the action which
you condemn. What, then, can you mean by saying -
that I ought not to have acted as I did? You re-
proach me; as well reproach a tiger for having eaten
nis man or a volcano for having ruined a village."
With regard to the existence of duty every form of
pantheism, or monism, logically finds itself in the camp
of determinism. When man is looked upon as one
with the Infinite, his actions are not really his own,
but belong properly to the Universal Being. The part
assigned to him, m his activities, is similar to that
played by a carbon burner in relation to the electric
current generated by a dynamo. The Divine power
passing through him clothes itself with only a seeming •
mdividuality; while the whole course of action, the
direction which it takes, and the results in which it
culminates, belong to the Supreme Being. If this
were true, then lying, debauchery, theft, murder were
equally as worthy as truthfulness, chastity, honesty,
benevolence; for all would be eaually manifestations
of the one universal Divinity. Tnen a classification of ,
conduct into two opposite categories might still be
made from the standpoint of results; but the idea of
moral worth, which is the very core of the. moral life
and the first postulate of duty, would have vanished.
Hedonism of every shade — epicurean, utilitarian, ego-
istic, altruistic, evolutionary — which builds on one or
another form of the " greatest happiness" principle
and makes pleasure and pain the discriminating norm
of right ana wrong, is unable to vindicate any author-
ity for duty, or even to acknowledge the existence of
moral obligation. No combination of impulses, if
they are estimated from the merely biological or
purely empirical standpoint, can, by any juggling of #
words, be converted mto a moral hierarchy. The
hedonist is doomed to find all his endeavour to estab-
lish the basis of the moral order terminate in "is", but
never in "ought", in a fact, but never in an ideal.
Lecky has neatly summed up the hedonist solution of .
the problem of duty: " All that is meant by saying we
ought to do an action is that if we do not do it we snail
suffer."
Pleasure, say the epicurean and the egoist, is the
only motive of action; and actions are good or bad
DUTY
217
DUTY
accordingly as they produce a surplus of pleasure over
pain, or contribute to or diminish welfare. Then, we
ask, must I always pursue what seems to me the most
pleasurable or the most remunerative? If the answer
is yes, we are again landed in determinism. If the
reply is that I can choose, but that I ought to choose
what produces the most happiness, then I ask, why
ought I to choose the course which produces most
happiness or pleasure if I prefer to do otherwise? To
this question the epicurean and the egoist have no
answer. Besides, the most pleasurable conduct may
be one that all reasonable men condemn as wrong, be-
cause it is injurious to some one else. Here the egoist
is compelled to hand the difficulty over to the altruist.
The latter endeavours to dispose of it by pointing out
that the object of good conduct is not merely the
agent's own happiness, but that of everybody con-
cerned. But again, why am I bound to take into
account the welfare of others? and the altruist is
silent. The evolutionist of the Spencerian type inter-
venes with a ponderous theory that in gauging the
measure in which actions produce welfare or diminish
it, not merely the immediate, but also and more espe-
cially, the remote results must be considered. lie
then proceeds to show that, as an hereditary conse-
quence of our ancestors' experience that remote results
are more important than immediate, we have come to
fancy that remote results have a certain authorltative-
ness. Also, from unpleasant experiences of our ances-
tors, we inherit a tendency, when thinking of injurious
actions, to think too of the external penalties which
were attached to such actions. These two elements,
blending into one, give rise, we are told, to the feeling
of moral obligation. So the common conviction that
moral obligation has really any binding authority is a
mere delusion. Spencer is honest enough to draw the
inevitable corollary of this doctrine which is that our
sense of duty and moral obligation is transitory and
destined to disappear. Ethical writers of the inde-
pendent morality" schools have devised a beautifully
simple way of escaping from the embarrassment of
accounting for the validity of moral obligation. They
ignore the subject altogether and refer the disap-
pointed inquirer to the metaphysician. Ethics, they
blandly declare, is a descriptive, not a normative
science; hence that imposing array of works profes-
sing to treat scientifically of morals, yet calmly ignor-
ing the pivotal factor of the moral life.
Historic Development of the Idea op Duty. —
To trace the development of the concept of duty
would be to review the history, of the human race.
Even in the lowest races there is to be found some
moral code, however crude and erroneous. Another
universal fact is that the race has, everywhere and
always, placed morals under a religious, or quasi-
religious, sanction. The savage, in a measure corre-
sponding to his crude moral and intellectual develop-
ment, witnesses to this universal impulse by observing
innumerable customs because he believes them to have
some sanction higher than that of his fellow tribesmen
or their chief. The great nations of antiquity, Chinese,
Chaldean, Babylonian, Egyptian, saw in their deities
the source or sanction of their moral codes — at least
until the religious and the moral ideal became simul-
taneously corrupted. In Greece and Rome, likewise,
religion and morals were intimately associated, until
religion proved false to its trust. The same phenom-
enon is found in the Aryan race of India ana Persia,
while the Semitic peoples, especially the Jews, always
continued to look to religion for the reason of their
moral codes. When classic paganism had introduced
among the gods the vices of men, the ancient tradition
continued to be vindicated by the poets, and by some
of the philosophers. The magnificent testimonies of
the Greek tragic poets, of Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero
to the superhuman origin of the moral law and duty
need Jiot be quoted here. But when religious tradi-
•
tion lost its force and philosophy became the guardian
of morality, a conflict of rival schools, none of which v
possessed sufficient authority to make its tenets pre-
vail with the mass of the people, was the inevitable
result; and as religious faith declined, the tendency to
find a non-religious basis for duty became more pro-
nounced. The consequence was that the idea of duty
faded; and systems arose, which, like our present day
"independent morality", had no place for moral obli-
gation.
The unity of the moral and religious ideal was re-
stored and rendered perfect by Christianity. The
Gospel vindicated the Divine origin of duty/ and de-
clared that its fulfilment constituted the very essence
of religion. This idea has been the chief motor force
to raise the Western world out of the moral chaos into
which decaying paganism had dragged it. The doc-
trine that every man is an immortal being created by
God to be united with Himself in an endless existence,
provided that he observe the law of righteousness, in
which God's will is expressed, sets forth the dignity of
man and the sacredness of duty in their full nobility.
The wickedness of moral delinquency reveals itself in
this, that it is a sin against the Most High — an idea
scarcely known to antiquity outside the Hebrew peo-
ple. The Christian religion brought out more clearly
and taught with the authority of God, the code of the
natural law; much of which unaided reason developed
only in hesitating accents and without the authority
necessary to impose it effectively as obligatory on all.
The Christian was taught that the fulfilment of duty
is the one supreme concern of life to which all other
interests must be made to bow, and that its fulfilment
is enforced by the most tremendous sanctions conceiv-
able. The Gospel gave a satisfactory solution to the
anomaly which nad perplexed philosophers and misled
them to erroneous doctrines concerning the meaning of
the moral life. How can virtue be man's perfection,
good, and end. when the fulfilment of duty means in
many cases, the frustration of many natural desires
and wants? The history of duty, replies the Christian,
lies not all within the confines of earthly life; its ulti-
mate goal is beyond the grave. The Christian doc-
trine of the Fatherhood of God and the sonship of man
leads to a clearer perception of the chief duties and of
their importance. Human life is seen to be a sacred,
inviolable thing in ourselves and in others; woman is
the equal, not the slave of man; the family is ordained
of God, and its corner-stone is monogamous marriage.
The State, too, is placed on a firmer basis, since Chris-
tian doctrine teaches that it draws the warrant of its
existence not from force, or a mere consensus of
human wills, but from God. Finally, the Christian
law of love correlates the outer circle of righteousness,
with the inner one of strict duty. Love of God be-
comes the adequate motive for striving after the high-
est personal sanctity; love of our neighbour for the
widest exercise of benevolence far beyond the limits of
strict duty. In the person of the Master, Christianity
offers to us the flawless Exemplar of the moral ideal,
the perfect conformity of will and action to the Divine
Will. His example has proved potent enough to in-
spire with heroic loyalty to duty " the millions who,
countless and nameless, the stern hard path have
trod1'. The moral standards of our civilization have
been developed and maintained by the efficiency of the
Christian idea of duty. Contemporary conditions fur-
nish unmistakable indications that these standards ^
become debased and discredited when they are torn
from the ground whence they sprang. ,
Duties. — The obligation of living according to ou
rational nature is the parent of all particular duties.
These are generally divided into three groups — (1)
duties to God, (2) duties towards ourselves, and (3)
duties to others. — (1) To God, the Supreme Master of
the universe, our Creator, the All Holy, All Good, we
owe honour, service, obedience, and love. These
^
DUVERGIER
218
DUVEROIER
4
duties are comprehended under the general term relig-
ion. Since He is Truth itself, we owe it to Him to
believe whatever He has revealed to us in a super-
natural manner; to worship Him in the way which, in
revelation, He has taught us is most pleasing to Him :
and to obey the authority which He has constituted
(see Church). Reverence due to Him forbids all pro-
fanity'and blasphemy of Him or whatever is sacred to
Him. Lying is ah offence against His Divine nature,
which is Truth itself. These generic duties cover all
the specific duties that we owe to God, and embrace,
besides, those duties which devolve upon us as mem-
bers of the Catholic Church. — (2) Our duties towards
ourselves may all be included under one principle: life,
the goods of person, mental and physical, have been
given to us in trust, with the obligation of using them
to obtain our supreme good and end. Hence we may
not destroy them, or abuse them as if we were inde-
pendent master of them. Therefore suicide, abuse of
our faculties, mental or physical, exposing our life or
health to danger without a reasonable motive, are
prohibited ; as also are all actions incompatible with
the reverence that we owe to our moral nature. We
are bound to strive for the development of our intel-
lect and for temporal goods as far as these are neces-
sary to the fulfilment of the moral law. As duty is a
debt to some one other than ourselves, we cannot,
strictly speaking, use the term duties to ourselves.
They are due to God; they regard ourselves. — (3) All
our duties towards others are implicitly contained in
the Christian precept : " Thou shalt love thy neighbour
as thyself". God wills the welfare of all men; hence
the obligation of making His will the rule of mine
binds me to will their welfare, and to order my conduct
towards them with a due respect to the rational nature
which they possess, and to the obligations which that
nature imposes on them. The application of this prin-
ciple gives birth to duties towards the minds and wills
of others (prohibition of scandal and lying); to the
lives of others (prohibition of murder, etc.) ; to their
good refutation (prohibition of insult, detraction, or
defamation of character).
As material goods are necessary to us in order to
live according to the rational law, evidently God in
imposing moral obligation wills also that we have at
our disposal the means necessary to fulfil our duty.
Hence arises that moral control over things which is
called a right. The needs of a moral life require that
some things should be permanently under our con-
trol; hence the rights of ownership. Now a right in
one person is nugatory unless others are bound to
respect it. So to every right there is a corresponding
duty.
Thus far we have sketched the line of duty incum-
bent on each one towards others as individuals. Be-
sides these there are social duties. The primary so-
ciety, the family, which is the unit of civil society, has
its foundation in our nature ; and the relations which
constitute it give rise to two groups of rights and cor-
relative duties — conjugal and parental. Besides the
family, a wider, broader, association of man with his
fellows is needed, generally speaking, in order that he
may develop his life with all its needs and potencies, in
accordance with the dictates of reason. God has in-
tended man to live in civil society, and man becomes
the subject of duties and rights with regard to the
society of which he is a member. The society, too,
acquires a moral unity or personality which is also the
subject of rights and duties. This system of social
rights and duties has for its pivot the right possessed
by the society to impose laws which constitute a bind-
ing obligation. This right, called authority, is derived
from the natural law, ultimately from God. For,
since He wills civil society as a means for the due de-
velopment of human nature, He wills that authority
without which it cannot exist. As the lower animals
cannot be the subject of rights we do not owe them
any duties; but we owe duties to God in their regard
(see Ethics; Law: Obligation).
St. Thomas. I, Q. aorii, a. 2, Q. borix, a. 2; II-II, Q. xviii. a.
5. Q. had, a. 2; Suabez, De legibus, II; De ultimo fine, Tr. i,
ch. iii; d'Hulst. Confirmee* de Notre-Dame (1891), a. v.
Lea Fondements de la Morale; Faroes, La Liberii et Le Devoir
(Paris, 1902); Leckt, History of European Morale, i; Joseph
Rickabt, Aquinas Ethieus, QQ. xciii, xciv; Idem, Moral Philos-
ophy, I, vi; de Bates, Lee Base* de la Morale (Ghent, 1892):
Ladd, Philosophy of Conduct (New York, 1902), xv; Newman, A
Grammar of Assent, v? Martineau, A Study of Religion (New
York, 1888), Introduction; Fox, Religion and Morality (New
York, 1899).
James J. Fox.
Duvergier de Hauranne (or Du Verger), Jean
(also called Saint-Cyran from an abbey he held in
commendam), one of the authors of Jansenism, b. at
Bayonne, France, 1581; d. in Paris, 1643. After
studying the humanities in his native place, and
philosophy at the Sorbonne, he went to Lou vain, not
to the university but to the Jesuit college, where he
Sraduated, 1604, with a brilliant thesis admired by
ustus Lipsius. His acquaintance with the future
theologian of the Jansenist sect, Cornelius Jansen
(Jansenius), a young disciple of the Baianist Jacques
Janson, probably began at Lou vain. In 1605 the
two were in Paris, attending together the lessons of
the Gallican, Edmond Richer, and studying Christian
antiquity with a view to restoring it to its place of
honour, usurped, as they claimed, by Scholasticism.
These studies of patristic and especially Augustinian
literature were pursued with incredible energy for
wellnigh twelve years, at Paris, till 1611, ana then
at Campiprat (Uantiprg), the home of Hauranne,
under the protection of Bertrand d'Eschaux, Bishop
of Bayonne, who made Duvergier canon of his ca-
thedral, and Jansen principal of a newly-founded
college. Owing, no doubt, to the translation of d 'Es-
chaux from Bayonne to Tours, the two friends left
Bayonne in 1617, Jansen returning to Lou vain and
Duvergier going to Poitiers where Bishop de la Roche-
posay, a disciple of Scaliger.and an enthusiastic
humanist, received him as a friend, appointed him
to a canonry and the priory of Bonneville, and later,
1620, resigned in his behalf the Abbey of Saint-Cyran-
en-Brenne. The new commendatory prelate resided
little in his abbey. In 1622 he returned definitively
to Paris, the metropolis affording him better oppor-
tunities to further his plans. During the years 1617-
1635 an assiduous correspondence was kept up be-
tween Duvergier and Jansen, of which there remain
only " Lettres de Jansenius a Du verger de Hauranne",
seized at the time of Saint-Cyran's incarceration.
These letters, wherein conventional ciphers are fre-
quently used, constantly mention the affaire princi-
pale, projet, cabale, that is, first and foremost, the
composition of the "Augustinus" by Jansen, Saint-
Cyran employing himself to enlist patrons for the
so-called Augustinian system (see Jansenism).
For greater security the two innovators occasion-
ally met to discuss the progress of their joint work.
One of these meetings probably gave rise to the much-
debated Projet de Bourg-Fontaine. In his " Relation
juridique de ce qui s'est passe* a Poitiers touchant la
nouvefre doctrine des Jansenistes" (Poitiers, 1654),
Fiileau stated on the authority of one of the conspira-
tors then repentant, that six persons had secretly met
in 1621 at the chartreuse of Bourg-Fontaine, near
Paris, for the purpose of overthrowing Christianity
and establishing deism in its stead. The names of
the conspirators, only initialled by Fiileau, were given
in full by Bayle (Diet., s. v. "AmainM"); that of
SaintrCyran heads the list. The Jansenists always
protested against this story. Arnauld called it a
"diabolical invention", and Pascal ridiculed it in his
"Seizieme lettre a un provincial ". The Jesuit
Father Sauvage's argument in his " Realite* du projet
de Bourg-Fontaine demontree par l'execution"
I
DUVUtGIEB
219
DUYSRQIER
(Paris, 1755) was refuted by D. Cllmencet in "La
verite" et l'innocence victorieuses de la calomnie ou
huit lettres sur le pro jet de Bourg-Fontaine" (Paris,
1758). Although Clemencet's book was burned by
order of the Parliament of Paris, still it never was
answered. Guizot's remark that " the adepts of Jan-
senism passed insensibly from the tenets of Saint-
Cyran and Montgeron to atheism and the worship of
reason" (Civilisation en Europe, Lee. xii) may apply
to some of the later Jansenists, but the charge of ra-
tionalism is obviously untenable when brought against
the Jansenists of the first generation. Stripped of un-
supported details and deductions, FilleaU s narrative
and Sauvage's arguments show, what is borne out by
the letters of Jansenius and other documents of the
time, a covert yet definite purpose, as early as 1621.
to deeply modify the dogmas, moral practices, and
constitution of the Church, St. Augustine being made
responsible for such changes.
As noticed above, Duvereier's share was to win
high influence in favour of the religious revolution.
While at Poitiers he had met Richelieu, de Condren,
and Arnauld d'Andilly. At Paris he sought out such
men as Vincent de Paul, founder of the Congregation
of the Mission; Olier, founder of Saint-Sulpice;
Berulle, superior of the French Oratory; Tarisse, su-
perior of the Benedictines of Saint-Maur; Bourdoise,
superior of Saint-Nicolas, and many more. It cannot
be denied that these men were at first attracted by
Saint-Cyran's affected asceticism, but when they
understood his true aim they recoiled from him. The
terse expression applied in the Roman Breviary to St.
Vincent de Paul, Sensit simvl et exhorruit (he shud-
dered on hearing), could be said of them all, with the
exception of Berulle and Arnauld d'Andilly. Berulle
never shared the errors of Duvergier and Jansen, but,
being indebted to these two for the establishment of
the French Oratory in the Netherlands, he failed to
detect their real purpose and gave them a hold on his
order which they never released. Owing to his Gal-
licanism and strong prejudices against the Jesuits,
Arnauld d'Andilly fell an easy prey to Saint-Cvran's
wiles and declamations, and even brought with him
che whole Arnauld family, along with the Bernardine
nuns of Port-Royal (q. v.). Adroitly and persist-
ently Saint-Cyran pushed his way into this celebrated
monastery, till, in 1636, he became its sole director.
Not only were his innovations and rigorism eagerly
accepted by the nuns, but Port-Royal became the
centre of Jansenism, drawing a host of ecclesiastics,
lawyers, writers, etc., ail vying with one another to
place themselves under the "spiritual domination"
of the Abbe" de Saint-Cyran. His incredible success
and nefarious work are well described by M. S^pet
(in Rev. des quest, hist., xlv, 534): "Taking advan-
tage of the moral enthusiasm aroused by the religious
awakening, an ardent and sombre sectarian, Saint-
Cyran undertook to win souls over for the proud
doctrine of absolute predestination to either salvation
or damnation, also to an excessive rigorism to which
the initiated easily accommodated themselves, while
simple-hearted folk like Pascal risked life and reason
in its practice."
Saint-Cyran was at the summit of his influence when
an order of Richelieu sent him (1638) to the donion of
Vincennes. His incarceration has been variously ex-
plained both by friends and enemies. Richelieu gave
the true reason when he said: "Saint-Cyran is more
dangerous than six armies. ... If Luther and Cal-
vin had been arrested when they began to dogmatize,
much trouble would have been spared the nations."
(See Marand6, " Inconvenients d'e'tat proceclant du
Jansenisme", jParis, 1653.) Jansenist writers unduly
insist on the rigour of Saint-Cyran 's captivity. As a
matter of fact, he was given liberty enough to receive
his friends, to read the first printed copy of " Augus-
tinus", to collaborate with Antoine Arnauld on the
"Frequents Communion", published in 1643, to write
his "Theologie familiere" and the voluminous "Let-
tres chre'tiennes et spirit uelles". /and even to make
new recruits. In 1643, after Richelieu's death, Saint-
Cyran recovered his liberty and returned in triumph
to Port-Royal. The triumph, however, was clouded
by the announcement that the "Augustinus" had
been condemned at Rome. When the author heard
of the condemnation lie angrily protested that " Rome
was going too far and ought to be taught a lesson": a
stroke of apoplexy, however, carried him off before ne
could execute his threat. Pierre de Pons, parish
Eriest of Saint-Jacques du Haut-Pas, in a note quoted
y Rapin (Hist, du Jans., p. 305). testified that Saint-
Cyran died while being anointed, but had asked for
neither absolution nor Viaticum, notwithstanding a
certificate to the contrary, delivered by Mulsey, when
importuned and bribed by the Jansenists.
Saint-Cyran was a prolific writer. His manu-
scripts, seized at the time of his arrest, formed no less
than thirty-two thick folios. Amid the numerous .
writings ascribed to him by the " Dictionnaire des
livres Jansenistes" (Antwerp, 1755), it is difficult to
distinguish his genuine works, for he generally wrote
anonymously, or under a false name, or in collabora-
tion with others. Apart from two frivolous pamph-
lets written by Duvergier in his youth, "Question
royale" (Paris, 1609), an apology for suicide under
certain circumstances, and "Apologie pour . . . de
la Rocheposay" (Poitiers, 1615), a thesis intended to
show that bishops have a right to use arms, his princi-
pal works are: (1) "Somme des fautes . . . du P.
Garasse" (Paris, 1626); with several additional
pamphlets in support of it; the book itself was a vile
attack on the Jesuits on occasion of a somewhat in-
cautious book written by one of them, the heroic
Father Garasse : (2) " Petrus Aurelius de hierarchia
ecclesiastic^" (raris, 1631), written in collaboration
with Duvergier's nephew, Barcos, and others. This
book purports to be a defence of Richard Smith, vicar
Apostolic in England, against the alleged machina-
tions of the English Jesuits; in fact it aims at winning
over to the Jansenist error the Catholic hierarchy
whose prerogatives it exaggerates to the detriment of
the Roman See. The scientific portion of it is taken
from the "De republic* Christiana" (1617) of the
apostate Marc' Antonio de Dominis; the rest consists
mainly of abuse of the Jesuits. By a singular incon-
sistency, Saint-Cyran bases the episcopaf power not so
much on the Sacrament of Orders as on the interior
spirit. The Evique interieur, remarks Sainte-Beuve,
is simply the Directeur, a name and office much cov-
eted by Saint-Cyran. The clergy of France, taken by
surprise, paid the expenses ofthe book but later
ordered Sainte-Marthe s eulogy of Duvergier expunged
from the "Gallia Christiana". (3) "Chapelet secret
du tree Saint-Sacrement" (Paris, 1632), a aeries of
Quietist remarks on the attributes of Christ. This
booklet, having become a kind of storm-centre, was
fmidently repudiated by Saint-Cyran who neverthe-
ess wrote several tracts in its defence. (4X "Theo-
logie familiere" (Paris, 1642), a series of theologico-
devotional tracts, the Jansenists' catechism, teeming,
with errors on nearly every subject, condemned by
the Holy Office, 23 April, 1654. (5) " Lettres chr&f-
ennes et spirituelles (Paris, 1645); another series
(Paris, 1744). Bossuet calls them dry and over-
wrought (spiritualiU skche et alambiquee). With the
"Theologie familiere" they exhibit a fair specimen of
Saint-Cyran 's galimatias and obscure asceticism.
Saint-Cyran 's writings were collected in his "(Euvres"
(Lyons, 1679).
Besides a mass of unreliable Jansenist memoir*, e. g. by
Lanceix>t (Utrecht, 1738), Du FoeaA (Utrecht, 1739), Ar-
nauld d'Andilly (Utrecht, 1751), etc., see Lettrea de C. Janse-
nius it J. Du Verger de Hauranne, ed. Gerberon (Cologne, 1702);
Saint-Cyran in Diction, dee Janstniatee. ed. Mionb (Paris,
1847); Rapin, Hist, du Jansenisme (Paris, 1866); Idem,
{Pari* 1805):
■„ Port-Roval (Psrit
1871), co meted oy Fihet, Urn Jot
rltn SamU-Bcuvt IParia, 1870); Junouann, De Jmuitiimo
)□ Diutrt. itUct* in Mil. eod. IBun, 1886), VI, 317; 1)«l-
qaikmh, Introduction to Devotion to the -Sacred Heart {London,
1863); Kholl, Caiatt of At Jameniel Herein in Am. Coil,.
" "". Rtf; 1SSB; Mathibo, AhMii el ttnni -(";'">" ir
" ' "" ■■*> (P»riB, 1905); Mil-
■'■ fc «. Oder.
1'or i. ,
J. F. Soi.uk k.
Duvamay, Ludoeh, a French-Canadian journal-
painted a portrait of an old man, and a- lawsuit L.
1660 revealed the fart that he had also produced when
quite a youth a aeries of heads exceedingly well
Eainted. A proof of his skill is the fact that in 1618,
efore he was twenty, he was admitted to the freedom
of the guild of St. Luke in Antwerp, an unusual dis-
tinction for a youthful painter. The tradition that
ist and patriot, b. at Vercheres, Quebec, 22 Jan., Van Dyck was apprenticed to Rubens or was ever his
1799; d. 28 Nov., 1852. A printer by trade; he pupil must be dismissed. Investigations have proved
'""""'" " 'n his art when
introduced to
the studio of Rubens.
Here Van Dyck made
one of the group of
young men who assisted
the master in his decor-
ative works, which it
would have been quite
impossible for him to
complete by himself.
In 1620, at the request
of the Countess of Arun-
del, Van Dyck appears
to have come to Eng-
land and to have re-
ceived commissions from
James I for which he
was paid in February,
1621. After executing
these orders he returned
to Antwerp and then de- .
termined to visit Italy,
leaving in October, 1621,
and remaining abroad
for five years. He spent
some time at Genoa,
moved on to Rome, and
then visited Florence ;
from here he went to
Bologna, and later by
way of Mantua to Ven-
ice. After this he was
at Milan and finally in
1623 in Rome. The rec-
ords of this journey
remain in the famous
"Chatswortb Sketch
Book". His life in Rome
founded and edited successively at Three Rivers, that he was regarded as a master i
Quebec, " La Gaiette des L
Trois-Rivieres" (1817),
"Le Constitutionnel
(1823), and "L' Argus"
(1826). In 1827, with A.
N. Morin, he founded in
Montreal "La Minerve",
one of the prominent pa-
Ers of French Canada.
3 was imprisoned (1832)
for protesting with Dr.
Daniel Tracey, editor of
the "Vindicator", against
the arbitrariness of the
Legislative Council. A
medal was presented him
in acknowledgment of
his devotedness to the
public good. Duvernay's
chief title to fame is the
foundation of the Society
of St. John the Baptist
(1834). The choice of the
Precursor for the patron
saint of the French-Cana-
dians accorded with a
time-honoured tradition
mentioned in the Jesuit
"Relations" (1646) as
contemporary with the
beginning of New France
and inherited from the
mother country. The
maple leaf, pow accep-
ted by Canadians of
every origin, was chosen
as the national emblem
and the motto adopted
by Duvernay was; "Notre l&ngue, noa institutions et was unsatisfactory, for he made many enemies,
nos lois". Elected for Lachenaie in 1837, he was and soon left the Eternal City and settled in Genoa,
forced to leave the country for participating in the where he was exceedingly popular. His portraits of
Canadian Rebellion, and he took up his residence at the great nobility of Genoa rank among the finest in
Burlington, Vermont, where he" founded "Le Patriot* the world and form a magnificent and unrivalled
Canadien" (1849). The union of the two Canadas series. In 1624 he visited Palermo, painting the por-
having been voted by the British Parliament and the trait of Emmanuel of Savoy, Viceroy of Sicily, and
principle of representative government adopted, peace some church pictures, but returned to Genoa and in
was restored and political exiles were allowed to re- 1626 left for Antwerp, probably on account of some
turn. Duvernay began again the publication of " La complications with regard to the division of his
Minerve", in which ne extolled the introduction of father's estate. He visited Aachen and is believed to
responsible government, and criticised the Act of Union have gone on to Paris, while tradition states that he
destined, by its authors, to absorb Lower Canada. made a second visit to England. However, nothing
La Mm*™ (Montreal, 3 Dai- 1882); U Jour. deQuOte (Deo., definite is known of his movements until 1630 when
18.12): CaociKA«.. Ftte Nat. de, CW. fran. (Qu.b«, 1B81). n0 was at Tq(, Hftgu(, ^ snort|y tfteTvarxk back in
Lionel Lindsay. h^ native town. Another tradition, which speaks of
the rivalry between Rubens and Van Dyck, has to be
Dyck, Antoon (Anthonih) Van, usually known as discredited. Mr. Lionel Cust and others have shown
SlB Anthony Van Dyck, Flemish portrait-painter, that the two painters were not only on terms of
b. at Antwerp, 22 March, 1599; d. in London, 9 De- equality with regard to their art, but that a generous
cember, 1641. This great painter was the seventh and cordial friendship existed between them,
child of a family of twelve, being the son of Frans Van In 1632 Van Dyck went again to England and was
Dyck, merchant in silk, linen, and kindred materials, graciously received by Charles I. He appears to have
and of Maria, daughter of Dirk Cuypers and Catherina passed into the king's service immediately, as a war-
Coninox. While still a boy be was placed, on the ad- rant was issued on 21 May, 1632, for the payment of
DYING 221 DTMFHA
an allowance to him, and a residence given him in end. He was much tormented in his last hours by the
Blackfriars. He had also a summer residence jn the Protestant ministers who endeavoured to pervert him,
palace of Eltham, was knighted on 5 July, presented and who, even when the dying man was half-uncon-
with a chain and medal of great value, and granted a scions, refused to leave him in peace. He left several
pension of £200 a year to be paid quarterly. From children, his eldest son, Edward, being more than
the moment of his arrival commenced his great success twenty-one years of age at the time of his father's death,
as a portrait-painter in England. The king and T Pillow. J^.Dict.Eno. Cath. (London. 1885).: II: Camm.
queen sat to him frequently and he was overwhelmed t^&^^^&g}^™*- "' 5?,w583! *""
with commissions. In 1634-5 he received a pressing Bede Camm.
invitation to visit the court at Brussels and accepted
it, but in 1635 he was back at Antwerp and in the Dympna (Dimpna), Saint, virgin and martyr. The
same year returned to England, taking again his posi- earliest historical account of the veneration of St.
tion as. portrait-painter to Charles I and to Henrietta Dympna dates from the middle of the thirteenth cen-
Maria. Of the king he painted no less than thirty-six tury. Under Bishop Guy I of Cambrai (1238-47),
portraits and about twenty-five of Queen Henrietta Pierre, a canon of the church of Saint- Aubert at Cam-
Maria, but perhaps the most beautiful works exe- brai, wrote a " Vita" of the saint, from which we learn
cuted for the royal family were those in which he de- that she had been venerated for many years in a church
picted the children of the royal pair. To this period at Gheel (province of Antwerp, Belgium), which was
belong the wonderful portraits of members of the dedicated to her. The author expressly states that he
English aristocracy to be found in so many of the has drawn his biography from oral tradition. Accord-
§reat English houses. He . prepared a scheme for ing to the narrative Dympna, the daughter of a pagan,
ecorating the walls of the banqueting-house at king of Ireland, became a Christian and was secretly
Whitehall, the sketches for which still exist, but the baptized. After the death of her mother, who was of
royal exchequer could not afford the work. In 1640 extraordinary beauty, her father desired to marry his
he decided to return to Antwerp. Rubens had died own daughter, who was just as beautiful, but she fled
and Van Dyck was acknowledged the head of the with the priest Gerebernus and landed at Antwerp.
Flemish School and entertained with great magnifi- Thence they went to the village of Gheel, where there
cence. He was disposed to settle permanently at was a chapel of St. Martin, beside which they took up
Antwerp, but first went to Paris, desiring to obtain the their abode. The messengers of her father, however,
commission to decorate the gallery of the Louvre, discovered their whereabouts; the father betook him-
The work was, however, given to French artists and self thither and renewed his offer. Seeing that all was
Van Dyck returned to London for a while, later on in in vain, he commanded his servants to slay the priest,
the year, however, visiting Antwerp and Paris, and while he himself struck off the head of his daughter,
then coming back to London. When he arrived his The corpses were put in sarcophagi and entombed in a
health was in a critical condition, and despite the atten- cave, where they were found later. The body of St.
tions of the royal physician he died at his house in Dympna was buried in the church of Gheel, and the
Blackfriars eight days after his wife had given birth bones of St. Gerebernus were transferred to Xanten.
to a daughter. He was buried in St. Paul's Cathedral, This narrative is without any historical foundation,
and a monument was erected to his memory by order being merely a variation of the story of the king who
of the king, but the grave and monument perished wanted to marry his own daughter, a motif which ap-
with the cathedral in the great fire of 1666. pears frequently in popular legends. Hence, we can
In portraiture Van Dyck is the greatest artist of conclude nothing from it as to the history of St.
Europe after Titian, and in works of decorative splen- Dympna and the time in which she lived. That she is
dour perhaps only rivalled by Rubens. He was a man identical with St. Damhnat of Ireland cannot be
of luxurious and somewhat indolent habits, ambi- proved. There are at Gheel fragments of two simple
tious, proud, sensitive, and quick to take offence. In ancient sarcophagi in which tradition says the bodies
his portraits the elegance of the composition, the deli- of Dympna and Gerebernus were found. There is
cate expression of the heads, the truth and purity of also a quadrangular brick, said to have been found in
his colouring, and the strong lifelike quality of ex- one of the sarcophagi, bearing two lines of letters read
pression give him the very highest position, and he is as Dympna. The discovery of this sarcophagus with
one of the few painters whom all critics have placed in the corpse and the brick was perhaps the origin of
the front rank. In a consideration of his art the bril- the veneration. In Christian art St. Dympna is
liant and vigorous etchings must not be overlooked, depicted with a sword in her hand and a fettered devil
Cvvr, Anthony Van Duck {London, 1900): Idem. The Chat*- at ner feet. Her feast is celebrated 15 May, under which
worth Sketch-Book (Loncfon 1902): Idem, Van Duck. (London. j^ ghe ^ also found m the Roman martyroloey.
1903): Duplemis, Eaux-forte* de Van Dyck (Pans, 1874); ^ *T . . . ~ •"*—«?— — *«** «j iwuiyr.
Michiels, Van Dyck et set siHea (Paris, 1881); Gdiftret. From time immemorial, the saint was mvoked as
Anurine Van Dyck (Paris, 1882); Lemcke, Anton Van Dyck patroness against insanity. The Bollandists have
Itf&f'H^g^^l&ifVgft (U>ndon• 1906): Polished n^erous accouBte of miraculous cures,
George Charles Williamson. especially between 1604 and 1668. As a result, there
Dvinir Prayers for the See Death ¥® long ***** a.colonv for lunatics at Gheel ; even now
oying, prayers for the. &ee LFEATH. ^^ are ^^^g^ M n^y M fif^^ hundred, whose
Dymoke, Robert, Confessor of the Faith, date of relatives invoke St. Dympna for their cure. The
birth uncertain; d. at Lincoln, England, 11 Sept., insane are treated in a peculiar manner; it is only in
1580. He was the son of Sir Edward Dymoke (d. the beginning that they are placed in an institution
1566) of Scrivelsby, Lincolnshire, hereditary King's for observation; later they are given shelter in the
Champion. In 1579 Dymoke received the martyr- homes of the inhabitants, take part in their agricul-
priest, Blessed Richard Kirkman, at Scrivelsby, and tural labours, and are treated very kindly. They are
maintained him as schoolmaster to his sons. He was watched without being conscious of it. The treat-
himself, at the time, an occasional conformist to the ment produces good results. The old church of St.
State-religion but was reconciled in 1580 either by Dympna in Gheel was destroyed by fire in 1489.
Kirkman or by Blessed Edmund Campion. In July, The new church was consecrated in 1532 and is still
1580, Dymoke and his wife, the Lady Bridget, eldest standing. Every year on the feast of the saint and
daughter and coheiress of Edward Clinton, Earl of on the Tuesday after Pentecost numerous pilgrims
Lincoln, were indicted for hearing Mass and for recu- visit her shrine. In Gheel there is also a fraternity
sancy. Though he was auite helpless owing to paraly- under her name. For an interesting account of
sis, Dymoke was orderea by Bishop Cooper of Lincoln Gheel. see Mrs. Byrne, "The City of the Simple"
to be carried off to gaol, where he died, faithful to the (London, I860).
i
DYNAMISM
222
DYNAMISM
Ada 8S., May, III, 477-97: Olden in Diet. Nat. Biog.. s. v.;
Gammack in Diet. Christ. Biog., 8. v. Dimpna: Van Crab-
winckel, Een Idie onder ds doornen, ds k. magket Dympna (Ant-
werp, 1652); Booaerts, Dympne tTlrlande; legends du VII*
tilde (Antwerp, 1840); Kuyl, Legends der martelaaren van Oheel,
m. Dumphna en Oerebernus (Antwerp, 1860); Idem, Oheel vemt-
meerderd door den eerdtenst der hi. Dymphna (Antwerp, 1863);
Heuckenkamp, Die hi. Dirnphna (Halle, Saxony, 1887); Jans-
sens, Ste Dimphne, palronne de Oheel (Lierre, 1894); Van der
Essen. Etude critique d litlcraire sur lee Vita dee saints tnerovin-
giens de Vancienns Belgians (Louvain, 1907), 313-20.
J. P. KlRSCH.
Dynamism, a general name for a group of philo-
sophical views concerning the nature of matter. How-
ever different they may Be in other respects, all these
views agree in making matter consist essentially of
simple and indivisible units, substances, or forces.
Dynamism is sometimes used to denote systems that
admit not only matter and extension, but also deter-
minations, tendencies, and forces intrinsic and essential
to matter. More properly, however, it means exclusive
systems that do away with the dualism of matter and
force by reducing the former to the latter. Here we
shall limit ourselves to this strict form of dynamism,
first, indicating its chief advocates and its character-
istic presentations, secondly, comparing these in order
to see the points of agreement and of difference.
I. We have but a vague and incomplete knowledge
of the doctrines held by the Pythagorean School, but
it seems that they may rightly be considered as at
least the forerunners of modern dynamism. From
Aristotle's "Metaphysics" we gather that the Pytha-
goreans, imbued with a mathematical spirit and accus-
tomed to mathematical methods, came to look upon
the principles (A*>xaQ of numbers as the principles
of things themselves, to assert that the elements
(<TT<nxe&0 of numbers were also the elements of reality,
and that the whole heaven was a harmony and a num-
ber. Various geometrical figures are but different com-
binations of numbers, the unit being a point; from
points are formed lines, from lines, surfaces, and from
surfaces, solids; and geometrical figures are the very
substance of things. Hence, finally, " physical bodies
are composed of numbers". Among the Arabian
philosophers, the Mutacallimun were atomists. The
atom is the only substance, and all atoms are perfectly
identical in nature. The identity, however, is not of a
positive, but of a merely negative character, for these
primitive elements of matter are simple substances
and nothing else. They have no determinations what-
ever, no weight, no shape, no quantity, no extension.
The atom is an indivisible and simple substantial
point, the necessary subject of all accidents or deter-
minations, and incapable of existing without them.
Leibniz's doctrine is a reaction against both the
material mechanicism of Descartes and the substan-
tial monism of Spinoza. The essence of matter cannot
be extension. The laws of mechanics cannot them-
selves be understood without using the notion of force.
Moreover, "a substance is a being capable of action",
and " what does not act does not deserve the name of
substance". Hence substance implies unity and indi-
viduality, and the real substance cannot be the " mate-
rial" atom (atome de matiere). Ha vine extension, such
an atom is composed of parts and divisible without
limit; it has no real unity. The elements which com-
pose material substances are "formal" or "substan-
tial" atoms (atomes de substance), simple and without
parts. They are called monads. Bodies are "multi-
tudes" and "aggregates", and the simple substances
are units and elements. As they have no parts, monads
have "neither extension, nor shape, nor possible di-
visibility. They are the true atoms of nature, and, in
a word, the elements of things." Since it is impossible
for two beings to be perfectly alike, every monad is
different from every other. Monads nave no external,
but only an internal, activity, which is twofold: percep-
tion and appetition. All monads are, in various de-
grees, representations of the whole universe, but this
representation or perception becomes clearly conscious
(apperception), and is accompanied with attention,
memory, and reflection, only in higher monads. Appe-
tition is the activity of the internal principle by which
the passage from one perception to another is effected.
The relative perfection of the monads depends on the
degree of clearness of their perceptions. Some unite to
form an organism whose centre of unity is a higher
monad or soul. This system is completed by the sup-
position of a pre-established harmony. The order and
harmony of the world are the result not of an inter-
action between monads, but of a pre-arranged plan of
the Creator who has endowed them with their power of
internal evolution. In the main, Christian Wolff repro-
duced and systematized Leibniz's theory.
According to Boscovich (q. v.) "the first elements
of matter are points absolutely indivisible and without
any extension. They are spread throughout an im-
mense vacuum in such a way as to be always at some
distance from one another. The distance may increase ,
or decrease indefinitely, but can never disappear com-
pletely without a compenetration of the points them-
selves, for contact between them is impossible" (The-
oria Philosophise Naturalis, no. 7). Hence there can
be no continuous extension. The elements are all
homogeneous, and, by their numbers, distances, ar-
rangements, activities, and relations produce the di-
versity of material substances. They have no percep-
tion and no appetition. According to their distances,
they have a determination to diminish or to increase
the interval that separates them. This very deter-
mination Boscovich calls force, attractive in the
former case, repulsive in the latter. The law of these
forces is the following: if the distance between them is
infinitesimal, they are repulsive, and the more so in
proportion as the distance is smaller; if the distance,
although remaining always very small, is increased a
little, the repulsive force becomes first less intense, then
null, and at a still larger distance is changed into an
attractive force. This attraction again, with the in-
crease of distance, goes on augmenting, then diminish-
ing, till it becomes again null, and changes into a repul-
sion, which, in turn, by the same gradual process,
becomes attraction. Such changes may be- repeated
several times, but only while the distance, though in-
creasing, remains infinitesimal. At greater distances
the force is exclusively attractive. To explain the inter-
action of the points, Boscovich had to admit an actio in
distant; yet he also admits the possibility of a Divinely
pre-established harmony and even of occasionalism.
In his pre-critical period, Kant admitted physical
monads, that is, simple and indivisible substances.
His later views may be summed up as follows: matter
is divisible without limit, but not actually divided into
separate atoms. Matter is what fills up a space, and to
fill up a space is to defend it against any mobile which
should try to penetrate it. Hence matter is essentially
resistance and force. It is not impenetrable, in the
absolute or mathematical sense o( the Cartesians, but
in a relative sense and in varying degrees; it may be
compressed and condensed. There are two distinct
forces, repulsion and attraction. The former is the
primary constituent of matter, since by it other things
are excluded from the space it occupies. It produces
extension, and, without it, matter would be reduced
to a geometrical point. However, attraction is also
essential to the occupancy of an assignable space, for
otherwise matter would be scattered without limit.
Repulsion can act only by contact; attraction may
also act at a distance. From these two forces Kant
derives all the properties of matter. It must be re-
membered that this theory is an explanation of the
phenomenon only, the noumenon being inaccessible
to our mind. This idealistic feature was carried still
further by the German Transcendentalists; among
them Schellin£ proposes a view the main lines of
which agree with that of Kant. In more recent times,
DYNAMISM
223
DYSIBOD
Herbart, Lotze, von Hartmann, Renouvier, to men-
tion o rily a few names among many, also hold dynamic
theories modified by their special points of view and
Shilosophical systems. To these may be addecUsome
atholic philosophers, e. g. the Sulpician Branchereau,
and the Jesuits Carbonnelle and Palmieri. Among
scientists, Ampere, Cauchy, Faraday, and others are
also in favour of dynamism. Faraday's theory is sub-
stantially the same as that of Boscovioh. That theory,
namely, that " atoms . . . are mere centres of forces
or powers, not particles of matter in which the powers
themselves reside", has "a great advantage over the
more usual notion . "A mind just entering on the
subject may consider it difficult to think of the powers
of matter independent of a separate something to be
called the matter, but it is certainly far more difficult,
and indeed impossible, to think of or imagine that
matter independent of the powers. Now the powers
we know and recognize in every phenomenon of the
creation, the abstract matter in none; why, then, as-
sume the existence of that of which we are ignorant,
which we cannot conceive, and for which there is no
philosophical necessity?" (A Speculation touching
Electric Conduction and the Nature of Matter, pp.
290.291).
To-day there is a tendency to substitute the concept
of energy for that of force. Hence Professor Ostwala's
"energetic theory1'. Matter is to be looked upon as a
complex of energies arranged together in space. The
concept of matter resolves itself into that of energy,
since the manifestations of energy are all we know of
the external world. Energy is the common substance,
for it is that which exists m space and time; it is also
the differentiating principle of whatever exists in
space and time. Recent scientific discoveries, espe-
cially those in the field of radio-activity, seem to
strengthen philosophical reason and lead to a more
specific dynamism. The atom (q. v.) can no longer be
considered as being what its name implies, namely
indivisible. Atoms of different chemical elements are
spheres of positive electrification enclosing a number
of corpuscles, all homogeneous, having identical prop-
erties, and negatively electrified. Some physicists still
attribute to these corpuscles a real, though infini-
tesimal, extension; they admit a nucleus or carrier of
the electric charge, and this nucleus alone is what we
call matter. But this is denied by others for whom the
corpuscle contains nothing material in the sense in
which we commonly use that term. It is all electricity
and nothing but electricity. Indeed the only reason
for admitting anything else would be the necessity of
explaining the mass and inertia of the corpuscle. But
electricity itself possesses mass and inertia; or rather
the mechanical inertia of matter is identical with the
self-induction of the electric current, and the mass
results from the velocity of the current. It has been
calculated that the whole mass and inertia of the cor-
puscle are accounted for by its electrical charge alone
and its velocity. Hence the name " electron'' given to
the corpuscle; it is the ultimate unit of so-called mat-
ter. This is known as the electronic theory of matter.
II. The preceding outline shows that the term dyna-
mism, like all other general names of philosophical
systems, is very vague, and applies to a number of
widely different views originating from different con-
siderations and supported by different arguments,
namely: (1) Extension being essentially divisible, the
ultimate unit must lack extension, otherwise it would
be itself composed of parts, divisible and not one. (2)
Matter is essentially active ; to reduce it to mere exten-
sion is to ignore one of its fundamental aspects. (3)
•Even extension manifests itself exclusively through
forces, and (4) matter as such is unknowable and un-
thinkable. (5) Scientific facts lead to an electronic
theory. (6) Matter is, therefore, to say the least, abso-
lutely useless, and dynamism, being a simpler, yet ade-
quate, explanation, is preferable. Without entering
into a discussion of the system, we may note briefly
that the extension which is infinitely divisible is
abstract, not concrete, mathematical, not physical, ex-
tension. For Aristotle and the Scholastics, physical
matter is composed of two essential and inseparable
principles, primary matter and substantial form (q.
v.), the latter being the principle of unity and activity.
Moreover, to admit the essential activity of matter
does not necessarily imply that matter is nothing but
activity. And if matter does not manifest itself to the
senses except through forces and energies, it does not
follow that it is not the necessary subject and carrier
of these forces. In order to establish dynamism, it is
not sufficient to overthrow materialism. If there is no
matter, it is difficult to understand the forces them-
selves; for then, what is attracted? what moves, ro-
tates, vibrates, etc.? Do not forces require a subject?
It is clear that simple elements cannot give real exten-
sion. Can they even explain the phenomenon itself of
extension, when not only physical bodies but the or-
ganism itself and the sense-organs are denied real
extension? The facts and nature of radio-activity are
not as yet sufficiently explored to furnish a safe basis
for a definite theory of matter. Further, the necessity
of admitting an actio in di&tans is also considered as
an objection against some forms at least of dynamism.
Dynamism is opposed to the objective dualism of
matter and energy, and also to mechanical material-
ism, according to which, matter, endowed with exten-
sion, is of itself an inert and indifferent vehicle of mo-
tion. It is not opposed to atomism in general, but only
to some forms of it. Some dynamists, Tike Kant, admit
the continuity of the forces constituting matter, but
the majority admit centres or atoms of forces acting
on one another. Atomism, therefore, is either material
or dynamic, and dynamism may admit atomism or
continuity. How far even dynamism is irreconcil-
able with hylomorphism (q. v.) in its most general
meaning, it is difficult to determine. Leibniz speaks
of primary matter and of substantial form, or ente-
lechy. And the common elements of all things must
be conceived as being only in polentid with regard to
the actual diverse substances which they constitute.
Again, the dynamic elements may be purely physical,
or, as with Leibniz, they may have, in various degrees,
a psychical nature, thus implying a sort of panpsv-
chism. Leibniz also considers them as essentially dif-
ferent; commonly they are considered as identical in
nature. Dynamism in general may be adapted to and
modified by such philosophical systems as determin-
ism or freedom, substantialism or phenomenalism,
idealism or realism, monism or theism, etc. In itself, it
is not inconsistent with any essential Catholic doctrine.
In conclusion, it may be interesting to note the con-
trast between the modern and the Aristotelean ter-
minology. Aristotle's Mvatui and Mpycta (see Actus
bt Potbntia) are essentially opposed. To-day, they
have come to be almost synonymous, and energetism
is one of the dynamic views of matter.
Leibniz, (Enures philosophiques (Paris, 1867), especially Mona-
dcioaie; Principe* de la nature et de la grace; SysUme nouveau
de la nature; Thiodicie; Nouveaux essais sur Ventendement;
Wolff, Cosmologia generalis (new ed. Frankfort and Leipiig,
1737), especially sees. 176 sqq., 221 sqq.; Bobcovich, Theona
philosophizes noturalis (Venice, 1763);- Kant, Werke (Berlin,
1902), especially Monadologia physica, I, 473 and Metaphysische
Anfangsgrunde der Noturwissenschafl, IV, 465; Faraday, Ex-
perimental Researches in Electricity (London, 1839-1855), espe-
cially Thoughts on Ray-vibrations, III, 448 and A Speculation
touching Electric Conduction and the Nature of Matter, II, 284,
both reprinted from Philosophical Magazine, XXIV, XXVIII;
1902); Mabilleau. Hist, de la phil. atomistioue (Paris, 1895):
Nys, Cosmologie (2nd ed. Louvain, 1906). Cf. also histories of
_- v w •> -— ^— w-— w— — . . _ -» _ — v v w — w
Ostwald, Vorlesungen Qber Naturphilosophie (2nd ed. Leipzig,
--- -- ,hil. ~
>hiIosophy, works onradio-activity by Curie, Rutherford,
Tea
)6)
iv
York, 1906); Eisler, Wdrterbuch der philosophischen Begnffe
Lodge, Thomson, Le Bon, etc. and the less technical presenta-
tion of Huncan, The New Knowledge (New York, 1906) and
Jones, The Electrical Nature of Matter and Radio-activity (New
(2nd ed. Berlin, 1904), s. v. Monade, Materie, etc.
C. A. DUBRAY.
Dysibod. See Disibod, Saint.
K\
£
Eadfrid, Bishop ,of Lindisfame. See CUTHBERT, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle *£/">"• 796; Linoard, Hittory of By-
8aint; Lindisfarnb Gospels. ££ fiTaB^85^ * f ' ^*m ( l * ^
E&dmer, precentor of Canterbury and historian, b. G. E. Hind.
1064 (?); d. 1124 (?). Brought up at Christ Church Earth, Age of the. See Man.
ab xnfantid. he became after St. Anselm's conse-
cration, in 1079, his intimate companion. After Easter.— The English term, according to the Ven.
Anselm's death his chief occupation was writing. Bede (De tempprum iratione, I, v), relates to Eostre,
He had made notes of the saint's doings and dis- a Teutonic godd€« of the nsinghght of day and spring,
courses and of the affairs in which he had been en- which deity, however, is otherwise unknown, even in
gaged, and from these he compiled his chief works, the the Edda (Smirock, Mythol., 362) ; Anglo-Saxon, easier,
^Historia Novorum" and the "Vita S. Anselmi" eastron; Old High German* dstra, 6atrara, dstrarun;
(ed.M. Rule, 1884, in Rolls Series). Eadmer's " Opus- £erman' pstern. April 1 was called easter-monadh.
cula" comprise verses on Ste. Dunstan and Edward, The plural eddron is used, because the feast lasts seven
the lives of Sts. Wilfrid, Odo, Dunstan, Oswald, Breg- days- Luc? the French plural PdfUM, it is a transla-
maculate Conception (see Thurston's ed., Freiburg, connected with it; it is the Aramaic form of the He-
1904, and "The Month", July and August, 1904, for brew word pesach (transitus, passover). The Greeks
the discussion of the date of his death). In 1121 call Easter the w6*%* dp<urrd<nftap; Good Friday the
he was elected to the See of St. Andrews, but by f^X* eravp&<np>v. The respective terms used by the
refusing to be ordained except by the Archbishop of Latins are Pascfui resurrecttojns and Pouch* crucifix-
York, he put an insuperable bar to his own promo- «wiia. In the Roman and Monastic Breviaries the
^jon feast bears the title Dominica Resurrectionis ; in the
Notices of this important writer are found in all treatises on Mozarabic Breviary, In Lcetatiane Diei Paschae Resur-
English and on ecclesiastical writers. Besides the works cited rectionis: in the Ambrosian Breviary. In Die Sancto
above, see : Liebermann, Ungedruckte anglo-normannuche p^f.}^ rru^ Dnn,„nMI lanmin.«»R havp aHnntaH thft
Geschxchtaquellen (Strasburg, 1870); Raget, Eadmer (Paris, I™*™*' *ne romance languages nave adopted me
1892). „ Hebrew-Greek term: Latin, Pascha; Italian, Pasqua;
J. H. Pollen. * Spanish, Pascua; French, Pdques. Also some Celtio
and Teutonic nations use it: Scotch, Pask; Dutch,
Eanbald, the name of two Archbishops of York. — Paschen; Danish, Paaske; Swedish, Pask; even in the
Eanbald I, date of birth unknown; d. 10 August, 796. German provinces of the Lower Rhine the people call
Most of his life was probably spent in the monastery the feast Paisken not Ostern. The word is, principally
of York. As one of the officials in the monastery, he, in Spain and Italy, identified with the word " solem-
coniointly with Alcuin, superintended the rebuilding nity" and extended to other feasts, e. g. Sp., Pascua
of the minster. Albert, in his declining years, chose florida, PalmSunday; Pascua de Pentecostes, Pentecost;
Eanbald to be his coadjutor and successor. He sue- Pascua de la NaHvidad, Christmas; Pascua de Epi-
ceeded to the archbishopric in 782 (some say 778). fania, Epiphany. In some parts of France also First
His first care was to obtain the pallium and Alcuin Communion is called Pdquea, whatever time of the
went to Rome to bring it; on his return Eanbald was year administered.
solemnly confirmed in his office. He lived in troub- The Feast. — Easter is the principal feast of the
lous times. Nevertheless Eanbald carried on the ecclesiastical year. Leo I (Sermo xlvii in Exodum)
School of York and treasured its great library. In calls it the greatest feast (Jestum festorum), and
August, 791, he consecrated BaJdulf Bishop of says that Christmas is celebrated only in prepara-
Whitherne. His last public act was on 25 June, 796, tion for Easter. It is the centre of the greater part
when he crowned Eardulf King of North umbria. of the ecclesiastical year. The order of Sundays
He died at the monastery of Etlete or Edete. His from Septuagesima to the last Sunday after Pen-
body was taken to York and buried in the minster. tecost, the feast of the Ascension, Pentecost, Corpus
Eanbald II, date of birth unknown; died 810 or Christi, and all other movable feasts, from tnat
812. He received his education in the famous School of the Prayer of Jesus in the Garden (Tuesday after
of York where he was Alcuin *s pupil. On the death Septuagesima) to the feast of the Sacred Heart
of Eanbald I he was chosen his successor. On 8 (Friday after the octave of Corpus Christi), de-
Sept., 797, having received the pallium from Rome, pend upon the Easter date. Commemorating the
he was solemnly confirmed in the archbishopric. slaying of the true Lamb of God and the Resur-
He assisted Ethelard, Archbishop of Canterbury, rection of Christ, the corner-stone upon which faith
to recover the prerogatives of which he had been is built, it is also the oldest feast of the Christian
despoiled by Offa. In 798 he assembled his clergy in Church, as old as Christianity, the connecting link
synod at Pinchenheale (Finchale, near Durham) and between the Old and New Testaments. That the
there enacted a number of wise regulations relating to Apostolic Fathers do not mention it and that we first
the ecclesiastical courts and the observance of Easter, hear of it principally through the controversy of the
Some think he was the author of a volume of decrees Quartodecimans are purely accidental. The con-
and that he was the first to introduce the Roman Rit- nexion between the Jewish Passover and the Christian
ual in the church of York. feast of Easter is real and ideal. Real, since Christ
Eanbald I: Rainb, Fasti Eboracenaea (J^ndon I8d3), I, 106 died on the first Jewish EasterDay; ideal, like the rela-
K5 or^S^ZCH^R^n^ T T.' if 3*-SZ: ti°? ^ween type .and .reality, bec^useChrjst'fi .death
bald II: Raine, Fasti Eboracent* (London, 1863). 1, 109 sqq.; ana Resurrection had its figures and types in the Old
224
EASTER
225
EASTER
Law, particularly in the paschal lamb, which was
eaten towards evening of the 14th of Nisan. In fact,
the Jewish feast was taken over into the Christian
Easter celebration; the liturgy (ExuUet) sings of the
passing of Israel through the Red Sea, the paschal
Iamb, the column of fire, etc. Apart, however, from
the Jewish feast, the Christians would have celebrated
the anniversary of the death and the Resurrection of
Christ. But for such a feast it was necessary to know
the exact calendar date of Christ's death. To know
this day was very simple for the Jews; it was the day
after the 14th of the first month, the 13th of Nisan of
their calendar. But in t)ther countries of the vast
Roman Empire there were other systems of chronol-
ogy. The Romans from 45 b. c. had used the re-
formed Julian calendar; there were also the Egyptian
and the Syro-Macedonian calendar (see Calendar).
The foundation of the Jewish calendar was the lunar
year of 354 days, whilst the other systems depended on
the solar year. In consequence the first days of the
Jewish months and years did not coincide with any
fixed davs of the Roman solar year. Every fourth
year of the Jewish system had an intercalary month.
Since this month was inserted, not according to some
scientific method or some definite rule, but arbitrarily,
by command of the Sanhedrin, a distant Jewish date
can never with certainty be transposed into the cor-
responding Julian or Gregorian date (Ideler, Chronolo-
gie, I. 570 sq.). The connexion between the Jewish
and tne Christian Pasch explains the movable char-
acter of this feast. Easter has no fixed date, like
Christmas, because the 15th of Nisan of the Semitic
calendar was shifting from date to date on the Julian
calendar. Since Christ, the true Paschal Lamb, had -
been slain on the very day when the Jews, in celebra-
tion of their Passover, immolated the figurative lamb,
the Jewish Christians in the Orient followed the Jew-
ish method, and commemorated the death of Christ
on the 15th of Nisan and His Resurrection on the
17th of Nisan, no matter on what day of the week
they fell. For this observance they claimed the author-
ity of St. John and St. Philip.
In the rest of the empire another consideration pre-
dominated. Every Sunday of the year was a com-
memoration of the Resurrection of Christ, which had
occurred on a Sunday. Because the Sunday after 14
Nisan was the historical day of the Resurrection, at
Rome this Sunday became the Christian feast of Easter.
Easter was celebrated in Rome and Alexandria on the
first Sunday after the first full moon after the spring
equinox, and the Roman Church claimed for this ob-
servance the authority of Sts. Peter and Paul. The
spring equinox in Rome fell on 25 March; in Alex-
andria on 21 March. At Antioch Easter was kept on
the Sunday after the Jewish Passover. (See Easter
Controversy.) In Gaul a number of bishops, wishing
to escape the difficulties of the paschal computation,
seem to have assigned Easter to a fixed date of the
Roman calendar, celebrating the death of Christ on
25 March, His Resurrection on 27 March (Marinus
Dumiensis in P. L., LXXII, 47-51), since already in
the third century 25 March was considered the day of
the Crucifixion (Computus Pseudocyprianus, ed.
Lersch. Chronologic, II, 61). This practice was of
short duration. Many calendars in the Middle Ages
contain these same dates (25 March, 27 March) for
purely historical, not liturgical, reasons (Grotefend,
Zeitrechnung, II, 46, 60, 72, 106, 110, etc.). The
Montanists in Asia Minor kept Easter on the Sunday
after 6 April (Schmid, Osterfestberechnung in der
abendlandischen Kirche) . The First Council of Nicaea
(325) decreed that the Roman practice should be
observed throughout the Church. But even at Rome
the Easter term was changed repeatedly. Those
who continued to keep Easter witn the Jews were
called Ouartodecimans (14 Nisan) and* were excluded
from the Church (see Quartodecimans). The
V.— 15
computus paschalis, the method of determining the
date of Easter and the dependent feasts, was of old
considered so important that Durandus (Rit. div.
off., 8, c. i) declares a priest unworthy of the
name who does not know the computus paschalis.
The movable character of Easter (22 March to 25
April) gives rise to inconveniences, especially in mod-
ern times. For decades scientists and other people
have worked in vain for a simplification of the com-
putus, assigning Easter to the first Sunday in April
or to the Sunday nearest to the 7th of April. Some
even wish to put every Sunday to a certain date of
the month, e. g. beginning with New Year's always
on a Sunday, etc. [See L. Gunther, "Zeitschnft
Weltall" (1903); Sandhage and P. Dueren in "Pastor
bonus" (Trier, 1906); C. Tondini, "L'ltalia e la
questione del Calendano " (Florence, 1905).]
The Easter Office and Mass. — The first Vespers
of Easter are connected now with the Mass of Holy
Saturday, because that Mass was formerly celebrated
in the evening (see Holy Saturday) ; they consist of
only one psalm (cxvi) and the Magnificat. The
Matins have only one Nocturn; the Office is short,
because the clergy were busy with catechumens, the
reconciliation of limners, and the distribution of alms,
which were given plentifully by the rich on Easter
Day. This peculiarity of reciting only one Nocturn
was extended by some churches from the octave of
Easter to the entire paschal time, and soon to all the
feasts of the Apostles and similar high feasts of the ,
entire ecclesiastical year. This observance is found in
the German Breviaries far up into the nineteenth cen-
tury ("Brev. Monaster.", 1830; Baumer, "Brevier",
312). The octave of Easter ceases with None of Sat-
urday and on Sunday the three Nocturns with the
eighteen psalms of the ordinary Sunday Office are re-
cited.' many churches, however, during the Middle
Ages and later (Brev. Monaster., 1830), on Low Sun-
day (Dominica in Albis) repeated the short Nocturn
of Easter Week. Before the usus Romance Curies
(Baumer, Brev., 319) was spread by the Franciscans
over the entire Church the eighteen (or twenty-four)
psalms of the regular SundaV Matins were, three by
three, distributed over the Matins of Easter Week
(Baumer, 301). This observance is still one of the
peculiarities of the Carmelite Breviary. The simpli-
fied Breviary of the Roman Curia (twelfth century)
established the custom of repeating Psalms i, ii, hi,
every day of the octave. From the ninth to the thir-
teenth century, in most dioceses, during the entire
Easter Week the two precepts of hearing Mass and
of abstaining from servile work were observed (Kell-
ner, Heortologie, 17) ; later on this law was limited to
two days (Monday and Tuesday), and, since the end of
the (eighteenth century, to Monday only. In the
United States even Monday is no holiday of obliga-
tion. The first three days of Easter Week are doubles
of the first class, the other days semi-doubles. During
this week, in the Roman Office, through immemorial
custom the hymns are omitted, or rather were never
inserted. The ancient ecclesiastical Office contained
no hymns, and out of respect for the great solemnity
of Easter and the ancient iubilus "Hsec Dies", the
Roman Church did not touch the old Easter Office by
introducing hymns. Therefore to the present day the
Office of Easter consists only of psalms, antiphons,
and the great lessons of Matins. Only the " Victim®
Paschali was adopted in most of the churches and
religious orders in the Second Vespers. The Mozara-
bic and Ambrosian Offices use the Ambrosian hymn
"Hie est dies verus Dei" in Lauds and Vespers,
the Monastic Breviary, " Ad coenam Agni providi " at
Vespers, "Chorus novae Jerusalem" at Matins, and
"Aurora lucis rutilat" at Lauds. The Monastic
Breviary has also three Nocturns on Easter Day. Be-
sides the hymns the chapter is omitted and the Little
Hours have no antiphons; the place of the hymns,
^
KASTER
226
EASTSR
chapters, and little responses is taken by the jubilus,
"Hflec Dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus et laete-
mur in ea'\ The Masses of Easter Week have a se-
quence of dramatic character, "Victim® paschali",
which was composed by Wipo, a Burgundian priest at
the cburts of Conrad II and Henry III. The present
Preface is abridged from the longer Preface of the
Gregorian Sacramentary. The Communicantes"
and "Hanc igitur" contain references to the solemn
baptism of Easter eve. To the " Benedicamus Dom-
ino" of Lauds and Vespers and to the " Ite Missa est"
of the Mass two alleluias are added during the entire
octave. Every day of the octave has a special Mass;
an old MS. Spanish missal of 855 contains three
Masses for Easter Sunday; the Gallican missals have
two Masses for every day of the week, one of which
was celebrated at four in the morning, preceded by a
procession (Migne, La Liturgie Catnolique, Paris,
1863, p. 952). In the Gelasian Sacramentary every
day of Easter Week has its own Preface (Probst, Sac-
ramentarien, p. 226).
To have a correct idea of the Easter celebration and
its Masses, we must remember that it was intimately
connected with the solemn rite of baptism. The
preparatory liturgical acts commenced on the eve and
were continued during the night. When the number'
of persons to be baptised was great, the sacramental
ceremonies and the Easter celebration were united.
This connexion was severed at a time when, the dis-
cipline having changed, even the recollection of the
old traditions was lost. The greater part of the cere-
monies was transferred to the morning hours of Holy
Saturday. This change, however, diet not produce a
new liturgical creation adapted to the new order of
things. The old baptismal ceremonies were left un- '
touched and have now, apparently, no other reason
for preservation than then- antiquity. The gap left
in the liturgical services after the solemnities of the
night had been transferred to the morning of Holy
Saturday was filled in France, Germany, and some
other countries by a twofold new ceremony, which,
however, was never adopted in Rome. — First, there
was the commemoratioifof the Resurrection of Christ.
At midnight, before Matins, the clergy in silence en-
tered the dark church and removed the cross from the
sepulchre to the high altar. Then the candles were
lit, tha doors opened, and a solemn procession was
held with the cross through the churcn, the cloister,
jor cemetery. Whilst the procession moved from the
altar to the door, the beautiful old antiphon, "Cum
Rex gloria? ", was suns, the first part softly (humili ac
depressA voce), to symbolize the sadness of the souls in
limbo; from Advenisti desiderabUis the singers raised
their voices in jubilation whilst the acolytes rang small
bells which they carried. The full text of this anti-
phon, which has disappeared from the liturgy, follows:
Cum rex gloriffi Cnristus infernum debeUaturus
intraret, et chorus angelicus ante faciem ejus por-
tas principum tolli prociperet, sanctorum popu-
lus, qui tenebatur in morte captivus, voce lacri-
mabili clamabat dicens: Advenisti desiderabUis,
quern expectabamus in tenebris, ut educeres hac
nocte vinculatos de claustris. Te nostra voca-
bant suspiria, te larga requirebant lamenta, tu
factus est spes desperatis, magna consolatio in
tormentis. Alleluja.
When the procession returned, in many churches the
"Attollite portas" (Ps. xxiii) was sung at the door,
in order to symbolize the victorious entry of Christ
into limbo and hell. After the procession Matins
were sung. In later centuries the Blessed Sacrament
took the place of the cross in the procession. This
ceremony is, with the approval of tne Holy See, still
held in Germany on the eve of Easter with simpler
ceremonies, in tne form of a popular devotion. — Sec-
ond, the visitation of the Sepulchre. After the third
lesson of the Nocturn two clerics, representing the holy
women, went to the empty sepulchre where anothei
cleric (angel) announced to them that the Saviour was
risen. The two then brought the message to the choir,
whereupon two priests, impersonating Peter and John,
ran to the tomb and. finding it empty, showed to the
people the linen in which the body had been wrapped.
Then the choir sang the "Te Deum" and the ''Vic-
tims paschali". In some churches, e. g. at Rouen,
the apparition of Christ to Mary Magdalen was also
represented. Out of this solemn ceremony, which
dates back to the tenth century, grew the numerous
Easter plays* (Nord-Amerikaniscnes Pastoralblatt,
Oct., 1907, p. 149, has a long article on these two cer-
emonies.) The Easter plays in the beginning used only
the words of the Gospels and the " Victim® paschali ' ;
in the course of development they became regular
dramas, in Latin or vernacular verses, which con-
tained the negotiation between the vender of un-
guents and the three women, the dialogue between
Pilate and the Jews asking for soldiers to guard the
Sepulchre, the contest of Peter and John running to
the tomb, the risen Saviour appearing to Magdalen,
and the descent of Christ into hell. Towards tne end
of the Middle Ages the tone of these plays became
worldly, and they were filled with long burlesque
speeches of salve-dealers, Jews, soldiers, and demons
(Creizenach, Gesch. des neuen Dramas, Halle, 1893).
The procession combined with the solemn Second
Vespers of Easter Sunday is very old. There was
great variety in the manner of solemnizing these
Vespers. The service commenced with the nine
Kyrie Eleisons, sung as in the Easter Mass, even
sometimes with the corresponding trope lux et oriqo
boni. After the third psalm the whole choir went m
procession to the baptismal chapel, where the fourth
psalm, the "Victims paschali", and the Magnificat
were sung; thence the procession moved to the great
cross at the entrance to the sanctuary (choir), and
from there, after the fifth psalm and the Magnificat
were sung, to the empty sepulchre, where the services
were concluded. The Carmelites and a number of
French dioceses, e. g. Paris, Lyons, Besancon, Chartres,
Laval, have, with the permission of the Holy See,
retained these solemn Easter Vespers since the re-in-
troduction of the Roman Breviary. But they are
celebrated differently in every diocese, very much mod-
ernized in some churches. At Lyons the Magnificat
is sung three times. In Cologne and Trier the solemn
Vespers of Easter were abolished in the nineteenth
century (Nord-Amerikanisches Pastoralblatt, April,
1908, p. 50) . Whilst the Latin Rite admits only com-
memorations of saints in Lauds, Mass, and Vespers
from Wednesday in Easter Week and excludes any
commemoration on the first three days of the week,
the Greek and Russian Churches transfer the occurring
Offices (canons) of the saints from Matins to Complin
during the entire octave, even on Easter Sunday.
After the Anti-pascha (Low Sunday), the canons and
other canticles of Easter are continued in the entire
Office up to Ascension Day, and the canons of the
saints take only the second place in Matins. Also
the Greeks and Russians have a solemn procession at
midnight, before Matins, during which they sing at
the door of the church Ps. lxvii, repeating alter each
verse the Easter antiphon. When the procession
leaves, the church is dark; when it returns, hundreds
of candles and coloured lamps are lit to represent
the splendour of Christ's Resurrection. After Lauds
all those who are present give each other the Easter
kisst not excluding even the beggar. One says: "Christ
is risen"; the other answers: "He is truly risen";
and these words are the Russians' greeting during
Easter time. A similar custom had, through the in-
fluence of the Byzantine court, been adopted at Rome
for a time. Tne greeting was: Surrexit Dominus
vere; R. Et apparuU Simoni. (Maximilianus, Princ.
Sax., Prelect, de liturg. Orient., I, 114; Martene, De
KASTER
227
KASTKR
antiq. Eccl. rit., c. xxv, 5.) The Armenian Church
during the entire time from Easter to Pentecost cele-
brates the Resurrection alone to the exclusion of all
. feasts of the saints. On Easter Monday they keep
All Souls' Day, the Saturday of the same week the
Decollation of St. John, the third Sunday after Easter
the founding of the first Christian Church on Sion and
of the Church in general, the fifth Sunday the Appari-
tion of the Holy Cross at Jerusalem, then on Thursday
the Ascension of Christ, and the Sunday after the feast
of the great Vision of St. Gregory. From Easter to
Ascension the Armenians never fast nor do they ab-
stain from meat (C. Tondini de Quaranghi, Calendrier
de la Nation Arm£nienne). In the Moza'rabic Rite of
Spain, after the Pater Noster on Easter Day and dur-
ing the week the priest intones the particula ' ' Regnum' '
and sings " Vicit Leo de Tribu Juda radix David Al-
leluja ". The people answer: " Qui sedes super Cher-
ubim radix David. Alleluja". This is sung three
times (Missale Mozarab.). In some cities of Spain
before sunrise two processions leave the principal
church; one with the image of Mary covered by a
black veil; another with the Blessed Sacrament. The
processions move on in silence until they meet at a
predetermined place; then the veil is removed from
the image of Mary and the clergy with the people sing
the" ReginaCceli " (GueVanger, Kirchenjahr, VII, 166).
For the sanctuary at Emmaus in the Holy Land the
Holy See has approved a special feast on Easter Mon-
day, " Solemnitas manifestation^ D.N.I. Chr. Resurg.,
Titul. Eccles.dupl. I CI.", with proper Mass and Office
(Cal. Rom. Seraph, in Terrae S. Custodia, 1907).
Peculiar Customs of Easter Time. — 1. Risus
Paschalis. — This strange custom originated in Ba-
varia in the fifteenth century. The priest inserted in
his sermon funny stories which would cause his hear-
ers to laugh (Ostermdrlein), e. g. a description of how
the devil tries to keep the doors of hell locked against
the descending Christ. Then the speaker would draw
the moral from the story. This Easter laughter, giving
rise to grave abuses of the word of God, was prohib-
ited by Clement X (1670-1676) and in the eighteenth
century by Maximilian III and the bishops of Bavaria
(Wagner, De Risu Paschali, Konigsberg, 1705; Linse-
meier, Predigt in Deutschland, Munich, 1886).
2. Easter Eggs. — Because the use of eggs was for-
bidden during Lent, they were brought to the table on
Easter Day, coloured red to symbolize the Easter joy.
This custom is found not only in the Latin but also m
the Oriental Churches. The symbolic meaning of a
new creation of mankind by Jesus risen from the dead
was probably an invention of later times. The cus-
tom may have its origin in paganism, for a great
many pagan customs, celebrating the return of spring,
gravitated to Easter. The egg is the emblem of the
germinating life of early" spring. Easter eggs, the
children are told, come from Rome with the bells
which on Thursday go to Rome and return Saturday
morning. The sponsors in some countries give
Easter eggs to then* god-children. Coloured eggs are
used by children at Easter in a sort of game which con-
sists in testing the strength of the shells (Kraus, Real-
Encyklopadie, s. v. Ei). Both coloured and uncol-
oured eggs are used in some parts of the United States
for this game, known as egg-picking". Another
Sractice is the " egg-rolling " dv children on Easter
[onday on the lawn of the White House in Washington.
3. The Easter Rabbit lays the eggs, for which reason
they are hidden in a nest or in the garden. The rabbit
is a pagan symbol and has always been an emblem of
fertility (Simrock, Mythologie, 551).
4. In France handball playing was one of the Easter
amusements, found also in Germany (Simrock, op. cit.,
575). The ball may represent the sun, which is be-
lieved to take three leaps in rising on Easter morning.
Bishops, priests, and monks, after the strict discipline of
Lent, used to play ball during Easter week (Beleth,
Expl. Div. off., 120). This was called Itbertas Decern*
brica, because formerly in December the masters used
to play ball with their servants, maids, and shepherds.
The ball game was connected with a dance, in which
even bishops and abbots took part. At Auxerre,
Besancon, etc. the dance was performed in church to
the strains of the "Victims paschali". In Englarfd,
also, the game of ball was a favourite Easter sport in
which the municipal corporation engaged with due
parade and dignity. And at Bury St. Eamunds, with-
in recent years, the game was kept up with great
spirit by twelve old women. After the game and the
dance a banquet was given, during which a homily on
the feast was read. All these customs disappeared
for obvious reasons (Kirchenlex., IV, 1414).
5. On Easter Monday the women had a right to
strike their husbands, on Tuesday the men struck
their wives, as in December the servants scolded their
masters. Husbands and wives did this " ut ostendant
sese mutuo debere corrigere. ne illo tempore alter ab
altero thori debitum exigat (Beleth, I, c. crx; Dur-
andus, I, c. vi, 86). In the northern parts of Eng-
land the men parade the streets on Easter Sunday and
claim the privilege of lifting every woman three times
from the ground, receiving in payment a kiss or a
silver sixpence. The same is done by the women to
the men on the next day. In the Neumark (Ger-
many) on Easter Day the men servants whip the maid
servants with switches; on Monday the maids whip
the men. They secure their release with Easter eggs.
These customs are probably of pre-Christian origin
(Reinsberg-Diiringsfeld, Das festliche Jahr, 118).
6. The Easter Fire is lit on the top of mountains
(Easter mountain, Osterberg) and must be kindled
from new fire, drawn from wood by friction (nodfyr) ;
this is a custom of pagan origin in vogue all over Eu-
rope, signifying the victory of spring over winter. The
bishops issued severe edicts against the sacrilegious
Easter fires (Cone. Germanicum, a. 742, c. v; Council
of Lestines, a. 743, n. 15), but did not succeed in abol-
ishing them everywhere. The Church adopted the
observance into the Easter ceremonies, referring it to
the fiery column in the desert and to the Resurrection
of Christ; the new fire on Holy Saturday is drawn
from flint, symbolizing the Resurrection of the Light of
the World from the tomb closed by a stone (Missale
Rom.). In some places a figure was thrown into the
Easter fire, symbolizing winter, but to the Christians
on the Rhine, in Tyrol and Bohemia, Judas the traitor
(Reinsberg-Duringsf eld, Das festliche Jahr, 112 sq.) .
7. At Puy in France, from time immemorial to the
tenth century, it was customary, when at the first
psalm of Matins a canon was absent from the choir,
tor some of the canons and vicars, taking with them
the processional cross and the holy water, to go to the
house of the absentee, sing the " Hsec Dies", sprinkle
him with water, if he was still in bed, and lead him to
the church. In punishment he had to give a breakfast
to his conductors. A similar custom is found in the
fifteenth century at Nantes and Angers, where it was
Frohibited by the diocesan synods in 1431 and 1448.
n some parts of Germany parents and children try to
surprise each other in bed on Easter morning to apply
the health-giving switches (Freyde, Osternindeutecner
Sage, Sitte und Dichtung, 1893).
8. In both the Oriental and Latin Churches, it is
customary to have those victuals which were prohib-
ited during Lent blessed by the priests before eating
them on Easter Day, especially meat, eggs, butter,
and cheese (Ritualbucher, Paderborn, 1904; Maxi-
milianus, Liturg. or., 117). Those who ate before the
food was blessed, according to popular belief, were
Eunished by God, sometimes instantaneously (Migne,
itursne, s. v. Paques).
9. On the eve of Easter the homes are blessed
(Rit. Rom., tit. 8, c. iv) in memory of the passing of
the angel in Egypt and the signing of the aoor-posta
V
SASTUt
228
EASTER
with the blood of the paschal lamb. l*he parish priest
visits the houses of his parish; the papal apartments
are also blessed on this day. The room, however, in
which the pope is found by the visiting cardinal is
blessed by the pontiff himself (Moroni, Dizionariq, s. v. »
Pasqua). ,
10. The Greeks and Russians after their long, severe
Lent make Easter a day of popular sports. At Con-
stantinople the cemetery of rera is the noisy rendez-
vous of the Greeks; there are music, dances, and all
the pleasures of an Oriental popular resort; the same
custom prevails in the cities of Russia. In Russia
anyone can enter the belfries on Easter and ring the
bells, a privilege of which many persons avail them-
selves.
Duchesnb, Orig. du Culie ChrH. (Paris, 1889) ; Kkllnbr, Heor-
tologie (Freiburg lm Br., 1006); Probst, Die altesten rontischen
Sacramentarien undOrdines (Munster, 1892); Gueranger, Das
Kircheniahr.GeT.tr. (Mainz. 1878), V, 7; Kraus, Real-Encyk.;
Bebnard, Cours de Liturgie Romaine; Hampson, Calendarxum
Medii *Evi (London, 1857); Kirchenlex., IX, cols. 1121-41;
Nilles, Calendarxum utriusque Ecclesict (Innsbruck, 1897);
Miqnb. La Liturgie Catholique (Paris, 1863); Bicterim, Denk-
wUrdigkeiten (Mainz, 1837): Grotbfend, Zetirechnung (Han-
over, 1891-1898); Lbrsch, Einleitung in die Chronology (Frei-
burg, 1899); Bach. Die Osterberechnung (Freiburg, 1907);
Schwartz, ChrisUiche und jtidische Ostertafdn (Berlin, 1905);
Suntne LatiniQuartodecimanit (Prague, 1906); Duchesne, La
question de la rdque du Concile de Nicie in Revue dee quest.
' hxstor. (1880), 5 sq.;KRU8CH, Studien tur chriaUich-miUelalter-
lichen Chronologic (Leipzig, 1880); Rock, The Church of Our
Father* (London, 1905). IV ; Albers, Feettage dee Herrn und
seiner Heiligen (Paderborn, 1890).
Frederick G. Holweck.
Easter Controversy. — Ecclesiastical history pre-
serves the memory of three distinct phases of the dis-
fute regarding the proper time of observing Easter,
t will add to clearness if we in the first place state
what is certain regarding the date and the nature of
these three controversies.
First Phase. — The first was mainly concerned with
the lawfulness of celebrating Easter on a weekday. We
read in Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., V, xxiii) : " A question
. of no small importance arose at that time [i. e. the
time of Pope Victor, about a. d. 190]. The dioceses
of all Asia, as from an older tradition, held that the
fourteenth day of the moon, on which day the Jews
were commanded to sacrifice the lamb, should always
be observed as the feast of the life-giving pasch [£rt
rfji rod atarriptov Ildcrxa ioprijs], contending that the
fast ought to end on that day, whatever day of the
week it might happen to be. However it was not
the custom of the churches in the rest of the world to
end it at this point, as they observed the practice,
which from Apostolic tradition has prevailed to the
present time, of terminating the fast on no other day
than on that of the Resurrection of Our Saviour. Syn-
ods and assemblies of bishops were held on this ac-
count, and all with one consent through mutual corres-
pondence drew up an ecclesiastical decree that the
mystery of the Resurrection of the Lord should be cele-
brated on no other day but the Sunday and that we
should observe the close of the paschal fast on that
day only. " These words of the Father of Church His-
tory, followed by some extracts which he makes from
the controversial letters of the time, tell us almost all
that we know concerning the paschal controversy in
its first stage. A letter of St. Irenseus is among the
extracts just referred to, and this shows that the
diversity of practice regarding Easter had existed at
least from the time of Pope Sixtus (c. 120). Further,
Irenseus states that St. Polycarp, who, like the other
Asiatics, kept Easter on the fourteenth day of the
moon, whatever day of the week that might be, follow-
ing therein the tradition which he claimed to have de-
rived from St. John the Apostle, came to Rome c. 150
about this very question, Dut could not be persuaded
by Pope Anicetus to relinquish his Quartodeciman ob-
servance. Nevertheless he was not debarred from
communion with the Roman Church, and St. Irenseus,
while condemning the Quartodeciman practice, never-
theless reproaches Pope Victor (c. 189-99) with having
excommunicated the Asiatics too precipitately and
with not having followed trie moderation of his prede-
cessor. The question thus debated was therefore
primarily whether Easter was to be kept on a Sunday,
whether Christians should observe the Holy Day ot
or
the Jews, the fourteenth of Nisan, which might occur
on any day of the week. Those who kept Easter with
the Jews were called Quartodecimans or rijpoOvret (ob-
servants); but even in the time of Pope Victor this
usage hardly extended beyond the Churches of Asia
Minor. After the pope's strong measures the Quarto-
decimans seem to have gradually dwindled away.
Origen in the " Phiiosophumena " (VIII, xviii) seems
to regard them as a mere handful of wrong-headed
nonconformists.
Second Phase. — The second stage in the Easter
controversy centres round the Council of Nicsea (a. d.
325). Granted that the great Easter festival was al-
ways to be held on a Sunday, and was not to be coin-
cident with a particular phase of the moon, which
might occur on any day of the week, a new dispute
arose as to the determination of the Sunday itself.
The text of the decree of the Council of Nicsea which
settled, or at least indicated a final settlement of, the
difficulty has not been preserved to us, but we have an
important document inserted in Eusebius's " Life of
Constantine" (III, xviii sq.). The emperor himself,
writing to the Churches after the Council of Nicaea,
exhorts them to adopt its conclusions and says among
other things: "At this meeting the question concern-
ing the most holy day of Easter was discussed, and it
was resolved by the united judgment of all present
that this feast ought to be kept by all and in every
place on one and the same day. . . And first of all it
appeared an unworthy thing that in the celebration of
this most holy feast we should follow the practice of
the Jews, who have impiously defiled their hands with
enormous sin . . . for we have received from our Sav-
iour a different way. . . And I myself have undertaken
that this decision should meet with the approval of
your Sagacities in the hope that your Wisdoms will
gladly admit that practice which is observed at onco
m the city of Rome and in Africa, throughout Italy
and in Egypt .... with entire unity of judgment.
From this and other indications which cannot be speci-
fied here (see, e. g., Eusebius, "De Paschate in
Schmid, "Oste^festf^age,', pp. 58-59) we learn that
the dispute now lay between the Christians of Syria
and Mesopotamia and the rest of the world. The im-
portant Church of Antioch was still dependent upon
the Jewish calendar for its Easter. The Syrian Chris-
tians always held their Easter festival on the Sunday
after the Jews kept their Pasch. On the other hand at
Alexandria, and seemingly throughout the rest of the
Roman Empire, the Christians calculated the time of
Easter for themselves! paying no attention to the
Jews. In this way the date of Easter as kept at Alex-
andria and Antioch did not always agree; for the Jews,
upon whom Antioch depended, adopted very arbi-
trary methods of intercalating embolismic months
(see Calendar, Vol., Ill, p. 158) before they celebrated
Nisan, the first spring month, on the fourteenth day
of which the paschal lamb was killed. In particular
we learn that they had become neglectful (or at least
the Christians of Rome and Alexandria declared they
were neglectful) of the law that the fourteenth of Nisan
must never precede the equinox (see Schwartz, Christ-
liche und judische Ostertafeln, pp. 138 sqq.). Thus
Constantine in the letter quoted above protests with
horror that the Jews sometimes kept two Paschs in
one year, meaning that two Paschs sometimes fell
between one equinox and the next.
The Alexandrians, on the other hand, accepted it as a
first principle that the Sunday to be kept as Easter
Day must necessarily occur after the vernal equinox,
then identified with 21 March of the Julian year. This
f
SASTSB
229
EASTER
was the main difficulty which was decided by the
Council of Nicsea. Even among the Christians who
calculated Blaster for themselves there had been con-
siderable variations (partly due to the difference of
the lunar cycle adopted, partly to a divergent reckon-
ing of the date of the equinox), and as recently as 314,
in the Council of Aries, it had been laid down that in
future Easter should be kept uno die et uno tempore per
omnem orbem, and that to secure this uniformity the
pope should send out letters to all the Churches. The
Council of Nicsea seems to have extended further the
principle here laid down. As already stated, we have
not its exact words, but we may safely infer from scat-
tered notices that the council ruled: (1) that Easter
must be celebrated by all throughout the world on the
same Sunday; (2) that this Sunday must follow the
fourteenth day of the paschal moon; (3) that that
moon was to be accounted the paschal moon whose
fourteenth day followed the spring equinox; (4) that
some provision should be made, probably by the
Church of Alexandria as best skilled in astronomical
calculations, for determining the proper date of Easter
and communicating it to the rest of the world (see St.
Leo to the Emperor Marcian in Migne, P. L., LIV,
1055). This ruling of the Council of Nicsea did not
remove all difficulties nor at once win universal ac-
ceptance amongst the Syrians. But to judge from
the strongly worded canon i of the Council of Antioch
(a. d. 341; see Hefele-Leclercq, "Conciles", I, 714), as
also from the language of the Apostolic Constitutions
and Canons (see Schmid, Ostenestfrage, p. 63), the
Syrian bishops loyally co-operated in carrying into
effect the decision of the Council of Nicaea. In Rome
and Alexandria the lunar cycles by which the occur-
rence of Easter was determined were not uniform.
Rome, after the hundred-and-twelve-year cycle of
Hippolytus, adopted an eighty-four-year cycle, but
neither gave satisfactory results. Alexandria ad-
hered to the more accurate nineteen-year cycle of
Meton. But it seems to be clearly established by the
most recent researches (see Schwartz, op. cit., pp.
28-29) that the lunar cycles were never understood to
be more than aids towards ascertaining the correct
date of Easter, also that where the calculations of
Rome and Alexandria led to divergent results, com-
promises were made upon both sides and that the final
decision always lay with accepted ecclesiastical au-
thority.
Third Phase .-^It was to the divergent cycles which
Rome had successively adopted and rejected in its at-
tempt to determine Easter more accurately that the
third stage in the paschal controversy was mainly due.
The Roman missionaries coming to England m the
time of St. Gregory the Great found the British Chris-
tians, the representatives of that Christianity which
had been introduced into Britain during the period of
the Roman occupation, still adhering to an ancient
system of Easter-computation which Rome itself had
laid aside. The British and Irish Christians were not
Ouartodecimans, as some unwarrantably accused
them of being, for they kept the Easter festival upon a
Sunday. They are supposed (e. g. by Krusch) to have
observed an eighty-four-year cycle and not the five-
hundred-and-thirty-two-year cycle of Victorius which
was adopted in Gaul, but the most recent inves-
tigator of the question (Sch warts, p. 103) declares
it to be impossible to determine what system they fol-
lowed and himself inclines to the opinion that they
derived their rule for the determining of Easter direct
from Asia Minor. (See, however, the very opposite con-
clusions of Joseph Schmid, "Die Osterfestberechnung
auf den britischen Inseln", 1904.) The story of this
controversy, which, together with the difference in the
shape of tonsure, seems to have prevented all fraterni-
zation between the British Christians and the Roman
missionaries, is told at length in the pages of Bede.
The British appealed to the tradition of St. John, the
Romans to that of St. Peter, both sides with little
reason, and neither without the suspicion of forgery.
It was not until the Synod of Whitby in 664 that the
Christians of Northern Britain, who had derived their
instruction in the Faith from the Scottish (i. e. Irish)
missionaries, at last at the instance of Bishop Wilfrid
and through the example of King Oswy accepted the
Roman system and came into friendly relations with
the bishops of the South. Even then in Ireland and in
parts of the North some years passed before the adop-
tion of the Roman Easter became general (Moran,
Essays on the Origin, Doctrines and Discipline of the
Early Irish Church, Dublin, 1864).
Points op Obscurity. — These are the facts regard-
ing the Easter controversy which are now generally
admitted. Many other subsidiary details nave an
important bearing on the case but are more matters of
conjecture. There is, for example, the perplexing
doubt whether the Crucifixion of Christ took place on
the fourteenth or fifteenth of Nisan. The Synoptists
seem to favour the latter, St. John the former date.
Clearly we should expect to find that according to the
answer given to thisquestion, the position of the earliest
possible Easter Sunday in the lunar month would also
change. Again, there is the problem, much debated by
modern scholars, whether the Pasch which the early
Christians desired to commemorate was primarily the
Passion or the Resurrection of Christ. Upon this point
also our data do not admit of a very positive answer.
It has been very strongly urged that the writers of the
first two centuries who speak of the Pasch have always
in view the t&vx* vTavp&viiMv, the Crucifixion Day,
when Jesus Christ Himself was offered as the Victim, the
antitype of the Jewish paschal lamb. Supporters of
this opinion often contend that the Resurrection was
held to be sufficiently commemorated by the weekly
Sunday, on the vigil of which the night-watch was
kept, tne Liturgy being celebrated in the morning. In
any case it must be admitted that while in the New
Testament we have definite mention of the observance
of the Sunday, or " Lord's day", there is no conclusive
evidence in tne first century or more of the keeping of
the Pasch as a festival. Some are inclined to think
that the Christian Easter first appears as setting a
term to the great paschal fast which, as we learn from
Irenseus, was very variously kept in the sub- Apostolic
Age. Another class of obscure and rather intricate
questions, about which it is difficult to speak positively,
regards tne limits of the paschal period as laid down
by the computation of Rome before the tables of
Dionysius Exiguus and the Metonic cycle were finally
adopted there m 525. According to one system Eas-
ter Day might fall between the fourteenth and twen-
tieth day inclusive of the paschal moon ; and although
this implies that when. Easter fell on the fourteenth it
coincided with the Jewish Pasch, the Roman Church,
observing its eighty-four-year cycle, at one time per-
mitted this (so at least Krusch contends; see " Der 84-
jahrige Ostercyclus und seine Quellen ", pp. 20 and 65).
Certain it is that the data of the suppulatio Romana
did not always agree with those of Alexandria, and in
particular it seems that Rome, rejecting 22 March as
the earliest possible date of Easter, only allowed the
23rd, while, on the other hand, the latest possible date
according to the Roman system was 21 April. This
sometimes brought about an impasse which was re-
lieved only by accepting the Alexandrian solution.
Other computations allowed Easter to fall between the
fifteenth and twenty-first day of the paschal moon and
o there between the sixteenth and the twenty-second.
What is perhaps most important to remember, both
in the solution adopted in 525 and in that officially put
forward at the time of the reform of the calendar by
Gregory XIII. is this, that the Church throughout
held that the determination of Easter was primarily a
matter of ecclesiastical discipline and not 01 astronom-
ical science. As Professor De Morgan long ago clearly
BASTER
230
EASTERN
recognized, the moon according to which Easter is
calculated is not the moon in the heavens nor even the
mean moon, i. e. a moon travelling with the average
motion of the real moon, but simply the moon of the
calendar. This calendar moon is admittedly a fiction,
though it departs very little from the actual astronom-
ical facts; but in following the simple rule given for
the dependence of Easter upon the moon of the calen-
dar, uniformity is secured: for all countries of the
world. According to this rule, Easter Sunday is the
first Sunday which occurs after the first full moon
(or more accurately after the first fourteenth day of
the moon) following the 21st of March. As a result,
the earliest possible date of Easter is 22 March, the
latest 25 April.
The bibliography of this subject is vast, and most ecclesiasti-
cal encyclopedias devote more or less space to it. For practical
?>urposes the text and notes of Hepklk-Leclkrcq, ConcUes, I,
33-151 and 450-488, supply all that is necessary; though
Lbclbrcq refers to the article Comput paschal in the Dxcttonnaire
d' Archiologie for fuller treatment.
Among the more important contributions to the subject the
following may be named: Krusch, Studien aur chrisUich-
mittelaUerlichen Chronologie (Leipzig, 1880); Idem in Neuea
Archiv (1884), 101-109; ROhl, Chronologie dea MUtelaliera und
der Neuxeit (Berlin, 1897), 110-165; Schmid, Die Oaterfestfrage
auf dem ersten allgemeinen Conzil von NicAa (Vienna, 1905);
Idem, Die Oaterfeatberechnungauf den britiachen lnseln (Ratis-
bon, 1904); Hilqenpbld, Der Paachastreit der alien Kirehe
(I860); Schwartz, Chris tliche undjudische Ostertafeln (Berlin,
1905) in the Abhandlungen of the Gdttingen Academy: this is
a work of the very highest importance; SchCrer, Die Passa-
atreitigkeiten dea f . Johrhunderts in Zeitachrift f. histor. Theol.
(1870); Duchesne, Hist. Anc. de VEgliae (Paris, 1906), I, 285-
291; Kellner, Heortologie (1906); Duchesne in Revue dea
Quest. Hist. (1880); Anscombe and Turner in Eng. Historical
Review (1895), 515, 699; Wickun in Journal of Philology
(1901), 137-151. See also the bibliography given under
Chronology, General; and Dominical Letter.
Herbert Thurston.
Easter among the Jews. See Passover.
Easter Oandle. See Candles.
Easter Oommunion. See Commandments of the
Church.
Easter Confession. See Commandments of the
Church.1
Easter Cycle. See Calendar, Christian ; Easter.
Eastern Churches. — I. Definition of an East-
ern Church. — An accident of political development
has made it possible to divide the Christian world, in
the first place, into two great halves, Eastern and
Western. The root of this division is, roughly and
broadly speaking, the division of the Roman Empire
made first by Diocletian (284-305), and again by the
sons of Theodosius I (Arcadius in the East, 395-408;
and Honorius in the West, 395-423). then finally made
permanent by the establishment ot a rival empire in
the West (Charles the Great, 800). The division of
Eastern and Western Churches, then, in its origin cor-
responds to that of the empire. Western Churches
are those that either gravitate around Rome or broke
away from her at tne Reformation. Eastern Churches
depend originally on the Eastern Empire at Constanti-
nople; they are those that either find their centre in
the patriarchate of that city (since the centralization
of the fourth century) or have been formed by schisms
which in the first instance concerned Constantinople
rather than the Western world. Another distinction,
that can be applied only in the most general and broad-
est sense, is that of language. Western Christendom
till the Reformation was Latin; even now the Protes-
tant bodies still bear unmistakably the mark of their
Latin ancestry. It was the great Latin Fathers and
Schoolmen, St. Augustine (<f 430) most of all, who
built up the traditions of the West ; in ritual and canon
law the Latin or Roman school formed the West. In a
still broader sense the East may be called Greek. True,
many Eastern Churches know nothing of Greek; the
oldest (Nestorians, Armenians, Abyssimans) have never
used Greek liturgically nor for their literature; never-
theless they too depend in some sense on a Greek tradi-
tion. Whereas our Latin Fathers have never con-
cerned them at all (most Eastern Christians have
never even heard of our schoolmen or canonists), they
still feel the influence of the Greek Fathers, their theo-
logy is still concerned about controversies carried on
originally in Greek and settled by Greek synods. The
literature of those that do not use Greek is formed on
Greek models, is full of words carefully chosen or com-
posed to correspond to some technical Greek term,
even of Greek derivatives. The root of the distinc-
tion, then, in the broadest terms, is: that a Western
Church is one originally dependent on Rome, whose
traditions are Latin; an Eastern Church looks rather
to Constantinople (either as a friend or an enemy) and
inherits Greek ideas.
The point may be stated more scientifically by using
the old division of the patriarchates. Originally (e. g.
at the Council of Nictea, a. d. 325, can. vi) there were
three patriarchates, those of Rome, Alexandria, and
Antioch. Further legislation formed two more at the
expense of Antioch: Constantinople in 381 and 451;
Jerusalem in 451. In any case the Roman patriarch-
ate was always enormously the greatest. Western
Christendom may be defined quite simply as the Roman
patriarchate ana all Churches that have broken away
from it. A,U the others, with schismatical bodies formed
from them, make up the Eastern half. But it must not
be imagined that either half is in any sense one
Church. The Latin half was so (in spite of a few un-
important schisms) till the Reformation. To find a
time when there was one Eastern Church we must go
back to the centuries before the Council of Ephesus
(431). Since that council there have been separate
schismatical Eastern Churches whose number has
grown steadily down to our own time. The Nestorian
heresy left a permanent Nestorian Church, the Mono-
physite and Monothelete quarrels made several more,
the reunion with Rome of fractions of every Rite fur-
ther increased the number, and quite lately the Bulga-
rian schism has created yet another; indeed it seems
as if two more, in Cyprus and Syria, are being formed
at the present moment (1908).
We have now a general criterion by which to answer
the question: What is an Eastern Church? Looking
at a map, we see that, roughly, the division between
the Roman patriarchate and the others forms a line
that runs down somewhat to the east of the River
Vistula (Poland is Latin), then comes back above the
Danube^ to continue down the Adriatic Sea, and fin-
ally divides Africa west of Egypt. Illyricum (Mace-
donia and Greece) once belonged to the Roman patri-
archate, and Greater Greece (Southern Italy and Sicily)
was intermittently Byzantine. But both these lands
eventually fell back into the branches that surrounded
them (except for the thin remnant of the Uniat Italo-
Greeks) . We may, then, say that any ancient Church
east of that line is an Eastern Church. To these we
must add those formed by missionaries (especially
Russians) from one of these Churches. Later Latin
and Protestant missions have further complicated the
tangled state of the ecclesiastical East. Their ad-
herents everywhere belong of course to the Western
portion.
II. Catalogue of the Eastern Churches. — It is
now possible to draw up the list of bodies that answer
to our definition. We have already noted that they
are by no means all in communion with each other,
nor have they any common basis of language, rite, or
faith. All are covered by a division into the great
Orthodox Church, those formed by the Nestorian and
Monophysite heresies (the original Monotheletes are
now all Uniats), and lastly the Uniat Churches corre-
sponding in each case to a schismatical body. Theolo-
gically: to Catholics, the vital distinction is between
athohc Uniats, on the one hand, and schismatics or
EASTERN
231
EASTERN
Heretics, on the other. But it is not convenient to
start from this basis in cataloguing Eastern Churches.
Historically and archeeologically, it is a secondary
question. Each Uniat body has been formed from
one of the schismatieal ones; their organisations are
comparatively late, dating in most cases from the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries. Moreover, al-
though all these Uniats of course agree in the same
Catholic Faith that we profess, they are not organized
as one body. Each branch keeps the rites (with in
some cases modifications made at Rome for dogmatic
reasons) of the corresponding schismatieal body, and
has an organisation modelled on the same plan. In
faith* a Uniat Armenian, for instance, is joined to
Uniat Chaldees and Copts, and has no more to do with
schismatieal Armenians than with Nestorians or Abys-
sinians. Nor does he forget this fact. He knows
quite well that he is a Catholic in union with the Pope
of Rome, and that he is equally in union with every
other Catholic. Nevertheless, national customs, lan-
guages, and rites tell very strongly on the superficies,
and our Uniat Armenian would certainly feel very
much more at home in a non-Uniat church of his own
nation than in a Uniat Coptic, or even Latin, church.
Outwardly, the bond of a common language and com-
mon liturgy is often more apparent than what every-
one knows to be the essential and radical division of a
schism. Indeed these Uniat bodies in many cases still
faintly reflect the divisions of their schismatieal rela-
tions. What in one case is a schism (as for instance
between Orthodox and Jacobites) still remains as a
not very friendly feeling between the different Uniat
Churches (in this case Melkites and Catholic Syrians).
Certainly, such feeling is a very different thing from
formal scnism, and the leaders of the Uniat Churches,
as well as all their more intelligent members and all
their well-wishers, earnestly strive to repress it. Nev-
ertheless, quarrels between various Uniat bodies fill up
too large a portion of Eastern Church history to be
ignored; still, to take another instance, anyone who
knows Svria knows that the friendship between Mel-
kites ana Maronites is not enthusiastic. It will be seen,
then, that for purposes of tabulation we cannot con-
veniently begin bv cataloguing the Catholic bodies on
the one side and then classing the schismatics together
on the other. a We must arrange these Churches ac-
cording to their historic basis and origin: first, the
larger and older schismatieal Churches; then, side by
side with each of these,- the corresponding Uniat
Church formed out of the schismatics in later times.
A. Schismatical Churches.
1. The first of the Eastern Churches in sise and im-
portance is the great Orthodox Church. This is, after
that of the Catholics, considerably the largest body in
Christendom. The Orthodox Church now counts
about a hundred millions of members. It is the
main body of Eastern Christendom, that remained
faithful to the decrees of Ephesus and Chalcedon when
Nestorianism and Monophysitism cut away the na-
tional Churches in Syria and Egypt. It remained in
union with the West till the great schism of Photius
and then that of Cerularius, in the ninth and eleventh
centuries. In spite of the short-lived reunions made
bv the Second Council of Lyons (1274) and the Council
of Florence (1439) , this Church has been in schism ever
since. The " Orthodox " (it is convenient as well as
courteous to call them by the name they use as a tech-
nical one for themselves) originally comprised the four
Eastern patriarchates: Alexandria and Antioch, then
Constantinople and Jerusalem. But the balance be-
tween these four patriarchates was soon upset. The
Church of Cyprus was taken away from Antioch and
made autocephalous (i. e. extra-patriarchal) by the
Council of Ephesus (431). Then, m the fifth century,
came the great upheavals of Nestorianism and Mono-
physitism, of which the result was that enormous num-
bers of Syrians and Egyptians fell away into schism.
So the Patriarchs of Antioch, Jerusalem (this was al-
ways a very small and comparatively unimportant
centre), and Alexandria, losing most of their subjects,
inevitably sank in importance. The Moslem con-
quest of their lands completed their ruin, so that they
became the merest shadows of what their predecessors
had once been. Meanwhile Constantinople, honoured
by the presence of the emperor, and always sure of his
favour, rose rapidly in importance. Itself a new see.
neither Apostolic nor primitive (the first Bishop of
Byzantium was Metropnanes, in 325), it succeeded so
well in its ambitious career that for a short time after
the great Eastern schism it seemed as- if the Patriarch
of New Rome would take the same place over the
Orthodox Church as did his rival the Pope of Old
Rome over Catholics. It is also well known that it
was this insatiable ambition of Constantinople that
was chiefly responsible for the schism of the ninth and
eleventh centuries. The Turkish conquest, strangely
enough, still further strengthened the power of the
Bysantine patriarch, inasmuch as the Turks acknowl-
edged him as the civil head of what they called the
"Roman nation" (Rum millet), meaning thereby the
whole Orthodox community of whatever patriarchate.
For about a century Constantinople enjoyed her power.
The other patriarchs were content to be her vassals,
many of them even came to spend their useless lives as
ornaments of the chief patriarch's court, while Cyprus
protested faintly and ineffectually that she was subject
to no patriarch. The bishop who had climbed to so
high a place by a long course of degrading intrigue
could for a little time justify in the Orthodox world nis
usurped title of (Ecumenical Patriarch. Then came
his fall; since the sixteenth century he has lost one
province after another, till now he too is only a shadow
of what he once was, and the real power of the Ortho-
dox body is in the new independent national Churches
with their "holy Synods"; while high over all looms
the shadow of Russia. The separation of the various
national Orthodox Churches from the patriarchate of
Constantinople forms the only important chapter in
the modern history of this body. The principle is
always the same. More and more has the idea ob-
tained that political modifications should be followed
by the Church, that is to say that the Church of an
independent State must be itself independent of the
patriarch. This by no means implies real independ-
ence for the national Church; on the contrary, in each
case the much severer rule of the Government is sub-
stituted for the distant authority of the (Ecumenical
Patriarch. Outside the Turkish Empire, in Russia
and the Balkan States, the Orthodox Churches are
shamelessly Erastian — by far the most Erastian of all
Christian bodies. The process began when the great
Church of Russia was declared autocephalous by the
Czar Feodor Ivanovitch, in 1589. Jeremias II of
Constantinople took a bribe to acknowledge its inde-
pendence. Peter the Great abolished the Russian
patriarchate (of Moscow) and set up a " Holy Govern-
ing Synod " to rule the national Church in 1721 . The
Holy Synod is simply a department of the government
through which the czar rules over his Church as abso-
lutely as over his army and navy. The independence
of Russia and its Holy Synod have since been copied
by each Balkan State. ' But this independence does
not mean schism. Its first announcement is naturally^
very distasteful to the patriarch and his court. He
often begins by excommunicating the new national
Church root and branch. But in each case he has
been obliged to give in finally and to acknowledge one
more "Sister in Christ" in the Holy Synod that has
displaced his authority. Only in the specially difficult
ana bitter case of the Bulgarian Church has a perma-
nent schism resulted. Other causes have led to the
establishment of a few other independent Churches, so
that now the great Orthodox communion consists of
sixteen independent Churches, each of which (except
* - \
EASTERN
232
EASTERN
that of the Bulgars) is recognized by, and in commun-
ion with, the others.
These Churches are (1) The Great Church, that is,
the patriarchate of Constantinople that takes prece-
dence of the others. It covers Turkey in Europe
(except where its jurisdiction is disputed by the Bul-
garian Exarch) and Asia^ Minor. Under the (Ecu-
menical Patriarch are seventyrf our metropolitans and
twenty other bishops. Outside this ( territory the
Patriarch of Constantinople has no jurisdiction. He
still has the position of civil head of the Roman Nation
throughout the Turkish Empire, and he still inter-
mittently tries to interpret this as including some sort
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction — he is doing so at this
moment in Cyprus — but in modern times especially
each attempt is at once met by the most pronounced
opposition on the part of the other patriarchs and
national Churches, who answer that they acknowl-
edge no head but Christ, no external authority but the
seven (Ecumenical Synods. The (Ecumenical Patri-
arch, however, keeps the right of alone consecrating
the chrism (myron) and sending it to the other Ortho-
dox Churches, except in the cases of Russia and Ru-
mania, which prepare it themselves. Bulgaria gets
hers from Russia, Greece has already mooted the
question of consecrating her own myron, and there
seems no doubt that Antioch will do so too when the
present stock is exhausted. So even this shadow of
authority is in a precarious state.
(2) Alexandria (covering all Egypt as far as it js
Orthodox) with only four metropolitans. (3) Anti-
och, extending over Syria from the Mediterranean to
the Euphrates as far as any Orthodox live so far East,
touching the Great Church along the frontier of Asia
Minor to the north and Palestine to the south, with
twelve metropolitans and two or three titular bishops
who form the patriarchal curia. (4) Jerusalem, con-
sisting of Palestine, from Haifa to the Egyptian
frontier, with thirteen metropolitans. (5) Cyprus, the
old autocephalous Church, with an archbishop [whose
succession (1908), after eight years, rends the whole
Orthodox world] and three suffragans. Then come
the new national Churches, arranged here according
to the date of their foundation, since they have no
precedence. (6) Russia (independent since 1589).
This is enormously the preponderating partner, about
eight times as great as all the others put together.
The Holy Synod consists of three metropolitans
(Kiev, Moscow, and Petersburg), the Exarch of Geor-
gia, and five or six other bishops or archimandrites
appointed at the czar's pleasure. There are eighty-
six Russian dioceses, to which must be added mission-
ary bishops in Siberia. Japan, North America, etc.
(7; Carlovitz (1765), formed of Orthodox Serbs in
Hungary, with six suffragan sees. (8) Czernagora
(1765), the one independent diocese of the Black
Mountain. (9) The Church of Sinai, consisting of one
monastery recognized as independent of Jerusalem in
1782. The hegumenos is an archbishop. (10) The
Greek Church {1850) : thirty-two sees under a Holy
Synod on the Russian model. (11) Hermannstadt
(Nagy-Szeben, 1864), the Church of the Vlachs in
Hungary, with three sees. (12) The Bulgarian
Church under the exarch, who lives at Constanti-
nople. In Bulgaria are eleven sees with a Holy
Synod. The exarch, however, claims jurisdiction
over all Bulgars anywhere (especially in Macedonia)
and has set up rival exarchist metropolitans against
the patriarchist ones. The Bulgarian Church is rec-
ognized by the Porte and by Russia, but is excom-
municate, since 1872, by the Great Church and is
considered schismatical by all Greeks. (13) Czerno-
vitz (1873), for the Orthodox in Austria, with four
sees. (14) Servia (1879), the national Church of that
country, with five bishops and a Holy Synod. The
Serbs in Macedonia are now agitating to add two
more sees (Uskub and Monastir) to this Church, at the
further cost of Constantinople. (15) Rumania (1885),
again a national Church with a Holy Synod and eight
sees. (16) Herzegovina and Bosnia, organized since
the Austrian occupation (1880) as a practically inde-
pendent Church with a vague recognition of Constan-
tinople as a sort of titular primacy. It has four sees.
This ends the list of allied bodies that make up the
Orthodox Church (see, Fortescue, " Orthodox Eastern
Church ", x, 273-337). Next come, in order of date,
the old heretical Eastern Churches.
2. The Nestorians are now only a pitiful remnant of
what was once a great Church. Long before the
heresy from which they have their name, there was a
flourishing Christian community in Chaldea' and
Mesopotamia. According to their tradition it was
founded by Addai and Man (Addeus and Maris), two
of the seventy-two Disciples. The present Nestorians
count Mar Mari as the first Bishop of Ctesiphon and
predecessor of their patriarch. In any case this com-
munity was originally subject to the Patriarch of An-
tioch. As his vicar, the metropolitan of the twin-
cities of Seleucia ana Ctesiphon (on either side of the
Tigris, north-east of Babylon) bore the title of catho-
licos. One of these metropolitans was present at
the Council of Niceea in 325. The great distance of
this Church from Antioch led in early times to a state
of semi-independence that prepared the way for the
later schism. Already in the fourth century the
Patriarch of Antioch waived his right of ordaining the
catholicoe of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, and allowed mm to
be ordained by his own suffragans. In view of the
great importance of the right of ordaining, as a sign of
jurisdiction throughout the East, this fact is impor-
tant. But it does not seem that real independence of
Antioch was acknowledged or even claimed till after
the schism. In the fifth century the influence of the
famous Theodore of Mopsiiestia and that of his school
at Edessa spread the heresy of Nestorius throughout
this extreme Eastern Church. Naturally, the later
Nestorians deny that their fathers accepted any new
doctrine at that time, and they claim that Nestorius
learned from them rather than they from him (" Nes-
torius eos secutus est, non ipsi Nestorium " Ebed-Jesu
of Nisibis, about 13Q0. Assemani, "Bibl. Orient.",
III. 1, 355). There may be truth in this. Theodore
and his school had certainly prepared the way for
Nestorius. In any case the rejection of the Council of
Ephesus (431) by these Christians in Chaldea and
Mesopotamia produced a schism between them and
the rest of Christendom. When Babaeus, himself a
Nestorian, became catholicos, in 498, there were
Sractically no more Catholics in those parts. From
tesiphon the Faith had spread across the frontier into
Persia-, even before that city was conquered by the
Persian king (224). The Persian' Church, then,
always depended on Ctesiphon and shared its heresy.
From the fifth century this most remote of the East-
ern Churches has been cut off from the rest of Christen-
dom, and till modern times was the most separate and
forgotten community of all. Shut out from the Roman
Empire (Zeno closed the school of Edessa in 489), but,
for a time at least, protected by the Persian kings, the
Nestorian Church nourished around Ctesiphon, Nisibis
(where the school was reorganized), and throughout
Persia. Since the schism the catholicoe occasionally
assumed the title of patriarch. The Church then
spread towards the East and sent missionaries to
India and even China. A Nestorian inscription of the
year 781 has been found at Singan Fu in China (J. Hel-
ler, S.J., " Prolegomena zu einer neuen Ausgabe der
nestorianischen lnschrif t von Singan Fu ", in the " Ver-
handlungen dee VII. internationalen Orientalistencon-
gresses", Vienna, 1886, pp. 37 sq.). Its greatest ex-
tent was in the eleventh century, when twenty-five
metropolitans obeyed the Nestorian patriarch. But
since the end of the fourteenth century it has gradu-
ally sunk to a very small sect, first, because of a fierce
*
EASTERN
233
EASTERN
*
persecution by the Mongols (Timur Leng), and then
through internal disputes and schisms. Two great
schisms as to the patriarchal succession in the six-
teenth century led to a reunion of part of the Nesto-
rian Church with Rome, forming the Uniat Chaldean
Church. At present there are about 150,000 Nesto-
rians living chiefly in highlands west of Lake Urumiah.
They speak a modern dialect of Syriac (Maclean,
"Grammar of the Dialects of Vernacular Syriac",
Cambridge, 1895; Noldeke, " Gramma tik der neusy-
rischen Sprache", 1868). The patriarchate descends
from uncle to nephew, or to younger brothers, in the
family of Mama; each patriarch bears the name
Simon (Mar Shimun) as a title. Ignoring the Second
General Council, and of course strongly opposed to the
Third (Ephesus). they only acknowledge the First
Nicene (325) . They have a Creed of their own (Hahn.
11 Bibliothek der Symbole ", p. 74), formed from an old
Antiochene Creed, which does not contain any trace of
the particular heresy from which their Church is
named. Indeed it is difficult to say how far any Nes*
torians now are conscious of the particular teaching
condemned by the Council of Ephesus, though they
still honour Nestorius, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and
other undoubted heretics as saints and doctors. The
patriarch rules over twelve other bishops (the list in
Silbernagl, "¥6^88811^" p. 267). Their hierarchy
consists of the patriarch, metropolitans, bishops,
chorepiscopi, archdeacons, priests, deacons, subdea-
cons, and readers. There are also many monasteries.
They use Syriac Uturgically written in their own (Nes-
torian) form of the alphabet. The patriarch, who
now generally calls himself "Patriarch of the East",
resides at Kochanes, a remote valley of the Kurdish
mountains by the Zab, on the frontier between Persia
and Turkey. He has an undefined political jurisdic-
tion over his people, though he does not receive a
bercU from the Sultan. * In many ways this most re-
mote Church stands alone; it has kept a number of
curious and archaic customs (such as the perpetual
abstinence of the patriarch, etc.) that separate it
from other Eastern Churches almost as much as from
those of the West. Lately the Archbishop of Canter-
bury's mission to the Nestorians has aroused a certain
interest about them in England.
All the other separated Eastern Churches are formed
by the other great heresy of the fourth century, Mono-
physitism. There are first the national Churches of
Egypt, Syria, and Armenia.
3. The Copts form the Church of Egypt. Mono-
physitism was in a special sense the national religion
of Egypt. As an extreme opposition to Nestoriamsm,
the Egyptians believed it to be the faith of their
hero St. Cyril of Alexandria (d. 444). His succes-
sor, Dioscurus (444-55), was deposed and excommu-
nicated by the Council of Chalcedon (451). From
his time the Monophysite party gained ground very
quickly among the native population, so that soon it
became the expression of their national feeling against
the Imperial (Melchite, or Melkite) garrison and gov-
ernment officials. Afterwards, at the Moslem inva-
sion (641), the opposition was so strong that the native
Egyptians threw in their lot with the conquerors
against the Greeks. The two sides are still represented
by the native Monophysites and' the Orthodox mino-
rity. The Monophysites are sometimes called Jacob-
ites here as in Syria: but the old national name Cojyt
(Gr. Aiyfamot) has become the regular one for their
Church as well as for their nation. Their patriarch,
with the title of Alexandria, succeeds Dioscurus and
Timothy the Cat, a fanatical Monophysite. He lives
at Cairo, ruling over thirteen dioceses (Silbernagl, p.
289) and about 500,000 subjects. For him, too, the
law is perpetual abstinence. There are many monas-
teries. Tne Copts use their old language Uturgically
and have in it a number of liturgies all derived from
the original Greek rite of Alexandria (St. Mark). But
Coptic is a dead language, so much so that even most
priests understand very httle of it. They all speak
Arabic, and their service books give an Arabic version
of the text in parallel columns. This Church is, on
the whole, in a poor state. The Copts are mostly
fellaheen who live by tilling the ground, in a state of
great poverty and ignorance. And the clergy share
the same conditions. Lately there has been some-
thing of a revival among-them, and certain rich Coptic
merchants of Cairo have begun to found schools and
seminaries and generally to promote education and
such advantages among their nation. One of these,
M. Gabriel Labib, who is editing their service books,
promises to be a scholar of some distinction in ques-
tions of liturgy and archaeology.
4. The Church of Abyssinia, or Ethiopia, always de-
pended on Egypt. It was founded by St. Frumentius,
who was ordained and sent by St. Athanaaius in 326.
So Abyssinia has always acknowledged the supremacy
of the Patriarch of Alexandria and still considers its
Church* as a daughter-church of the See of St. Mark.
The same causes that made Egypt Monophysite af-
fected Abyssinia equally. She naturally, almost in-
evitably, snared the schism of the mother Church. So
Abyssinia is still Monophysite, and acknowledges the
Coptic patriarch as her head. There is now only one
bishop of Abyssinia (there were once two) who is called
Abuna (Our Father) and resides at Adeva (the old see
was Axum) . He is always a Coptic monk consecrated
and sent by the Coptic patriarch. It does not seem,
however, that there is now much communication be-
tween Cairo and Adeva, though the patriarch still has
the right of deposing the Abuna. Abyssinia has about
three million inhabitants, nearly all members of the
national Church. There are many monks and an
enormous number of priests, whom the Abuna ordains
practically without any previous preparation or exam-
ination. The Abyssinians have liturgies, again, de-
rived from those of Alexandria in the old (classical)
form of their language. The Abyssinian Church, being
the religion of a more than half barbarous people, cut
off by the schism from relations with any other Chris-
tian body except the poor and backward Copts, is cer-
tainly the lowest representative of the great Christian
family. The people have gradually mixed up Chris-
tianity with a number of pagan and magical elements,
and are specially noted for strong Jewish tendencies
(they circumcise and have on their altars a sort of Ark
of the Covenant containing the Ten Commandments).
Lately Russia has developed an interest in the Abys-
sinians and has begun to undertake schemes for edu-
cating them, and, of course, at the same time, convert-
ing them to Orthodoxy.
5. The Jacobites are the Monophysites of Syria.
Here, too, chiefly out of political opposition to the
imperial court, Monophysitism spread quickly among
the native population, and here, too, there was the
same opposition between the Syrian Monophysites in
the country and the Greek Melkites in the cities.
Severus of Antioch (512-18) was an ardent Monophy-
site. After his death the Emperor Justinian (527-65)
tried to cut off the succession by having all bishops
suspect of heresy locked up in monasteries. But his
wife Theodora was herself a Monophysite; she ar-
ranged the ordination of two monks of that party.
Theodore and James. It is from this James, called
Zanzaloe and Baradal (Jacob Baradseus), that they
have their name (l^qobaie, "Jacobite1'); it is some-
times used for any Monophysite anywhere, but had
better be kept for the national Syrian Church. James
found two Coptic bishops, who with him ordained a
whole hierarchy, including one Sergius of Telia as
Patriarch of Antioch. From this Sergius the Jacobite
patriarchs descend. Historically, the Jacobites of
Syria are the national Church of their country, as
much as the Copts in Egypt; but they by no means
form so exclusively the religion of the native popula-
EASTERN
234
EASTERN
tion. Syria never held together, was never so com-
pact a unity as Egypt. We have seen that the East-
ern Syrians expressed their national, anti-Imperial
feeling by adopting the extreme opposite heresy, Nes-
torianism, which, nowever, had the same advantage
of not being the religion of Csesar and his court.
Among the Western Syrians, too, there has always
been a lack of cohesion. They had in MonophvBite
times two patriarchates (Antioch and Jerusalem) in-
stead of one. In all quarrels, whether political or theo-
logical, whereas the Copts move like one man for the
cause of Egypt and the "Christian Pharaoh", the
Syrians are divided amongst themselves. So there
have always been many more Melkites in Syria, and
the Jacobites were never an overwhelming majority.
Now they are a small minority (about 80,000) dwelling
-in Syria, Mesopotamia. Kurdistan. Their head is the
Jacobite Patriarch of "Antioch and all the East ". He
always takes the name Ignatius and dwells either at
Diarbekir or Mardin in Mesopotamia. Under him, as
first of the metropolitans, is the Maphrian, a prelate
who was originally set up to rule the Eastern Jacobites
as a rival of the Nestonan catholicos. Originally the
f maphrian had a number of special rights and privileges
that made him almost independent of his patriarch.
Now he has only precedence of other metropolitans, a
few rights in connexion with the patriarch s election
and consecration (when the patriarch dies he is gener-
ally succeeded by the maphrian) and the title " Maph-
rian and Catholicos of the East • Besides these two,
the Jacobites have seven metropolitans and three
other bishops. As in all Eastern Churches, there are
many monks, from whom the bishops are always taken.
The Syrian Jacobites are in communion with the
Copts. They name the Coptic patriarch in the Litur-
gy, and the rule is that each Syrian patriarch should
send an official letter to his brother of Alexandria to
announce his succession. This implies a recognition
of superior rank which is consistent with the old pre-
cedence of Alexandria over Antioch. At Mardin still
linger the remains of an old pagan community of Sun-
worshippers who in 1762 (when the Turks finally de-
cided to apply to them, too, the extermination that
the Koran prescribes for pagans) preferred to hide
under the outward appearance of Jacobite Christian-
ity. They were, therefore, all nominally converted,
and they conform to the laws of the Jacobite Church,
baptize, fast, receive all sacraments and Christian
burial. But they only marry among themselves and
every one knows that they still practise their old
pagan rites in secret. There are about one hundred
families of these people, still called Shamsiyth (people
of the Sun).
6. The Malabar Christians in India have had the
strangest history of all these Eastern Churches. For.
having been Nestorians, they have now veered rouna
to the other extreme and have become Monophysites.
We hear of Christian communities along the Malabar
coast (in Southern India from Goa to Cape Comorin)
as early as the sixth century (Silbernagl, op. cit., 317;
see also Germann, "Die Kirche der Thomaschristen ",
quoted below). They claim the Apostle St. Thomas
as their founder (hence their name " Thomas-Chris-
tians ", or "Christians of St. Thomas")* In the first
period they depended on the Catholicos of Seleucia-
Ctesiphon, and were Nestorians like him. They are
really one of the many missionary Churches founded
by the Nestorians in Asia. In the sixteenth century
the Portuguese succeeded in converting a part of this
Church to reunion with Rome. A further schism
among these Uniats led to a complicated situation, of
which the Jacobite patriarch took advantage by send*
ing a bishop to form a Jacobite Malabar Church.
There were then three parties among them: Nesto-
rians, Jacobites, and Uniats. The line of Nestorian
metropolitans died out (it has been revived lately)
and nearly all the non-Uniat Thomas-Christians may
be counted as Monophysites since the eighteenth
century. But the Jacobite patriarch seems to have
forgotten them, so that after 1751 they chose their
own hierarchy and were an independent Church. In
the nineteenth century, after they had been prac-
tically rediscovered by the English, the Jacobites in
Syria tried to reassert authority over Malabar by
sending out a metropolitan named Athanasius. Atha-
nasius made a considerable disturbance, excommuni-
cated the hierarchy he found, and tried to reorganise
this Church in communion with the Syrian patriarch.
But the Rajah of Travancore took the side of the na-
tional Church and forced Athanasius to leave the coun-
try. Since then the Thomas-Christians have been a
3 trite independent Church whose communion with the
acobites of Syria is at most only theoretic. There
are about 70,000 of them under a metropolitan who
calls himself " Bishop and Gate of all India". He is
always named by his predecessor, i. e. each metropoli-
tan chooses a coadjutor with the right of succession.
The Thomas-Christians use Syriac liturgically and
describe themselves generally as "Syrians .
7. The Armenian Church is the last and the most
important of these Monophysite bodies. Although it
agrees in faith with the Copts and Jacobites it is not in
communion with them (a union arranged by a synod
in 726 came to nothing) nor with any other Church in
the world. This is a national Church in the strictest
sense of all: except for the large Armenian Uniat body
that forms the usual pendant, and for a very small
number of Protestants, every Armenian belongs to it,
and it has no members who are not Armenians. So in
this case the name of the nation and of the religion are
really the same. Only, since there are the Uniats, it is
necessary to distinguish whether an Armenian belongs
to them or to the schismaticai (Monophysite) Church.
Because of this distinction it is usual to call the others
Gregorian Armenians— after St. Gregory the Illumina-
tor— another polite concession of form on our part
akin to that of "Orthodox19 etc. Quite lately the
Gregorian Armenians have begun to call themselves
Orthodox. This has no meaning and only confuses
the issue. Of course each Church thinks itself really
Orthodox, and Catholic and Apostolic and Holy too.
But one must keep technical names clear, or we shall
always talk at cross purposes. The polite convention
throughout the Levant is that we are Catholics, that
people in communion with the "(Ecumenical Patri-
arch" are Orthodox, and that Monophysite Armenians
are Gregorian. They should be content with what is
an honourable title to which we and the Orthodox do
not of course think that they have really any right.
They have no real right to it, because the Apostle of
Armenia, St. Gregory the Illuminator (295), was no
Monophysite, but a Catholic in union with Rome.
The Armenian Church was in the first period subject
to the Metropolitan of Csesarea; he ordained its bish-
ops. It suffered persecution from the Persians and
was an honoured branch of the great Catholic Church
till the sixth century. Then Monophysitism spread
throughout Armenia from Syria, and in 527 the
Armenian primate, Nerses, in the Synod of Duin, for-
mally rejected the Council of Chalcedon. The schism
became quite manifest in 552, when the primate,
Abraham I, excommunicated the Church of Georgia
and all others who accepted the decrees of Chalcedon.
From that time the national Armenian Church
has been isolated from the rest of Christendom;
the continual attempts at reunion made by Catholic
missionaries, however, have established a considerable
body of Armenian Uniats. The Armenians are a pro-
lific and widespread race. They are found not only in
Armenia, but scattered all over the Levant and in
many cities of Europe and America. As they always
bring their Church with them, it is a large and impor-
tant community, second only to the Orthodox in size
among Eastern Churches. There are about three mil-
SA8TKRH 235 EASTERN
lions of Gregorian Armenians. Among their bishops ously. As a matter of fact, the real basis, though it if
four have the title of patriarch. The first is the Patri- superficially less obvious than rite, is patriarchate,
arch of Etchmiadzin, who bears as a special title that Uniats are Catholics who do not belong to the Roman
of catholicos. Etchmiadzin is a monastery in the prov- patriarchate. So these two remnants of other rites in
ince of Erivan, between the Black and the Caspian the West do not constitute Uniat Churches. In the
Seas, near Mount Ararat (since 1828 Russian territory). West, rite does not always follow patriarchate; the
It is the cradle of the race and their chief sanctuary, great Gallican Church, with her own rite, was always
Hie catholicos is the head of the Armenian Church and part of the Roman patriarchate ; so are Milan and To-
to a great extent of his nation too. Before the Rus- ledo. This, however, raises a new difficulty; for it
sian occupation of Erivan he had unlimited jurisdic- may be urged that in that case the I talc-Greeks are
tion over all Gregorian Armenians and was something not Uniats, since they certainly belong to the Roman
very like an Armenian pope. But since he sits under patriarchate. Thev do, of course; and they always
the shadow of Russia, and especially since the Russian have done so legally. But the constitution of these
Government has begun to interfere in his election and Italo-Greek Churches was originally the result of an
administration, the Armenians of Turkey have made attempt on the part of the Eastern emperors (Leo III,
themselves nearly independent of him. The second 717-741, especially; see "Orth. Eastern Church", 45-
rank belongs to the Patriarch of Constantinople. They 47) to filch them from the Roman patriarchate and
have had a bishop at Constantinople since 1307. In join them to that of Constantinople. Although the
1461 Mohammed II gave this bishop the title of Patri- attempt did not succeed, the descendants of the Greeks
arch of the Armenians, so as to rivet their loyalty to in Calabria, Sicily, etc., have kept the Byzantine Rite,
his capital and to form a millet (nation) on the same They are an exception to the rule, invariable in the
footing as the Rum millet (the Orthodox Church). East, that rite follows patriarchate, and are an excep-
This patriarch is the person responsible to the Porte tion to the general principle about Uniats too. As they
for his race, has the same privileges as his Orthodox have no diocesan bishops of their own, on this ground
rival,, and now uses the jurisdiction over all Turkish it may well be denied that thev form a Uniat Cnurch.
Armenians that formerly belonged to the catholicos. An Italo-Greek may best be denned as a member of the
Under him, and little more than titular patriarchs, are Roman patriarchate in Italy, Sicily, or Corsica, who,
those of Sis in Cilicia (a title kept after a temporary as a memory of older arrangements, is still allowed to
schism in 1440) and Jerusalem (whose title was as- use the Byzantine Rite. With regard to the funda-
sumed illegally in the eighteenth century). The Ar- mental distinction of patriarchate, it must be noted
menians have seven dioceses in the Russian Empire, that it is no longer purely geographical. A Latin in
two in Persia, and thirty-five in Turkey. They distin- the East belongs to the Roman patriarchate as much
guish archbishops from bishops by an honorary pre- as if he lived in the West; Latin missionaries every-
oedence only and have an upper class of priests called where and the new dioceses in Australia and America
Vartapeds, who are celibate and provide all the higher count as part of what was once the patriarchate of
offices (bishops are always taken from their ranks). Western Europe. So also the Melkites in Leghorn,
There are, of course, as in all Eastern Churches, many Marseilles, and Paris belong to the (Uniat) Byzantine
monks. In many ways the Armenian (Gregorian) patriarchate, though, as foreigners, they are temporar-
Church has been influenced by Rome, so that they are lly subject to Latin bishops.
among Eastern schismatical bodies the only one that A short enumeration and description of the Uniats
can be described as at all latinized. Examples of will complete this picture of the Eastern Churches,
such influence are their use of unleavened bread for It is, in the first place, a mistake (encouraged by East-
the Holy Eucharist, their vestments (the mitre is al- era schismatics and Anglicans) to look upon these
most exactly the Roman one), etc. This appears to be Uniats as a sort of compromise between Latin and the
the result of opposition to their nearer rivals, the Orth- other rites, or between Catholics and schismatics,
odox. In any case, at present the Armenians are Nor is it true that they are Catholics to whom grudg-
probably nearer to the Catholic Church and better dis- ing leave has been given to keep something of their
posed for reunion than any other of these commu- national customs. Their position is quite simple and
nions. Their Monophysitism is now very vague and quite logical. Thev represent exactly the state of the
shadowy — as indeed is the case with most Monophy- Eastern Churches before the schisms. They are en-
site Churches. It is from them that the greatest pro- tirely and uncompromisingly Catholics in our strictest
portion of Uniats have been converted. sense of the word, quite as much as Latins. They ac-
This brings us to the end of the Monophysite bodies cept the whole Catholic Faith and the authority of the
and so to the end of all schismatical Eastern Churches, pope as visible head of the Catholic Church, as did St.
A further schism was indeed caused by the Monothe- Atnanasius, St. Basil, St. John Chrysostom. They do
fete heresy in the seventh century, but the whole of the not belong to the pope's patriarchate, nor do they use
Church then formed (the Maronite Church) has been his rite, any more than did the great saints of Eastern
for many centuries reunited with Rome. So Maron- Christendom. They have their own rites and their
ites have their place only among the Uniats. own patriarchs, as had their fathers before the schism.
We have, then, as schismatical Eastern Churches, Nor is there any idea of compromise or concession
first, the great Orthodox Church, then one Church about this. The Catholic Church has never been iden-
formed by the Nestorian heresy and five as the result tified with the Western patriarchate. The pope's
of Monophysitism (those of the Copts, Abyssinians, position as patriarch of the west is as distinct from his
Jacobites, Malabar Christians, and Armenians). Cor- papal rights as is his authority as local Bishop of
responding to each of these is a Uniat Church, with one Rome. It is no more necessary to belong to his patri-
additional entirely Uniat community (the Maronites). archate in order to acknowledge his supreme junsdio-
B. Uniat Churches. — The definition of a Uniat is: tion than it is necessary to nave bim for diocesan
a Christian of any Eastern rite in union with the pope : bishop. The Eastern Catholic Churches in union with
L e. a Catholic who belongs not to the Roman, but to an the West have always been as much the ideal of the
Eastern rite. They differ from other Eastern Chris- Church Universal as the Latin Church. If som3 of
tians in that they are in communion with Rome, and those Eastern Churches fall into schism, that is a mis-
from Latins in that they have other rites. A curious, fortune which does not affect the others who remain
but entirely theoretic, question of terminology is: Are faithful. If all fall away, the Eastern half of the
Milanese and Mozarabic Catholics Uniats? If we Church disappears for a time as an actual fact; it re-
make rite our basis, they are. That is, they are Cath- mains as a tneory and an ideal to be realized again as
olics who do not belong to the Roman Rite. The point soon as they, or some of them, come back to union
has sometimes been urged rather as a catch than sen- with Rome.
EASTERN
236
EASTERN
This is what has happened. There is at any rate no
certain evidence of continuity from time before the
schism in any of these Uniat Churches. Through the
bad time, from the various schisms to the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, there are traces, isolated
cases, of bishops who have at least wished for reunion
with the West ; but it cannot be claimed that any con-
siderable body of Eastern Christians have kept the
union throughout. The Maronites think they have,
but they are mistaken ; the only real case is that of the
Italo-Greeks (who have never been schismatic).
Really the Uniat Churches were formed by Catholic
missionaries since the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
turies. And as soon as any number of Eastern Chris-
tians were persuaded to reunite with the West, the
situation that had existed before the schisms became
an actual one again. They became Catholics; no one
thought of asking them to become Latins.. They
were given bishops and patriarchs of their own as suc-
cessors of the old Catholic Eastern bishops before the
schism, and they became what all Eastern Christians
had once been — Uniats. That the Uniats are com-
paratively small bodies is the unfortunate result of the
fact that the majority of their countrymen prefer
schism. Our missionaries would willingly make them
larger ones. But, juridically, they stand exactly
where all the East once stood, before the Greek schism,
or during the short-lived union of Florence (1439-53).
And they have as much right to exist and be respected
as have Latins, or the great Catholic bishops in the
East had during the first centuries. The idea of latin-
izing all Eastern Catholics, sometimes defended by
people on our side whose zeal for uniformity is greater
than their knowledge of the historical and juridical
situation, is diametrically opposed to antiquity, to the
Catholic system of ecclesiastical organization, and to
the policy of all popes. Nor has it any hope of suc-
cess. The East may become Catholic agam; it will
never be what it never has been — Latin.
1. The Byzantine Uniat* are those who correspond
to the Orthodox. They all use the same (Byzantine)
Rite ; but they are not all organized as one body. They
form seven groups: (a) the Melkites in Syria and
Egypt (about 110,000), under a Patriarch of Antioch
who administers, and bears the titles of, Alexandria
and Jerusalem too. They have eleven dioceses and
use Arabic Hturgicalljr with fragments of Greek,
though any of their priests may (and some do) cele-
brate entirely in Greek. The old name "Melkite",
which meant originally one who accepted the decrees
of Chalcedon (and the imperial laws), as against the
Jacobites and Copts, is now used only for these Uniats.
(b) There are a few hundred Uniats of this Rite in
Greece and Turkey in Europe. They use Greek litur-
gically and depend on Latin delegates at Constanti-
nople and Athens, (c) One Georgian congregation of
Constantinople (last remnant of the old Georgian
Church destroyed by Russia), who use their own lan-
guage and obey the Latin Delegate, (d) The Ruthen-
lans, of whom there are nearly four millions in Aus-
tria-Hungary and hidden still in corners of Russia.
They use Old Slavonic, (e) The Bulgarian Uniats
(about 13,000), under two vicars Apostolic, who also
use Old Slavonic. (0 Rumanian Uniats (about a
million and a half) in Rumania, but chiefly in Tran-
sylvania. They have four bishops and use their own
language in the liturgy, (g) The Italo-Greeks (about
50,000), a remnant of the old Church of Greater
Greece. They are scattered about Calabria and
Sicily, have a famous monastery near Rome (Grotta-
ferrata) and colonies at Leghorn, Malta, Algiers, Mar-
seilles, and Corsica, besides a church (St-Julien le
Pauvre) at Paris. They use Greek liturgically, but,
living as they do^ surrounded by Latins, they have
considerably latinized their rites.
This completes the list of Byzantine Uniats, of
whom it may be said that the chief want is organiza-
tion among themselves. There has often been talk of
restoring a Uniat (Melkite) Patriarch of Constanti-
nople. It was said that. Pope Leo XIII intended to
arrange this before he died. If such 'a revival ever is
made, the patriarch would have jurisdiction, or at
least a primacy, over all Catholics of his Rite; in this
way the scattered unities of Melkites in Syria, Ruthen-
ians in Hungary, Italo-Greeks in Sicily, and so on,
would be linked together as are all other Uniat
Churches.
2. The Chaldeea are Uniats converted from Nestor-
ianism. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a
complicated series of quarrels and schisms among the
Nestorians led to not very stable unions of first one
and then another party with the Holy See. Since
that time there has always been a Uniat Patriarch of
the Chaldees, though several times the person so ap-
pointed fell away into schism again and had to be re-
placed by another. The Chaldees are said now to
number about 70,000 souls (Silbernagl, op. cit., 354;
but Werner, "Orbis Terr. Oath.", 166, gives the number
as 33,000). Their primate lives at Mosul, having the
title of Patriarch of Babylon. Under him are two
archbishoprics and ten other sees. There are monas-
teries whose arrangements are very similar to those of
the Nestorians. The liturgical books (in Syriac,
slightly revised from the Nestorian ones) are printed
by the Dominicans at Mosul . Most of their canon law
depends on the Bull of Pius IX, "Reversurus" (12
July, 1867), published for the Armenians and ex-
tended to /the 'Chaldees by another Bull, "Cum ec-
clesiastica" (31 Aug., 1869). They have some, stu-
dents at the Propaganda College in Rome.
3. The Uniat Copts have had a vicar Apostolic
since 1781. Before that (in 1442 and again in 1713)
the Coptic patriarch had submitted to Rome, but in
neither case was the union of long duration. As the
number of Catholics of this Rite has increased very
considerably of late years, Leo XIII in 1895 restored
the Uniat patriarchate. The patriarch lives at
Cairo and rules over about 20,000 Catholic Copts.
4. The Abyssinian*, too, had many relations with
Rome in past times, and Latin missionaries built up a
considerable Uniat Abyssinian Church. But re-
peated persecutions and banishment of Catholics pre-
vented this community from becoming a permanent
one with a regular hierarchy. Now that the Govern-
ment is tolerant, some thousands of Abyssinians are
Uniats. They have an Apostolic vicar at Keren. If
their numbers increase, no doubt they will in time be
organized under a Uniat Abuna who should depend on
the Uniat Coptic patriarch. Their liturgy, too, is at
present in a state of disorganization. It seems that
the Monophysite Abyssinian books will need a good
deal of revisibn before they can be used by Catholics.
Meanwhile the priests ordained for this rite have a
translation of the Roman Mass in their own language,
an arrangement that is not meant to be more than a
temporary expedient.
5. The Catholic Syrian Church dates from 1781. At
that time a number of Jacobite bishops, priests, and
lay people, who had agreed to reunion with Rome,
elected one Ignatius Giarve to succeed the dead Jaco-
bite patriarch, George HI- Giarve sent to Rome ask-
ing for recognition and a pallium, and submitting in
all things to the pope's authority. But he was then
deposed by those of his people who clung to Jacobit-
ism, and a Jacobite patriarch was elected. From this
time there have been two rival successions. In 1830
the Catholic Syrians were acknowledged by the Turk-
ish Government as a separate millet. The Uniat patri-
arch lives at Beirut, most of his flock in Mesopotamia.
Under him are three archbishops and six other bish-
ops, five monasteries, and about 25,000 families.
6. There is also a Uniat Church of Malabar formed
by the Synod of Diamper in 1599. This Church, too,
has passed through stormy periods; quite lately, since
■
EASTERN
237
EASTERN
the Vatican Council, a new schism has been formed
from it of about 30,000 people who are in communion
with neither the Catholics, nor the Jacobites, nor the
Nestorians, nor any one else at all. There are now
about 200,000 Malabar Uniats under three vicars
Apostolic (at Trichur, Changanacherry, and Ernacu-
lam).
7. The Uniat Armenians are an important body
numbering altogether about 130,000 souls (Silbernagl,
344). Like their Gregorian countrymen, they are
scattered about the Levant, and they have congrega-
tions in Austria and Italy. There have been several
more or less temporary reunions of the Armenian
Church since the fourteenth century, but in each case a
rival Gregorian party set up rival patriarchs and bish-
ops. The head of the Catholic Armenians is the Uniat
Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople (since 1830), in
whom is joined the patriarchate of Cilicia. He al-
ways takes the name Peter, and rules over three titu-
lar archbishops and fourteen sees, of which one is
Alexandria and one Ispahan in Persia (Werner, 151 ;
Silbernagl, 346). After much dispute he is now recog-
nized by the Porte as the head of a separate millet, and
he also represents before the Government all other
Uniat bodies that have as yet no political organization.
There are also many Uniat Armenians in Austria-
Hungary who are subject in Transylvania to the Latin
bishops, but in Galicia to the Armenian Archbishop of
Lemberg. In Russia there is an Armenian Uniat
See of Artvin immediately subject to the pope. The
Mechitarists (founded by Mechitar of Sebaste in 1711)
are an important element of Armenian Catholicism.
They are monks who follow the Rule of St. Benedict
and have monasteries at San Lazzaro outside Venice,
at Vienna, and in many towns in the Balkans, Ar-
menia, and Russia. They have missions all over the
Levant, schools, and presses that produce important
liturgical, historical, and theological works. Since
1869 all Armenian Catholic priests must be celibate.
8. Lastly, the Maronite Church is entirely Uniat.
There is much dispute as to its origin and the reason of
its separation from the Syrian national Church. It is
certain that it was formed around monasteries in the
Lebanon founded by a certain John Maro in the fourth
century. In spite of the indignant protests of all
Maromtes (Assemani, "Bibl. Orient.", II. 291 sq.; J.
Debs, Maronite Bishop of Beirut, " Lea Maronites du
Liban, leur constante perseverance dans la Foi catho-
lique" etc.), there is no doubt that they were separated
from the old See of Antioch by the fact that they were
Monotheletes. They were reunited to the Roman
Church in the twelfth century, and then (after a period
of. wavering) since 1216, when their patriarch, Jere-
mias II, made his definite submission, they have been
unswervingly faithful, alone among all Eastern
Churches. As in other cases, the Maronites, too, are
allowed to keep their p\d organization and titles.
Their head is the Maronite " Patriarch of Antioch and
all the East1', successor to Monothelete rivals of the
old line, who, therefore, in no way represents the ori-
ginal patriarchate (Duchesne, Ongines du culte
chre'tien". second ed., p. 65, note). He is also the
civil head of his nation, although he has no berat
from the sultan, and lives in a large palace at Bkerki
in the Lebanon. He has under him nine sees and sev-
eral titular bishops. There are many monasteries and
convents. The present law of the Maronite Church
was drawn up by the great national council held in
1736 at the monastery of Our Lady of the Almond
Trees (Deir SaXdat al-Luaize), in the Lebanon. There
are about 300,000 Maronites in the Lebanon and scat-
tered along the Syrian coast. They also have colon-
ies in Egypt and Cyprus, and numbers of them have
lately begun to emigrate to America. They have a
national college at Rome.
This completes the list of all the Eastern Churches,
whether schismatics! or Uniat.
In considering their general characteristics we must
first of all again separate the Uniats from the others.
Uniats are Catholics, and have as much right to be so
treated as Latins. As far as faith and morals go they
must be numbered with us; as far as the idea of an
Eastern Church may now' seem to connote schism or a
state of opposition to the Holy See, they repudiate it
as strongly as we do. Nevertheless, their position is
very important as being the result of relations between
Rome and the East, and as showing the terms on
which reunion between East and West is possible.
III. Characteristics of the Schismatical East-
ern Churches. — Although these Churches have no
communion among themselves, and although many of
them are bitterly opposed to the others, there are cer-
tain broad lines m which they may be classed together
and contrasted with the West.
The first of these is their national feeling. In all
these groups the Church is the nation; the vehement
and often intolerant ardour of what seems to be their
religious conviction is always really national pride and
national loyalty under the guise of theology. This
strong national feeling is the natural result of their
political circumstances. For centuries, Bince the first •
ages, various nations have lived side by side and have
carried on bitter opposition against each other in the
Levant. Syria, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Balk-
ans have never had one homogeneous population
speaking one language. From the beginning, nation-
ality in these parts has been a question not of the soil,
but of a community held together by its language,
striving for supremacy with other communities. The
Roman contest accentuated this. Rome and then
Constantinople was always a foreign tyranny to Syr-
ians and Egyptians. And already in the fourth cen-
tury of the Christian Era they began to accentuate
their own nationalism, crushed in politics, by taking
up an anti-imperial form of religion, by which they
could express their hatred for the Government. Sued
an attitude has characterized these nations ever since.
Under the Turk, too, the only possible separate organi-
zation was and is an ecclesiastical one. The Turk
even increased the confusion. He found a simple and
convenient way of organizing the subject Christians by
taking their religion as a basis. So the Porte recog-
nizes each sect as an artificial nation imillet). The
Orthodox Church became the " Roman nation" (Rum
millet), inheriting the name of the old Empire. Then
there were the "Armenian nation" (Ermeni millet),
the " Coptic nation", and so on. Blood has nothing
to do with it. Any subject of the Porte who joins the
Orthodox Church becomes a Roman and is submitted
politically to the oecumenical patriarch; a Jew who is
converted by Armenians becomes an Armenian. True,
the latest development of Turkish politics has modi-
fied this artificial system, and there have been during
the nineteenth century repeated attempts to set up
one great Ottoman nation. But the effect of centuries
is too deeply rooted, and the opposition between Islam
and Christianity too great, to make this possible. A
Mohammedan in Turkey, whether Turk, Arab, or
negro, is simply a Moslem, and a Christian is a Roman,
or Armenian, or Maronite, etc. Our Western idea of
separating politics from religion, of being on the one
hand loyal citizens of our country and on the other, as
a quite distinct thing, members of some Church, is
unknown in the East. The millet is what matters;
and the millet is a religious body. So obvious does
this identification seem to them that till quite lately
they applied it to us. A Catholic was (and still is to
the more remote and ignorant people) a "French
Christian" a Protestant an "English Christian"; in
speaking French or Italian, Levantines constantly use
the word nation for religion. Hence it is, also, that
there are practically no conversions from one religion
to another. Theology, dogma, or any kind of relig-
ious conviction counts for little or nothing. A man
ri
XA8TERH
238
EASTERN
keeps to his millet and hotly defends it, as we do to our
•atherlands; for a Jacobite to turn Orthodox would be
tike a Frenchman turning German.
We have noted that religious conviction counts for
little. It is hard to say how much any of these bodies
(Nestorian or Monophysite)' are now even conscious of
what was once the cardinal issue of their schism. The
bishops and more educated clergy have no doubt a
general and hazy idea of the question — Nestorians
think that everyone else denies Christ's real manhood,
Monophysites that all their opponents " divide Christ ".
But what stirs their enthusiasm is not the metaphys-
ical problem; it is the conviction that what they be-
lieve is the faith of their fathers, the heroes of their
" nation " who were persecuted by the other millets, as
they are to-day (for there everyone thinks that every-
one else persecutes his religion). Opposed to ail these
little milsl (plural of millet) there looms, each decade
mightier and more dangerous, the West, Europe,
Frengistan (of which the United States, of course,
forms part to them). Their lands are overrun with
Frengis; Frengi schools tempt their young men, and
Frengi churches, with eloquent sermons and attractive
services, their women. They frequent the schools
assiduously; for the Levantine has discovered that
arithmetic, French, and physical science are useful
helps to earning a good living. But to accept the
Frengi religion means treason to their nation. It is a
matter of course to them that we are Catholics or
Protestants, those are our mildl; but an Armenian, a
Copt, a Nestorian does not become a Frengi. Against
this barrier argument, quotation of Scripture, texts of
Fathers, accounts of Church history, break in vain.
Your opponent listens, is perhaps even mildly inter-
ested, and then goes about his business as before.
Frengis are very clever and learned; but of course he
is an Armenian, or whatever it may be. Sometimes
whole bodies move (as Nestorian dioceses have lately
begun to coquet with Russian Orthodoxy), and then
every member moves too. One cleaves to one's millet
whatever it does. Certainly, if the heads of any body
can be persuaded to accept reunion with Rome, the
rank and tile will make no difficulty, unless there be
another party strong enough to proclaim that those
heads have deserted the nation.
The second characteristic, a corollary of the first, is
the intense conservatism, of all these bodies. They cling
fanatically to their rites, even to the smallest custom
— because it is by these that the millet is held together.
Liturgical language is the burning question m the
Balkans. They are all Orthodox, but inside the Ortho-
dox Church there are various muOi — Bulgars. Vlachs,
» Serbs, Greeks, whose bond of union is the language
used m church. So one understands the uproar made
in Macedonia about language in the liturgy; the revo-
lution among the Serbs of Uskub in 1896, when their
new metropolitan celebrated in Greek (Orth. Eastern
Church, 326); the ludicrous scandal at Monastir, in
Macedonia, when they fought over a dead man's body
and set the whole town ablaze because some wanted
him to be buried in Greek and some in Rumanian (op.
cit., 333). The great and disastrous Bulgarian schism,
the schism at Antioch, are simply questions of the
nationality of the clergy and the language they use.
It follows then that the great difficulty in the
way of reunion is this question of nationality.
Theology counts for very little. Creeds and argu-
ments, even when people seem to make much of
them, are really only shibboleths, convenient expres-
sions of what they really care about^-their nation.
The question of nature and person in Christ, the
FUiogue in the Creed, azyme bread, and so on do not
really stir the heart of the Eastern Christian. But he
will not become a Frengi. Hence the importance of
the Uniat Churches. Once for all these people will
never become Latins, nor is there any reason why they
ahould. The wisdom of the Holy See has always been
to restore union, to insist on the Catholic Faith, and
for the rest to leave each millet alone with its own
native hierarchy, its own language, its own rites.
When this is done we have a Uniat Church.
IV. Rome and the Eastern Churches. — The
attempts at reunion date from after the schism of
"Michael Caerularius (1054). Before that Rome was
little concerned about the older Nestorian and Mono-
physite schisms. The conversion of these people might
well be left to their neighbours, the Catholics of the
Eastern Empire. Naturally, in those days the Greeks
set about this conversion in the most disastrous way
conceivable. It was the Government of Constantinople
that tried to convert them back along the most impos-
sible line, by destroying their nationality and central-
izing them under the patriarch of the imperial city.
And the means used were, frankly and crudely, perse-
cution. Monophysite conventicles were broken up by
imperial soldiers, Monophysite bishops banished or*
executed. Of course this confirmed their hatred of
Caesar and Caesar's religion. The East, before as well
as after the great schism, did nothing towards pacify-
v ing the schismatics at its ga^es. Only quite lately has
Russia taken a more reasonable and conciliatory atti-
tude towards Nestorians in Persia and Abyssmians,
who are outside her political power. Her attitude
towards people she can persecute may be seen in her
abominable treatment of the Armenians in Russia.
It was, in the first instance, with the Orthodox that
Rome treated with a view to reunion. The Second
Council of Lyons (1274) and the Council of Ferrara-
Florence (1438-39) were the first efforts on a large
scale. And at Florence were at least some representa-
tives of all the other Eastern Churches; as a kind of
supplement to the great affair of the Orthodox, reunion
with them was considered too. None of these re-
unions were stable. Nevertheless they were, and they
remain, important facts. They (the union of Florence
especially) were preceded by elaborate discussions in
which the attitudes of East and West, Orthodox and
Catholic, were clearly compared. Every'question was
examined — the primacy, the Filioque, azyme bread,
purgatory, celibacy, etc. The Council of Florence has
not been forgotten in the East. It showed Eastern
Christians what the conditions of reunion are, and it
has left them always conscious that reunion is possible
and is greatly desired by Rome. And on the other
hand it remains always as an invaluable precedent for
the Roman Court. The attitude of the Holy See at
Florence was the only right one: to be quite unswerv-
ing in the question of faith and to concede everything
else that possibly can be conceded. There is no need
of uniformity in rites or in canon law; as long as prac-
tices are not absolutely bad and immoral, each Church
may work out its own development along its own
lines. Customs that would not suit the West may suit
the East very well; and we have no right to auarrei
with such customs as long as they are not forcea upon
us. So, at Florence, in all these matters there was no
attempt at changing the old order. Each Church was
to keep its own liturgy and its own canon law as far as
that was not incompatible with the Roman primacy,
which is defide. The very decree that proclaimed the
primacy added the clause, that the pope guides and
rules the whole Church of God "without prejudice to
the rights and privileges of the other patriarchs ".
And the East was to keep its married clergy and its
leavened bread, was not to say the FUioque in the
Creed, nor use solid statues, nor do any of the things
they resent as being Latin. This has been the attitude
of Rome ever since. Many popes have published de-
crees, Encyclicals, Bulls that show that they have
never forgotten the venerable and ancient Churches
cut off from us by these schisms; in all these docu-
ments consistently the tone and attitude are the same.
If there has been any latinizing movement among
Uniats, it has sprung up among themselves; they have
EASTERN
239
EASTERN
occasionally been disposed to copy practices of the far
richer and mightier Latin Church with which they are
united. But all the Roman documents point the other
way. If any Eastern customs have been discouraged
or forbidden, it is because they were obviously abuses
and immoral like the quasi-hereditary patriarchate of
the Nestorians, or sheer paganism like the supersti-
tions forbidden by the Maronite Synod of 1736. True,
their liturgical books have been altered in places; true
also that in the past these corrections were made some-
times by well-meaning officials of Propaganda whose
liturgical knowledge was not equal to their pious seal.
But in this case, too, the criterion was not conformity
with the Roman Rite, but purification from supposed
(sometimes mistakenly supposed) false doctrine. That
the Maronite Rite is so latinised is due to its own
clergy. It was the Maronites themselves who insisted
on using our vestments, our asyme bread, our Com-
munion under one kind, till these things had to be
recognized, because they were already ancient customs
to them prescribed by the use of generations.
A short survey of papal documents relating to the
Eastern Churches will make these points clear. — Be-
fore Pius IX, the most important of these documents
was Benedict XIV 's Encyclical "Allata* sunt11 of 2
July, 1755. In it the pope is able to quote a long list
of his predecessors who had already cared for the
Eastern Churches and their rites. He mentions acts
of Innocent III (1198-1216), Honorius III (1216-27),
Innocent IV (1243-54), Alexander IV (1254-61),
Gregory X (1271-76), Nicholas III (1277^80), Eugene
IV (1431-47), Leo X (1513-21), Clement VII (1528-
34), Pius IV (155&-65), all to this effect. Gregory
XIII (1572-85) founded at Rome colleges for Greeks,
Maronites, Armenians. In 1602 Clement VIII pub-
lished a decree allowing Ruthenian priests to celebrate
their rite in Latin churches. In 1624 Urban VIII for-
bade Ruthenians to become Latins, and Clement
IX, in 1669, published the same order for Uniat Ar-
menians (AllatflB sunt, I). Benedict XIV not only
auotes these examples of former popes, he confirms
le same principle by new laws. In 1742 he had re-
-established the Ruthenian Church with the Byzan-
tine Rite after the national Council of Zamosc, con-
firming again the laws of Clement VIII in 1595. When
the Melkite Patriarch of Antioch wanted to change the
use of the Presanctified Liturgy in his Rite, Benedict
XIV answered: "The ancient rubrics of the Greek
Church must be kept unaltered, and your priests must
be made to follow them" (Bullarium Ben. AlV., Tom.
I). He ordains that Melkites who, for lack of a priest
of their own Rite, had been baptised by a Latin, should
not be considered as having changed to our Use: " We
forbid absolutely that any Catholic Melkites who fol-
low the Greek Rite should pass over to the Latin Rite ' '
(ib., cap. xviii). The Encyclical "Allatse sunt" for-
bids missionaries to convert schismatics to the Latin
Rite; when they become Catholics they must join the
corresponding Uniat Church (XI). In the Bull " Etsi
pastoralis" (1742) the same pope orders that there
shall be no precedence because oi Rite. Each prelate
shall have rank according to his own position or the
date of his ordination ; in mixed dioceses, if the bishop
is Latin (as in Southern Italy), he is to have at least
one vicar-general of the other Rite (IX).
Most of all did the last two popes show their con-
cern for Eastern Christendom. Each by a number of
Acta carried on the tradition of conciliation towards
the schismatical Churches and of protection of Uniat
Rites. Pius IX, in his Encyclical In Suprema Petri "
(Epiphany, 1848), again assures non-Umats that "we
will keep unchanged your liturgies, which indeed we
foeatly honour"; schismatic clergy who join the
Catholic Church are to keep the same rank and posi-
tion as they had before. In 1853 the Uniat Ruman-
ians were given a bishop of their own Rite, and in the
Allocution made on that occasion, as well as in the one
to the Armenians on 2 February, 1854, he again in-
sists on the same principle. In 1860 the Bulgars, dis-
gusted with the rhanar (the Greeks of Constantino-
ple), approached the Catholic Armenian patriarch,
Hassun; he, and the pope confirming him, promised
that there should be no latinizing of their Rite.
Pius IX founded, 6 January, 1862, a separate depart-
ment for the Oriental Rites as a special section of the
great Propaganda Congregation. Leo XIII in 1888
wrote a letter to the Armenians (Paterna charitas) in
which he exhorts the Gregorians to reunion, always on
the same terms. But his most important act, per-
haps the most important of all documents of this kind,
' is the Encyclical "Orientalium dignitas ecclesiarum"
of 30 November, 1894. In this letter the pope re-
viewed and confirmed all similar acts of his predeces-
sors and then strengthened them by yet seyerer laws
against any form of latinizing the East. The first
part of the Encyclical quotes examples of the care of
former popes for Eastern Rites, especially of Pius IX;
Pope Leo remembers also what he nimself has already
done for the same cause — the foundation of colleges, at
Rome, Philippopoli, Adrianople, Athens, and St. Aim
at Jerusalem. He again commands that in these col-
leges students should be exactly trained to observe
their own rites. He praises these venerable Eastern
liturgies as representing most ancient and sacred
traditions, and quotes again the text that has been
used so often for this purpose, circumdata varietate
applied to the queen, who is the Church (Ps. sriiv, 10).
The Constitutions of Benedict XIV against latinizers
are confirmed ; new and most severe laws are promul-
gated: any missionary who tries to persuade a Uniat
to join the Latin Rite is ipso facto suspended, and is to
be expelled from his place. In colleges where boys of
different Rites are educated there are to be priests of
each Rite to administer the sacraments. In case of
need one may receive a sacrament from a priest of an-
other Rite ; but for Communion it should be, if possible,
at least one who uses the same kind of bread. Iro
length of use can prescribe a change of Rite. A
woman in marrying may conform to her husband's
Rite, but if she becomes a widow she must go back to
her own.
In the Encyclical "Prceclara gratulationis", of 20
June, 1894, that has been often described as "Leo
XIII 's testament'1, he again turned to the Eastern
Churches and invited them in the most courteous and
the gentlest way to come back to communion with us.
He assures schismatics that no great difference exists
between their faith and ours, and repeats once more that
he would provide for all their customs without narrow-
ness (Ortn. Eastern Church, 434, 435). It was this
letter that called forth the unpardonably offensive
answer of Anthimos VII of Constantinople (op. cit.,
435-438). Nor, as long as he lived, dW Leo XIII
cease caring for Eastern Churches. On 11 June, 1895,
he wrote the letter "Unitas Christiana11 to the Copts,
and on 24 December of the same year he restored the
Uniat Coptic patriarchate. Lastly, on 19 March,
1895, in a motu propria, he again insisted on the rever-
ence due to the Eastern Churches and explained the
duties of Latin delegates in the East. As a last ex-
ample of all. Pius A in his Allocution, after the now
famous celebration of the Byzantine Liturgy in his
presence on 12 February, 1908, again repeated the
same declaration of respect for Eastern rites and cus-
toms and the same assurance of his intention to pre-
serve them (Echos d 'Orient, May, 1908, 129-31).
Indeed this spirit of conservatism with regard to litur-
S'es is in our own time growing steadily at Rome with
te increase of liturgical knowledge, so that there is
reason to believe that whatever unintentional mis-
takes have been made in the past (chiefly with regard
to the Maronite and Uniat Armenian rites) will now
gradually be corrected, and that the tradition of the
.most entire acceptance and recognition of other rites
EASTERWINE
240
EATA
m the East will be maintained even more firmly than
in the past.
On the other hand, in spite of occasional outbursts
of anti-papal feeling on the part of the various chiefs
of these Churches, it is certain that the vision of unity
is beginning to make itself seen very widely in the
East. In the first place, education and contact with
Western Europeans inevitably breaks down a great
part of the old prejudice, jealousy, and fear of us. It
was a Latin missionary who said lately: "They are
finding out that we are neither so vicious nor so clever
as they had thought.19 And with this intercourse
grows the hope of regeneration for their own nations
by contact with the West. Once they realize that we
do not want to eat them up, and that their mildl are
safe, whatever happens, they cannot but see the ad-
vantages we have to offer them. And with this feel-
ing goes the gradual realization of something larger in
the way of a Church than their own mildl. Hitherto,
it was difficult to say what the various Eastern schis-
matics understood by the "Catholic Church" in the
creed . The Orthodox certainly always mean their own
communion only (" Orth. Eastern Church ", 366-370) ;
the other smaller bodies certainly hold that they alone
have the true faith ; every one else — especially Latins
— is a heretic. So, presumably, for them, too, the
Catholic Church is only their own body. But this is
passing with the growth of more knowledge of other
countries and a juster sense of perspective. The Nes-
torian who looks at a map of the world can hardly go
on believing that his sect is the only and whole Church
of Christ. And with the apprehension of larger is-
sues there comes the first wish for reunion. For a
Church consisting of mutually excommunicate bodies
is a monstrosity that is rejected by everyone (except
perhaps some Armenians) in the East.
The feeling out towards the West for sympathy,
help, and perhaps eventually communion, is in the di-
rection of Catholics, not of Protestants. Protestant-
ism is too remote from all their theology, and its
principles are too destructive of all their system for it
to attract them. Harnack notes this of Russians:
that their more friendly feeling towards the West
tends Romeward, not m an Evangelical direction
(Reden und Aufsatze, II, 279) ; it is at least equally
true of other Eastern Churches. When the convic-
tion has spread that they have everything to gain by
becoming again members of a really universal Church,
that union with Rome means all the advantages of
Western ideas and a sound theological position, and
that, on the other hand, it leaves the national millet
untouched, un-latinized, and only the stronger for so
powerful an alliance, then indeed the now shadowy
and remote issues about nature and person in Christ,
the entirely artificial grievances of the FHioque ana
our azyme bread will easily be buried in the dust that
has gathered over them for centuries, and Eastern
Christians may some day wake up and find that there
is nothing to do but to register again a union that
ought never to have been broken.
Eastern Churches in Oeneral. — Kattknbusch, Lehrbuch der
verglHchenden Confessionskunde (Freiburg im Br.. 1802), I;
Silbernaol, Verfassung und gegenwdrtiger Bestana samtlicher
Kirchen des Orient* (2nd ed., Katisbon, 1004); Dolunoer,
Ueber die Wiedervereinigung der chriatlicnen Kirchen (Munich,
1888); Duchesjcb Eglises Siparees (Paris, 1896), tr. Mathews,
The Churches Separated from Rome (London. 1008); Lequikn,
Oriens Christianus (3 vols., Paris, 1740); d Avril, Lee iglises
autonomes et autodphales (raris, 1805).
Separate Churches. — Fortescub, The Orthodox Eastern
Church (London, 1007). and works mentioned in the biblio-
graphy, pp. xv-rxvii; Denzinoer, Ritus Orientalium (2 vols.,
Wurzburg, 1863); Ass em a ni, Bibliotheca Orientalis (Rome,
1710-28); Badger, The Nestorians and their Ritual (2 vols.,
London, 1852); Perkins^ A Residence of Eight Yean in Persia
amona the Nestorian Christians (New York, 1843); Wiqram,
The Doctrinal Position of the Assyrian or East Syrian Church
(London, 1008); Vansleb, Histoire ds Viglise oVAlexandrU
(Paris, 1677); Abudachna, Historia Jacobitarum seu Cop-
torum in /Eqypto, I/ybia, Nubia, JEthiopia habitantium, ed.
Seelen (Ltiibeck, 1733): Werner, Lehrs und Qeschichts der
Abessinischen Kirche in Zeitschrift fUr hath. Theol. (1802). For
the Syrian Jacobites, see Abbbiiani, op. cit. supra, II; Kletn,
Jacobus Baradeus ds Stichter der Syrische monophysietische Kerk
(Leyden, 1882); Lynch, Armenia (2 vols., London, 1001);
Qermann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen (Gutersloh, 1877);
Rax, The Syrian Church in India (London, 1802).
The Uniats. — Missiones Catholica (Rome. Propaganda Press,
1007); Kohler, Die kathol. Kirchen des Morgenlandes (Darm-
stadt, 1808): Werner, Orbis Terrarum Catholicus (Freiburg
im Bi\, 1800), x, xi, xv. xvi-xxiv; Silbernaol. op. cit., Pt. II,
325-85; Nilles, Kalendarium manuale (2nd ©a., 2 vols., Inns-
bruck, 1806-7), contains valuable notes and statistics of Uniat
Churches; d' Avril, Documents relatifs aux iglises d? Orient (3rd
ed., Paris, 1885), a selection of documents to illustrate their
relations with Rome; George Ebxdjebu Khayyath, Syri
orientates seu Chaldan Nestoriani et Rom. Pontiflcum prtmatus
(Rome, 1870); Giamil, Oenuina relationes inter sedem ApostoH-
cam et Assyriorum orientalium seu Chaldaorum ecdesiam
(Rome, 1902); Vernier. Histoire du patriarcat armenien
caiholique (Pans, 1801): Murad, Notice hxstorique sur Vorigine
de la nation Maronite (Paris, 1844); Debs, Lis Maronites du
Liban (Paris, 1875).
Adrian Fortebcue.
Eaaterwine (or Eosterwini), Abbot of. Wear-
mouth, was the nephew of St. Benedict Biscop; b. 650,
d. 7 March, 686. Descended from the noblest stock
of Northumbria, as a young man he led the life of a
soldier in the army of King Egfrid, the son of Oswy.
When twenty-four years old he gave up the soldier's
profession to become a monk in the monastery of
Wearmouth, then ruled over by St. Benedict Biscop.
He is described as a noble youth, conspicuous for his
humility and bodily activity, but withal infinitely
gentle; a most exact observer of rule and one who
loved to perform the lowliest work. He was ordained
priest in the year 679, and in 682 St. Benedict ap-
pointed him abbot of Wearmouth as coadjutor to him-
self. As superior " when he was compelled to reprove
a fault, it was done with such tender sadness that the
culprit felt himself incapable of any new offence
which should bring a cloud over the benign brightness
of that beloved face". In the year 686 a deadly pesti-
lence overspread the country; it attacked the com-
munity at Wearmouth and the youthful abbot was
one of its victims. He bade farewell to all, the day
before he died, and passed away on 7 March, when
only thirty-six years old. St. Benedict was absent in
Rome at the time of his death and Sigfried was chosen
by the monks as his successor. Eaaterwine is not
known to have been the author of any works.
Montalembert, The Monks of the West (London, 1847), IV,
450 sqq.: Bede, Vitrn abbatum in Wiramutha et Girvum in Opera
Omnia, VII; Acta 88. (Venice, 1735), March, VI I L 650.
G. E. Hind.
Easton, Adam, Cardinal, b. at Easton in Norfolk;
d. at Rome, 15 Sept. (according to others, 20 Oct.),
1397. He joined the Benedictines at Norwich. He
probably accompanied Archbishop Langham to Rome
and, being a man of learning ana ability, obtained a
post in the Curia. He was made Cardinal-priest of
the title of St. Cecilia by Urban VI. probably in Dec..
1381. On 7 March, 1381 or 1382, he was nominated
Dean of York. In 1385 he was imprisoned by Urban
on a charge of conspiring with five other cardinals
against the pope and was deprived of his cardinalate
and deanery. The next pope, Boniface IX, restored
his cardinalate 18 Dec., 1389, and for a time Easton
returned to England, where he held a prebend in Salis-
bury cathedral, which he subsequently exchanged
for the living of Heygham in Norwich. He wrote many
works, none of which are extant, and is stated to have
composed the Office for the Visitation of Our Lady.
Ciacoonius, Vitm Pontif. (Rome.1677); Godwin, de Prasuli-
bus Anglia (London, 1742), 793; Williams, Lives of the Eng-
lish Cardinals (London, 1868), I, vii; Creiqhton, History of
the Papacy (London, 1882), I, 80 sqq.; Pools in DicL Nat.
Biog., s. v.
Edwin Burton.
East Syrian Bite. See Syrian Rite.
Eata, Saint, second Bishop of Hexham; date of
birth unknown; d. 26 October. 686. Whether this
disciple of St. Aldan was of the English, or of the abo-
1
EBBO
241
KBENDORFBR
iginal Pictish, race, there is no means of judging. As
aarly as 651 he was elected Abbot of Melrose, which
was then within the metropolitan jurisdiction of York.
With the increase of the Christian population in north-
eastern Britain, the spiritual government of a territory
so wide as that which was then called Northumbria
•became too heavy a charge for one see; accordingly,
in 678 Archbishop Theodore constituted Bermcia
(that part of the Northumbrian realm which lay to the
north of the River Tees) a suffragan diocese and conse-
crated Eata its bishop. The new diocese was to have
two episcopal sees, one at Hexham and the other at
Lindisfarne, at the two extremities of what is now the
County of Northumberland. Eata was to be styled
" Bishop of the Bernicians ". This arrangement lasted
only three years, and the See of Hexham was then
assigned to Trumbert, while Eata kept Lindisfarne.
In 684. after the death of Trumbert, St. Cuthbert was
electee! Bishop of Hexham, but when the latter ex-
pressed a desire to remain in his old home rather,, than
remove to the more southern see, Eata readily con-
sented to exchange with him, and for the last two years
of his life occupied the See of Hexham, while Cuthbert
ruled as bishop at Lindisfarne. Like most of the early
saints of the English Church, St. Eata was canonized
by general repute of sanctity among the faithful in the
regions which he helped to Christianize. His feast is
kept on 26 October, the day of his death.
Acta SS. (1864). XI, 922 sqq.; Raine, Miscellanea biogr.
(Surteea Soc., 1838), XV. 119; T wis den ed., Richard of Hex-
ham, Chronicles; Bede, Hist. Ecd.% HI. IV; Hunt in Did. Nat.
Biogr., s. v.; Bright in Diet. Christ. Biogr., a. v.
E. Macphebson.
Ebbo (Ebo), Archbishop of Reims, b. towards the
end of the eighth century; d. 20 March, 851. Though
born of German serfs, he was educated at the court of
Charlemagne who gave him his liberty. After his ele-
vation to the priesthood he became librarian of Louis
le De'bonnaire and was his councillor in the govern-
ment of Aquitaine. When Louis became emperor he
appointed Ebbo archbishop of the vacant See of
Reims in 816. Acting on the suggestion of the em-
peror, he went to Rome in 822, in order to obtain per-
mission from Pope Paschal I to preach the Gospel to
the Danes. The pope not only gave his sanction but
also appointed Ebbo papal legate for the North. In
company with a certain Halitgar, probably the one
who was Bishop of Cambrai (817-831), and Willerich,
Bishop of Bremen, he set out for Denmark in the
Spring of 823, and after preaching with some success
uring the following summer he returned to France in
the autumn of the same year. Twice again he re-
turned to Denmark, but each time his stay was of
short duration and without any lasting effect on the
pagan Danes whose Christianization was brought
about a few years later by St. Ansgar. When, in 830,
the sons of the emperor rose in rebellion against their
father, Ebbo supported the emperor; but three years
later he turned against him and on 13 November, 833,
presided at the shameful scene enacted in the Church
of St. Mary at Soissons, where the aged emperor was
deposed and compelled to perform public penance for
crimes which he had not committed. As a reward for
this disgraceful act Ebbo received the rich Abbey of
St. Vaast from Lothaire. He continued to support
the rebellious Lothaire even after Louis had been
solemnly reinstated in March, 834. Being prevented
by a severe attack of the gout from following Lo-
thaire to Italy he took refuge in the cell of a hermit
near Paris, but was found out and sent as prisoner to
the Abbey of Fulda. On 2 February, 835, he ap-
peared at the Synod of Thionville, where in the pres-
ence of the emperor and forty- three bishops he solemn-
ly declared the monarch innocent of the crimes of
which he had accused him at Soissons, and on 28
February, 835, made a public recantation from the
pulpit of the cathedral of Metz.
V.— 16
Returning to the synod at Thionville, Ebbo was de-
posed by the emperor and the assembled bishops and '
brought back as prisoner to the Abbey of Fulda.
Somewhat later he was given in custody to Bishop
Freculf of Lisieux and afterwards to Abbot Boso of
Fleury. When Lothair became emperor, Ebbo was
restored to the See of Reims, in December. 840, but a
year later, when Charles the Bald invadea the north-
eastern part of France, he was again driven from his
see. Many had considered Ebbo's reinstatement by
Lothair unlawful, and Hincmar, who became Arch-
bishop of Reims in 845, refused to recognize the ordi-
nations administered by him after his reinstatement.
The Council of Soissons (853) declared the ordinations
invalid. There seems to be little doubt that the
pseudo-Isidorian Decretals have as their author one of
the ecclesiastics ordained by Ebbo after his reinstate-
ment. Ebbo found shelter at the court of Lothair.
who gave him the incomes of several abbeys and used
him for various legations. In 844 Ebbo requested
Pope Sergius II to restore him to the See of Reims but
was admitted only to lay communion. A few other
attempts to regain his former see were likewise unsuc-
cessful. When Lothair could make no further use of
Ebbo he discarded him, but Ebbo found a supporter
in Louis the German, who appointed him Bishop of
Hildesheim some time between April, 845,' and Octo-
ber, 847. Ebbo is the author of the " Apologeticum
Eb bonis'', a short apologetic narrative of his deposi-
tion and reinstatement. It is published in Mansi,
"Amplissima Collectio Conciliorum,,> XIV, 775-9,
and in Migne, P. L., CXVI, 11-16.
Flodoardub, Historia Remensis Ecclesia in Mon. Germ. Hist.,
Script., XIII, 467 sqq.; Guizot, Histoire de VBglise de Rkeims
(Pans, 1824). 103-220; Mann, The Lives of the Popes in the Early
Middle Ages (London and St. Louis, 1006), II, 246 sqq. et passim;
Hefele, ConcUiengeschichte (Freiburg im Br., 18/0)l IV, pas-
sim: Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands (Leipzig, 1900),
II, 670 sqq. et passim; Simbqn, JahrbUcherdesfrdnkischen Reiches
im MittelaUer, 7th ed. (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1004), I, 326, et
passim.
Michael Ott.
Ebendorfer, Thomas,, German chronicler, pro-
fessor, and statesman, b. 12 August, 1385, at Hasel-
bach, in Upper Austria; d. at Vienna, 8 Jan., 1464.
He made his higher studies at thfe University of Vi-
enna, where in 1412 he received the degree of Master
of Arts. Until 1427 he was attached to the Faculty
of Arts and lectured on Aristotle and Latin grammar.
After 1419 he was also admitted to the theological
faculty as cursor biblicus. In 1427 he was made licen-
tiate and in 1428 master of theology; soon after he
became dean of the theological faculty, in which body
he was a professor until his death. Three several
times, 1423, 1429, and 1445 he was rector of the Uni-
versity of Vienna; he was also canon of St. Stephen's,
and engaged in the apostolic ministry as preacher and
as pastor of Perchtoldsdorf and of Falkenstein near
Vienna. He ranks high among the professors of the
University of Vienna in the fifteenth century. In
the struggles which it had to sustain he championed the
rights and interests of the university with zeal and
energy. He represented the university at the Council
of Basle (1432-34), took an active part in all its dis-
cussions, and was one of the delegates sent by the
council to Prague to confer with the Hussites. From
1440 to 1444 he was sent to various cities as ambassa-
dor of Emperor Frederick III. He disapproved of the
attitude of the Council of Basle towards both pope
and emperor, and eventually withdrew from it. His
advocacy of the rights of the Vienna University,
coupled with the attacks of his opponents lost him the
favour of the emperor, who saw in him a secret enemy.
In 1451 and 1452 he was in Italy and went to Rome
where he obtained from the pope a confirmation of the
privileges of the University of Vienna. In the waf
•v-
^1
SBtEHAED
242
EBIONITES
between Frederick III and Albert of Brandenburg he
tried to act as mediator but only*fell into greater dis-
favour with Frederick. His last years were clouded
by the disturbances of the years 1461-1463 during
which Austria had much to suffer from the Bohemian
king, George of Podiebrad, and from internal con-
flicts.,
Ebendorfer is one of the most prominent chron-
iclers of the fifteenth century. His " Chrohioon Aus-
trian" is a dull but frank and very detailed history of
Austria to 1463. From 1400 on it is an indispensa-
ble source of Austrian history (ed. Pes in "Scriptores
rerumAustriacarum", II, Leipzig, 1725, 689-986; in
this edition all of Book I ana part of Book II were
omitted) . His account of the Council of Basle appears
in the "Diarum? gestorum conciiii Basileensis pro
reductione Bohemorum" (ed. Birk in Monumenta
conciiii Basileensis, Scriptores, I, Vienna, 1875, 701-
783). He wrote also a history of the Roman em-
perors, "Chronica regum Romanorum"; Books VI
and VII, which are of independent value as sources,
were edited by Pribram in the " Mitteilungen des In-
stitute fur osterreichische Geschichtsforschung",
third supplementary volume (Innsbruck, 1890-94),
38-222. Many of his writings are as yet unedited,
among them commentaries on Biblical books, ser-
mons, "Liber de schismatibus" "Liber Pontificum
Romanorum" (see Levinson, "Thomas Ebendorfers
Liber Pontificum" in "Mitteilungen des Institute fur
osterreichische Geschichtsforschung"^ XX, 1899,
69-99).
Aschbach, Geach. der Wiener UnlvereiUU (Vienna, 1865),
403-526; Zemsbbrg, Thomas Ebendorfer aU GetchichUschreibcr
in Oeeterr. Woeheneehrift fur Literatur und Kunst (1864), III,
769-810; AUaemeine deutoehe Biograjpkie (Leipsig, 1877), s. v.;
Hurtbb, NomeneUUor (Innsbruck, 1906), II, 032 sq._
i. P. KIBS
CH.
Eberhard, Matthias, Bishop of Trier, b. 15
Nov.. 1815, at Trier (Germany), d. there 30 May,.
1876. After successfully completing the gymnasium
course of his native town, he devoted himself to the
study of theology, was ordained in 1839, and soon
after made assistant at St. Castor's in Coblens. In
1842 Bishop Arnoldi made him his private secretary,
and, at the end of the same year, professor of dog-
matics in the seminary of Trier. From 1849 to 1 862 he
was director of the seminary and also preacher at the
cathedral; in 1850 he became a member of the chap-
ter; from 1852 to 1856 he was representative of his fel-
low-citizens in the Prussian Lower Chamber, where he
joined the Catholic section. On 7 April, 1862, he was
preconised as auxiliary Bishop of Trier; after Ar-
noldi's death he was proposed for the episcopal see,
but, the Prussian Government acknowledged nun only
after the death of Arnoldi's successor, Pelldram,16 July,
1867. Having chosen St. Charles Borromeo for his
ideal, he spared no exertion, on the one hand, to make
his clergy learned, zealous, devout, and thoroughly
culturea^and on the other to cultivate a truly Christian
and religious spirit in the people. To attain this
double end, he bestowed very peat care upon his sem-
inary and demanded a conscientious observation of
his rules on the pastoral conferences and the annual
retreat. In the parishes he insisted on the instruction
in Christian doctrine and on the giving of missions,
took care that religious associations were established,
especially among the youths and men, and tried to
found everywhere good libraries for the people. At
the Vatican Council he appeared several times as
a speaker; he belonged to the minority of the bishops,
who considered the definition of the pope's infallibility
as inopportune for the time being; but as soon as the
matter had been decided, he published the constitu-
tion at once. When, in the beginning of the seventies,
the Prussian Government wished to fetter bishops and
priests by its ecclesiastico-political legislation, Bishop
Eberhard unflinchingly defended the rights of the
Church and thus became one of the first victims oithe
so-called KuUurkampf, At first he was fined an ex-
orbitant sum, but since he could not pay it, he was
retained in the prison of Trier from 6 March to 31
December, 1874. > New persecutions began after he
had been dismissed; the flourishing institutions which
belonged to the Church were closed and the appoint-
ment of priests was made impossible; the grief at the
unhappy condition of his diocese accelerated his death.
He is the author of a dissertation " De tituli Sedis Apos-
tolicae ad insigniendam sedem Romanam usu antiquo ac
vi singulari " (Trier, 1846) . His sermons, masterpieces
of oratory, were edited after his death by Ditscheid
in 6 vols. (Trier, 1877-1883; Freiburg, 1894-1903).
MOixkr, Matthias Eberhard (WQrsburg. 1S74); Kraft, Mat-
thias Eberhard (Trier, 1878); Ditscheid, Matthias Eberhard im
KuUurkampf (Trier, 1900).
Patbiciub Schlaoer.
Eberhard of Batisbon (or Salzburg; also called
Ebbrhardus Altahensis), a German chronicler who
flourished about the beginning of the fourteenth cen-
tury. Hardly anything is known of his life; the only
positive facts are obtained from documents of the
years 1294-1305, which show that within this period
he was active as a magister, Augustinian canon, and
archdeacon. He is the author of a chronicle that
begins with the election of Rudolf of Hapsburg and
extends to 1305. He desired to give an account of
Bavarian history only, but was unable to fully exe-
cute this intention. In reality he describes more or
less fully events occurring outside of Bavaria that
seem to nim of importance. The value of the chron-
icle is increased by the greater detail with which he
treats the last five years, and in this part are also
added important letters which serve to make the nar-
rative more life-like. There is no doubt that the work
was influenced by Hermann, the celebrated Abbot of
Niederaltaich, the founder of a new and brilliant
period of annalistic writing and to whom is due a won-
derful development in the art of historical writing in
Bavaria during the latter half of the thirteenth cen-
tury. The "Annales" of Eberhard were formerly
held to be a direct continuation of Hermann's chron-
icle, but in the introduction to his edition of the
"Annales" Jaffe* has disproved this hypothesis.
Eberhard's chronicle is, rather, an independent work,
connected with its continuations (the so-called "Con-
tinuatio Altahensis" and the "Continuatio Ratispo-
nensisM) only by their occasional paraphrases of what
Eberhard has said or by information they occasionally
add to his statements. The earliest edition of the
"Annales" is that of H. Canisius in his "Lectiones
antique", I, 307-358. An improved edition was
published by Bohmer, "Fontes'', II, 526-553, and
another by Jaffe* in "Mon. Germ. Hist., Scriptores",
XVI, 592-605.
Kehr. Hermann von Altaich und seine Forieetter (QGttingen,
1883). 60-81; Lorenz, Deulechlands OeschichtsqueUen im M.A.
(1886), I, 183 sq.
Patricius Schlaoer.
Ebionites. — By this name were designated one or
more early Christian sects infected with Judaistic
errors.
The word Ebionites, or rather, more correctly, Ebi-
oneans, 'E/3twroZbt, is a transliteration of the Ara-
mean WJV3K, meaning "poor men". It first occurs
in Irenseus, Adv. Haer., I., xxvi, 2, but without desig-
nation of meaning. Origen (C. Celsum, II, i; De
Princ, IV, i, 22) and Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., Ill,
xxvii) refer the name of these sectaries either to the
poverty of their understanding, or to the poverty of
the Law to which they clung, or to the poor opinions
they held concerning Christ. This, however, is ob-
viously not the historic origin of the name. Other
writers, as Tertullian (De Prsescr., xxxiii; De Came
Chr., xiv, 18), Hippolytus (cfr. Pseudo-Tert., Adv.
f
KBIONITES
243
KBIONITES
H»r., Ill, as reflecting Hippolytus'slost " Syntagma"),
and Epiphanius (H acres., xxx), derive the name of the
sect from a certain Ebion, its supposed founder. Epi-
phanius even mentions the place of his birth, a hamlet
called Cochabe in the district of Bash an, and relates
that he travelled through Asia and even came to
Rome. Of modern scholars Hilgenfeld has main-
tained the historical existence of this Ebion, mainly
on the ground of some passages ascribed to Ebion by
St. Jerome (Comm. in Gal., iii, 14) and by the author
of a compilation of patristic texts against the Mono-
thelites. But these passages are not likely to be
genuine, and Ebion, otherwise unknown to history, is
probably only an invention to account for the name
Ebionites. The name may have been self-imposed by
those who gladly claimed the beatitude of being poor
in spirit, or who claimed to live after the pattern of
the first Christians in Jerusalem, who laid tneir goods
at the feet of the Apostles. Perhaps, however, it was
first imposed by others and is to be connected with
the notorious poverty of the Christians in Palestine
(cf. Gal., ii, 10). Recent scholars have plausibly
maintained that the term did not originally designate
any heretical sect, but merely the orthodox Jewish
Christians of Palestine who continued to observe the
Mosaic Law. These, ceasing to be in touch with the
bulk of the Christian world, would gradually have
drifted away from the standard of orthodoxy and be-
come formal heretics. A stage in this development is
seen in St. Justin's "Dialogue with Trypho the Jew",
chapter xlvii (about a.d. 140), where he speaks of two
sects of Jewish Christians estranged from the Church:
those who observe the Mosaic Law for themselves,
but do not require observance thereof from others;
and those who hold it of universal obligation. The
latter are considered heretical by all; but with the
former St. Justin would hold communion, though not
all Christians would show them the same indulgence.
St. Justin, however, does not use the term Ebionites,
and when this term first occurs (about a.d. 175) it
designates a distinctly heretical sect.
The doctrines of this sect are said by Irenseus to be
like those of Cerinthus and Carpocrates. They de-
nied the Divinity and the virginal birth of Christ;
they clung to the observance of the Jewish Law; they
regarded St. Paul as an apostate, and only used a
Gospel according to St. Matthew (Adv. Hser., I, xxvi,
2; III, xxi;2; IV, xxxiii, 4; V, i, 3). Their doc-'
trines are similarly described by Hippolytus (Philos.,
VIII, xxii, X, xviii) and Tertullian (De carne Chr.,
xiv, 18), but their observance of the Law seems no
longer so prominent a feature of their system as in the
account given by Ireiueus. Origen is the first (C.
Cels., V, lxi)to mark a distinction between two classes
of Ebionites, a distinction which Eusebius also gives
(Hist Eccl., III, xxvii). Some Ebionites accept, but
others reject, the virginal birth of Christ, though all
reject His pre-existence and His Divinity. Those
who accepted the virginal birth seem to have had
more exalted views concerning Christ and, besides
observing the Sabbath, to have kept the Sunday as a
memorial of His Resurrection. The milder sort of
Ebionites were probably fewer and less important than
their stricter brethren, because the denial of the virgin
birth was commonly attributed to all. (Origen, Horn,
in Luc, xvii.) St. Epiphanius calls the more hereti-
cal section Ebionites, and the more Catholic-minded,
Nazarenes. But we do not know whence St. Epi-
phanius obtained his information or how far it is reli-
able. It is very hazardous, therefore, to maintain, as
is sometimes done, that the distinction between
Nazarenes and Ebionites goes back to the earliest
days of Christianity.
Besides these merely Judaistic Ebionites, there ex-
isted a later Gnostic development of the same heresy.
These Ebionite Gnostics differed widely from the
main schools of Gnosticism, in that they absolutely
rejected any distinction between Jehovah the Demi-
urge, and the Supreme Good God. Those who regard
this distinction as essential to Gnosticism would even
object to classing Ebionites as Gnostics. But on the
other hand the general character of their teaching is
unmistakably Gnostic. This can be gathered from
the Pseudo-Clementines and may be summed up as
follows: Matter is eternal, and an emanation of the
Deity; nay it constitutes, as it were, God's body.
Creation, therefore, is but the transformation of pre-
existing material. God thus "creates" the Universe
by the instrumentality of His wisdom which is de-
scribed as a "demiurgic hand19 (x«</> truuovpyowa)
producing the world. But this Logos, or Sophia,
does not constitute a different person, as in Christian
theology. Sophia produces the world by a successive
evolution of syzygies, the female in each case preced-
ing the male but being finally overcome hy him.
This universe is, moreover, divided into two realms,
that of good and that of evil. The Son of God rules
over the realm of the good, and to him is given the
world to come, but the Prince of Evil is the prince of
this world (cf. John, xiv, 30; Eph., i, 21; vi, 12).
This Son of God is the Christ, a middle-being between
God and creation, not a creature, yet not equal to, nor
even to be compared with, the Father (ndroyepy^rifi 06
avyxplrerai — " Horn.", xvi, 16). Adam was the bearer
of the first revelation, Moses of the second, Christ of
the third and perfect one. The union of Christ with
Jesus is involved in obscurity. Man is saved by
knowledge (gnosis), by believing in God the Teacher,
and by being baptized unto remission of sins. Thus
he receives knowledge and strength to observe all the
precepts of the law. Christ shall come again to tri-
umph over Antichrist as light dispels darkness. The
system is Pantheism, Persian Dualism, Judaism, and
Christianity fused together, and here and there re-
minds one of Mandaistic literature. The "Recogni-
tions ", as given us in Rufinus's translation (revision?),
come nearer to Catholic teaching than do the " Homi-
lies".
Amongst the writings of the Ebionites must be
mentioned (a) their Gospel. St. Irenaeus only states
that they used the Gospel of St. Matthew. Eusebius
modifies this statement by speaking of the so-called
Gospel according to the Hebrews, which was known to
Hegesippus (Eus., Hist. Eccl., IV, xxii, 8), Origen
(Jerome, De vir., ill., ii), and Clem. Alex. (Strom., II, ix,
45). This, probably, was the slightly modified Ara-
maic original of St. Matthew, written m Hebrew char-
acters. But St. Epiphanius attributes this to the
Nazarenes, while the Ebionites proper only possessed
an incomplete, falsified, and truncated copy thereof
(Adv. Hser. , xxix, 9) . It is possibly identical with the
Gospel of the Twelve.
(b) Their Apocrypha: "The Circuits of Peter"
(T€piodoi Tltrpov) and Acts of the Apostles, amongst
which the "Ascents of James'1 (drapad/xol Ia*c60ov).
The first-named books are substantially contained in
the Clementine Homilies under the title of Clement's
"Compendium of Peter's itinerary sermons", and also
in the "Recognitions" ascribed to the same. They
form an early Christian didactic novel to propagate
Ebionite views, i. e. their Gnostic doctrines, tne su-
premacy of James, their connexion with Rome, and
their antagonism to Simon Magus. (See Clemen-
tines.)
(c) The Works of Symmachus, i. e. his translation of
the Old Testament (see Versions op the Bible ; Sym-
machus the Ebionite), and his "Hypomnemata"
against the canonical Gospel of St. Matthew. The
latter work, which is totally lost (Eusebius, Hist.
Eccl., VI, xvii ; Jerome, De vir. ill., liv), is probably iden-
tical with " De distinctione praeceptorum", mentioned
by Ebed Jesu (Assemani, Bibl. Or., Ill, 1).
(d) The book of Elchesai,orof "The Hidden Power"
0D3 }n), purporting to have been written about a.d. 100
r
EBNEE
244
E00LSSIA8TE8
and brought to Rome about a. d. 217 by Alcibiades of
Apamea. Those who accepted its doctrines and its new
baptism were called Elchesaites. (Hipp., "Philos.",
lAf xiv-xvii; Epiph., "Hier.", xix, 1; hu, 1.)
Of the history of this sect hardly anything is known.
They exerted only the slightest influence in the East
and none at all in the West, where they were known
as Symmachiani. In St. Epiphanius 's time small com-
munities seem still to have existed in some hamlets of
Syria and Palestine, but they were lost in obscurity.
Farther east, in Babylonia and Persia, their influence
is perhaps traceable amongst the Mandeans, and it is
suggested by Uhlhorn and others that they may be
brought into connexion with the origin of Moham-
medanism.
Uhlhorn in Realencyk. f. prot. Theol. (1898), 0. vv. Ebioni-
ten, Elkesaiten, Klementinen; Id., Die Homilien und Recognv-
tionen d. Clem. Rom. (Gftttingen, 1854); Hilgenfsld, Juden-
Ihum u. Christenthum (Leipzig, 1886); Id., Ketsergeschichte
des Urchr. (Leipzig, 1884): Bardenhewer, Oeschtchte der
altkirch. Lit. (Freiburg, 1902): Quarry, Notes on the Clemen-
tine Homilies in Hermathena (Dublin, 1890-1). VII, VIII; Bus-
bel, The Purpose of the World-Process . . . in the Clementine
. . . Writings in Studia Bibl. (Oxford, 1896); Mansel, The
Gnostic Heresies of the First and Second Cent. (Jxmdon, 1875).
% J. P. Arendzen.
. Ebner, the name of two German mystics, whom
historical research has shown to have been in no wise
related.
(1) Christina, b. of a patrician family on Good Fri-
day, at Nuremberg, 1277 ; d. at Engelthal, 27 Decem7
ber, 1355. From her mother she inherited a deeply
religious spirit, which early manifested itself in a fond-
ness for prayer and mortification. Hardly had she
made her First Communion when her parents acceded
to a desire, which she had expressed since her seventh
year, of entering the Dominican convent at Engelthal
in the vicinity of Nuremberg. At the end of her year
of novitiate she was stricken with a dangerous illness,
which reappeared three times annually from her thir-
teenth to ner twenty-third year. Each year, for the
remainder of her life, she suffered a relapse of this
mysterious sickness. Christina did not, however, on
this account relax her penitential practices, nor fail in
her duties as superior, to which she had been early
elected. In her thirteenth year she began to enjoy
frequent visits from the Master, from whose words she
drew light and counsel for her own direction. As a
result she was misunderstood by all save her con-
fessor, Father Konrad of Ftissen, O.P., at whose com-
mand, in the Advent of 1317, she began to write a di-
ary of her spiritual experiences in chronological order.
After an introduction m which she reviews m a simple,
unaffected manner the whole history of her life till
1317, this touching piece of mystical literature is car-
ried on till 1353. She speaks of herself in the third
person as von dem menschen. Most of this diary was
written by her own hand save when she dictated on
account of illness. It is preserved, in a complete
version of the fifteenth century, in a manuscript (cod.
90) at Nuremberg. Excerpts are to be found also at
the same place (cod. 89, 91), at Stuttgart (cod. 90),
and Medingen. We learn from this source that
Christina played an important part by her prayers in
the settlement of the difficulties arising from the riots
at Nuremberg in 1348: from the earthquake of the
same year; the Black Death; the Flagellants1 proces-
sions of 1349: and the long quarrel between Louis the
Bavarian ana the Holy See. She also tells us of the
absence of a director from the removal of Konrad to
Freiburg in 1324 till 1351, when Henry of Nordlingen
visited her and gave her advice sufficient for the re-
mainder of her life. The treatise " Von der genaden
uberiast" which the Stuttgart Literary Society edited
over her name in 1871 is probably not her work.
(2) Margaretha, b. of rich parents at Donauwflrth,
1291 ; d. 20 June, 1351. She received a thorough clas-
sical education in her home, and later entered the
Dominican convent at Maria-Medingen near Dillingen,
where she was solemnly professed in 1306. In 1312
she was dangerously ill for three years, and subse-
quently for a period of nearly seven years she was
most of the time at the point of death. Hence she
could exercise her desire for penance only by absti-
nence from wine, fruit, and the bath. On her return
from home, whither she had gone during the campaign
of Louis the Bavarian, her nurse died, and Margar-
etha grieved inconsolably, until Henry of Nordlingen
assumed her spiritual direction in 1332. The corre-
spondence that passed between them is the first col-
lection of this land in the German language. 'At his
command she wrote with her own hand a full account
of all her revelations and intercourse with the Infant
Christ, as also all answers which she received from Him
even in her sleep. This diary is preserved in a manu-
script of the year 1353 at Medingen. From her letters
and diary we learn that she never abandoned her ad-
hesion to Louis the Bavarian, whose soul she learned
in a vision had been saved.
Lochner, Das
tona, 141-322: Be
Ordensjunairauen Chn
berg (Ratiabon, 1862); Preger, Oesch'der deutschen Mystik, II,
247-60, 269-74; Strauch, Margaretha Ebner und Heinrich von
Nordlingen, Ein Beitrag (Freiburg. 1882); Stempfle, Die gottse-
5R,
buch des historischen Vereins zu Dillingen (1894), 144-147: The
True Story of Margaret of Cortona in The Messenger, XXXVI
(New York, 1901), 1110-14.
Thos. M. Schwertner.
Ecchelensis, Abraham. See Abraham Ecchelen-
BIS.
Ecclesiarch. See Sacristan.
Ecclesi&stes (Sept. IjrjrX^o-taoT^s, in St. Jerome
also Concionator, " Preacher ") is the name given to
the book of Holy scripture which usually follows the
Proverbs; the Hebrew Qoheleth probably has .the same
meaning. The word preacher, however, is not meant
to suggest a congregation nor a public speech, but only
the solemn announcement of sublime truths [7V!pn,
passive ^np:), Lat. congregare, I (III) K., viii, 1, 2; ^npx
in publico, palam, Prov., v, 14; xxvi, 26; r6np to be
taken either as a feminine participle, and would then
be either a simple abstract noun, prceconium, or in a
poetic sense, tuba clangens, or must be taken as the
name of a person, like the proper nouns of similar
formation; Esd., h, 55, 57; corresponding to its use,
the word is always used as masculine, except vii, 27].
Solomon, as the herald of wisdom, proclaims the most
serious truths. His teaching may be divided as
follows.
Introduction. — Everything human is vain (i, 1-11);
for man, during his life on earth, is more transient
than all things m nature (i, 1-7), whose unchangeable
course he admires, but does not comprehend (i, 8-11).
Part I. — Vanity in man's private life (i, 12-iii, 15):
vain is human wisdom (i, 12-18); vain are* pleasures
and pomp (ii, 1-23). Then, rhetorically exaggerating,
he draws the conclusion: "Is it not better to enjoy
life's blessings which God has given, than to waste
your strength uselessly?" (ii, 24-26). As epilogue to
this part is added the proof that all things are im-
mutaoly predestined and are not subject to the will
of man (iu, 1-15). In this first part, tne reference to
the writer himself, the self-accusation, on account of
the excessive luxury described in III Kings, x, is
placed in the foreground. Afterwards, the author
usually prefaces his meditations with an I saw11, and
explains what he has learned either by personal obser-
vation or by other means, and on what he has medi-
tated. Thus he saw: —
Part //. — Sheer vanity also in civil life (iii, 16-vi, 6).
Vain and cheerless is life because of the iniquity which
reigns in the halls of justice (iii, 16-22) as well as in the
intercourse of men (iv, 1-3). The strong expressions
P
S00USIASTE8
245
E00LESIASTE8
in iii, 18 sqq., and iv, 2 sq., must be explained by the
writer's tragic vein, and this does credit to the writer,
who, speaking as Solomon, deplores bitterly what has
often enough happened in his kingdom also, whether
through his fault or without his knowledge. The
despotic rule of the kings was described in advance by
Samuel, and Solomon cannot be cleared of all guilt
(see below) . But even the best prince will, to his grief,
find by experience that countless wrongs cannot be
prevented m a large empire. Qoheleth does not speak
of the wrongs which he himself has suffered, but of
those which others sustained. Another of life's vanities
consists in the fact that mad competition leads many
to fall into idleness (iv, 4-6); a third causes many
a man through greed to shun society, or even to lose a
throne because his unwisdom forbids him to seek the
help of other men (iv, 7-16). Qoheleth then turns
once more to the three classes of men named: to those
who groan under the weight of injustice, in order to
exhort them not to sin against God by murmuring
against Providence, for this would be tantamount to
dishonouring God m His temple, or to breaking a sa-
cred vow, or to denying Providence (iv, 17-v, 8) ; m the
same way he gives a few salutary counsels to the miser
(v, 9-19; ana describes the misery of the supposed
foolish king (vi, 1-6). A long oratorical amplification
closes the second part (vi, 7-vii, 30). The immutable
predestination of all things by God must teach man con-
tentment and modesty (yi, 7-vii, 1, Vulg.). A serious
life, free from all frivolity, is best (vii, 2-7, Vulg.).
Instead of passionate outbreaks (vii, 8-15), he recom-
mends a golden mean (vii, 16-23). Finally, Qoheleth
inquires into the deepest and last reason of " vanity "
ana finds it in the sinfulness of woman; he evidently
thinks also of the sin of the first woman, through
which, against the will of God (30), misery entered the
world (vn, 24-30). In this part, also, Qoheleth returns
to his admonition to enjoy in peace and modesty the
blessings granted by God, instead of giving oneself up
to anger on account of wrongs endured, or to avarice,
or to other vices (iii, 22; v, 17 sq.; vii, 15).
Part III begins with the question: "Who is as the
wise man?" (In the Vulg. these words have been
wrongly placed in chap, vii.) Qoheleth here gives
seven or eight important rules for life as the quin-
tessence" of true wisdom. Submit to God's ( the
king's") will (viii, 1-8). If you observe that there is
no justice on earth, contain yourself, " eat and drink"
(viii, 9-15). Do not attempt to solve all the riddles of
life by human wisdom; it is better to enjoy modestly
the blessings of life and to work according to one s
strength, but always within the narrow limits set by
God (viii, 16-ix, 12. — In the Vulg. ad aliud must be
dropped). In this "siege" of your city (by God) seek
help in true wisdom (ix, 13-x, 3). It is always most
important not to lose your temper because of wrongs
done to you (x, 4-15). Then follows the repetition of
the advice not to give oneself up to idleness; sloth
destroys countries and nations, therefore work dili-
gently, but leave the success to God without murmur-
ing fx, 16-xi, 6). Even amid the pleasures of life do
not forget the Lord, but think of death and judgment
(xi. 7-xii, 8).
In the epilogue Qoheleth again lays stress upon his
authority as the teacher of wisdom, and declares that
the pith of his teachings is: Fear God and keep the
Commandments; for that is the whole man.
In the above analysis, as must be expected, the
writer of this article has been guided in some particu-
lars by his conception of the difficult text before him,
which he has set forth more completely in his commen-
tary on the same. Many critics do not admit a close
connexion of ideas at all. Zapletal regards the book as
a collection of separate aphorisms which form a whole
only exteriorly: Bickell thought that the arrangement
of the parts had been totally destroyed at an early
date; Siegfried supooses that the book had been sup-
plemented and enlarged in strata; Luther assumed*
several authors. Most commentators do not expect
that they can show a regular connexion of all the " say-
ings" and an orderly arrangement of the entire book.
In the above analysis an attempt has been made to do
this, and we have pointed out what means may lead to
success. Several parts must be taken in the sense of
parables, e. g. what is said in ix, 14 sqq., of the siege of a
city by a king. And in viii, 2, and x, 20, " king" means
God. It appears to me that iv, 17, is not to be taken
literally; and the same is true of x, 8 sqq. Few will
hesitate to take xi, 1 sqq., figuratively. Chap, xii
must convince every one that bold allegories are quite
in Qoheleth's style. Chap, iii would be very flat it the
proposition, "There is a time for everything", carried
no deeper meaning than the words disclose at first
sight. The strongest guarantee of the unity and
sequence of thoughts in the book is the theme, Vani-
tas vanitatum", which emphatically opens it and is
repeated again and again, and (xii, 8) with which it
ends. Furthermore, the constant repetition of vidi or
of similar expressions, which connect the arguments
for the same truth; finally, the sameness of verbal and
rhetorical turns and of the writer's tragic vein, with
its hyperbolical language, from beginning to end.
In order to reconcile the apparently conflicting
statements in the same book or what seem contradic-
tions of manifest truths of the religious or moral order,
ancient commentators assumed that Qoheleth ex-
presses varying views in the form of a dialogue. Many
modern commentators, on the other hand, have sought;
to remove these discrepancies by omitting parts of the
text, in this way to obtain a harmonious collection of
maxims, or even affirmed that the author had no clear
ideas, and, e. g., was not convinced of the spirituality
and immortality of the soul. But, apart from the fact
that we cannot admit erroneous or varying views of
life and faith in an inspired writer, we regard frequent
alterations in the text or the proposed form of a
dialogue as poor makeshifts. It suffices, in my opin-
ion, to explain certain hyperbolical and somewhat
paradoxical turns as results of the bold style and the
tragic vein of the writer. If our explanation is correct,
the chief reproach against Qoheleth — viz. that against
his orthodoxy — falls to the ground* For if iii, 17; xi,
9; xii, 7, 14, point to another life as distinctly as can be
desired, we cannot take hi, 18-21, as a denial of im-
mortality. Besides, it is evident that in his whole
book the author deplores only the vanity of the mortal
or earthly life; but to this may be truly applied (if the
hyperbolical language of the tragical mood is taken
into consideration) whatever is said there by Qoheleth.
We cannot find fault with his comparing the mortal
life of man and his death to the life and death of the
beast (in vv. 19 and 21 T\Y\ must always be taken as
"breath of life"). Again, iv, 2 sq., is only a hyper-
bolical expression; in like manner Job (iii, 3) curses
in his grief the day of his birth. True, some allege that
the doctrine of immortality was altogether unknown
to early antiquity; but even the Saviour (Luke, xx,
37) adduced the testimony of Moses for the resurrec-
tion of the dead and was not contradicted by his
adversaries. And ix, 5 sq. and 10, must be taken in a
similar sense. Now, in dooming all things earthly to
destruction, but attributing another fife to the soul,
Qoheleth admits the spirituality of the soul; this fol-
lows especially from xii, 7, where the body is returned
to the earth, but the soul to God.
Sometimes Qoheleth also seems to be given to fatal-
ism; for in his peculiar manner he lays great stress on
the immutability of the laws of nature and of the uni-
verse. But he considers this immutability as depen-
dent on God's will (iii, 14 ; vi, 2; viij 14 sq.). Nor does
he deny the freedom of man within the limits set by
God; otherwise his admonitions to fear God, to work,
etc. would be meaningless, and man would not have
brought evil into the world through his own fault (vii,
^
EOOLESIASTES
246
EOOLESIASTES
29, Heb.). Just as little does he contest the freedom
of God's decrees, for God is spoken of as the source of '
all wisdom (ii, 26; v; 5). His views of life do not lead
Qoheleth to stoical indifference or to blind hatred; on
the contrary he shows the deepest sympathy with the
misery of the suffering and earnestly deprecates oppo-
sition against God. In contentment with one's lot, in
the quiet enjoyment of the blessings given by God, he
discerns the golden mean, by which man prevents the
vagaries of passion. ^ Neither does he thereby recom-
mend a kind of epicurism. For the ever-recurring
phrase, " Eat and drink, for that is the best in this
life", evidently is only a typical formula by which he
recalls man from all kinds of excesses. He recom-
mends not idle, but moderate enjoyment, accompa-
nied by incessant labour. Many persist in laying one
charge at Qoheleth's door, viz., that of pessimism.
He seems to call all man's efforts vain and empty, his
life aimless and futile, and his lot deplorable. It is
true that a sombre mood prevails in the book, that the
author chose as his theme the description of the sad
and serious sides of life: but is it pessimism to recog-
nise the evils of life and to be impressed with them?
Is it not rather the mark of a great and profound
mind to deplore bitterly the imperfection of what is
earthly,, ana, on the other hand, thepeculjarity of the
frivolous to ignore the truth? The colours with
which Qoheleth paints these evils are indeed glaring,
but they naturally flow from the poetical-oratorical
style of his book and from his inward agitation, which
likewise elves rise to the hyperbolical language in the
Book of Job and in certain psalms. However, Qohe-
leth, unlike the pessimists, does not inveigh against
God and the order of the universe, but only man.
Chap. vii. in which he inquires into the last cause
of evil, closes with the words, "Only this I have
found, that God made man right, and he hath en-
tangled himself with an infinity of questions [or phan-
tasms]". His philosophy shows us also the way in
which man can find a modest happiness. While se-
verely condemning exceptional pleasures and luxury
(chap, ii), it counsels the enjoyment of those pleasures
which God prepares for every man (viii, 15; ix, 7 sq<j.;
xi, 9). It does not paralyze, but incites activity (ix,
10; x, 18 sq.; xi, 1 sq.). It stays him in his afflictions
(v, 7 sqq.; yiii, 5; x, 4); it consoles him in death (iii,
17; xii, 7); it discovers at every step how necessary is
the fear of God. But Qoheleth's greatest trouble
seems to be his inability to find a direct, smooth an-
swer to life's riddles; hence he so frequently deplores
the insufficiency of his wisdom; on the other hano!, be-
sides wisdom, commonly so called, i. e. the wisdom re-
sulting from man's investigations, he knows another
kind of wisdom which soothes, and which he therefore
recommends again and again (vii, 12, 20; Heb. viiL 1;
ix, 17; xii, 9-14). It is true, we feel how the autnor
wrestles with the difficulties which beset his inquiries
into the riddles of life; but he overcomes them and
offers us an effective consolation even in extraordinary
trials. Extraordinary also must have been the occa-
sion which led him to compose the book. He intro-
duces himself from the beginning and repeatedly as
Solomon, and this forcibly recalls Solomon shortly be-
fore the downfall of the empire; but we know from the
Scriptures that this had been prepared by various re-
bellions and had been foretold by the infallible word
of the prophet (see below). We must picture to our-
selves Solomon in these critical times, how he seeks to
strengthen himself and his subjects in this sore trial by
the true wisdom which is a relief at all times; submis-
sion to the immutable will of God, the true fear of the
Lord, undoubtedly must now appear to him the es-
sence of human wisdom.
As the inspired character of Ecclesiastes was not
settled in the Fifth (Ecumenical Council but only
solemnly reaffirmed against Theodore of Mopsuestia,
the faithful have always found edification and conso-
lation in this book. Already in the third century, St.
Gregory Thaumaturgus, in his metaphrase, then Greg-
ory of Nyssa, in eight homilies, later Hugh of St. Vic-
tor, in nineteen homilies, set forth the wisdom of
Qoheleth as truly celestial and Divine. Every age
may learn from his teaching that man's true happiness
must not be looked for on earth, not in human wis-
dom, not in luxury, not in royal splendour; that many
afflictions await everybody, in consequence either of
the iniquity of others, or of his own passions; that God
has shut him up within narrow limits, lest he become
overweening, but that He does not deny him a small
measure of happiness if he does not " seek things that
are above him' (vii, 1, Vulg.), if he enjoys what God
has bestowed on him, in the fear of the Lord and in
salutary labour. The hope of a better life to come
grows all the stronger the less this life can satisfy man,
especially the man of high endeavour. Now Qoheleth
does not intend this doctrine for an individual or for
one people, but for mankind, and he does not prove it
from supernatural revelation, but from pure reason.
This is his cosmopolitan standpoint, which Kuenen
rightly recognized; unfortunately, this commentator
wished to conclude from this that the book originated
in Hellenistic times. Nowack refuted him, but the
universal application of the meditations contained
therein, to every man who is guided by reason, is un-
mistakable.
The Author of the Book. — Most modern commenta-
tors are of the opinion that Qoheleth's style points not
to Solomon, but to a later writer. About this the fol-
lowing may be said : —
(1) As a matter of fact, the language of this book
differs widely from the language of the Proverbs.
Some think that they have discovered many Arama-
isms in it. What can we say on this point? — It can-
not be gainsaid that Solomon and a great, if not the
greatest, part of his people understood Aramaic. (We
take the word here as the common name of the dialects
closely related to the Biblical Hebrew.) Abraham
and Sara, as well as the wives of Isaac and Jacob, had
come from Chaldea; it is therefore probable that the
language of that country was preserved, beside the
language of Palestine, in the family of the Patri-
archs; at any rate, in Moses1 time the people still use
Aramaic expressions. They exclaim (Ex., xvi, 15)
Kin p, while Moses himself at once substitutes the He-
brew KliTTlp; the name of the miraculous food, how-
ever, remained p. A large portion of David's and
Solomon's empire was peopled by Arameans, so that
Solomon reigned from the Euphrates to Gaza [I (III) K.,
v, 4, Heb.; II Sam. (K.);x, 19; cf. Gen., xv, 18]. He was
conversant with the science of the " sons of the East"
and exchanged with them his wisdom (I K., v, 10-14,
Heb .) . But, as Palestine lay along the commercial routes
between the Euphrates and Phoenicia, the Israelites, at
least in the north of the country, must have been well
acquainted with Aramaic. At the time of King Eze-
chias even the officials of Jerusalem understood Ara-
maic (Is., xxxvi, 11 ; II K., xviii, 26, Heb.). Solomon
could therefore assume, without hesitation, a some-
what Aramaic speech, if reason or mere inclination
moved him. As a skilful writer, he may have in-
tended, especially in his old age, and in a book whose
style is partly oratorical, partly philosophical, partly
{>oetical, to enrich the language by new turns. Goethe s
anguage in the second part of " Faust" differs greatly
from the first, and introduces many neologisms. Now
Solomon seems to have had a more important reason
for it. As it lay in his very character to remove the
barriers between pagans and Israelites, he may have
had the conscious intention to address in this book, one
of his last, not only the Israelites but his whole people;
the Aramaic colouring of his language, then, served as
a means to introduce himself to Aramaic readers, who,
in their turn, understood Hebrew sufficiently. It is
remarkable that the name of God, Jahveh, never oo-
*%
E0CLMIA8TES
247
X0CU8XA8TK8
ours in Ecclesiastes, while Elohim is found thirty-seven
times; it is more remarkable still that the name Jah-
veh has been omitted in a quotation (v, 3; cf. Deut.,
xxiii, 22). Besides, nothing is found in the book that
could not be known through natural religion, without
the aid of revelation.
(2) The Aramaisms may perhaps be explained in
still another way. We probably possess the Old Tes-
tament, not in the original wording and orthography,
but in a form which is slightly revised. We must un-
questionably distinguish, it seems, between Biblical
Hebrew as an unchanging literary language and the
conversational Hebrew, which underwent constant
changes, For there is no instance anywhere that a
spoken language has been preserved for some nine
hundred years so little changed in its grammar and
vocabulary as the language of our extant canonical
books. Let us, for an instance, compare the English,
French, or German of nine hundred years ago with
those languages in their present form. Hence it seems
exceedingly daring to infer from the written Hebrew
the character of the spoken language, and from the
style of the book to infer the date of its composition.
In the case of a literary language, on the other hand,
which is a dead language and as such essentially un-
changeable, it is reasonable to suppose that in the
course of time its orthography, as well as single words
and phrases, and, perhaps, here and there, some formal
elements, have been subjected to change in order to be
more intelligible, to later readers. It id possible that
Ecclesiastes was received into the canon m some such
later edition. The Aramaisms, therefore, may also be
explained in this manner; at any rate, the supposition
that the time of the composition of a Biblical book
may be deduced from its language is'wholly question-
able.
(3) This is a fact admitted by all those critics who
ascribe Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, portions
of Isaias and of the Pentateuch, etc., to a later period.
without troubling themselves about the difference of
style in these books.
(4) The eagerness to find Aramaisms in Ecclesiastes
is also excessive. Expressions which are commonly
regarded as such are found now and then in many other
books. Hirzel thinks that he has found ten Arama-
isms in Genesis, eight in Exodus, five in Leviticus, four
in Numbers, nine in Deuteronomy, two in Josue, nine
in Judges, five in Ruth, sixteen in Samuel, sixteen in
the Psalms, and several in Proverbs. For this there
may be a twofold explanation: Either the descend-
ants of Abraham, a Chaldean, and of Jacob, who dwelt
twenty years in the Land ot Laban, and whose sons
were almost all born there, have retained numerous
Aramaisms in the newly acquired Hebrew tongue, or
the peculiarities pointed out by Hitzig and others are
no Aramaisms. It is indeed astonishing how accu-
rately certain critics claim to know the linguistic
peculiarities of each of the numerous authors and of
every period of alanguase of which but little literature
is left to us. Zockler affirms that almost every verse
of Qoheleth contains some Aramaisms (Komm., p.
115); Grotius found only four in the whole book;
Hengstenberg admits ten; the opinions on this point
are so much at variance that one cannot help noticing
how varying men's conception of an Aramaism is.
Peculiar or strange expressions are at once called
Aramaisms; but, according to Havernick, the Book of
Proverbs, also, contains forty words and phrases
which are often repeated and which are found in no
other book; the Canticle of Canticles has still more
peculiarities. On the contrary the Prophecies of
Aggeua, Zacharias, and Malachias are without any of
those peculiarities which are supposed to indicate so
late a period. There is much truth in Griesinger's
words: "We have no history of the Hebrew Ian-
■"ar
($) Even prominent authorities adduce Aramaisms
which are shown to be Hebraic by clear proofs or man-
ifest analogies from other books. There are hardly
any unquestionable Aramaisms which can neither be
found in other books nor regarded as Hebraisms,
which perchance have survived only in Ecclesiastes
(for a detailed demonstration cf . the present writer's
Commentary, pp. 23-31). We repeat here Wette's
words: "Only the language remains as the principal
argument that it was written after Solomon ; but how
fallacious in such cases is the merely linguistic proof,
need not be mentioned after what has been said."
It is alleged that the conditions as described in
Ecclesiastes do not agree with the time and person of
Solomon. True, the author, who is supposed to be
Solomon, speaks of the oppression of the weak by the
stronger, or one official by another, of the denial of
right m the courts of justice (iii, 16; iv; 1; v, 7 sqq.;
vui, 9 sq.; x, 4 sqq.). Now many think that such
things could not have happened in Solomon Y realm.
But it surely did not escape the wisdom of Solomon
that oppression occurs at all times and with every
people; the glaring * colours, however, in which he
describes them originate in the tragic tone of the
whole book. Besides, Solomon himself was accused,
after his death, of oppressing his people, and his son
confirms the charge \t (III) K., xu, 4 and 14]; more-
over, long before him, Samuel spoke of the despotism of
the future kings [I Sam. (KX viii, 1 1 sq .]. Many miss in
the book an indication of tne past sins and the subse-
quent repentance of the king, or, on the other hand,
wonder that he discloses the mistakes of his life so
openly. But if these readers considered vii, 27-29,
they could not help sharing Solomon's disgust at
women's intrigues and their consequences; if obedi-
ence towards God is inculcated in various ways, and if
this (xii, 13) is regarded as man's sole destination, the
readers saw that the converted king feared the Lord;
in chap, ii sensuality and luxury are condemned so
vigorously that we may regard this passage as a suffi-
cient expression of repentance. The openness, how-
ever, with which Solomon accuses himself only height-
ens the impression. This impression has at all tunes
been so strong, precisely because it is the experienced,
rich, and wise Solomon who brands the sinful aspira-
tions of man as "vanity of vanities". Again, what
Qoheleth says of himself and his wisdom in xii, 9 sqq.,
cannot sound strange if it comes from Solomon, espe-
cially since in this passage he makes the fear of the
Lord the essence of wisdom. The passages iv, 13 ; viii,
10; ix, 13: x, 4, are considered by some as referring to
historical persons, which seems to me incorrect; at
any rate, indications of so -general a nature do not
necessarily point to definite events and persons.
Other commentators think they have discovered
traces of Greek philosophy in the book ; Qoheleth ap-
pears to rje now a sceptic, now a stoic, now an epicu-
rean; but these traces of Hellenism, if existing at all,
are nothing more than remote resemblances too weak
to serve as arguments. Cheyne (Job and Solomon)
sufficiently refuted Tyler and Plumptre. That iii, 12,
is a linguistic Grsecism, has not been proved, because
the common meaning of 3)D XWV is retained by many
commentators; moreover, in II Sam. (K.), xii, 18,
Hjn WJJ means "to be sorry "; the verb, therefore,
has about the same force as if we translated 2fl0 HPP
by «0 Tp&TT*tv.
As all the other internal proofs against the author-
ship of Solomon are not more convincing, we must
listen to the voice of tradition, which has always attrib-
uted Ecclesiastes to him. The Jews doubted not its
composition by Solomon, but objected to the recep-
tion, or rather retention, of the book in the canon:
Hfllel'8 School decided definitely for its canonicity and
inspiration. In the Christian Church Theodore of
Mopsuestia and some others for & time obscured the
tradition ; all other witnesses previous to the sixteenth
century favour the Solemonic authorship and the in-
^
ECCLESIASTICAL
248
ECCLESIASTICAL
spfration. The book itself bean testimony for Solo-
mon, not only by the title, but by the whole tone of the
discussion, as well as in i, 12; moreover, in x*i, 9,
Qoheleth is expressly called the author of many prov-
erbs. The ancients never so much as suspected that
here, as in the Book of Wisdom, Solomon only played
a fictitious part. On the other hand, the attempt is
made to prove that the details do not fit Solomon, and
to contest his authorship with this single internal argu-
ment. . The reasons adduced, however, are based upon
textual explanations which are justly repudiated by
others. Thus Hengstenberg sees (x, 16) in the king,
"who is a child", an allusion to the King of Persia;
Grata, to Herod the Idumaean; Reusch rightly main-
tains that the writer speaks of human experiences in
general. From ix, 13-15, Hitzig concludes that the
author lived about the year 200; Bernstein thinks
this ridiculous and opines that some other historical
event is alluded to. Hengstenberg regards this pas-
sage as nothing more than a parable; on this last
view, also, the translation of the Septuagint is based
(it has the subjunctive; t\0y /fao-iXcft, "there may
come a king"). As a matter of fact, Qoheleth de-
scribes only what has happened or may happen some-
where "under the sun" or at some time; ne does not
speak of political situations, but of the experience of
tne individual j he has in view not his people alone,
but mankind m general. If internal reasons are to
decide the question of authorship, it seems to me that
we might more justly prove this authorship of Solo-
mon with more right from the remarkable passage
about the snares of woman (vii, 27), a passage the
bitterness of which is not surpassed by the warning of
any ascetic; or from the insatiable thirst of Qoheleth
for wisdom; or from his deep knowledge of men and
the unusual force of his style. Considering everything
we see no decisive reason to look for another author;
on the contrary, the reasons which have been ad-
vanced against this view are for the greatest part so
weak that in this question the influence of fashion is
clearly discernible.
The time of the composition of our book is variously
set down by the critics who deny the authorship of
Solomon. Every period from Solomon to 200 has been
suggested by them; there are even authorities for a
later time; Grata thinks that he has discovered clear
proof that the book was written under King Herod
(40-4 b. a). This shows clearly how little likely the
linguistic criterion and the other internal arguments
are to lead to an agreement of opinion. If Solomon
wrote Ecclesiastes towards the end of his life, the
sombre tone of the book is easily explained; for the
judgments of God (III Kings, xi) which then came
upon him would naturally move him to sorrow and
repentance, especially as the breaking up of his king-
dom and the accompanying misery were then distinctly
before his eyes (see v v. 29 sqq. ; 40). Amid the sudden
lsed to correct mm in mercy ua J^mgs. vu, i* sq.;,
the supposition of many ancient writers that Solomon
was converted to God becomes highly probable.
Then we also understand why his last book, or one
of his last, consists of three thoughts: the vanity of
earthly things, self-accusation, and emphatic admoni-
tion to obey the immutable decrees of Providence.
The last was well suited to save the Israelites from
despair, who were soon to behold the downfall of their
power.
There is an unmistakable similarity between Eccle-
siastes and the Canticle of Canticles, not only in the
pithy shortness of the composition, but also in the
emphatic repetition of words and phrases, in the bold-
ness of the language, in the obscure construction of
the whole, and m certain linguistic peculiarities (e. g.
the use of the relative {?). The loose succession of
sententious thoughts, however, reminds us of the Book
of 'Proverbs, whence the epilogue (xii, 9 sqq.) ex-
pressly refers to Qoheleth's skill in parables. In the
old lists of Biblical books, the place of Ecclesiastes is
between Proverbs and the Canticle of Canticles: Sept.,
Talmud (Baba Bathra xiv, 2), Orig., Mel., Concil. Lao-
dic, etc., also in the Vulgate. Its position is different
only in the Masoretic Bible, but, as is generally ad-
mitted, for liturgical reasons.
As to the contents, the critics attack the passages
referring to the judgment and immortality: iii, 17; xi,
9; xii, 7; furthermore the epilogue, xii, 9 sqq., espe-
cially verses 1 3, 14 ; also some other passages. Bickell
expressed the opinion that the folios of the original,
while being stitched, were deranged and completely
confused; his hypothesis found few advocates, and
Euringer (Masorahtext des Qoheleth, Leipzig, 1890)
maintains, in opposition to him, that books had not at
that early date taken the place of rolls. There is not
sufficient evidence to assume that the text was written
in verse, as Zapletal does.
Owing to its literalism, the translation of the Septu-
agint is frequently unintelligible, and it seems that the
translators used a corrupt Hebraic text. The Itala
and the Coptic translation follow the Septuagint. The
Peshito, though translated from the Hebrew, is evi-
dently also dependent on the text of. the Septuagint.
This text, with the notes of Origen, partly forms the
Greek and Syriac Hexapla. The Vulgate is a shilful
translation made by Jerome from the Hebrew and far
superior to his translation from the Greek (in his com-
mentary). Sometimes we cannot accept his opinion
(in vi, 9, he most likely wrote quid cupias, and in viii, 12,
ex eo quod peccator) . (See the remnants of the Hexapla
of Origen in Field, Oxford, 1875; a paraphrase of
the Greek text in St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Migne,
X, 987.) The Chaldean paraphrast is useful for con-
trolling the Masoretic text; tne Midrash Qoheleth is
without value. The commentary of Olympiodorus is
also serviceable (seventh century, M., XCIII, 477) and
(Ecumenius, "Catena" (Verona, 1532). A carefuf
translation from the Hebrew was made about 1400 in
the "Graca Veneta" (ed. Gebhardt, Leipzig, 1875).
In the Latin Church important commentaries were written,
after the time of Jerome, on whom many depend, by Bonaven-
tuba, Nicol. Lyranub. Denyb THii Carthusian, and above all
by Pineda (seventeenth cent.), by Maldonatus, Cornelius a
Lapidb, and Bobsubt.
Modern Catholic oommentariesr Schafer (Freiburg im Br.,
1870); Motais (Paris, 1876); Rambouxllbt (Paris, 1877);
Gietmann (Paris, 1890); Zapletal (Fribourg, Switzerland,
1905).
Protestant commentaries: Zockubb, tr. Taylor (Edinburgh,
1872); Bullock, in Speaker's Comment. (London, 1878); Cam-
bridge Bible (1881): Wright (London. 1883): Leimdorver
(Hamburg. 1892); Siegfried (Qdttingen, 1898); Wildbboer
(Freiburg im Br., 1898).
G. Gietmann.
Ecclesiastical Art. — Before speaking in detail of
the developments of Christian art from the beginning
down to the present day, it seems natural to say some-
thing in regard to the vexed question as to the source
of its inspiration. It would not be possible here to
treat adequately all the various theories which have
been propounded, but the essentials of the controversy
may be given in a few words. Afterwards there will be
some mention of the principal works which Christian
antiquity has left to us and a setting forth of the influ-
ence of the Catholic Church in stimulating and direct-
ing that artistic spirit which for so many centuries it
alone was destined to keep alive.
Origin of Christian Art. — There has been much
discussion of late years as to the influences which were
predominant in the development of early Christian
art. Professor Wickhoff in a striking essay (Roman
Art, tr., 1900) has contended that in the first century
after Christ a distinctively Roman style was evolved
both in painting and sculpture, the salient features of
which he characterizes as impressionist or " illusion-
ist". He marks several stages in the growth of this
*
^.
ECCLESIASTICAL 249 ECCLESIASTICAL
style, and claims for it especially the creation of what respect the counterpart of the ornamentation of the
he calls the "continuous method of composition, i. e. contemporary private houses buried at Pompeii,
a method by which several successive stages of the There is nothing distinctively Christian. Perhaps the
same history are depicted together in a single painting, f reauent recurrence of the vine as a principal element
Further, he contends that this Roman style was in the scheme of decoration may havo been meant to
adopted by the first Christian artists and that, though suggest the thought of Christ, the true vine, but even
obscured and weakened, it pervaded the Roman world this is doubtful. Symbolism occurs early, but it can
and maintained its identity throughout the Middle only be recognized with confidence in the more public
Ages, until eventually it quickened again into fuller cemeteries of the second century, e. g. that of St. Cal-
life under the stimulus of the Renaissance. This view, listus; here, under the influence of the " Discipline of
an exaggeration of the Romanist hypothesis which the Secret", it is hardly wrong to recognise the true
long held the field, has been severely criticized by beginnings of a distinctively Christian art. No doubt
many competent authorities and notably by Strzy- this art in a most marked degree was imitative of the
gowski ("Orient oder Rom", 1901, and " Kleinasien , more decent forms of pagan decoration familiar at the
1903), who attributes the predominant influence in the period. It seems constantly to be forgotten by those
development of Christian art to the recrudescence of who discuss this subject that it was the deliberate ob-
purely Oriental feeling. This, as he maintains, had jectof the early Christians, during the ages of suspicion
always survived at Byzantium, Antioch, and Alexan- and persecution, to exclude from their places of sepul-
dria, and it became operative once more when the ture all that would by its conspicuousness or strange-
Graeco-Roman artistic tradition at Rome had ex- ness attract thjp notice of the casual pagan intruder,
hausted itself after the effort of a few centuries. No wonder that the theme of the Good Shepherd is
Though Strzygowski may go too far when he claims introduced again and again in the fresco decorations of
that even the art of the Romanized provinces like the early catacombs. This is no indication, as ration-
Gaul came from the East direct and not through alist critics have sometimes pretended, of the survival
Rome, it seems highly probable that his contention is of an idolatrous mythology, but the very likeness of
in substance accurate enough. It is significant that the beardless Good Shepherd to the type of the pagan
Professor Andr6 Michel in the monumental " Histoire Hermes Kriophorus — a likeness, however, which is
de l'Art" (1905- — ) distinctly lends his support to the never so exact as to lead to real confusion — consti-
theory that the Christian art of the Middle Ages was tuted its recommendation to those who wished to hide
Byzantine rather than Roman in its origin. To Rome their distinctive practices from the prying eyes of the
no doubt must be assigned the prevalence of the basil- people around them. In the same way the Orante, or
ica type of church and the first effective conception of praying figure, symbolical of the Church or the indi-
the possibilities of stone vaulting. But the transfer- vidual soul, bore a general resemblance to the statues
ence of the seat of government by Honorius in 404 of Pietas, familiar enough to the ordinary Roman citi-
from Rome to Ravenna and the confusion that arose zen, while the dove, which was to the Christian elo-
in the Western Roman Empire, had far-reaching conse- quent of the qp&ce of the Holy Spirit, would not have
Suences upon the development of art. If Rome was at been distinguished by his pagan neighbour from the
11 times the seat of the papacy, the vicars of Christ birds consecrated to Venus. The deeper mysteries of
had not at this early date acquired any preponderate- the Eucharist and of the other sacraments were still
ing influence in the social and civil affairs of the West- more artfully veiled in the frescoes of those early cen-
ern world, while more than a hundred years after this, turies. No doubt the fish was an object familiar
beginning with the seventh century, no less than thir- enough in all kinds of pagan decoration, but that very
teen pontiffs who occupied in succession the chair of fact rendered it most suitable for the purpose of the
St. Peter were of Greek or Syrian origin. But what is Christian when he wished to symbolize the marvellous
perhaps most important of all, the Latin stock who workings of Christ (Iipovt Xpurrbi 6eoC Tibs lunijp =
occupied what was once the great city, but what now IX9T2, the fish) in the waters of baptism. What again
became only a provincial town, were morally and intel- was more common in decoration than some form of
lectually effete. The motive power for a new develop- banoueting scene — a theme also often utilized by the
ment was to come from outside. The impetuous worshippers of Mi thra — but these feasts depicted upon
energy of the Teutonic tribes of the North was full of the walls of a sepulchral chamber had a far other and
latent possibilities for the arts of peace, when that deeper significance for the Christian, who by some
energy was once diverted from the strenuous occupa- minute sign, the little cross, it may be, impressed upon
tions of a time of war. Once again " Gracia capta the loaves, or the fishes which decked the frugal board,
ferum victorem cepit"; but it was Greece enriched was quick to discern the reference to the life-giving
this time with the inheritance of Antioch, Ephesus, and mystery of the Blessed Eucharist. There are also
Alexandria, while the culture that now travelled west human figures and Biblical scenes, especially those con-
and north found ultimately a more responsive soil nee ted with the liturgy for the departed — for example,
than it had ever met with in Latium. In its adoption the miraculous restorations of Jonah and Daniel ana
by Goths, Franks, and Saxons the art of Byzantium Lazarus — and in one or two isolated instances we may
lost its rigidity, and something of its formalism. It perhaps recognize a presentment of the Madonna; but
was a living germ which soon developed an indepen- the reference is always cryptic and only interpretable
dent growth, and long before the Renaissance once by the initiated. It was under these circumstances
more directed the minds of men to classic models, not that the instinct of religious symbolism was developed
only architecture and sculpture, but the arts of the when the art of the Church was yet in its infancy, out
painter, the iron-worker, the goldsmith, and the glass- the tradition thus created has never departed from
founder were full of vigorous life and promise true religious art throughout the ages,
throughout all Western Europe. With the triumph of the Church under Constantine
The earliest specimens of decoration employed for a the necessity for the sedulous hiding of the mysteries
Christian purpose are found in the Roman catacombs, of the Faith in large measure disappeared. From a. d.
In the most ancient examples of all, the private cham- 313 to the end of the fifth century was a period of trans-
bers used for Christian interment in the first and sec- formation and development in Christian art, and it
ond centuries, there is decoration indeed , but it is only may be conspicuously recognized upon the walls of the
in a negative sense that it can be called Christian art, Roman catacombs. Biblical scenes abound, and the
for while the abundant frescoes seen in the cemetery figure of Christ, no longer so frequently as the
of Domitilla and notably in the cubiculum of Amplia- beardless Good Shepherd, but crowned with a nimbus
tus exclude such pagan elements as would be un- and sitting or standing in the attitude of authority, is
seemly, the character of the painting is in every fearlessly introduced. The nimbus is also extended to
ECCLESIASTICAL
250
ECCLESIASTICAL
others beside Christ, for example to Our Lady and
some of the saints. Sculpture again, though in the
catacombs the traces it has left are relatively few, now
for the first time becomes the helpmate of painting in
the service of the Church. This is the age of the great
Christian sarcophagi so wonderfully decorated with
the figures of Christ and His Apostles and with biblical
scenes still full of symbolic meaning. The old ways of
the period of persecution had, it is plain, become not
only familiar but dear to the body of the faithful. The
allegorical method of representing the mysteries of the
Faitn did not disappear at once. But though with the
triumph of Constantine the outline of the chrisme",
or the Greek monogram of Christ. ^ was universally
held in honour and introduced -3> into all Christian
monuments and even into the coinage, the crucifix as
a Christian emblem was as yet practically unknown.
For more than a century the memory of the Sacrifice of
Calvary was recalled to the minds of the faithful only
by some such device as that of a plain cross impressed
with the figure of a lamb. The first representations of
the figure of the Saviour nailed upon the Rood, as we
see it upon the carved doors of Sta Sabina in Rome and
in the British Museum ivory, belong probably to the
fifth century, but for a long period after that this sub-
ject is very rarely found, ana its occurrence in frescoes
or mosaics is hardly recorded anywhere before the
time of Justinian (527-565).
Mosaics and Other Early Christian Arts. — To
find the beginning of the use of colour in the Roman
Empire to anything like an important extent, we must
look at the Roman pavements composed of myriads of
tesserse, and representing in a flat and somewhat un-
interesting manner mystic beings, extraordinary ani-
mals, fruits, flowers, and designs. Between these
Roman pavements and one branch of the earliest
Christian art, that of mosaic, there is a very close con-
nexion. It seems also possible that some of the early
efforts of the art of the Christian Church are to be
found in the decorations of gold on glass which have
been discovered in the catacombs. Upon these glasses,
dating from the third to the fifth century, are found
representations of Christ and of the Apostles, as well
as drawings in gold-leaf, partly symbolic and partly
realistic, referring to the miracles of Christ, the em-
blems of the Seven Spirits, a future life, and the events
narrated in the New Testament. Simple and archaic
as these are, yet many of them show considerable
beauty. The primitive Church included within itself,
not only the poor and humble, but persons of distinc-
tion, rank, and attainment, and it is clear from an ex-
amination of these drawings that some were executed
by those who were in possession of considerable artis-
tic skill, and who had been trained in a knowledge of
Greek and Roman art. Contemporaneous with these,
and earlier, are frescoes painted upon the walls of the
catacombs, including portraits of the Apostles and of
Christ, representations of the martyrs, naive pict-
ures of the scenes from Holy Writ, and simple illumi-
natory symbolism . Then, between the fourth and tenth
centuries, there is a long series of mosaics, in which for
the first time strong evidence appears of a sense of
colour. A few specimens of these mosaics adorned the
catacombs, afterwards they are found in the oratories
and places of worship of the primitive Church. It was
speedily recognized that mosaic decorations possessed
certain strong claims to attention, such as other meth-
ods of decoration lacked. While the artist himself
must be responsible for fresco work, very much of the
labour in mosaic decoration could be left to persons of
subordinate position, and once the artist had drawn
out the pattern and scheme which was to cover, for
instance, the apse of the church, the actual manual
labour of fitting in the tesserae could be done by work-
men. Then, again, there was the quality of imperish-
ability; the mosaic was permanent^ an actual # part of
the structure which it decorated; it did not vary in
colour by reason of light or atmosphere, and could be
cleansed from time to time. It was also capable of
strong, broad effect*, rendering it peculiarly suitable
to positions at the end of a building, somewhat above
the line of sight, and its colour could be made so em-
Ehatic and so brilliant that the darkest of curves or
ollows could be lit up by its luminous beauty. It is
small wonder, therefore, that from the very earliest
period the Church drew to itself the skilful workers in
mosaic, and employed them, as can be seen by the
wonderful remains at Ravenna, in Sicily, on Mount
Athos, near Constantinople, and notably at Rome, to
decorate the interiors of the basilicas, and to portray
upon their walls the emblems of the Divine tragedy, of
the sufferings of Christ and of His saints, or to repre-
sent in hieratic magnificence the figures of Christ in
glory, or in benediction, so that the scenes might be
well in sight of all the worshippers within the little
churches.
From the representation of single figures at the end
of the church, the work speedily spread to more elabo-
rate adornment of the walls, and from the simplicity
of a single emblem, a single figure, the artistic spirit
grew until it represented in pictorial effect the para-
bles and miracles of Christ, or spread long triumphant
processions of virgins, Apostles, martyrs, along the
walls of the aisles and transepts of the larger churches.
There is no city in Europe in which this earliest Chris-
tian art can be so well studied as at Ravenna. The
difficulty of approaching the place in its out-of-the-way
position has enabled it to retain and preserve the
monuments in which it is so rich, and which relate so
exclusively to its early history. The baptistery dates
back to the last years of the fourth century, and was
later ornamented in mosaic. There is in it a represen-
tation of the Baptism of Christ, and a circle of the
Twelve Apostles; the figures, of surpassing dignity,
appear to move round the dome with a swing and
grace very remarkable in effect. Another circle of
mosaic decorations in the same building represents the
four Books of the Gospels open upon four altars, and
between them four thrones of dominion with crosses;
these mosaics have never been restored, and are in the
condition in which their makers left them. The huge
font intended for baptism by immersion, which stands
below them, is proof of their antiquity, but the actual
inscription of dedication with its date still exists on
the metal cross surmounting the building. In the
chapel of the archbishop in the archiepiscopal palace
are mosaics of the fifth century made during the reign
of Archbishop St. Peter Chrysologus, while in the
tomb of the Empress Galla Placid ia are mosaic decora-
tions of her period ; unfortunately, many of these lat-
ter works have been restored. The very finest mosaics
in Ravenna, however, relate to the great heresy of
Arianism. In the time of Theodoric, the old heresy
was beginning once more to make itself felt. Arius
had long been dead, Athanasius had fought his cour-
ageous battle against the Arian heresy, the Councils of
mesa and Constantinople had been held, and had
pronounced against it, and the Nicene doctrine had
been confirmed, so that within the Church the heresy
could no longer exist, but outside the Catholic Church
there were still those who accepted it. When Theo-
doric, King of the Ostrogoths, came into power, Arian-
ism became once more a force to be reckoned with, and
the emperor erected a cathedral and a baptistery at
Ravenna for his Arian bishops. It is in the church
now called Sant' Apollinare Nuovo, which was new
more than a thousand years ago, that the great rhyth-
mic array of saints and virgins alluded to above exists,
the greater part of it as it was when Theodoric erected
the church fourteen centuries ago. In the baptistery
of the Arians, near by, the mosaics upon the roof were
put in place practically after the baptistery became
Catholic, and therefore date from about 550.
It is not only, however, in mosaics, that Ravenna
tm
ECCLESIASTICAL 251 ECCLESIASTICAL
illustrates the early art of the Church; one of its great ing primitive tiroes, the period of the Middle Ages is
treasures, the ivory chair of St. Maximianus (546-556), one of enormous -artistic importance, and it is an era in
made in the first half of the sixth century, has been in which the influence of the Church is practically para-
the city since it .was first carved, with the exception of mount. To this period there does not belong any
a very short time when it was carried to Venice in very long series of artistic objects relating exclusively
1001. It is perhaps the finest example in existence of to domestic life. There were, of course, articles of
such ivory carving, and was the work of Oriental domestic interest marked by artistic skill, there were
craftsmen, who entered into the service of the Church objects of personal decoration, and appliances for use
and carved this chair with its delicate and beautiful in the home; but the choicest talent and the efforts of
illustrations of the miracles of Christ and the history the most supreme genius were almost invariably given
of Joseph. The same city can illustrate other branches to the work of the Church, and even where the com-
of applied art, for the orphreys and textile fabrics missions related to domestic ornamentation, there was
made for San Giovanni in the fifth century, the sixth- generally a religious element in the decorations and
century altar-cross of the archbishop, St. Agnellus the use of religious symbolisms. To this period belong
(556-569), his processional cross of silver, and portions the magnificent works in enamels, executed for church
of his cathedral chair, are still preserved in the cathe- work. There are the tall pricket candlesticks, superb
dral, while the art of carving m marble of the same chasses and reliquaries, altar-crosses, crosiers, shrines,
period is exceedingly well exemplified by the splendid censers and incense boats, crucifixes, morses for copes,
stone sarcophagi existing in various churches of the and medallions for sacred vessels, triptychs and polyp-
city. Following the time of Theodoric came the rule tychs for use on the altar, plaaues for book-covers, es-
of the Emperor Justinian (527-565), and the epis- pecially for the adornment of tne Book of the Gospels,
copate of St. Ecclesius (521-534), while the mosaic cruets, basins, chalices, and book-binding in metal en-
decoration in the church of San Vitale, done in the crusted with jewels. The very first British enamels
early and middle part of the sixth century, illustrate were merely a kind of coarse decoration, applied to the
the change from Arian heresy to Catholic truth, and adornment of shields and helmets, but later on to cups,
the exquisite beauty of the mosaic work the Church vases, and drinking-vessels, but, when mention is
was able to make use of at that time. A little journey made of the Ardagh Chalice and the Alfred Jewel, it
outside Ravenna to the church of Sant' Apollinare in will be realized that a period in enamel work has been
Classe will enable the student to bring his study of reached when the Church laid its hand upon the craft,
early mosaic work and early sculpture down to a still Concerning the use of the Alfred Jewel, it may be
later period, as in that church there is the great mosaic broadly stated that the most probable theory is that
erected by Archbishop Reparatus c. 671, the carved it was the ornament applied to the head of an ivory
throne of St. Damianus (688-705), and the sarcophagi pointer used by the deacon when reading the Book of
of various archbishops, extending in date to the end of the Gospels, and that therefore this, exquisite object
the seventh century, and bearing religious emblems of now in tne Ashmolean Museum at Oxford is one of the
very considerable importance. Attention should also earliest examples of ecclesiastical enamel work. The
be drawn to the pictures on unprepared linen cloth, Ardagh Chalice, of translucent enamels on silver and
executed in a material similar to transparent water- gold, is only one of a group of Irish shrines, reliquaries,
colour, ascribed •to a period antecedent to the third missal-covers, crosiers, and crosses, similarly deco-
century. They chiefly purport to be representations rated, and it would appear likely that these Irish or
of the features of Christ. The most notable of course Celtic enamels, of which half a aozen adorn the altar
is the one known as the Handkerchief of St. Veronica, of Sant' Ambrogio in Milan, are perhaps among the
preserved in the Vatican, and which none but an earliest existing examples of the art in connexion with
ecclesiastic of very high rank is allowed to examine ecclesiastical possessions. In the first part of the
closely. Although the most important, it is by no eleventh century, Byzantium appears to have been
means the only example of such a picture. There is the head-quarters of the work of ecclesiastical enamel-
another in Genoa, a third in the church of San Silves- ling, and the pectoral cross in the South Kensington
tro in Rome, and others in various European shrines. Museum may be taken as an example of early Byzan-
The metal work executed during the Ostrogothic occu- tine work. The art of the enameller was also in exist-
pation of Italy was often work commissioned by the ence in Germany at an early date, and here also was
Church for use in the ceremonials of the service, and applied exclusively to ecclesiastical objects. Towards
figures of Christ and of the saints, ornaments for copes, the middle of the twelfth century the workers of
chasses in which to put relics, and vessels for use at the Limoges came into prominence, and from that time
altar, belonging to this period of primitive art, are the down to the end of the thirteenth Limoges was the
direct result of the teaching of the Church. As, how- centre of production. In Italian enamelling, the won-
ever, the religious feeling spread more and more, the derful translucent reliquary, dated 1338, the work of
desire arose among Christians to have artistic repre- Ugolino of Siena, in which is preserved the great relic
sentations of the great events of the Faith in their of the Holy Corporal at Orvieto, is a masterpiece of
houses, and it is possible that the beginnings of what the craft. The altar-frontal at Pistoja belongs to
we may term portable pictorial work arose in this about the same period, and a little later comes the
way. The very early tempera paintings on wood of reliquary made by the brothers Arezzo, while during
Eastern and Byzantme character, some of which are the whole of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the
actually ascribed to the hand of the Apostle St. Luke enamellers were kept hard at work in Italy producing
himself, may very likely have been executed, not en- objects intended for Church work in two or three dis-
tirely as decorations for the Church, but that the tinct processes, either that called champlevl, or an-
wealthier members of the community, at least, might other method, that of floating transparent enamels,
have in their homes, in the privacy of their own ora- known by the name of bassetaule, or still another pro-
tories, some cherished representation of the Man of cess called encrusting. At the end of the- fifteenth cen-
Sorrows Himself, or of some Apostle or saint from tury, and the beginning of the sixteenth, in the era of
whom the owner was named, or towards whom he had the Renaissance, the art left Italy, and, taking a new
some particular affection. In this way may perhaps form, that of painted enamels, or more strictly, paint-
be traced the beginning of the history of the icons, ing in enamels, had a recrudescence in France, in the
which are so important a feature in the life of the very same place, Limoges, in which the old enamels
Eastern Church, and which adorn every house, in had been produced.
many cases being found in all the rooms occupied by In another division of applied arts are the remark-
the various members of the family. able embroideries which adorned all the sacred vest-
Ecclesiastical Art in the Middle Ages. — Leav- ments, representing, in the most wonderful pictorial
^
ECCLESIASTICAL
252
ECCLESIASTICAL
effect, groups of saints, sacred scenes, and religious
symbols. On the chasubles, copes, ajbs, stoles, mani-
ples, burses, veils, mitres, frontals, super-frontals. and
altar-covers, palls, bags, and panels 01 that period, are
to be seen triumphs of artistic excellence, worked with
exceeding beauty, and with a glorious richness of col-
our, by the hands of the faithful women of the day
and designed by the men of supreme genius whom the
Church had attracted to her side. Some of the very
finest of this embroidery work was English, and refer-
ences are found to the dignity of English embroidery
before the end of the seventh century, as, St. Aldhelm,
Bishop of Sherborne, celebrated in verse the skilful
work of the Anglo-Saxon embroideresses. Indeed, at
one time, rather too much attention in the convents for
women seems to have been given to this fascinating
needlework, for a council held in 747 recommended
that the reading of books and psalm-singing by the
nuns should receive greater attention, and that not
quite so many hours should be spent in needlework.
As early as 855, the Anglo-Saxon King Ethelwulf
when journeying to Rome took with him as presents
silken vestments richly embroidered in gold, executed
in his own country, and there are fragments of a stole
and maniple, found in the tomb of St. Cuthbert (d.
687), which were produced under the auspices of the
wife of Edward the Elder in 916 and placed in the
saint's coffin. From that time down to the middle of
the sixteenth century there was a constant demand
for the work of the skilled embroideresses, and this
section of art, so particularly suitable to ecclesiastical
purposes, was one of perennial richness. It is well
that some stress should be laid upon the question of
embroidery, inasmuch as in the Middle Ages it was
almost exclusively a branch of ecclesiastical art, and
nearty everything that can be termed of importance in
fine embroidery, especially in fine English embroidery
previous to the fifteenth century, was executed for the
Church. Enormous labour was given to the produc-
tion of these beautiful vestments, and as an example
it may be mentioned that a frontal presented to the
Abbey of Westminster in 1271 took the whole labour
of four women for three years and three-quarters.
Lincoln Cathedral in the fourteenth century possessed
over six hundred vestments in its sacristy, while the
Abbey of Westminster had very nearly double as
many, and even the English churches were far behind
those of Spain in the sumptuous manner in which they
were, supplied with vestments. There was therefore
every possible necessity for the work, and no branch of
art has a greater importance between the twelfth and
the fifteenth centuries than has this one of embroidery.
Fortunately, a sufficient number of the old vestments
have come down to the present day to give a satisfac-
tory idea of their importance and beauty, and the
records and inventories of church goods prior to the
sixteenth century afford still further information con-
cerning this branch of art. The spirit of devotion
which lias ever given the instinct to decorate the
house of God with tjie very finest works of which man
is capable led to this lavish display of artistic genius in
the service of the Catholic Church, but it must also be
borne in mind that there were other, subordinate
causes to account for the work. The Church, follow-
ing its Divine Master, has always inculcated the im-
portance of good works, and it has ever encouraged the
faithful to give to its service of their best. If their
skill was in metal-work, in embroidery, in carving
wooden figures or wonderful choir-stalls, in stained
glass, in jewellery, in fresco or in mosaic, such skill
was to be devoted to God's service, as the choicest gift
the artist had to lay upon the altar, symbolic of nis
devotion to his faith. Even beyond that, there came
the occasions in which the penance for sin took the
form of the devotion of artistic gifts to the work of the
Church, and the other and very numerous cases in
which this artistic labour was the constant employ-
ment of those persons who had devoted their entire
life to the religious career, in the various monastic
houses belonging to the different orders.. One further
cause must not be overlooked, the fact that it was the
Crown, the clergy, and the nobility who alone could
command, by reason of their means, the splendid pro-
ductions of the men of genius of tne time, and that
while the commissions given by the clergy would most
certainly be for church purposes almost exclusively,
those given by the Crown and the higher nobility were
in almost all instances for exactly the same purposes,
and this for a double reason. First, the desire to ren-
der the home beautiful had not yet arisen to any con-
siderable extent, and secondly, there was every wish
to make the private chapel or oratory, the public
church or royal sanctuary, as beautiful as possible,
both to carry out the instincts of the religious feeling
and please those who held control of spiritual things,
as well as to heap up a reward for good deeds which
would have a corresponding equivalent in the future
life and might serve as retribution for the deeds of vio-
lence that formed so integral a part of the life of these
centuries.
The period under consideration was not so much
one of portable pictures as of applied art, devoted to
the interior decoration of the sacred buildings, and to
every object having connexion with the service of the
altar. One section of ecclesiastical art deserving spe-
cial mention concerns almost exclusively the monastic
orders, namely, that of illumination and transcription.
All over Europe the monks of the pre-Renaissance
time were engaged in preparing the books of the day,
and these books were almost exclusively religious ones.
The number of those concerning domestic matters,
agriculture, or the classics, transcribed by these dili-
gent students, is relatively small, but the series of
religious works from their diligent pens is an exceed-
ingly long one. Their time was fully occupied in pre-
paring manuscripts for use within th« cloisters ana for
the service of the altar, as well as for the great patrons
of the monasteries who desired to have books of devo-
tion for their own use, or for gifts to other sovereigns or
noblemen. These manuscripts are of incomparable
beauty, being transcribed with extraordinary skill
upon the finest of vellum, and adorned with initial let-
ters, calendars, and illustrations, that are triumphs of
artistic skill, and marvels of ingenuity. The Booksrof
Hours, Missals, Breviaries, and Psalters having their
origin in the monastic houses of England, France, Ger-
many, and Italy during the Middle Ages are now
among the greatest artistic treasures of the world, and
with regard to them there is one very striking fact
which must never be overlooked. This does not re-
late exclusively to books of devotion, it belongs nearly
as much to every work of art produced during this
period, and it is the fact that these triumphs of skill
are for the most part anonymous. In the period
hardly any great names are recorded in connexion
with such work. There is a wonderful series of artistic
treasures, but signatures scarcely ever exist. Here and
there the name of an enameller is known, or perchance
the name of the place where he worked, occasionally the
name of a wood-carver or a worker in stained glass has
been preserved and there are just a few cases in which
the name of the zealous monk who toiled over the
manuscript is known, but the instances are exceed-
ingly few, and they occur, one might say, by accident
rather than by intention. With respect to illumina-
tions in books of devotion^ one monk took up the task
where the other had left it. Death caused no cessa-
tion of the self-imposed labour. The orders could
never die, and as in the present day great literary
works are undertaken by the leading orders, in the full
knowledge that to carry them out will extend far be-
yond the life of the writer who begins the undertaking,
out that his successor will be equally able to continue
the task, so in the earlier days the monks laboured in
f
ECCLESIASTICAL
253
ECCLESIASTICAL
their cloisters, each at his own work; each generation
of monks in the footsteps of the former, hiding the
individual identity in the name of the order and con-
tent, as the work was done for the greater glory of
God, that while the work should remain, the monks
themselves should be forgotten. Few things are more
striking in considering this period than the singleness
of aim and devotion to duty which characterized these
artists and led them to have no desire to perpetuate
their own names, but simply to carry out to the best of
their ability the allotted task for the glory of God and
His Church. Partly, of course, the reason was that
the dignity of personal labour was not fully realized,
but the reason for this anonymity lies mainly in the
facts already stated, that the work was religious work,
that the aim was a religious aim, and that the identity
of the person did not matter, so long as the Churcn
was properly served by her faithful. There. is one
other aspect of the artistic work of the pre-Renais-
sance time to be alluded to. It is by no means con-
fined to the pre-Renaissance period, but extends
through the succeeding centuries, and it should ex-
tend to all the artistic labour of the present day, but
it is more especially a feature of the period under dis-
cussion. It is that determination which is never sat-
isfied with the work which has been done, but which is
always straining forward for finer and better work.
It is that element of untiring energy and ever-quick-
ening desire for perfection which has always charac-
terized the greatest art-workers of the world, and it
finds its earliest and perhaps its strongest development
in this period.
The early Italian painters fall into two croups: the
first, that which may be called the group of the minia-
turists or illuminators, as, for example, Enrico, Ber-
linghieri, and Oderico; the second, the veryjprimitive
Eainters, such as Margaritone, Spinello, Ucceflo, Cima-
ue, Duccio, Memmi, Lorenzetti, and the various early
masters of the schools of Siena, Padua, and Verona.
The predecessors of these artists, for the most part,
worked without any reference to nature, under Byzan-
tine influence, copying slavishly the methods fixed by
the Greek Churcn. Their pictures, whether they il-
lustrated scenes from the Sacred Writings, the legends
of the Church, or the lives of the saints, were designed
and painted according to fixed rules. Their work
was inferior to that of the Byzantine workers in mosaic,
but followed the same conceptions of art; in every
way, in attitudes, compositions, types of face, folds of
drapery, and even as regards colour, it was guided by
the definite rules of tradition, so that the painter was
little more than a mechanic. Still, despite what may
be termed the ugliness of this particular school, there
was a strong spirit of devotion exercising the minds of
the artists, and they were able to put a certain amount
of sympathy into their hard, angular productions,
thus showing that their works were painted with re-
ligious sentiment, and with a desire to evoke that sen-
timent in others. Margaritone was one o^the first to
break through the hard crust of rules, and although
his work does not show any very striking advance
upon that of his predecessors, yet in his pictures and in
those of the earliest painters of Siena, we begin to find
the desire to paint a Mother of God bearing some liv-
ing semblance to a Mother of Man. There is a strug-
gling towards tenderness and sweetness of counte-
nance, a desire to represent raiment gently floating in
easy curves, and a greater command of sentiment, to-
gether with a simplicity in storytelling, which mark
this primitive school, and prepare the way for the fore-
runner of natural treatment, Giotto himself.
Period of the Renaissance. — The great era of
transition from the Middle Ages to modern times which
is called the Renaissance may be divided into the three
periods of the Early Renaissance, Full Renaissance,
and Late Renaissance. Here again the influence of
the Church is found just as strong and as definite as in
the past. The growing desire to have magnificent
churches created the necessity for other workers in
art. The first years of this period give in Italy the
earliest workers known by name in fresco, and in port-
able pictures, Cimabue. Orcagna, Giotto, and others.
In their "frescoed theology " decorating the churches
of Assisi, Siena, Pisa, and other parts of Italy, is seen
the beginning of the long list of painters whom the
Church enlisted in her service. In bronze work Ghi-
berti produced the gates of the Baptistery of Florence,
and with the appearance of Brunei leschi a new school
of architecture tor ecclesiastical buildings arose. In
this period belongs also the introduction of print-
ing, and here again, just as emphatically, the Church
took the lead. The earliest printers were churchmen,
belonging to a religious order, the earliest books those
of religion — the first actual printed sheet being the In-
dulgence of Pope Nicholas V — followed by a long list
of religious and liturgical works, Sacred Scriptures,
and patristic literature. In the Low Countries the
Van Eycks developed the methods of oil-painting and
there arose a great school of artists, among whom were
Van der Goes, Van der Weyden, Bouts, Cristus, Mem-
ling, and others, who formed the transition from the
Gothic school. Their most important works were altar-
pieces, and in some cases all their paintings were of a
religious character, while in others the paintings not
religious were portraits of the various patrons who had
commissioned the altar-pieces, or who had had their
own private chapels decorated by these artists; there-
fore the intimate connexion between art and the
Church was just as close as ever.
Towards the close of the Early Renaissance period
is found the work in sculpture of Donatello and those
of his school, Desiderio da Settignano, the Rosselhni,
Duccio, Verrochio, and Mino da Fiesole; almost all
the fine work of these men was for ecclesiastical pur-
poses. Here and there are single detached statues, as
for example the one of St. George by Donatello, but
then it must be remembered that these were figures of
saints, and intended for buildings more or less of a re-
ligious character, or for those erected by guilds dis-
tinctly religious, while some of the sculptors named,
as for example Duccio of Perugia, were only known by
the work they executed for the decoration of churches.
During this period among the workers in Germany
were Adam Kraft, Veit Stoss, and the Vischers, who
are associated with the superb tabernacle, the series of
Stations of the Cross and the great bronze shrine in
Nuremberg, all objects intimately connected with re-
ligious work. In England, the tomb of Henry V, and
that of Henry VII b)f Torrigiano, both at Westminster,
must not be overlooked. Every branch of artistic
craftsmanship was at this time employed for the bene-
fit of the Church. Finiguerra, Ghibcrti, and others
were at work at the great silver altar of the Florentine
baptistery. The jewellers, Ghirlandajo, Verrochio,
and Francia were making jewels for altar vestments,
medals for the great ecclesiastics, and pictures for the
churches, Luca della Robbia was preparing his vitri-
fied enamel medallions, that he might present the
Blessed Virgin and her Child in attitudes of the most
perfect tenderness on the exteriors of the churches,
and on the corners of the streets, while other potters
were marking the sacred emblems on their finest pro-
ductions, or painting religious scenes upon their vases
and majolica plates. The Arras tapestries of France,
the English tapestries of Coventry, and the Van Eyck
tapestries of Flanders, were being woven for the hang-
ings of the churches, while Benedetto da Maiano was
bringing his intarsia work to perfection that he might
apply it to the decoration of the choir-stalls in the great
churches of Italy. It was at this time that the great
monastic painter Fra Angelico decorated the cells of
San Marco with his perfect representations of the great
events in the Divine Tragedy, while Gozzoli, Lippi, and
Ghirlandajo adorned the churches, and Perugino, Pin-
ri
ECCLESIASTICAL
254
ECCLESIASTICAL
turicchio, Francia, Albertinelli, and Fra Bartolomeo,
almost exclusively religious painters, prepared those
masterpieces of religious art to set upon the altars of
the private chapels and great churches of the day, that
are now among the treasured masterpieces of all time.
This era was also the period of Humanism, of the re-
turn to the love of the classics. It may be difficult in
this complex period to mark the boundary line be-
tween religion and that strange paganism which was
an emblem of the classical revival, but the Certosa of
Pa via and the work of the early German painters, rep-
resented by such men as Schongauer and the elder
Holbein, mark that side by side with the Humanistic
movement there was a strong religious one. In this
religious movement art had its full share, and engaged
in its tasks, not perhaps with the austere simplicity
and singleness of aim which belonged to an earlier
period, but still with a definite determination that the
best products of artistic craftsmanship should be de-
voted to the service of God. There was, however, a
growing desire that the home should be more beauti-
ful and more luxurious. The decoration of churches
was ceasing to be the sole aim of the art-worker, and
he was finding other fields, but the chief encourage-
ment of art still came from the Church and for the
Church, and even upon domestic work the Church set
her hand and seal. The period of the Full Renais-
sance may be taken as lasting from 1450 to 1550, and
here must be noticed the advent of a new movement in
art, or at least a stronger development of what had
undoubtedly begun to arise in the previous century.
Hitherto, in pictorial art, notably in that of Italy, the
aims had been form, drawing, composition, devotion,
and the expression of spiritual conceptions rather than
colour; but in the Venetian School, that took its rise in
the earlier century with the first Bellini, Carpaccio,
and Crivelli, and that was to see its development at
this time in the later Bellini, Giorgione, Titian, Paolo
Veronese, and Tintoretto, the claims of colour gain a
supremacy over the kindred branches of pictorial art.
The Venetian School is the one in which brilliant colour
attains to its apotheosis, and everything else is sub-
Tservient to it. The simplicity of aim which character-
ized such a man as Fra Angelico passed away, the de-
votional feeling that marked the works of Albertinelli
and Fra Bartolomeo gave place to an overpowering
desire for decoration as such, and in Venice, although
the Church commissioned the great altar-pieces and
the schemes of interior ornamentation for which these
noble artists were responsible, it had to be content to
accept Venetian tradition and to see religious scenes
treated as gorgeous pieces of sumptuously coloured
decoration. Although there might not be the sim-
plicity of a past generation, yet there still existed in the
artists the same desire to offer to the Church the
greatest works of their genius. In this period of the
Full Renaissance are found the work of Raphael and
of Michelangelo; of Clouet, Mabuse, and Scorel; of
Durer, Holbein, and Cranach; of Leonardo da Vinci,
and of Correggio, while in applied arts there was im-
mense industry and great development. The German
metal-workers and goldsmiths prepared church ves-
sels innumerable; Cellini and Caradosso produced
ornaments for church vestments; the screen and the
woodwork for King's College Chapel, Cambridge,
typified the ecclesiastical wo<>a-carving of the time in
England; while the stained-glass windows at King's
College Chapel, in other chapels, and in great churches
show what was attained in this branch of ecclesiastical
art.
The fall of Florence marked the close of the period
of great art in that city; while the paintings and tapes-
try executed for Francis I at Fontainebleau, for Louis
XII at Tours, and some sculpture done by Michel-
angelo for the Medici Chapel, all point out the en-
hanced power of the Humanistic movement and the
destruction of that devotion to faith which had been
so marked a feature of the earlier centuries. The
epoch of the Late Renaissance, extending from 1500 to
1600, and overlapping that of the Full Renaissance,
was still, however, distinguished by a considerable
amount of earnest religious fervour in art. The paint-
ings of Luini, Gaudenzio Ferrari, Andrea del Sarto,
Sodoma, Bronzino, and Peruzzi, are strongly religious,
full of right feeling, and almost exclusively done for
churches, religious houses, guild chapels, and private
oratories, but outside of Italy the connexion between
the Church and art is by no means so apparent.
Spanish supremacy in Northern Europe had been de-
stroyed, and 1576 was marked by the rapid decline of
Spam. The Iberian goldsmiths and iron-workers still
certainly produced their famous grilles, jewels, morses,
chalices, and crucifixes, while in needlework the finest
workers of Castile were elaborating some of the most
perfect examples of church vestments that have ever
been produced. In bronze, the smiths of Aragon were
casting superb church candelabra, and some of the
weavers in France and England were producing tapes-
try decoration for churches; but the greater part ofthe
Gobelin, Brussels, and Mortlake tapestry-weaving was
for domestic use, the greatest architects were working
on domestic architecture, the potters on domestic pot-
\ tery, and the printers and engravers upon work which
cannot be termed religious. The names of certain men
stand out, however, as representing persons of deep
personal religion, who brought their own devotion to
duty to bear upon the work they executed. Such men
were Giulio Romano, Palladio, and the Behaims-, but
the period of that supreme hold which the Church
had retained upon the art of the world, which she had
initiated, developed, and encouraged, was passing
away, never more to appear in its full fruition. Some
reference should be made to the system under which
during this time many of the great decorative schemes
of Italian painting were executed. The encourage-
ment which the Church gave to the Italian painters
took various forms. It was permissible for an influen-
tial or a wealthy family to have allotted to it a small
chapel in the large parish or town church, and the
decoration of the chapel was left to the care of the
family whose name it received. In some cases, these
chapels were built onto the church, and in such in-
stances an architect, a builder, a decorator, and an
artist were all employed, and the Church gladly gave
permission for such additions to the church structure,
m order that the family might have a meeting-place
and an opportunity to make an endowment for per-
petual Masses for its deceased members. In cases
where a new structure was not erected, a portion of the
existing church was enclosed as a private chapel, per-
haps in memory of a father, a mother, or some chil-
dren, and a painter of repute was called in to devise a
scheme of decoration for its walls, in which would be
introduced the figures of saints to whom the deceased
persons had been dedicated, or scenes from the lives of
such saints ; in many cases life-size figures of the saints
were represented with their hands upon the kneeling
figures of the donors of the chapel. There was no
thought of an anachronism; it was considered per-
fectly right that representations of persons who liad
died but a few weeks or months before should be intro-
duced into the scenes in which the saints of early
church history were depicted. It then became the
ambition of later members to add to the beauty of the
family chapel as means allowed. The walls "having
been decorated, an altar-piece would be painted by
another artist, while pernaps, following nim, yet a
third would ornament the front of the altar, or crafts-
men would be called in to supply objects used in the
sacred service, or vestments and books for the priests.
In this way these little chapels became shrines for
artistic work, the productions of many hands, repre-
senting the desires of many persons to place the best of
work at the service of the Church, to act dutifully
ECCLESIASTICAL
255
ECCLESIASTICAL
towards the family itself, and to make a suitable offer-
ing' in recompense for crimes committed. Another
course sometimes adopted was to call in two painters,
rivals in their profession, to decorate different walls of
a church, or the two sides of an altar-piece, or again,
when some great addition was made to the fabric, on
account of an important event, such as the canoniza-
tion of a local saint, or a marked interposition of Provi-
dence on behalf of the town, different influential per-
sons in the place would undertake to be responsible for
portions of the building, each calling in his own favour-
ite painter, and in this way the work would be com-
pleted. Or it might be that an order desired to deco-
rate a church dedicated to its patron saint, and the
commission would be given to some notable artist, who
perhaps was unable to complete the task, or who died
before its completion. In such cases, others were
called in to complete it, and in this way the fabric was
beautified by various successive hands.
The number of definitely personal commissions
which the sixteenth-century artist had was small, as
even in the instances where a patron ordered a picture,
it was generally an altar-piece for the family chapel, or
else the decoration of some building belonging to the
trade guild to which he was attached, ancfthis trade
guild being nearly always a religious association, the
commission came under the category of religious work.
It is all this which marks the great distinction between
art and craftsmanship previous to the sixteenth cen-
tury and after it. In the period from the triumph of
Christianity to about 1260 in Italy, and about 1460 in
Northern Europe, the dominant art is architecture,
chiefly employed in the service of the Church, and the
arts of painting and carving were only applied subor-
dinate^ for its enrichment. During the Renaissance
period the imitative arts, sculpture, painting, and the
various art-crafts began to develop and detach them-
selves, to exist and strive after perfection on their
own account, and while architecture still held an im-
portant position, it was no longer dominant; the arts
which supplied the interior decoration of the building,
and the objects needed in the service of the Church,
ceased to be considered as subordinate, but were tak-
ing each its own high position under the guidance of
workers of supreme genius. From the period, how-
ever, of the Full Renaissance, the great dignity of
architecture begins to diminish, especially as regards
ecclesiastical buildings, and architects devoted them-
selves almost exclusively to domestic and civic work.
Architecture ceased to be personal, democratic, local,
and became professional and more or less uniform
throughout the whole of Europe, while it suffered
severely because the designing of detail became in
many cases the work of •thers than the executant
workmen. The same sort of difficulty was befalling
the pictorial art and the arts of the craftsmen. The
personal element was no longer the main strength of
an art. The ecclesiastical side of the work was almost
non-existent, and the crafts suffered by reason of the
fact that the commercial element had entered into art,
and the adornment of the house, the palace, and the
person was considered of far greater importance than
the adornment of the church, and the sacrifice of the
life of the worker for the greater glory of God.
Post-Rehaissance Period. — There are certain po-
litical explanations of this great change between the
art of the sixteenth and the art of the seventeenth cen-
tury. There were several forces at work which were
hostile or indifferent to artistic development, such as
the religious, dynastic, and commercial wars, the diffi-
culties of the Reformation, and constitutional prob-
lems, while the grouping together of small towns into
larger provinces ana countries was doing away with
the rivalry of the craftsmen in the smaller places, and
permitting a spirit of greater uniformity m style to
spread throughout a large section of Europe. Add to
all these colonial expansion, huge enterprise, and great
commercial prosperity, constantly broken 'into by rav-
aging wars, and the causes for the decay of that spirit
oi religious activity in art characterizing earlier peri-
ods are apparent. Spain and Italy were, in the seven-
teenth century, almost the only two countries in which
any close connexion between art and the Church was
kept up. England was troubled with the religious
question, and struggling with great constitutional
problems, while it had given itself over to the faith of
the Reformers, and such art as it was producing was
the great architectural triumph of Sir Christopher
Wren in the rebuilding of the churches of London, and
the various sections of craftsmanship concerned with
the adornment of the house and the person. In Spain
there were still some great goldsmiths at work, and
some even greater workers in wrought iron, preparing
the rejas for the Spanish cathedrals, while pictorial art
was at its very highest in that country, and its master-
pieces, with the exception of those of the very greatest
artist of all, Velazquez, were devoted to subjects sug-
gested by the Church. Yet there had been no country
m which the painter had been so trammelled by tradi-
tional restrictions as in Spain. The very manner in
which eacn saint was to be represented, the method in
which his or her clothing was to be painted, and the
colouring which was to be applied to each garment,
had been a matter of stern decree, it had needed the
profound genius of a Velazquez to break through the
traditional rules, and to open for his successors, and
especially for Murillo, a period of greater freedom.
Commencing with such painters as Pan to j a della
Cruz and Vicente Carducci, the great Spanish School
had produced the Ribaltas and Kibera, and then the
majestic Velazquez. In Spain the only great painter
to follow Velazquez was Murillo, but there were many
whose works were marked by distinction, excellence,
and beauty, especially Zurbaran, Iriarte, Juan de
Valdes, Alonso Cano, and Orrente. The seventeenth
century was, in various countries of Europe, one of the
important periods of artistic production, and although
the Italian schools, the Realists, and the painters of
the Second Revival were men whose productions at the
present time are out of favour, yet they deserve more
than a passing notice, while contemporary with
them there are others who rank among the veritable
giants of the artistic craft. The late Italian artists,
the Carracci, Caravaggio, Sasso Ferrato, Carlo Dolci,
Domenichino, Luca Giordano, Carlo Maratta{ Guido
Reni, Salvator Rosa, and others, show in then- work
melodramatic style, love of magnificent colouring, and
intense shades. The draughtsmanship of these artists
should cause their works to be more highly esteemed
than they are at present, for they certainly represent
an important epoch in the art history of the world,
and one which must never be overlooked. Many of
their works were altar-pieces painted for churches, or
were intended for church decoration, but at the same
time they were greatly influenced by the Humanistic
movement, and by the eager desire to represent the
stories of classical writers in pictorial effect. The com-
mercial prosperity of Holland, at a time when other
nations were lacking in material wealth, was one of the
reasons for the existence of a veritable crowd of artists
just at this time. The Church had ceased to commis-
sion pictures in Holland, and very seldom were stories,
either from Holy Writ, or from the lives of the saints,
represented by this school of artists.
In dealing with the arts and crafts of the eighteenth
century, a new and destructive factor which had
arisen must be taken into consideration. " The genius
of handicraft", as has been well saicl, "passes now
into invention", and the commencement of a system
now appears that was eventually to strike at the very
roots of the manner in which supreme works of genius
had been produced in the preceding centuries. It
must also be noticed that, in painting especially, the
artistic centre of gravity had shifted from Italy to
r
ECCLESIASTICAL 256 ECCLESIASTICAL
England, and to a lesser extent to France, and that the time that he entered it, was under the direction of
Italy, Germany, Spain, and the Netherlands took but Fuger, a talented miniature painter, but a follower of
a very small snare in. the artistic development of the the pseudo-classical school of David, and a firm be-
ej^teenth century, instead of, as in preceding periods, liever in the tenets of these opinions, too conservative
being the neat centres of development themselves, to vary from them in the least degree. Overbeck felt
The triumph of the home, however, in contradistinc- that he was among commonplace painters, that every
tion to that of the Church, was now complete, and noble thought was suppressed within the academy, and
portraiture, whether concerning itself with the great that Christian art had been diverted and corrupted
decorative single figures or family groups of Reynolds until nothing Christian remained in it. The differences
and Gainsborough,, or with the productions of the between him and his followers and their -fellow-stu-
leading miniature painters, Cosway, Engleheart, dents were so serious that the upholders of Overbeck
Plimer, Smart, Hone, Wood, and their numerous fol- and their leader were expelled from the academy;
lowers, was exclusively applied to the multiplication leaving Vienna, Overbeck journeyed to Rome, reach-
of portraits of those persons who were able to afford to ing it in 1810, and remaining there for fifty-nine years,
employ the artist, and who desired to possess and dis- Here he was joined by such men as Veit, Cornelius,
tribute to others such delightful representations as Schadow, with others of less importance; together
would adorn the home and the person. Ecclesiastical they formed a school which was known as the Nazar-
art, or art for the decoration of the church, had hardly ites, or the Church-Romantic painters. They built up
any existence. a severe revival on simple nature and the serious art of
In England towards the middle of the nineteenth the Umbrian and Bolognese painters, and although
century a new movement having in it some of the in- for a long time they laboured under great difficulties,
stincts of earlier Italian art began to arise. The fore- yet, after a while, they were able to exert considerable
most artist of this new school was Sir Edward Burne- influence, and their success led to memorable revivals
Jones. In the wonderful succession of poetic visions throughout Europe. Overbeck was a Catholic, as
which he presented, marked by a play of fancy, a fer- were several of his friends. He was a man of high
tility of inventiveness, tender witchery of inspiration, purity of motive, of deep insight, and abounding
exquisite colour, and grace and harmony of line and knowledge, a very saintly person, and a perfect treas-
grouping, he was able to develop the spint of religious ury of art and poetry, insomuch that nis influence
emotion to a far fuller extent than he himself had in- helped very largely to purify the art of his time. The
tended, and to vivify the old legends of primitive secessions from the conservative line adopted by i}\e
times which had formed part of his inheritance from Royal Academy in England late in the nineteenth
Celtic ancestors. His appearance on the horizon of century were not marked by the particular element of
art was to a great extent coincident with the blossom- religious fervour distinguishing Overbeck, but were
ing forth of what has been termed the Oxford Move- the result of a similar determination to return to na-
ment in religion, a growing desire for a deeper and ture, and understand the art of painting in the open
fuller devotion, an eager determination to return to air, with not only a strict adherence to realism in
earlier and purer lines of thought in religion, to set choice and treatment of subject, but also the subordi-
faith free from the regulations of statecraft, and to nation of colour to tone gradation. These secessions
rise from the dreary monotony of a Genevan theology in England were, however, very much the result of the
to something approaching closer to the fiery enthusi- movement in France which had preceded them, and
asm and the sumptuous ceremonial of the passionate which was connected with the name of Millet,
faith of earlier days. The progress of this movement In Catholic countries there are arising some signs
within the Protestant Church led to a considerable that the old practice of enlisting the services of art for
number of accessions to the Catholic Faith, but in the the purposes of religion may be developed, but the sig-
Church of its origin it worked a complete revolution, nals of an approaching movement are not very strong
Once more there arose the determination that the as yet, and tne Church has a good deal to learn with
house of God should be beautiful, and once again art, regard to decoration, to design, and to craftsmanship
with all the various crafts closely connected therewith, from the earlier periods or its history. Foremost
entered into the service of religion, very much in the among the signs of the new spirit must be placed the
manner they had done in preceding centuries. Tapes- erection of the Westminster Cathedral at London, one
try-workers, under the influence of William Morris and of the most perfect buildings in England, erected after
Burne~Jones, were set to work to prepare panels of the truest and most carefulstudy of the past and with
glowing colour for the decoration of churches. The every desire to give full play to the spirit of the present
stained-glass painters, under the influence of these and to the original talent of its designer, while avoid-
craftsmen, sought out old designs, originated new ing anything that could be called a slavish copying of
schemes of colour, and worked hard to discover old the past. This building affords an example of the re-
secrets of technic. The earlier schools of embroidery vived use of mosaic properly applied, in method fol-
were studied, and all over the country women set to lowing the work of Ravenna, and planned by a great
work to make vestments and to execute needlework of artist, Bentley. It affords the most perfect scheme of
rare distinction and great beauty. A revival took interior decoration that could well be conceived. In
place in the art of the metal-worker and in that of the other countries of Europe the signs of progress are not
stone-mason. Many fine wrought-iron grilles were quite so clear, but the Church which has fostered and
made, and the claim of the artist to prepare the design encouraged art from its very birth has so many glorious
and to superintend the carrying out of its execution examples in its midst of the great achievements of
was once more considered and gladly entertained, profound genius that it can only be a matter of time
Quite apart from the religious aspect of the movement, before its ancient use of the fine arts is revived. A
there was in this Oxford revival the origin of the effort close study of the past would enable the Church to
towards greater refinement, greater beauty, and more once more set about the task of employing the
attention to handicraft, which, commencing in the craftsmen of the world to produce their finest work in
middle of the nineteenth century, has by no means the domain of ecclesiastical art.
reached its culmination in the early years of the Illustrations explanatory of the different branches
twentieth. of ecclesiastical art will be found under the special
One of the first and most important of the move- articles: Ivories; Manuscripts, Illumination of;
men ts which aimed to break away from the artistic Metal-Work; Painting; Reliquaries; Sculp-
traditions of the eighteenth century took place in the ture; Wood-Carving.
early part of the nineteenth century in Germany, and ^ amIMu der ***** Kunet (Freiburg im Br.,
was led by Overbeck. The Academy of Vienna, at 1895-1900); Michel, Hutoire de Van depuuie, premie, tempi
ECCLESIASTICAL
257
ECCLESIASTICAL
ahrHiens jusgu'a nos jours (Paris, 1895 — ) ; Lowrie, Christian Art
and Archeology (New York, 1901): Gbadmann, Geschichte der
christlichen Kunst (Stuttgart, 1902); BCrknhr, Geschichte der
christlichen Kunst (Freiburg, 1903); P&RAT&, U archiologie chrS-
tienne (Paris, 1892); De Rosai, Roma Sotlerranea Cris liana
(Rome, 1864-1897); Garrucci. Storia dell' arte cristiana
(Prato, 1873); Schultzb, ArchAologie der allchristlichen Kunst
(Munich, 1895); Grisar, Geschichte Rome und der Papste (Frei-
burg, 19ul); Strzygowbki, Orient oder Rom (Leipzig, 1901);
Idem, Kleinasien tin Neuland der Kunstqeschichte (Leipzig, 1903);
VgNTURr, Storia deXV arte italiana (Milan, 1901 — ); Bbrtadx,
Vart dans V Italic meridionale (Paris, 1904); Wickhoft, Roman
Art, tr. (London, 1900); Die Wiener Genesis (Vienna, 1895);
Wilpert, Die Kalacombengemdlde (Freiburg, 1892); Ficker,
Studien turn christlichen AlteHumund Mittehuter (Leipzig, 1895);
Lanciani, Pagan and Christian Rome (London, 1892); Maruc-
chi, Lecatacombe romane (Rome. 1903); Idem, EUments d'archS-
ologie chrdtienne (Paris, 1899-1902); Seroux d'Agincourt,
Histoire de Vart par les monuments (Paris, 1823); Courajod,
Lecons professes a- Vtcole du Louvre (Paris, 1899); Kondakov,
Histoire del' art by zanlin (Paris, 1886-1891); Claubse, Les mo-
numents du christianisme au moyen-dge (Paris, 1893); Rohault
de Fleury, La mease (Paris, 1876) ; Idem, Les saints de-la messe
(Paris, 1801); Millet, Le monasters de Daphni (Paris, 1899);
Stokes, Early Christian Art in Ireland (London, 1875); Weis
and Liebersdorf, Christus-und ApastelbUder (Freiburg, 1902);
Lindsay, The Historic of Christian Art (1895); Brown. The
Arts in Early England (1903); Lundy, Monumental Christianity
(New York, 1892); Baylis, #« Regum (London, 1902); Hulms,
Symbolism in Christian Art (London, 1899); Jameson, Sacred
and Legendary Art (London, 1890); Brinton, The Renaissance
in Italian Art (London, 189S); Bttrckhardt, Le cicerone (Paris,
1885); Frizzoni, Arte italiana del Renascimento (Milan, 1891);
Solvay, Vart espagnol (Paris, 1887); Kuqler, Hand-Book of
Painting (London, 1900); Morellt, Italian Painters (London,
1892); Kinosley, History of French Art (London, 1899); Rzo,
De Vart chrHien (Paris, 1874); Church, Some Minor Arts (Lon-
don, 1894); Bell, The Saints in Christian Art (1901); Horsin-
Deon, Histoire de Vart (Paris, 1891); Mother. The History of
Modern Painting (London, 1895); Scott, The Renaissance of
Art in Italy (London, 1883); Springer, Kunsthandbuch fur
Deutschland (Berlin, 1883).
The works of Lanzi and Vasari may be studied either in
Italian or English editions, Of the Italian edition of Lanii
there is a convenient one in six vols. (1809), and both Lansi
and Vasari are to be obtained in English in Bohn's Libraries.
B la 8H field prepared an annotated edition of Vasari's Lives
(New York, 1897); Havard, Did. de I'ameublement et de la deco-
raHon (Paris, 1884). GEORGE CHARLES WILLIAMSON.
Ecclesiastical Architecture. — The best defini-
tion of architecture that has ever been given is like-
wise the shortest. It is " the art of building " ( Viollet-
le-Duc, Diet., I, 116). The artf be it observed, and
not merely the act of building. And when we say the
art of building, the term must be held to imply the giv-
ing to buildings of whatever beauty is consistent with
their primary purpose and with the resources that may
be available. As a recent writer has said: "It can
hardly be held that there is one art of making things
well, and another of making them badly. . . . Good
architecture is . . . the art of building beautifully
and expressively; and bad architecture is the reverse.
But architecture is the art of building in general"
(Bond, Gothic Architecture in England, 1). Since,
however, the word building is apt to suggest, primar-
ily, " the actual putting together of . . . materials by
manual labour and machinery ", it may be desirable to
amend or restrict the definition given above by saying
that architecture is the art of planning, designing, and
drawing buildings, and of directing the execution
thereof (Bond, op. cit., 2). And in this art as in all
others, including that of life itself, the fundamental
principle should always be that of subordinating
means to ends and secondary to primary ends. Where
this principle is or has been abandoned or lost sight of,
the result may indeed be, or may have been, a building
which pleases the eye, but it must needs be also one
which offends that sense of the fitness of things, which
is the criterion of the highest kind of beauty. Now a
church is, primarily, a building intended for the pur-
pose of public worship; and in all sound ecclesiastical
architecture this purpose should be altogether para-
mount. To build a church for the admiration of " the
man in the street ", who sees it from outside, or of the
tourist who pays it a passing viBit, or of the artist, or of
anyone else whatsoever except that of the faithful who
use the church for prayer, the hearing of Mass, and the
reception of the sacraments, is to commit a solecism in
V.— 17
the noblest of all the material arts. Even the needs of
the liturgy itself are in a sense subsidiary to the needs
of the faithful. Sacr amenta propter homines is an old
and sound saying. But, on the other hand, among
the needs of the faithful must be reckoned, under nor-
mal circumstances, the adequate carrying out of the
liturgy. It is, of course, perfectly true to say that a
church is not only a building in which we worsnip God,
but also itself the expression of an act of worshipful
homage. This, however, it ceases to be, at least in
the highest degree, unless, as has been said, the aes-
thetic qualities of the building have been entirely sub-
ordinated to its primary purpose. It only needs a little
reflection to see that these preliminary remarks have a
very practical bearing on modern church-building.
There is always a danger lest we should be dominated
by technical terms and conventional opinions about
the merits of this or that style of architecture, derived
from times and circumstances that have passed away;
lest we should be led by sentiment or fashion, or mere
lack of originality, to copy from the buildings of a by-
gone age without stopping to consider whether or how
far the needs of our own .day are those of the days
when those buildings were raised. And the chief use
of the study of the history of ecclesiastical architecture
is not that it directs attention to a number of buildings
more or less beautiful in themselves, but that it cannot
fail to bring home to us that all true architectural de-
velopment was inspired, primarily, by the desire to
find a solution of some problem of practical utility.
Roughly speaking, all ecclesiastical architecture
may be said to have been evolved from two distinct
ferm-ceils, the oblong and the circular chamber,
rom the simple oblong chamber to the perfect Gothic
cathedral the steps can be plainly indicated and admit
of being abundantly illustrated from the actual course
of architectural development in Western Europe
(Brown, "From Schola to Cathedral", passim), while
the links which connect the simple circular chamber
with a gigantic cruciform domed church, like St.
Peter's in Rome or St. Paul's in London, are still more
obvious, though the actual course of development in
the case of domed churches has been far less continuous
and regular.
The Origins of Ecclesiastical Architecture.-—
That the first places set apart for Christian worship
were rooms in private dwellings is admitted on all
hands; and, although it is at least doubtful whether all
the texts from the New Testament which have been
alleged in support of the statement will bear the inter-
pretation that has been put upon them, the statement
itself hardly needs proof (Messmer in "Zeitschr. f.
christl. Arcn.", 1859, 212 sqq.; corrected by Langc,
" Haus u. Halle " , 273 sqq.) . It may be assumed, fur-
ther, that such rooms would for the most part have a
simple oblong form, with a door in one of the narrower
sides. From the first, however, there must have been
some kind of division between the portion of the room
occupied by the officiating clergy (the 0i/<ricwn}ptor,
sanctuary, or presbytery) and the space allotted to the
faithful; and this division, we may feel sure, was from
a very early date marked by at least a breast-high bar-
rier, analogous to that which still survives in the an-
rientcanceui of S. Clemente, Rome, and also by a cur-
tain which veiled the altar from view during certain
portions of the Liturgy. And here we find the sugges-
tion of a first step in the development of a distinctively
ecclesiastical architecture. When the first churches
or chapels were erected as independent structures, an
obvious economy would suggest that, especially in the
case of smaller edifices, the sanctuary need not be
built so broad or so high as what may already be called
the nave; and an equally obvious regard for stability
would suggest that the division should be marked by
an arch, supporting the gable wall at the further end
of the nave (Scott, English Church Architecture, 3).
Moreover, both structural and liturgical needs would
fcOOLESIASTIOAL 258 ECCLESIASTICAL
jklike be served if the piers which support the dividing (Apoc., vii, 4: xiv, 1-3). Farther removed from the
arch were projected inwards, somewhat beyond the altar is, that "great multitude; which no man could
side walls of the sanctuary; for the narrower the span number, of all nations, and tribes, and peoples, and
the easier it would be to construct the arch, and to bus- tongues , the heavenly counterpart of the caetus ftde-
pend a curtain from pier to pier. Thus. then, that Hum (Apoc., vii, 0).
rudimentary type of church or chapel would be To lateral columns and aisles there is indeed no allu-
reached of which archaic examples still survive in sion, but it is at least possible that in the. mention of
England and Ireland. Mr. Scott notes that in many the outer court which is " given unto the Gentiles" we
of our oldest English churches there are clear indica- may find the earliest traces of the atrium or parvia,
tions that the opening from the nave into the sanctu- which in later ages formed part of the precincts of a
ary was originally much narrower than it is at present, fully equipped basilica (Apoc., xi, 2; Scott, op. cit.,
He further notes that in the persistent adherence to 31). Moreover, in these same Apocalyptic visions
the square-ended type of sanctuary which manifests certain details of internal arrangement, which might
itself throughout the history of English ecclesiastical perhaps have been thought to have been of compara-
architecture, may possibly be found a surviving indi- lively late development, appear to be clearly implied,
cation of the very early introduction of Christianity Every one is aware that in the basilicas of the fourth
into these islands (Scott, op. cit., 4). and succeeding centuries the altar was surmounted by
The earliest improvement on the crude form of the a baldachin, or civory ; and it is hardly less certain that
oblong chamber with its rectangular annex, and one the civory was not merely a canopy, but a means of
which may well have become usual even while the support for curtains which during certain portions of
liturgy was confined to a single room in a private the Liturgy were drawn round the altar. Traces of
house, was to throw out a semicircular apse at the end these ancient curtains still survive in those which
of the chamber opposite the door, or to select for the flank our modern altars, in our tabernacle veils, and in
purposes of worship a room thus built. And this the very name tabernacle, i. e. ''tent", and also, curi-
would almost certainly be the form adopted, at least ously enough, in "those imitations of silken vallances,
in Rome, as soon as the Christian communities began cast in bronze, . . . which we see in the canopies of S.
to possess separate buildings in which to hold their Maria Maggiore and St. Peter's'1 (Scott, op. cit., 29).
religious meetings. These buildings would be, in the In addition to these canopy veils, however, we hear of
eyes of the public and perhaps of the law, scholar or curtains which, when drawn close, concealed the en-
guild-rooms; and for such buildings the form most tire sanctuary from view. In the East these have, of
commonly adopted appears to have been that of an course, been replaced by the iconostasis. a screen
oblong terminated by an apse (Brown, op. cit., 51 formerly latticed but now usually solid; while in the
sqq.; cf. Lange, op. cit., 291 saq.). In the apse, of West they are represented, not without some chance
course, was placed the seat of the bishop; round the of position, by our chancel screens, and may be
walls on either side were the subseUia of the assistant thought to have found another modified survival in
clergy, while the altar stood beneath the arch formed the Lenten veil of the Middle Ages,
by the opening of the apse, or slightly in advance of it. Now, whatever may be the case as regards the
On the hither side of the altar would be a space re- civory with its veils, there are clear indications in the
served for the clerics of inferior rank, and for the Apocalvpse that the transverse curtains were in use
schola cantorum, as Boon as an organized body of sing- from Apostolic times. For the seer thrice makes
ers, under whatever name, came into existence. Out- mention of a " voice" which he heard, and which pro-
side the boundary of this space, however it may have ceeded either " from the four horns of the golden al-
been marked, the general body of the faithful would tar" (Apoc., ix, 13), or "from the temple of the taber-
have their place, and at the lower end of this chamber, nacle of the testimony" (Apoc., xv, 5), or " from the
or in some kind of ante-room or narthex, or possibly throne" (Apoc., xvi, 17). From the first of these ex-
even in an outer court, would be placed the catechu- pressions it is plain that the altar, at the moment
mens and — when ecclesiastical discipline was suffi- when the voice was heard, must have been shrouded
ciently developed — the penitents. from view, and from the last it appears that the
This particular form of the domestic church, re- throne was likewise within the space enclosed within
moved by just one degree, architecturally speaking, the veil. As regards other ritual indications In the
from a quite primitive simplicity, deserves special at- Apocalypse, it must be sufficient barely to mention
tention. For there would seem to be good: grounds here the "souls of the martyrs" beneath the altar, the
for the assertion that it had become at least not un- incense, the opening of the sealed book, and the garb,
common, even within Apostolic times. In fact, as carefully distinguished, of the various classes of per-
several writers on the subject have quite independ- sons mentioned m the visions (Apoc., vi, 9;viii, 3; etc.).
ently pointed out, the mam feature of the arrange- The Basilica and Basilican Churches. — A great
ment would seem to be indicated in the New Testa- deal of conjecture has been expended on the question
ment itself. The visions recorded in the Apocalypse as to the genesis of the Roman basilica. (The ques-
are, of course, Divine revelations: but, as the vision of tion has been discussed at great length by Zester-
Ezechiel was cast in the mould of the Jewish ritual, so mann, Messmer, Kraus, Lange, Durm, Dehio and von
also those of St. John may be reasonably thought to Bezold, and others.) For present purposes it may be
reflect the ritual of primitive Christianity (Scott, op. sufficient to observe that tne addition of aisles to the
cit., 211 sq.; Weizsacker in "Jahrb. i. deuteche nave was so manifest a convenience that it might not
Theol.", xxi; 480 sq.; Lange, op. cit., 298 sqq.). improbably have been thought of; even had models
There, then, m the midst, we see the throne, whereon not been at hand in the civic buildings of the Empire,
there sits One enthroned, of whom the Christian The most suitable example that can be chosen as typi-
bishop is the representative; and with Him are four cal of the Roman basilica of the age of Constantino
and twenty presbyters, who are "priests" (Upett). is the church of S. Maria Maggiore. And this, not
ranged in a semicircle (ffv*\60er), twelve on either hand merely because, in spite of certain modern altera-
(Apoc., iv, 2, 4). Within the space bounded by these tions. it has kept in the main its original features, but
seats is a pavement of glass " like to crystal " (possibly also because it departs, to a lesser extent than any
of mosaic), and in the centre the altar (Apoc., iv, 6; other extant example, from the classical ideal. The
vi, 9; viii, 3; ix, 13; xvi, 7). On the hither side of this lateral colonnade is immediately surmounted by a
are the one hundred and forty-four thousand "signed", horizontal entablature, with architrave, frieze, and
or " seated ", who " sing a new canticle ", and who inci- cornice all complete. The monolithic columns, with
dentally bear witness to the very early origin of the their capitals, are, moreover, homogeneous, and have
echola cardorum, at least in some rudimentary form been cut for their position, instead of being, like those
f
ECCLESIASTICAL
259
ECCLESIASTICAL
of so many early Christian churches, the more or less
incongruous and heterogeneous spoils of older and
non-Christian edifices. Of this church, in its original
form, no one — however decidedly his tastes may in-
cline to some more highly developed system or style
of architecture — will call in question the stately and
majestic beauty. The general effect is that of a vast
perspective of fines of noble columns, carrying the eye
forward to the altar, which, with its civory or canopy,
forms so conspicuous an object, standing, framed, as
it were, within the arch of the terminal apse, which
forms its immediate and appropriate background.
S. Maria Maggiore is considerably smaller than were
any of the other three chief basilicas of Rome (St.
Peter's, St. Paul's, and the Late ran). Each of these,
in addition to a nave of greater length and breadth,
was furnished (as may still be seen in the restored St.
Paul's) with a double aisle. This, however, was an
advantage which was not unattended with a serious
drawback from a purely aesthetic point of view. For
a great space of blanjc wall intervening between the
top of the lateral colonnade and the clerestory win-
dows was of necessity required in order to give support
to the pent-house roof of the double aisle. And it is
curious, to sav the least, that it should not have oc-
curred to the builders of those three basilicas to utilize
a portion of the space thus enclosed, and at the same
time to lighten the burden of the wall above the
colonnade, by constructing a gallery above the inner
aisle. It is true, of course, that such a gallery is found
in the church of S. Agnese, where the low level of the
floor relatively to the surface of the ground outside
may have suggested this method of construction; but
whereas, in the East, the provision of a gallery (used
as a gynmceum) was usual from very early times, it
neverbecame otherwise than exceptional in the West.
Taking East and West together, we find among early
and medieval basilican churches examples of all the
combinations that are possible in the arrangement of
aisles and galleries. They are (J) the single aisle with-
out gallery, which is, of course, the commonest type of
all; (2) the double aisle without gallery, as in the three
great Roman basilicas; (3) the single aisle with gallery,
as in S. Agnese; (4) the double aisle with single gallery,
as in St. Demetrius at Thessalonica; and finally, as
a crowning example, though of a later period, the
double aisle surmounted by a double gallery, as in the
Duomo at Pisa.
These, however, are modifications in the general
design of the building. Others, not less important,
though they are less obviously striking, concern the
details of the construction. Of these the first was the
substitution of the arch for the horizontal entabla-
ture, and the second that of the pillar of masonry for
the monolithic column. The former change, which
had already come into operation in the first basilica of
St. Paul Without the Walls, was so obviously in the
nature of an improvement in point of stability that it
is no matter for surprise that it should have been al-
most universally adopted. Colonnaded and arcaded
basiljcas, as we may call them, for the most part older
than the eleventh century, are to be found in the most
widely distant regions, from Syria to Spain, and from
Sicily to Saxony; and the lack of examples in South-
ern France is probably due to the destructive inva-
sions of the Saracens and Northmen and to the build-
ing of new churches of a different type, in the eleventh
and succeeding centuries, on the ruins of the old. The
change from column to pillar, though in many cases it
was no doubt necessitated by lack of suitable mate-
rials— for the supply of ready-made monoliths from
pagan buildings was not inexhaustible — proved, in
fact, the germ of future development; for from the
plain square support to the recessed pillar, and from
this again to the grouped shafts of the Gothic cathe-
drals of later times, the progress can be quite plainly
traced.
Mention should here be made of a class of basilican
churches, in which as in S. Miniato, outside Florence,
and in S. Zenone, Vsrona, pillars or grouped shafts
alternate, at fixed intervals, with simple columns, and
serve the purpose of affording support to transverse
arches spanning the whole width of the nave; a first
step, it may be observed, to continuous vaulting. .
Romanesque Types. — Something must now be
said of the very important alterations which the east-
ern end of the basilican church underwent in the pro-
cess of development from the Roman to what may
conveniently be grouped together under the designa-
tion of "Romanesque" types. When, in studying
the ground-plan of a Roman basilica, we pass from the
nave and aisles to .what lies beyond them, only two
forms of design present themselves. In the great ma-
jority of instances the terminal apse opens immedi-
ately on the nave, with the necessary result, so far a»
internal arrangements are concerned, that the choir,
as we should call it, was an enclosure, quite uncon-
nected with the architecture of the building, protrud-
ing forwards into the body of the church, as may still
be seen in the church of S. Clemente in Rome. In the
four greater basilicas, however, as well as in a few
other instances, a transept was interposed between the
nave and the apse, affording adequate space for the
choir in its central portion, while its arms (which did
not project beyond the aisles) served the purpose im-
plied in the terms seruUorium and malroneum. Now it
is noteworthy that the transept of a Roman basilica is,
architecturally speaking, simply an oblong hall, cross-
ing the nave at its upper extremity, and forming with
it a T-shaped cross, or crux immissaAmt having no
organic structural relation with it. But it was only
necessary to equalize the breadth of transept and
nave, so that their crossing became a perfect square,
in order to give to this crossing a definite structural
character, by strengthening the pieces at the four
angles of the crossing, and making them the basis of a-
more or less conspicuous tower. And this was one of
the most characteristic innovations or improvements
introduced by the Romanesque builders of Northern
Europe. In fact, however, before this stage of devel-
opment was reached, the older basilican design had
undergone another modification. For the simple
apse, opening immediately into the transept, church
builders of all parts of Europe had already in the
eighth century substituted a projecting chancel, form-
ing a fourth limb of the cross, which now definitively
assumed the form of the crux commissa, by contrast
with the crux immissa of the Roman basilica. The
earliest example of a perfectly quadrate crossing, with
a somewhat rudimentary tower, appears to have been
the minster of Fulda, built about a, d. 800. It was
quickly followed by St. Gall (830), Hersfeld (831), and
Werden (875) ; but nearly two centuries were to elapse
before the cruciform arrangement, even in the case of
more important churches, can be said to have gained
general acceptance (Dehio and v. Bezold, Die kirch-
liche Baukunst des Abendlandes, I, 161).
The differences which have already been mentioned
were, however, by no means the only ones which dis-
tinguished the Romanesque from the Roman transept.
The transept of a Romanesque church, especially of
those which were attached to monasteries, was usually
provided with one or more apses, projecting from the
east side of its northern and southern arms; and from
this it appears, plainly enough, that the purpose, or at
least a principal purpose, of the medieval transept,
was to make provision for subsidiary altars ana
chapels. A pair of transept apses, projecting east-
wards, already makes its appearance at Hersfeld and
Werden. At Bernay, Boscherville (St-Georges), and
Cerisy-la-For6t (St- Vigor), each arm of the transept
has two eastern apses, corresponding respectively to
the aisle and to the projecting arm. The same ar-
rangement is found also at Tarragona. At La Cha-
ECCLESIASTICAL
260
ECCLESIASTICAL
rite, a priory dependent on Cluny, each arm had three
apses, so that there were seven in all, immediately con-
tiguous to one another, and varying in depth from the
central to the northern and southern members of the
system. The plan of Cluny itself was that of a cross
with two transverse beams. Of the -western transept
each arm had two apses; of the eastern each had three,
two projecting eastwards and one terminal. Saint-
Benott-sur-Loire had likewise a double transept, fur-
nished on the same principle with six subsidiary apses.
Among English cathedrals— it may here be mentioned
— both Canterbury and Norwich nave a single chapel
projecting from each arm of their respective tran-
septs; and at Ely the " Galilee" porch, which has the
form of a western transept, opens eastwards into two
apsidal chapels, contiguous on either side to the main
walls of the cathedral.
Far more important in their bearing on the later
history of architecture than these developments of
the transept were certain changes which gradually
took place in connexion with the chancel. It is not
unusual in Romanesque churches, to find the chancel
flanked, like the nave, with aisles, terminating in apsi-
dal or square-ended chapels. But in more consiaer-
able edifices, especially m France, the aisle is often
carried round as an ambulatory behind the chancel
apse; and when this is the case, the ambulatory most
commonly opens into a series of radiating chapels.
These are, in the earliest examples, entirely separate
from one another, being sometimes two or four, but
more usually three or five, in number. In later exam-
ples the number of chapels increases to seven or even
nine; and they are then contiguous, forming a com-
plete corona or chevet.
The first beginnings of this system go back to so
early a date as the fifth century. De Rossi has ar-
gued, apparently on good grounds, that some early
Roman, Italian, and African basilicas were furnished
with an ambulatory round the apse. This form of
design, however, was soon abandoned in Italy, and in
the Romanesque pre-Gothic period it cannot be said
to have been usual anywhere except in France, where
it proved a seed rich with the promise of future devel-
opments. The earliest instance of its adoption there
was almost certainly the ancient church of St. Martin
of Tours* as rebuilt by Bishop Perpetuus in a. d. 470.
This edifice, as Quicherat has shown, had a semicircu-
lar ambulatory at the back of the altar, in which; a few
years later, was placed the tomb of Perpetuus himself.
From Tours the type seems to have passed to Cler-
mont-Ferrand (Sts. vitalis and Agricola), and thence,
many centuries latere to Orleans (St-Aigpan, 1029).
Meanwhile, in 997, the church of St. Martin had been
rebuilt, and in the foundations of this edifice, which
can still be traced, we find what is probably the earliest
example of a chevet or corona of radiating chapels. It
servea, in its turn, in the course of the following cen-
tury, as the model, in this respect, of Notre-Dame de
la Couture at Le Mans (c. 1000), St-Remi at Reims (c.
1010), St-Savin at Saint^Savin (1020-30), the cathe-
dral at Vannes (c. 1030), St-Hilaire at Poitiers (1049),
and the abbey church at Cluny, as rebuilt in 1089.
Shortly before 1100 the church of St. Martin was once
more rebuilt, on a scale of greater splendour; and once
more the new building became the model for other
churches, chief among which were those of St-Sernin at
Toulouse (1096), of Santiago at Compostela (c. 1105),
and of the cathedral at Chartres (1112).
Romanesque Vaulting. — The history of ecclesias-
tical architecture in Western Europe during the rela-
tively short period which alone deserves to be regarded
as one of more or less continuous and steady advance,
and which extends, roughly speaking, from 1000 to
1300, may be described as the history of successive and
progressive attempt* to solve the problem, how best to
cover with stone vaulting a basrlican or quasnbasilican
church, that is to say, a building of which the leading
feature is a nave flanked with aisles and lighted with
clerestory windows (Dehio and v. Bezold, op. cit..
I, 296; Bond, op. cit., 6). It was the conditions ot
this problem, and the failure, more or less- complete,
of all previous attempts to solve it satisfactorily, and
by no means a mere aesthetic striving after beauty of
architectural form, which led step by step to the de-
velopment of the Gothic architecture of the thirteenth
century in its unsurpassed and unsurpassable perfec-
tion.
The advantages of a vaulted, as compared with a
timber, roof are so obvious that we are not surprised to
find, dating from the tenth century or at latest from
the beginning of the eleventh, examples of basilican
churches with vaulted aisles (Viollet-le-Duc, Diet., I,
177). Indeed these first attempts at continuous
vaulting would probably have been made much earlier
but for the invasions of Saracens and Northmen,
which delayed till that period the first beginnings of a
steady development in ecclesiastical architecture, but
which by their wholesale destruction of pre-existing
buildings may be said to have prepared the way for
that same development. The vaulting of the nave,
however, in the case of any church of considerable
size, was a very different matter; and it was not until
the eleventh century was well advanced that the prob-
lem was seriously faced. And when at last it was defi-
nitely taken in hand, this was done under pressure of
dire necessity. Everyone who is at all conversant
with medieval chronicles, or with the history of the
cathedrals of Western Europe, must be aware how ex-
tremely frequent were the disasters caused by confla-
grations (Dehio and v. Bezold, op. cit., I, 296), and it
was natural enough that the church-builders of the
later Middle Ages should aim at making their build-
ings, at least relatively, fire-proof.
The simplest form which the vaulting of a rectangu-
lar chamber can take is, of course, the cylindrical bar-
rel-vault; and this is, in fact, the form which was
adopted in many of the earliest examples of vaulted
roofs, especially in the south of France; a form, too,
which was extensively used in Italy during the age of
the Renaissance. But, though simplest alike in con-
ception and in construction, the cylindrical barrel-
vault is in fact the least satisfactory that could be de-
vised for its purpose; and the objections which mili-
tate against its employment are equally valid against
that of the barrel-vault whose cross section forms a
Eointed arch. Of these obj ections the chief is that the
orizontal thrust of a barrel-vault is evenly distrib-
uted throughout its entire length. Theoretically,
then, this thrust requires to be met, not by a series of
buttresses, but by a continuous wall of sufficient thick-
ness to resist the outward pressure at any and every
point along the line. Moreover, the higher the wall,
the greater is the thickness needed, assuming of course
that the wall stands free, like the clerestory wall of an
aisled church. Much, too, will depend on the cohe-
siveness of the vaulting itself; and as the Romanesque
church-builders were either unacquainted with, or un-
able ta use, the methods by which the Romans and the
Byzantines respectively contrived to give an almost
rigid solidity to their masonry, it is no matter for sur-
Erise that in two large classes of instances they should
ave been content to sacrifice either the clerestory or
the aisles to the advantages of a vaulted roof and to the
exigencies of stability. Of aisleless churches, indeed,
we must forbear here to speak. But of an important
group of buildings which German writers have desig-
nated Hallenkirchen (hall-churches) a word must be
said, as they unquestionably played a part in prepar-
ing the way for the final solution of the problem of
vaulting.
The most rudimentary form of hall-church is that
in which the nave and aisles are roofed with three
parallel barrel-vaults, those of the aisles springing
from the same level as those of the nave. Examples
f
ECCLESIASTICAL
261
ECCLESIASTICAL
are found at Lyons (St^Martin d'Ainay), at Lesterps,
Civray, and Carcassonne (St-Nazaire) (Dehio and v.
BesoJd, op. cit..; PI. 122, figs. 3-6) . An improvement
on this design, jn view of the illumination of the nave,
consists in giving to. the vaulting of the aisles the form
of a "rampant" arch, asat:Silvacanne, and from this
it was but a step to the arrangement by which the sec-
tion took the form of a simple quadrant, as at Parthe-
nay4e~Vieiix, Breuilly, and Fontf roide. This method
of quadrant vaulting, as Viollet-le-Duc and others
have observed, provides a kind of continuous internal
"flying buttress", though it is by no means certain
that the idea of the flying buttress in the Gothic archi-
tecture of Northern France was actually suggested by
these Southern buildings (Viollet-le-Duc, J)ict., I,
173). In point of stability, the hall-churches of the
eleventh century leave nothing to be desired. Their
great defect is want of light (Viollet-le-Duc, Diet., I,
176). And this defect almost equally affects a class
of buildings which may be described as two-storied
hall-churches, and which are found principally, if not
exclusively, in Auvergne and its neighbourhood.
These are furnished, kike a few of the Roman basilicas
aniL certain Byaantine churches, with a gallery, which
is not a mere triforiumeontrived in the thickness of the
walls, but a. chamber of equal dimensions with the
aisle. This arrangement not only affords additional
space, 'but also, by reason of the greater height of the
edifice, might seem to facilitate the provision of a more
liberal supply of light, unimpeded by neighbouring
buildings. This last-mentioned advantage is, how-
ever, almost entirely negatived by the circumstance
that, ia this class of buildings, each hay of the gallery
i» subdivided by. means .of coupled or grouped arches,
so.that the additional obstructions offered to the pas-
sage of the light almost entirely counterbalance the
possible gain , through .additional fenestration. We
say 'Uhe possible gam "because, in fact, the galleries
of these churches are' but sparingly provided with
windows. In these .churches (which to the English
reader shoukLbe of special interest by reason of their
affinity in point of construction to the Westminster
cathedral) .the aisle is usually cross-vaulted, while the
gallery, has a quadrant vault abutting in the wall of
the nave just below the springing of the tcansverse
arches. iThe> most noteworthy examples are found at
Glermont^Eerrand (Notre-Dame du Port), Issoire (St-
Paul), and Conques. To the same family belongs,
moreover, the. great church of StrSernin at Toulouse,
already mentioned, which is distinguished from those
previously named by having a double aisle. At Ne-
veis the church of St-rEtienne resembles those at Cler-
mont, Issoire,>and Conques, except that it is provided
with a range of upper windows which break through
theJaarrel- vaultings somewhat after the fashion which
afterwards became so common in Italy in churches of
the Renaissance period.
The inherent shortcomings of the barrel- vault, es-
pecially when used as a roof for the nave of an aisled
church, have been sufficiently illustrated. These dis-
advantages, so far as structural stability and fenes-
tration are concerned, might iadeed be overcome by
adopting the system of a succession of transverse bar-
rel^ vaults, such as are seen in the unique instance .of
the church of St^Philibert at Toumus. Such a con-
struction is, however, "ponderous and inelegant, and
never came into general use " (Moore, Gothic Architec-
ture, 42). The system of cross-vaulting, which has
now to be considered, may be regarded as a combina-
tion of longitudinal with transverse barrel-vaulting,
inasmuch as it may be described as consisting of a cen-
tral barrel which is penetrated or intersected by a
series of transverse vaults, corresponding of course to
the successive bays or compartments . of the nave.
The advantages of cross-vaulting are threefold. In
the first place the total amount of the outward lateral
thrust is very greatly diminished, since one-half of it is
now replaced by longitudinal thrusts, .which, being op-
posed in pairs, neutralize one another. Secondly, all
that is left of the lateral thrust, as well as the longitu-
dinal thrusts, and the whole of the vertical pressure,
instead of being distributed throughout the whole
length of the building, is now collected and delivered
at definite points, namely the summits of the columns
or pillars. Thirdly and lastly, a perfectly developed
system of cross-vaulting makes it possible so to
heighten the clerestory windows that their archivolts
shall reach the utmost interior height of the "building,
and so to broaden them that their width between re-
veals may approximate very closely to the interval be-
tween column and column below. By these improve-
ments (as ultimately realised in the perfected Gothic
of the thirteenth century) the somewhat rudimentary
design of the ancient Roman basilica may be said to
have reached the highest development of which it is
capable. The gradual development of cross-vaulting,
it is to be observed, did not take place in 4hose dis-
tricts of Southern and Central France -which had al-
ready become the home of the barreUvault and to a
less degree of the cupola, . but . first in . Lombardy , then
in Germany, and finally in Northern France and in
England. In these countries the evolution of the
Romanesque timber-roofed basiliean church had —
with local variations of course — reached a far more
advanced stage than was ever attained in those regions
in which the adoption of barrel- vaulting at a relatively
early date had in a manner put a. check on architec-
tural progress. And it is noteworthy that in Lom-
bardy and Germany, when cross- vaulting was first
adopted, its development was far less complete than
in Northern France, and that in like manner the ad-
vance towards perfection was both less, rapid and less
complete in Normandy than in Picardy and the Ile-de-
Franee. These two districts were the last to adopt the
system, but it was here that it was, within the brief
space of less;than fifty years (1170-rl22Q)r. brought to
its final perfection. JThe reason may probably have
been, as Dehio and von Behold suggest, that the archi-
tects of the Ile-de-France, in the days of Philip Augus-
tus and St. Louis, were less trammelled than those of
Normandy by the traditions of a school. The com-
parative lack of important architectural ononuments
of an earlier date left them, say these writers, a more
open field for their inventive enterprise (op. cit., I,
418).
The simplest form of cross- vaulting is of course that
which is formed by the intersection of two cylindrical
barrel-vaults of equal span. And this, without the
use of ribbed groining, was the method mostly adopted
by the Roman builders in their civic-edifices. In the
case of a. pillared or columned church, however, this
method had its disadvantages. In particular, having
regard to the dimensions of the aisle and its vaulting,
the builders of Northern Europe had all but univer-
sally adopted the plan of so > spacing the columns and
pillars which flank the nave that the intervals between
them should be one-half the width of the church.
Now the only means by which an equal height could be
given to vaults of unequal span was the use of the
.pointed arch; and so it came about that the pointed
arch was adopted, not primarily for aesthetic reasons,
but rather for constructive purposes. And the same
is to be said of the use of ribbed groining. The medie-
val builders, who, as has .been. said above, possessed
neither a tenacious mortar nor the command of an
abundant supply of rough labour, and who therefore
could not— even had they wished it— rhave adopted
the massive concrete masonry, of the Romans, were
driven by the very necessities of the case to aim at
lightness in the construction of their vaults, and at the
same time to depend for- stability not ion the cohesion
of the materials, but on the reduction of thrusts to a
minimum, and on their skilful transmission to points
where they could be effectively resisted. 1 1 was, then,
^
ECCLESIASTICAL
262
ECCLESIASTICAL
plainly desirable to substitute for a vaulting of uni-
form thickness a framework of ribs on which a com-
paratively thin layer of stones (cut to the requisite
curvature) could be laid, and as far as possible to
lighten the whole construction by moulding the ribs
and likewise the columns which supported the vault-
ing. The same principle of aiming at lightness of con-
struction led to the elimination, as far as possible, of
all masses of solid masonry above the columns and
arches of the nave. This was done by the enlarge-
ment of the windows and the development of the tri-
forium, till the entire building, with the exception of
the buttresses, and of the spandrels below the trifor-
ium, became a graceful framework of grouped shafts
and interlacing ribs (Moore, op. cit., 17). The final
stage in the evolution of architecture of the pointed
arch was not. however, reached, until, for the solid
Romanesque mistresses, which rested on the vaulting
of the aisles, and which were not only clumsy but
often proved inadequate for their purpose, the genius
of the Gothic builders hit upon the epoch-making de-
vice of the flying buttress. By means of this device
the thrust of the main vaulting was not, indeed, as has
been too often said, "met by a counter-thrust", but,
was transmitted to the solid buttresses, mostly weighted
with pinnacles, which were now built outwards to a
great distance from the aisles, and the spaces between
which were sometimes utilized, and might with advan-
tage have been more often utilized, for a range of lat-
eral chapels. (Bond, op. cit., 754; cf. Moore, op. cit.,
20.) The subject of Gothic architecture in its details
is, however, one that needs separate treatment, and
for present purposes this very inadequate indication
of some of the general principles involved in its devel-
opment must suffice.
The Circular Church and its Derivatives. — It
was stated at the outset of this article that all ecclesi-
astical architecture may be said to have been devel-
oped from two primitive germs, the oblong and the
circular chamber. Of those very numerous churches,
principally, but by no means exclusively, Eastern or
Italian, which may be regarded as the products of the
second line of development, we shall speak very
briefly. That a circular chamber without any kind of
annex was unsuitable for the ordinary purposes of
public worship is plain enough. And the most obvi-
ous modification of * this rudimentary form was to
throw out a projecting sanctuary on one side of the
building, as in St. George's, Thessalonica, or in the lit-
tle church of S. Tommaso in Limine, near Bergamo.
It was hardly less obviously convenient to build a pro-
t'ecting porch or narthex on the opposite side, as in St.
Alias's, also at Thessalonica, and to complete the
cross by means of lateral projections, as in the sepul-
chral chapel of Galla Placidia at Ravenna. Thus it
was that churches having the form of a Greek cross, as
well as other varieties of what German writers call the
Centralbau, may be said to owe their origin to a very
simple process of evolution from the circular domed
building. Among the almost endless varieties on the
main theme may be here enumerated: (1) buildings in
wliich a circular, or polygonal, or quadrilateral aisle,
whether in one or more stories, surrounds the central
space; (2) buildings in wliich, though the principal
open space is cruciform, and the whole is dominated
by a central cupola, the ground-plan shows a rectan-
gular outline, the cross oeing, as^ it were, " boxed "
within a square; and (3) buildings in which one of the
arms of the cross is considerably elongated, as in the
Duomo at Florence, St. Peter's in Rome, and St.
Paul's in London. The last-named modification, it is
to be observed, had the effect of assimilating the
ground-plan of those great churches, and of many lea-
ner examples of the same character, to that of the
Romanesque and Gothic cruciform buildings whose
genealogical descent from the columned rectangular
basilica is incontestable. Among ecclesiastical edi-
fices of historical importance or interest which are
either circular or polygonal, or in which the circular or
polygonal centre predominates over all subsidiary
parts of the structure, may be mentioned the Pan-
theon in Rome, St. Sergius at Constantinople, S. Vitale
at Ravenna, S. Lorenzo at Milan, the great baptister-
ies of Florence, Siena, and Pisa, and the churches of
the Knights Templars \n various parts of Europe. St.
Luke's at Stiris m Phocis, besides being an excellent
typical instance of true Byzantine architecture, af-
fords a good example of the " boxing" of a cruciform
building of the Greek type, by enclosing within the
walls the square space between the adjacent limbs of
the cross.
Practically ? however, the full development of cruci-
form from circular buildings became possible only
when the problem had been solved of roofing a square
chamber with a circular dome. This has in some
cases been done by first reducing the square to an oc-
tagon, by means of " squinches " or " trompettes ", and
then raising the dome on the octagon, by filling in the
obtuse angles of the figure with rudimentary penden-
tives or faced corbelling. But already in the sixth
century the architect and builder of Santa Sophia had
showed for all time that it was possible, by means of
"true" pendentives, to support a dome, even of im-
mense size, on four arches (with their piers) forming a
square. The use of pendentives being once understood,
it became possible, not only to combine the advan-
tages of a great central dome with those of a cruci-
form church, but also to substitute domical for barrel-
vaulting over the limbs of the cross, as at S. Marco,
Venice, St-Front, Pdrigueux, and S. Antonio, Padua,
or even to employ domical vaulting for a nave divided
into square bays, as in the cathedral at Angouleme and
other eleventh^century churches in PSrigord, in S. Sal-
vatore at Venice, in the London Oratory, and (with
the difference that saucer domes are here employed)
in the Westminster Cathedral. Nor should it be for-
gotten that in the nave of St. Paul's, London, the archi-
tect had shown that domical vaulting is possible even
when the bays of nave or aisles are not square, but pro-
nouncedly oblong. Indeed, if account be taken of the
manifold disadvantages of barrel-vaulting as a means
of roofing the nave of a large church, it may safely be
said that the employment of some form of the dome or
cupola is as necessary to the logical and structural per-
fection of the architecture of the round arch as ribbed
groining and the use of flying buttresses are necessary
to the logical and structural perfection of the archi-
tecture of the pointed arch.
SYSTEM8 AND STYLE8 OF ARCHITECTURE IN RELA-
TION to Modern Needs. — A word must now be said,
in conclusion, as to the merits of the several systems
and styles of architecture, more especially in relation
to the needs of our own day. Of systems, indeed,
there are in truth only three, the trabeate or that of
which the horizontal lintel may be regarded as the
generating element, and which of necessity postulates
a timber roof; that of the round arch, which by virtue
of the law of economy postulates, as has been said, the
use of domical rather than barrel- vaulting; and that
of the pointed arch, which, if carried to perfection, pos-
tulates ribbed groining and the use of the flying but-
tress. The second system, however, admits of two
methods of treatment wliich are sufficiently distinc-
tive to be classed as two "styles", viz. the neo-classi-
cal, or Renaissance, and the Byzantine, and which shall
be particularized presently.
Now the trabeate system, or that of the timber roof,
may be very briefly dismissed. In the great majority
of cases we must, indeed, of necessity be content with
such a covering for our churches; but no one would
choose a wooden roof who could afford a vaulted build-
ing. Again, the various types of Romanesque archi-
tecture, with their imperfect and tentative methods of
vaulting! though historically of great interest, should
«OOL*SIASTiOUS
263
100LE8U8TI0U8
be regarded as finally out of court. On the other
hand, of the Gothic architecture of the thirteenth cen-
tury, as exempted in the great cathedrals of North-
ern France and of Cologne, it may be quite fearlessly
asserted: (1) that every single principle of construction
employed therein was the outcome of centuries of
practical experience, in the form of successive and pro-
gressive attempts to solve the problems of church
vaulting; (2) that the great loftiness of these buildings
was not primarily due (as has been sometimes sug-
gested) to any mere Emporstreben, or " upward-soar-
ing" propensity, but was simply the aggregate result
of giving to the windows of the aisles and of the clere-
story a height in suitable proportion to their width, and
to the trif orium a height sufficient to allow of the abut-
ment of the aisle roof; and (3) that every subsequent
attempt to modify, in any substantial particular, this
perfected Gothic style, was of its nature retrogressive
and decadent, as might be illustrated from the English
Perpendicular and the Italian and Spanish varieties
of Gothic architecture. Nevertheless it must be ad-
mitted that thirteenth-century Gothic, though perfect
of its kind, has its limitations, the most serious of
which — in relation to modern needs — is the necessarily
restricted width of the nave. When the architect of
the Milan cathedral attempted to improve on his
French predecessors by exceeding their maximum
width of fifty feet, and to construct a Gothic building
with a nave measuring sixty feet across, it was found .
impossible, as the building proceeded, to carry out the
original design without incurring the almost certain
risk of a collapse, and hence it was necessary to de-
Sress the clerestory to its present stunted proportions,
low under modern conditions of life, especially in the
case of a cathedral of first-class importance, a nave of
far greater width is by all means desirable; and in
order to secure this greater width it is necessary either
to fall back on the unsatisfactory compromise of Ital-
ian or Spanish Gothic, as illustrated in the cathedrals
of Milan, Florence, or Gerona, or else to adopt the
principle pf .the round arch, combined, by preference,
with domical vaulting. This, as everyone knows, is
what Mr. Bentley has done, with altogether conspicu-
ous success, in the case of the Westminster Cathedral.
Of the design of this noble edifice it is impossible to
speak here. But it may be worth while to indicate
one main reason for the choice of the Byzantine rather
than the neo-classic or Renaissance treatment of the
round-arch system. . The principal difference between
the two is this: that, whereas the neo-classical style, by
its use of pilasters, treats every pier as though it were
a cluster of huge, fiat-faced columns, the Byzantine
boldly distinguishes between piers and columns, and
employs the latter exclusively for the purposes which
monolithic shafts are suited to fulfil, for instance the
support of a gallery; while the piers in a Byzantine
building make no pretence of being other than what
they are, viz. , the main supports of the vaulting. The
Byzantine method of construction, as employed at
Westminster, has the further advantage that it brings
within the building the whole of the spaces between
the buttresses, thereby at the same time increasing the
interior dimensions and avoiding the awkward ap-
pearance of ponderous external supports. Nor is the
Byzantine style of architecture suitable for a great
cathedral alone; and one may venture to hope that the
great experiment which has been tried at Westminster
will be fruitful of results in the future development of
ecclesiastical architecture.
Bond, English Gothic Architecture (London, 1905); O. B.
Brown, From Schola to Cathedral (London, 1886); Burck-
hardt, Gesch. tier Renaissance in Italien (Stuttgart, 1878);
Cattaneo, Architecture in Italy, tr. (London, 1896); Choisy,
Histoire d' Architecture (2 vols., Paris, 1899): Idbii, L'Art de
bdtir chez lee Romains (Paris, 1873); Idem. L'Art de batir chez
lea Byzantine (Paris, 1883); Clausse, Basiliques et mosalques
chrHiennes (Paris, 1893); Crostaroba, he Basiliche di Roma
(Rome. 1892); Dartein, L' Architecture Lombards (Paris, 1865-
82); Dbhio and von Bkzold, Die kirchliche Baukunst de$
Abendlandee (Stuttgart, 1892-1901); Ferqusson, History qf
Architecture, ed. A. Spiers (3rd ed., London, 1893), vols. I ana II;
von GeymOller, Lee proiete primitifs pour la basilique de 8,
Pierre a Rome (Paris and Vienna, 1875) ; Hti bsch, Die altchristl.
Kirchen (1858-63); Isabelle, Les edifices circulates et lee
domes (Paris, 1855); H. G. Kniomt, The Ecclesiastical Architec-
ture of Italy (London, 1842-44); F. X. Kraus, Gesch. der christl.
Kunst (Freiburg im Br., 1896—); S. Kredsxr, Christlicher
Kirchenbau (Ratisbon, 1880); S. Langs, Haus u. Halle (1885);
Lethaby and Swainson, Santa Sophia (London, 1894); W.
Longman, St. Paul's Cathedral (London, 1873); C. H. Moore,
Development and Character of Gothic Architecture (2nd ed., New
York, 1899); von Quast, Die altchristl. Bauwerke v. Ravenna
(Berlin, 1842): R&voil,, U Architecture romane du midi de
la France (Pans, 1866-74); W. Salsenbero, Die altchristl.
Baudenkm&ler v. Konstantinopel (Berlin, 1891): Schulje and
Barnsley, The Monastery of St. Luke at Stiris (London, 1901);
Sir G. G. Scott, Mediaeval Architecture (London, 1879), 2 vols.;
G. G. Scott, English Church Architecture (London, 1881); F. M.
Simpson, A History of Architectural Development (London,
1906—); R. P. Spiers, Architecture East and West (London,
1905); Texier and Pullan, Byzantine Architecture (London,
1864); Verneilh, V Architecture Byzantine en France (Paris,
1851); Viollet-le-Duc, Did. raisonni de V architecture (Paris,
1858-68); C.-J.-M. de VooOe, La Syria Centrale (Paris, 1865-
77); Witting, Die Anf&nge christ. Architektur (1902).
Herbert Lucas.
Ecclesiasticus (abbrev. Ecclus.), the longest of
the deuterocanonical books of Holy Writ, and the last
of the Sapiential writings in the Vulgate of the Old
Testament.
I. Title.— The usual title of the book in Greek MSSJ
and Fathers is 2od>la 'Itpod vlov Z*cprfx> " the Wisdom of
Jesus, the son of Sirach", or simply 2od>la Zeip&x
" the Wisdom of Sirach ". It is manifestly connected
with, and possibly derived from, the following sub-
scription which appears at the end of recently-discov-
ered Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus: Wisdom
[Hdkhmd] of Simeon, the son of Yeshua, the son of
Eleazar, the son of Stra ". Indeed, its full form would
naturally lead one to regard it as a direct rendering of
the Hebrew heading: jpokhmdth YeshUa bin Str&'\
were it not that St. Jerome, in his prologue to the Sol-
omonic writings, states that the Hebrew title of Ec-
clesiasticus was " Mfshl6 " (Parabola) of Jesus of Si-
rach. Perhaps in the original Hebrew the book bore
different titles at different times: in point of fact, the
simple name fldkhmd, " Wisdom ", is applied to it in
the Talmud, while Rabbinic writers commonly quote
Ecclesiasticus as B4n Stra. Among the other Greek
names which are given to Ecclesiasticus in patristic
literature, may be mentioned the simple title of 2od>la,
u Wisdom", and the honorary designation ij Tardperos
aod>lat " all-virtuous Wisdom .
As might well be expected, Latin writers have ap-
Slied to Ecclesiasticus titles which are derived from its
[reek names, such as " Sapientia Sirach " (Rufinus) ;
" Jesu, filii Sirach" (Junilius), "Sapientia Jesu" (Co-
dex Claromontanus) ; " Liber Sapientia " (Roman Mis-
sal). It can hardly be doubted, however, that the
heading " Parabolas Salomonis ", which is prefixed at
times in the Roman Breviary to sections from Ecclesi-
asticus, is to be traced back to the Hebrew title spoken
of by St. Jerome in his prologue to the Solomonic
writings. Be this as it may, the book is most com-
monly designated in the Latin Church as " Ecclesiasti-
cus", itself fi. Greek word with a Latin ending. This
last title — not to be confounded with "Ecclesiastes"
(Eccl.) — is the one used by the Council of Trent in its
solemn decree concerning the books to be regarded as
sacred and canonical. It points out the very special
esteem in which this didactic work was formerly held
for the purpose of general reading and instruction in
church meetings: this book alone, of all the deutero-
canonical writings, which are also called Ecclesiastical
by Rufinus, has preserved by way of pre-eminence the
name of Ecclesiasticus (Liber), that is " a church read-
ing-book".
II. Contents. — The Book of Ecclesiasticus is pre-
ceded by a prologue which professes to be the work of the
Greek translator of the original Hebrew and the genu-
ineness of which is undoubted. In this preface to his
translation, the writer describes, among other things.
^
BOOLESIASTlOtrS
264
ECCLESIASTICUS
his frame of mind in undertaking the hard task of ren-
dering the Hebrew text into Greek. He was deeply
impressed by the wisdom of the sayings contained in
the book, and therefore wished, by means of a transla-
tion, to place those valuable teachings within the
reach of anyone desiring to avail himself of them for
living in more perfect accord with the law of God.
This was a most Worthy object, and there is no doubt
that in setting it before himself the translator of Ec-
clesiasticus had well realized the general character of
the contents of that sacred writing. The fundamental
thought of the author of Ecclesiasticus is that of ttris-
dom as understood and inculcated in inspired Hebrew
literature; for the contents of this book, however va-
ried they may appear in other respects, admit of being
naturally grouped under the general heading of " Wis-
dom", viewed from this standpoint, which is indeed
universally regarded as the author's own standpoint,
the contents of Ecclesiasticus may be divided into two
great parts: chs. i-xlii, 14; and xlii, 15-1, 26. The
sayings, which chiefly make up the first part, tend di-
rectly to inculcate the fear of God and the fulfilment
of His commands, wherein consists true ^wisdom. This
they do by pointing out, in a concrete manner, how the
truly wise man shall conduct himself in the manifold
relationships of practical life. They afford a most va-
ried fund of thoughtful rules for self-guidance "in joy
and sorrow, in prosperity and adversity, in sickness
and health, in struggle and temptation, m social life,
in intercourse with friends and enemies, with high. ana
low, rich and poor, with the good and the wicked, the
wise and the foolish, in trade, business, and one's ordi-
nary calling, above all, in one's own house and family
in connection with the training of children, the treat-
ment of men-servants and maid-servants, and the way
in which a man ought to behave towards his own
wife and women generally " (Schtirer) . Together with
these maxims, which resemble closely both in matter
and form the Proverbs of Solomon, the first part of
Ecclesiasticus includes several more or less lone de-
scriptions of the origin and excellence of wisdom (cf. i;
iv, 12-22; vi, 18-37; xiv, 22-xv, 11 ; xxiv). The con-
tents of the second part of the book are Of a decidedly
more uniform character, but contribute no less effec-
tively to the setting forth of the general topic of Ec-
clesiasticus. They first describe at length trie Divine
wisdom so wonderfully displayed in the realm of na-
ture (xlii, 15-xliii), and next illustrate the practice of
wisdom in the various walks of life, as made known by
the history of Israel's worthies, from Enoch down to
the high priest Simon, the writer's holy contemporary
(xliv-1, 26). At the close of the book (1, 27-29), there
is first, a short conclusion containing the author's sub-
scription and the express declaration of his general
purpose; and next, an appendix (li) in which the writer
returns thanks to God for His benefits, and especially
for the gift of wisdom, and to which are subjoined in
the Hebrew text recently discovered, a second sub-
scription and the following pious ejaculation: " Blessed
be the name of Yahweh from this time forth and for
evermore."
III. Original Text. — Until quite recently the ori-
ginal language, of the Book of Ecclesiasticus was a mat-
ter of considerable doubt among scholars. They, of
course, knew that the Greek translator's prologue
states that the work was originally written in "He-
brew ' ', ippa'CffTl, but they were in doubt as to the precise
signification of this term, which might mean either He-
brew proper or Aramaic. They were likewise aware
that St. Jerome, in his preface to the Solomonic writ-
ings, speaks of a Hebrew original as in existence in his
day, but it still might be doubted whether it was truly
a Hebrew text, or not rather a Syriac or Aramaic
translation in Hebrew characters. Again, in their
eyes, the citation of the book by rabbinical writers,
sometimes in Hebrew, sometimes in Aramaic, did not
appear decisive, since it was not certain that they
came from a Hebrew original . And this was their view
also with regard to the quotations, this time in classi-
cal Hebrew, by the Bagdad gaon Saadia of the tenth
century of our era, that is of the period after which
all documentary traces of a Hebrew text of Ecclesi-
asticus practically disappear from the Christian world.
Still, most critics were of the mind that the primitive
language of the book was Hebrew, not Aramaic.
Their chief argument for this was that the Greek ver-
sion contains certain errors ; for example, xxiv, 37 (in
Gr., verse 27), " light' ' for Nile" (itr); xxv, 22 (Gr.,
verse 15), " head ,? for "poison" (fcn); xlvi, 21 (Gr.,
verse 18), "Tyrians" for "enemies" (on*); etc.;
these are best accounted for by supposing that the
translator misunderstood a Hebrew original before
him. And so the matter stood until the year 1896.
which marks the beginning of an entirely new period
in tj^e history of the .original text of Ecclesiasticus.
Since that time, much documentary evidence has come
to light, and it tends to show that the book was origin-
ally written m Hebrew. The first fragments of a He-
brew text of Ecclesiasticus (xxxix, 15-xl, 6) were
brought from the East to Cambridge, England, by
Mra. A. S. Lewis; they were identified in May, 1896,
and published in "The Expositor" (July, 1896) by S.
Schechter, reader in Talmudic at Cambridge Univer-
sity. About the same time, in a box of fragments ac-
quired from the Cairo genizzah through Professor
Sayce for the Bodleian Library, Oxford, nine leaves
apparently of the same MS. (now called B) and con-
taining xl, 9-xlix, 11, were found by A. E. Cowley and
Ad. Neubauer, who also soon published them (Oxford,
1897). Next followed the identification by Professor
Schechter, first, of seven leaves of the same Codex (B),
containing xxx, 11-xxxi, 11 ; xxxii, lb-xxxiii, 3; xxxv,
11-xxxvi, 21 ; xxxvii, 30-xxxviii, 28b; xlix, I4c-li. 30;
and next, of four leaves of a different MS. (called A),
and presenting iii, 6e-vii, 31a; xi, 36d-xvi, 26. These
eleven leaves nad been discovered by Dr. Schechter in
the fragments brought by him from the Cairo genizzah;
and it is among matter obtained from the same source
by the British Museum, that G. Margoliouth found
and published, in 1899, lour pages of the MS. B, con-
taining xxxi, 12-xxxii, la; xxxvi, 21-xxxvii, 29. Early
in 1900, 1. LeVi published two pages from a third MS.
(C), xxxvi, 29arxxxviii, la, that is, a passage already
contained m Codex B ; and two from a fourth MS. (D),
presenting in a defective manner, vi, 1 8-vii, 27b, that
is, a section already found in Codex A. Early in 1900,
too, E. N. Adler published four pages of MS. A, via.
vii, 29-xii, 1 ; and S. Schechter, four pages of MS. C,
consisting of mere excerpts from iv, 28b- v, 15c; xxv,
llb-xxvi, 2a. Lastly, two pages of MS. D were discov-
ered by Dr. M. S. Gaster, and contain a few verses of
chaps, xviii, xix, xx, xxvii, some of which already ap-
pear m MSS. B and C. Thus by the middle of tne
year 1900; more than one-half of a Hebrew text of
Ecclesiasticus had been identified and published by
scholars. (In the foregoing indications of the newly-
discovered fragments of the Hebrew, the chapters and
verses given are according to the numbering in the
Latin Vulgate.)
As might naturally be anticipated, and indeed it
was desirable that it should so happen, the publication
of these various fragments gave rise to a controversy
as to the originality of the text therein exhibited. At a
very early stage in that publication, scholars easily no-
ticed that although the Hebrew language of the frag-
ments was apparently classical, it nevertheless con-
tained readings which might lead one to suspect its
actual dependence on the Greek and Syriac versions
of Ecclesiasticus. Whence it manifestly imported to
determine whether, and if so, to what extent, the He-
brew fragments reproduced an original text of the
book, or on the contrary, simply presented a late re-
translation of Ecclesiasticus into Hebrew by means of
the versions just named. Both Dr. G. Bickell and
ECCLESIASTICUS 265 ECCLESIASTICUS
Professor D. S. Margoliouth, that is. the two men who acter of his work, as a man of good general culture,
but shortly before tne discovery 01 the Hebrew frag- witty a fair command of both Hebrew and Greek. He
ments of Ecclesiasticus had attempted to retranslate was distinctly aware of the great difference which ex-
small parts of the book into Hebrew, declared then!- ists between the respective genius of these two lan-
selves openly against the originality of the newly guages, and of the consequent difficulty attending the
found Hebrew text. It may indeed be admitted that efforts of one who aimed at giving a satisfactory Greek
the efforts naturally entailed by their own work of re- version of a Hebrew writing, and therefore begs ex-
translation had a especially fitted Margoliouth and pressly, in his prologue to the work, his readers' in-
Bickell for* noticing and appreciating those features diligence for whatever shortcomings they may notice
which even now appear to many scholars to tell in fa- in his translation. He claims to have spent much time
vour of a certain connexion of the Hebrew text with and labour on his version of Ecclesiasticus, and it is
the Greek and Syriac versions. It remains true, how- only fair to suppose that his work was not only a con-
ever, that, with the exception of Israel LeVi and per- scientious, but also, on the whole, a successful, render-
haps a few others, the most prominent Biblical and ing of the original Hebrew. One can but speak in this
Talmudic scholars of the day are of the mind that the guarded manner of the exact value of the CJreek trans-
Hebrew fragments present an original text. They lation in its primitive form, for the simple reason that
think that the arguments and inferences most vigor- a comparison of its extant MSS. — all apparently de-
ously urged by Professor D. S. Margoliouth in favour jived from a single Greek exemplar — shows that the
of his view have been disposed of through a eompari- primitive translation has been very often, and in many
son of the fragments published in 1809 and 1900 with cases seriously, tampered with. The great uncial
those that had appeared at an earlier date, and codices, the Vatican, tne Sinaitic, the Ephramitic, and
through a close study of nearly all the facts now avail- partly the Alexandrian^ though comparatively free
able. They readily admit in the MSS. thus far recov- from glosses, contain an inferior text ; the better form
ered, scribal faults, doublets, Arab isms, apparent of the text seems to be preserved in the Venet us Codex
traces of dependence on extant versions, etc. But to and in certain cursive MSS., though these have many
their minds all such defects do not disprove the origin- glosses. Undoubtedly, a fair number of these glosses
ality of the Hebrew text, inasmuch as they can, and may be referred safely to the translator himself, who,
indeed in a large number of cases must, be accounted at times,, added one word or even a few words to the
for by the very late character of the copies now in our m original before him, to make the meaning clearer or to
possession. The Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus guard the text against possible misunderstanding,
belong, at the earliest, to the tenth, or even the elev- But the great bulk of the glosses resemble the Greek
enth, century of our era, and by that late date all kinds additions in the Book of Proverbs ; they are expansions
of errors could naturally be expected to have crept into of the thought, or heilenizing interpretations, or addi-
the original language of the book, because the Jewish tions from current collections of gnomic sayings. The
copyists of the work did not regard it as canonical. At following are the best-ascertained results which flow
the same time, these defects do not disfigure altogether from a comparison of the Greek version with the text
the manner of Hebrew in which Ecclesiasticus was of our Hebrew fragments. Oftentimes, the corrup-
primitively written. The language of the fragments tions of the Hebrew may be discovered by means. of
is manifestly not rabbinic, but classical Hebrew ; and the Greek ; and, conversely, the Greek text is proved to
this conclusion is decidedly borne out by a comparison be defective, in the line of additions or omissions', by
of their text with that of the quotations from Ecclesi- reference to parallel places in the Hebrew. At times,
asticus, both in the Talmud and in the Saadia. which the Hebrew discloses considerable freedom of render-
have already been referred to. Again, the Hebrew of ing on the part of the Greek translator; or enables one
the newly found fragments, although classical, is yet to perceive how the author of the version mistook one
one of a distinctly late type, and it supplies consider- Hebrew letter for another ; or, again, affords us a means
able material for lexicographic research. Finally, the to make sense out of an unintelligible expression in the
comparatively large number of the Hebrew MSS. re- Greek text. Lastly, the Hebrew text confirms the
cently discovered m only one place (Cairo) points to order of the contents in xxx-xxxvi which is presented
the fact that the work in its primitive form was often by the Syriac, Latin, and Armenian versions, over
transcribed in ancient times, and thus affords hope against the unnatural order found in all exist ing Greek
that other copies, more or less complete, of the original MSS. Like the Greek, the Syriac version of Ecclesi-
text may be discovered at some future date. To ren- asticus was made directly from the original Hebrew,
der their study convenient, all the extant fragments This is wellnigh universally admitted; and a compari-
have been brought together in a splendid edition, son of its text with that of the newly found Hebrew
''Facsimiles of the Fragments hitherto recovered of fragments should settle the point forever: as just
the Book of Ecclesiasticus in Hebrew" (Oxford and stated, the Syriac version gives the same order as the
Cambridge, 1901). The metrical and strophic struc- Hebrew text for the contents of xxx-xxxvi; in part icu-
ture of parts of the newly discovered text has been lar, it presents mistaken renderings, the origin of
particularly investigated by H. Grimme and N. which, while inexplicable by supposing a Greek origi-
Schlogl, whose success in the matter is, to say the nal as its basis, is easily accounted for by reference
least, indifferent ; and by Jos. Knabenbauer, S.J.; in a to the text of the Hebrew fragments. But the Hebrew
less venturesome way, and hence with more satisfac- text from which it was made must have been very de-
torV results. fective, as is proved by the numerous and important
IV. Ancient Versions. — It was, of course, from a lacunae in the Syriac translation. It seems, likewise,
Hebrew text incomparably better than the one we now that the Hebrew has been rendered by the translator
possess that the grandson of the author of Ecclesias- himself in a careless, and at times even arbitrary,
ticus rendered the book into Greek. This translator manner. The Syriac version has all the less critical
was a Palestinian Jew, who came to Egypt at a certain value at the present day, because it was considerably
time, and desired to make the work accessible in a revised at an unknown date, by means of the Greek
Greek dress to the Jews of the Dispersion, and no translation.
doubt also to all lovers of wisdom. His name is un- Of the other ancient versions of Ecclesiasticus, the
known, although an ancient, but little reliable, tradi- Old Latin is the most important. It was made before
tion ("Synopsis Scriptural Sacrae" in St. Athanasius's St. Jerome's time, although the precise date of its ori-
works) calls him Jesus, the son of Sirach. His literary gin cannot now be ascertained; and the holy doctor
qualifications for the task he undertook and carried out apparently revised its text but little, previously to its
cannot be fully ascertained at the present day. He is adoption into the Latin Vulgate. The unity of the
commonly regarded, however, from the general char- Old La,tin. version, which was formerly undoubted^
r
I00LESIA8TI0U8 266 EOOUSSIASTIOUS
has been of late seriously questioned, and Ph. Thiel- the statement, although it is not found in the Hebrew,
mann, the most recent investigator of its text in«this His close acquaintance with "the Law, the Prophets,
respect, thinks that chs. xliv-1 are due to a translator and the other books delivered from the fathers'', that
other than that of the rest of the book, the former part is, with the three classes of writings which make up
being of European, the latter and chief part of African, the Hebrew Bible, is distinctly borne witness to by the
origin. Conversely, the view formerly doubted by prologue to the work; and the 367 idioms or phrases,
Cornelius a Lapide, P. Sabatier, E. G. Bengel, etc., which the study of the Hebrew fragments has shown
namely that the Latin version was made directly from to be derived from the sacred books of the Jews, are an
the Greek, is now considered as altogether certain. The ample proof that Jesus, the son of Sirach, was thor-
version has retained many Greek words in a latinized ou$hly acquainted with the Biblical text. He was a
form: eremus (vi, 3) ; eucharis (vi, 5); basis (vi, 30); philosophical observer of life, as can be easily inferred
acharis (xx; 21) ; xenxa (xx, 31) ; dioryx (xxiv, 41) ; po- from the nature of his thought, and he himself speaks
deres (xxvii, 0) ; etc., etc., together with certain Grav of the wider knowledjge which he acquired by travel-
cisms of construction; so that the text rendered into ling much, and of which he, of course, availed himself
Latin was unquestionably Greek, not the original He- in writing his work (xxxiv. 12). The particular per-
brew. It is indeed true that other features of the Old iod in the author's life to which the composition of the
Latin — notably its order for xxx-xxxvi, which dis- book should be referred cannot be defined, whatever
agrees with the Greek translation, and agrees with the* conjectures may have been put forth in that regard by
Hebrew text — seem to point to the conclusion that some recent scholars. The data to which others have
the Latin version was based immediately on the origi- appealed (xxxi, 22 sqq.; xxxviiL 1—15; etc.) to prove
nal Hebrew. But a very recent and critical exami- tnat he was a physician are insufficient evidence; while
nation of all such features in i-xliii has led H. Her- the similarity of the names (Jason-Jesus) is no excuse
kenne to a different conclusion* all things taken into for those who have identified Jesus, the son of Sirach,
consideration, he is of the mind that: "Nititur Vetus a man of manifestly pious and honourable character,
Latinatextuyulgarigneco ad textum hebraicum alter- with the ungodly and hellenizing high priest Jason
ius recensionis graece castigato." (See also Jos. Kna- (175-172 b. c— concerning Jason s wicked deeds, see
benbauer, S.J., "In Ecclesiasticum", p. 34 sq.) To- II Mach., iv, 7-26).
gether with grsecised forms, the Old Latin translation The time at which Jesus, the author of Ecclesias-
of Ecclesiasticus presents many barbarisms and sole- • ticus, lived has been the matter of much discussion in
cisms (such as defunctio, i, 13; rdigiositas, i, 17, 18, 26; the past. But at the present day, it admits of being
compartior. i, 24 ; receptibilis, ii, 5 ; peries. periet, viii, 18; given with tolerable precision. Two data are particu-
xxxiii, 7; obductio, ii, 2; v, 1, 10; etc.), which, to the ex- larly helpful for this purpose. The first is supplied by
tent in which they can be actually traced back to the the Greelc prologue, where we read that the grandson
original form of the version, go to show that the trans- of Jesus of Sirach came into Egypt h r& oyS6ta *ai
lator had but a poor command of the Latin language. rptoKwrrQ free erl rod Efopytrov BcurtX^wt, not long after
Again, from a fair, number of expressions which are which he rendered into Greek his grandfather's work,
certainly due to the translator, it may be inferred that. The "thirty-eighth year" here spoken of by the
at times, he did not catch the sense of the Greek, ana translator does not mean that of his own age, for
that at other times he was too free in rendering the such a specification would be manifestly irrelevant,
text before him. The Old Latin version abounds in It naturally denotes the date of his arrival in Egypt
additional lines or even verses foreign not only to the with a reference to the years of rule of the then mon-
Greek, but also to the Hebrew text. Such important arch, the Egyptian Ptolemy Euergetes; and in point
additions — which often appear clearly so from the fact of fact, the Greek grammatical construction of the pas-
that they interfere with the poetical parallelisms of the sage in the prologue is that usually employed in the
book — are either repetitions of preceding statements Septuagint version to give the year of rule of a prince
under a slightly different form, or glosses inserted by (cf. Aggeus, i, 1 ; ii, 1, 10; Zach., i, 1, 7; vii/1 ; I Mach.,
the translator or the copyists. Owing to the early xiii, 42; xiv, 27; etc.). There were indeed two Ptol-,
origin of the Latin version (probably the second cen- emys of the surname Euergetes (Benefactor):
tury of our era), and to its intimate connexion with Ptolemy III and Ptolemy VII (Physcon). But to
both the Greek and Hebrew texts, a good edition of its decide which is the one actually meant by the author
primitive form, as far as this form can be ascertained, of the prologue is an easy matter. As the first, Ptol-
is one of the chief things to be desired for the textual emy III, reigned only twenty-five years (247-222
criticism of Ecclesiasticus. Among the other ancient b. c). it must be the second, Ptolemy VII, who is
versions of the Book of Ecclesiasticus which are de- intended. This latter prince snared the throne along
rived from the Greek, the Ethiopic, Arabic, and Cop- with his brother (from 170 b. c. onwards), and after-
tic are worthy of special mention. wards ruled alone (from 145 b. c. onwards). But he
V. Author and Date. — The author of the Book of was wont to reckon the years of his reign from the
Ecclesiasticus is not King Solomon, to whom, as St. earlier date. Hence "the thirty-eighth year of Ptol-
Augustine bears witness, the work was oftentimes as- emy Euergetes11, in which the grandson of Jesus, the
cribed " on account of some resemblance of style " with son of Sirach, came to Egypt, is the year 132 b. c.
that of Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Canticle of Can- This being the case, the translator's grandfather, the
tides, but to whom, as the same holy doctor says, " the author of Ecclesiasticus, may be regarded as having
more learned " (apparently among the church writers lived and written his work between forty and sixty
of the time) "know full well that it should not be re- years before* (between 190 and 170 b. a), for there can
ferred" (On the City of God, Bk. XVII, ch. xx). At be no doubt that in referring to Jesus by means of the
the present day, the authorship of the book is univer- term t<£tto? and of the definite phrase 6 t&ttos fwG
sally and rightly assigned to a certain "Jesus", con- 'IrpoOt, the writer of the prologue designates his grand-
cerning whose person and character a great deal has father, and not a more remote ancestor. The seeond
indeed been surmised but very little is actually known, datum that is particularly available for determining
In the Greek prologue to the work, the author's proper the time at which the writer of Ecclesiasticus lived is
name is given as'Iip-oOt, and this information is corrob- supplied by the book itself. It has long been felt that
orated by the subscriptions found in the original He- since the son of Sirach celebrates with such a genuine
brew:l, 27 (Vulg.. 1, 29);li, 30. His familiar surname glow of enthusiasm the deeds of "the high priest
was Bin Slra, as the Hebrew text and the ancient ver- Simon, son of Onias", whom he praises as the last in
sions agree to attest. He is described in the Greek and the long line of Jewish worthies, he must himself have
Latin versions as " a man of Jerusalem" (1, 29), and in- been an eyewitness of the glory which he depicts (cf.
ternal evidence (cf. xxiv, 13 sqq.; 1) tends to confirm 1, 1-16, 22, 23). This was, of course, but an inference.
ECCLESIASTICUS 267 ECCLESIASTICUS
«*ad bo long as it was based only on a more or less sub- of the contents discloses ft distinct unity of mental
jective appreciation of the passage, one can easily attitude on the author's part to wards the same leading
understand why many scholars questioned, or even topics, towards God, life, the Law, wisdom, etc. They
rejected, its correctness. But with the recent discov- do not deny the existence of differences of tone in the
ery of the original Hebrew of the passage, there has book, but think that they are found in various para-
come in a new, and distinctly objective, element, graphs relating to minor topics; that the diversities
which places practically beyond doubt the correctness thus noticed do not go beyond the range of one man's
of the inference. In the Hebrew text, immediately experience ; that the author very likely wrote at dif-
after his eulogism of the high priest Simon, the writer ferent intervals and under a variety of circumstances,
subjoins the following fervent prayer: " May His [i. e. so that it is not to be wondered at if pieces thus com-
Yahweh's] mercy be continually with Simon, and may posed bear the manifest impress of a somewhat differ-
He establish with him the covenant of Phineas, that ent frame of mind. Some of them actually go so far as,
will endure with him and with his seed, as the days of to admit that the writer of Ecclesiasticus may at times
heaven " (1, 24). Obviously, Simon was yet alive when have collected thoughts and maxims that were already
this prayer was thus formulated ; and its actual word- in current and popular use, may even have drawn ma-
ing in the Hebrew implies this so manifestly, that terial from collections of wise sayings no longer extant
when the author's grandsdn rendered it into Greek, at or from unpublished discourses of sages; out they,
a date when Simon had been dead for some time, he each and all, are positive that the author of the book
felt it necessary to modify the text before him, and "was not a mere collector or compiler; his character-
hence rendered it in the following general manner: istic personality stands out too distinctly and promi-
"May His mercy be continually with us, and may He nently for that, and notwithstanding the diversified
redeem us in His days." Besides thus allowing us to character of the apophthegms, they are all the out-
realize the fact that Jesus, the son of Sirach, was a come of one connected view of life and of the world"
contemporary of the high priest Simon, chap. 1 of (Schurer). ^ .
Ecclesiasticus affords us certain details which enable The second view maintains that the Book of Ecclesi-
us to decide which of the two Simons, both high priests asticus was composed by a process of compilation,
and sons of Onias and known in Jewish history, is the According to the defenders of this position, the corn-
one described by the writer of the book. On the one pilatory character of the book does not necessarily
hand, the only Known title of Simon I (who held the conflict with a real unity of general purpose pervading
pontificate under Ptolemy Soter, about 300 b. c.) and connecting the elements of the work: such a pur-
which would furnish a reason for the great encomium pose proves, indeed, that one mind has bound those
yassed upon Simon in Ecclus., I, is the surname " the elements together for a common end, but it really
ust" (cf. Joseph us, Antiq. of the Jews, Bk. XII, chap, leaves untouched the question at issue, viz. whether
ii{ 5), whence it is inferred that he was a renowned that one mind must be considered as the original author
high priest worthy of being celebrated among the Jew- of the contents of the book, or, rather, as the combiner
ish heroes praised by the son of Sirach. On the other of pre-existing materials. Granting, then, the existence
hand, such details given in Simon's panegyric, as the of one and the same general purpose in the work of the
facts that he repaired and strengthened the Temple,1 son of Sirach, and admitting likewise the fact that cer-
fortified the city against siege, and protected the city tain portions of Ecclesiasticus belong to him as the
against robbers (cf. Ecclus., i,. 1-4), are in close agree- original author, they think that, on the whole, the
ment with what is known of the times of Simon II book is a compilation. Briefly stated, the following
(about 200 b.c.). While in the days of Simon I, and are the grounds for their position. In the first place,
immediately after, the people were undisturbed by from the very nature of his work, the author was like
foreign aggression, in those of Simon II the Jews were "a gleaner after the grape-gatherers"; and in thus
sorely harassed by hostile armies, and their territory speaking of himself (xxxni, 16) he gives us to under-
was mvaded by Antiochus, as we are informed by stand that he was a collector or compiler. In the sec-
Josephus (Antiq. of the Jews, Bk. XII, chap, iii, 3). ond place, the structure of the work still betrays a
It was also in the later time of Simon II that Ptolemy compilatory process. The concluding chapter (li) is a
Philopator was prevented only by the high priest s real appendix to the book, and was added to it after
E raver to God, from desecrating the Most Holy Place; the completion of the work, as is proved by the colo-
e then started a fearful persecution of the Jews at home phon in 1, 29 sqq. The opening chapter reads like a
and abroad (cf. Ill Mach., ii, iii). It appears from general introduction to the book, and indeed as one
these facts — to which others, pointing in the same di- different in tone from the chapters by which it is imme-
rection, could easily be added — that the author of diately followed, while it resembles some distinct
Ecclesiasticus lived about the beginning of the second sections which are embodied in further chapters of
century b. c. As a matter of fact, recent Catholic the work. In the body of the book, ch. xxxvi, 1-19,
scholars, in increasing number, prefer this position to is a prayer for the Jews of the Dispersion, altogether
that which identifies the high priest Simon, spoken of in unconnected with the sayings in verses 20 sqq. of the
Ecclus., I, with Simon I. and which, in consequence, same chapter; ch. xliii, 15-47 26, is a discourse clearly
refers the composition of the book to about a century separate from the prudential maxims by which it is
earlier (about 280 b. c). immediately preceded; chs. xvi, 24; xxiv, 1; xxxix,
VI. Method of Composition. — At the present 16, are new starting-points, which, no less than the
day, there are two principal views concerning the numerous passages marked by the address "my son"
manner in which the writer of Ecclesiasticus composed (ii, 1; iii, 19; iv, 1, 23; vi, 18, 24, 33; etc.), and the
his work, and it is difficult to say which is the more peculiar addition in 1, 27, 28, tell against the literary
probable. The first, held by many scholars, maintains unity of the work. Other marks of a compilatory pro-
that an impartial study of the topics treated and of cess nave also -been appealed to. They consist m the
their actual arrangement leads to the conclusion that significant repetition of several sayings in different
the whole book is the work of a single mind. Its advo- places of the book (cf . xx, 32, 33, which is repeated in
cates claim that, throughout the t>ook. one and the xli, 17b, 18; etc.); in apparent discrepancies of
same general purpose can be easily made out, to wit: thought and doctrine (cf. the differences of tone in
the purpose of teaching the practical value of Hebrew chs. xvi; xxy ; xxix, 21-41 ; xl, 1-11 ; etc) ; in certain
wisdom, and that one and the same method in hand- topical headings at the beginning of special sections
ling the materials can be readily noticed, the writer (cf. xxxi, 12;xfi, 16;xliv, 1, in the Hebrew); and in an
always showing wide acquaintance with men and additional psalm or canticle found in the newly dis-
things, and never citing any exterior authority for covered Hebrew text, between li, 12. and li, 13: all of
what he says. They affirm that a careful examination which are best accounted for by toe use of several
^1
EOOLESIASTIOUS
268
ECCLESIASTICUS
smaller collections containing each the same saying, or
differing considerably in their general tenor, or sup*
plied with their respective titles. Finally, there seems
to be an historical trace of the- compilatory character
of Ecclesiasticus in a second, but unauthentic, pro-
logue to the book, which is found in the "Synopsis
Sacra Seripturse". In this document, which is
printed in the works of St. Athanasius and also at the
beginning of Ecclesiasticus in the Complutensian Poly-
glot, the actual redaction of the book is ascribed to the
Greek translator as a regular process of compilation of
detached hymns, sayings, prayers, etc., which had
been left him by his grandfather, Jesus, the son. of
Sirach.
VIL Doctrinal and Ethical Teaching. — Before
setting forth in a summary way the principal teach*
ings. doctrinal and ethical, contained in the Book of
Ecclesiasticus, it will not be amiss to premise two re-
marks which, however elementary, should be dis-
tinctly borne in mind by anyone who- wishes to view
ttye doctrines of the son of Sirach in their proper light.
First, it would be obviously unfair to require that the
contents of this Sapiential book should come fully up
to the high moral standard of Christian ethics, or
should equal in clearness and precision the dogmatic
teachings embodied in' the sacred writings of the New
Testament or in the living tradition of the Church; all
that can be reasonably expected of a book composed
some time before the Christian Dispensation, irtnat it
shall set forth substantially good, not perfect, doc-
trinal and ethical teaching. In the second place, both
good logic and sound common sense demarid that the
silence of Ecclesiasticus concerning certain points of
doctrine be not regarded as a positive denial of them,
unless it can be clearly and conclusively shown that
such a silence must be so construed. The work is
mostly made up of unconnected sayings which bear on
all kinds of topics, and on that account, hardly ever, if
ever at all, will a sober critic be able to pronounce on
the actual motive which prompted the author of the
book either to mention or to omit a particular point of
doctrine; Nay more, in presence of a writer mani-
festly wedded to the national and religious traditions
of the Jewish race, as the general tone of his book
proves the author of Ecclesiasticus to have been, every
scholar worthy of the name will readily see that silence
on Jesus' part regarding some important doctrine,
such for instance as that of the Messias, is no proof
whatever that the son of Sirach' did not abide by the
belief of the Jews concerning that doctrine, and, in
reference to the special point just. mentioned, did not
share the Messianic expectations of his time. As can
readily be seen, the two general remarks just made
simply set forth elementary canons of historical criti-
cism; and they would not have been dwelt on here
were it not that thev have been very often lost sight of
by Protestant scholars; who, biased by: their desire to
disprove the Catholic doctrine of the inspired charac-
ter of Ecclesiasticus, have done their utmost to depre-
ciate the doctrinal and ethical teaching of thisdeutero-
oanonical book.
The following are the principal dogmatic doctrines •
of Jesus, the son of Siraca. According to him, as ac-
cording to all the other inspired writers of the Old
Testament, God is one and there is no God beside Him
(xxxvi, 5). He is a living and eternal God (xviii, 1),
and although His greatness and mercy exceed all
human comprehension, yet He makes Himself known
to man through His wonderful works (xvi, 18, 23;
xviii, 4) . He is the Creator of all things (xviii, 1 ; xxiv,
12), which He produced by His word of command,
stamping them all with the marks of greatness ana
goodness (xlii, 1 5-xliii ; etc.) . Man is the choice handi-
work of God. who made him for His glory, set him as
king over ail other creatures (xvii, 1-8), bestowed
upon him the power of choosing between good and evil
Civ, 14-22), and will hold him accountable for his own
personal deeds (xvii, 9-16), for while tolerating moral
evil He reproves it and enables man to avoid it (xv.
11-21). In dealing with man, God is no less merciful
than righteous:, "He is mighty to forgive" (xvi, 12),
and: "How great is the mercy of the Lord, and His
forgiveness to them that turn to Him " (xvii, 28); yet
no one should presume on the. Divine mercy and hence
delay his conversion, "for His wrath shall come on a
sudden, and in the time of vengeance He will destroy
thee " (v, 6-9). From among the children of men, God
selected for Himself a special nation, Israel, in the
midst of which He wills that wisdom should reside
(xxiv, 13-16), and in behalf of which the son of Sirach
offers up a fervent prayer, replete with touching re-
membrances of God's mercies to the patriarchs and
prophets of old, and with ardent wishes for the re-
union-and exaltation of the chosen people (xxxvi,, 1-
19) . It is quite clear that the Jewish patriot who put
forth this petition to God for future national quiet, and
prosperity, and who furthermore confidently expected
that Elias's return would contribute to the glorious
restoration of all Israel (cf. xlviii, 10), looked forward
to the introduction of Messianic times. It remains
true, however, that in whatever way his silence be, ac-
counted for, he does not speak anywhere of a special
interposition of God in behalf of the Jewish people, or
of the future coming of a personal Messias. He mani-
festly alludes to the narrative of the Fall( when he
says: "From the woman came the beginning of sin,
and by her we all die " (xxv, 33), and apparently con-
nects with this original deviation from righteousness
the miseries and passions that weigh so heavily on
"the children of Adam" (xl, 1-11). He says very-
little concerning the next life. Earthly rewards. oc-
cupy the most prominent, or perhaps even the sole,
place, in the author's mind, as a sanction for present
good or evil deeds (xiv, 22-xv, 6; xvi. 1-14); but this
will not appear strange to anyone who is acquainted
with the limitations of Jewish eschatology in tne more
ancient parts of the Old /Testament. He depicts death
in the light of a reward or of a punishment, only in so
far as it is either a quiet demise for the just or a final
deliverance from earthly ills (xli, 3, 4), or, on the con-
trary, a terrible end that overtakes the sinner when he
least expects it (ix, 16, 17). As regards the under-
world or Sheol, it appears to the writer nothing but a
mournful place where, the dead do not. praise God
(xvii, 26, 27).
The central, dogmatic, and moral idea of the book
is that of wisdom. Ben Stra describes it under several
important aspects. When he speaks of it in relation to
God, he almost invariably invests it with personal at-
tributes. It is eternal (i,' 1), unsearchable (i, 6r 7),
universal (xxiv, 6 sqq.). It is the formative, creative
power of the world (xxiv, 3 sqq.), yet is itself created
(i, 9; also in Greek: xxiv, 9), and is nowhere treated as
a distinct, subsisting Divine Person, in the Hebrew
text. In relation to man, wisdom is depicted as a
quality which comes from the Almighty and works
most excellent effects in those who love Hun (i. 10-13).
It is identified with the "fear of God" (i, 16), which
should of course prevail in a special manner in Israel,
and promote among the Hebrews the perfect fulfil-
ment of the Mosaic Law, which the author of Ecclesi-
asticus regards as the living embodiment of God's
wisdom (xxiv, 1 1-20, 32, 33) , It is a priceless treasure,
to the acquisition of which, one must devote all his
efforts, and the imparting of which to others one
should never grudge (vi, 18-20; xx, 32, 33). It is a
disposition of the heart which prompts man to prac-
tise the virtues of faith, hope, and love of God (d, 8-
10), of trust and submission, etc. (ii, 18-23; x, 23-27;
etc.) ; which also secures for him happiness and glory
in this life (xxxiv, 14-20; xxxiii, 37, 38; etc.). It is a
frame of mind which prevents the discharge of the
ritual law, especially tne offering of sacrifices, from
becoming a heartless compliance with mere outward
E00LE8TON
269
EOOLESTON
observances, and it causes man to place inward right-
eousness far above the offering of rich gifts to God
(xxxv). As can readily be seen, the author of Ecclesi-
asticus inculcated in, afl this a teaching far superior to
that of the Pharisees of a somewhat later date, and in
no way inferior to that of the prophets and of the
other protocanonical writers before him. Highly
commendable, too, are the numerous pithy sayings
which the son of Sirach gives for the avoidance of sin,
wherein the negative part of practical wisdom may be
said to consist. His maxims against pride (iii, 30; vi,
2-4; x, 14-30; etc.), covetousness (iv, 36; v, 1; xi, 18-
21), envy (xxx, 22-27: xxxvi, 22), impurity (ix, 1-13;
xix, 1-3; etc.), anger (xviii, 1-14; x, 6), intemperance
(xxxvii, 30-34), sloth (vii, 16; xxii, 1,2), the sins of the
tongue (iv, 30; vii, 13, 14; xi, 2, 3; i, 36-40; v, 16, 17;
xxvui, 15-27; etc.), evil company (xi, 31-36; xxii, 14-
18; etc) { display a close observation of human nature,
stigmatize vice in a forcible manner, and at times
point out the remedy against the spiritual distemper.
Indeed, it is probably no less because of the success
which Ben Stra attained to in branding vice than be-
cause of that which he obtained in directly inculcating
virtue, that his work was so willingly usea in the early
days of Christianity for public reading at church, and
bears, down to the present day, the pre-eminent title
of "Ecclesiastic us".
Together with these maxims, which nearly all bear
on what may be called individual morality, the Book
of Eccleniasticus contains valuable lessons relative to
the various classes which make up human society.
The natural basis of society is the family, and the son
of Sirach supplies a number of pieces of advice espe-
cially appropriate to the domestic circle as it was then
constituted. He would have the man who wishes to
become the head of a family determined in the choice
of a wife by her moral worth (xxxvi, 23-26; xl, 19-23).
He repeatedly describes the precious advantages re-
sulting from the possession of a good wife, and con-
trasts with them the misery entailed by the choice of
an unworthy one (xxvi, 1-24; xxv, 17-36). The man,
as the head of the. family, he represents indeed as
vested with more power than would be granted to him
among us, but be does not neglect to point out his
numerous responsibilities towards those under him: to
his children, especially his daughter, whose welfare he
might more particularly be tempted to neglect (vii, 25
sqq.), and his slaves, concerning whom he writes:
" Let a wise servant be dear to thee as thy own soul "
(vii, 23; xxxiii, 31), not meaning thereby, however, to
encourage the servant's idleness or other vices (xxxiii,
25-30). The duties of children towards their parents
are often and beautifully insisted upon (vii. 29, 30,
etc.). The son of Sirach devotes a variety of sayings
to the choice and the worth of a real friend (vi, 6-17;
ix, 14, 15; xii, 8, 9), to the care with which such a one
should be preserved (xxii, 25-32), and also to the
worthlessness and dangers of the unfaithful friend
(xxyii, 1-6, 17-24; xxxiu, 6). The author has no brief
against those in power, but on the contrary considers
it an expression of God's will that some should be in
exalted, and others in humble, stations in life (xxxiii,
7-15). He conceives of the various classes of society,
of the poor and the rich, the learned and the ignorant,
as able to become endowed with wisdom (xxxvii, 21-
29) . He would have a prince bear in mind that he is in
God's hand, and owes equal justice to all, rich and
poor (v, 18; x, 1-13). He bids the rich give alms, and
visit the poor and the afflicted (iv, 1-11; vii, 38, 39;
xii, 1-7; etc.), for almsgiving is a means to obtain for-
giveness of sin (iii, 33, 34; vii, 10, 36), whereas hard-
eartedness is in every way hurtful (xxxiv, 25-29).
On the other hand, he directs the lower classes, as we
might call them, to show themselves submissive to
those in higher condition and to bear patiently with
those who cannot be safely and directly resisted (viii,
1-13; ix, 18-21; xiii, 1-8). Nor is the author of Ec-
clesiasticus anything like a misanthrope that would
set himself up resolutely against the legitimate pleas-
ures and the received customs of social life (xxxi, 12-
42; xxxii, 1 sqq.); while he directs severe but just
rebukes against the parasite (xxix, 28-35; xl, 29-32).
Finally, he has favourable sayings about the physician
(xxviii, 1-15), and about the dead (vii, 37; xxxviii,
16-24); and strong words of caution against the dan-
fers which one incurs in the pursuit of business (xxvi,
8:xxvii, 1-4; viii, 15, 16).
Catholic authors are marked with an asterisk (+).— Commen-
taries: Calmbt* (Venice, 1751); Frttebchs (Leipsig, 1859);
Bisskix (New York, 1880); Les&tre* (Paris, 1880); Eder-
bhbim (London, 1888); Zockler (Munich, 1891); Ryssbl
(TObingen, 1900-1901); Knabenbaubr* (Pari*, 1902).
Introductions to the Old Testament: Rault* (Paris, 1&82);
Viooubodx* (Paris, 1886); Cornily* (Paris, 1886); Tbochon-
Lebetrb* (Paris, 1890); K6niq (Bonn, 1893); Coknill (Prei-
fcfcirg, 1895); Strack (Munich, 1898); Kavlbn* (Freiburg,
1899); Gigot* (New York. 1906).
Monograph* on Ancient Versions: Piters* (Freiburg, 1898);
Herkenne* (Leipzig, 1899).
Literature on Hebrew Fragments: Toukabd* (Paris, 1901);
Knabbnbaueb* (Paris, 1902). FRANCIS E. GlOOT.
Eccleston, Samuel, fifth Archbishop of Baltimore,
U. S. A., b. near Chestertown, Maryland, 27 June,
1801; d. at Georgetown, D. C, 22 April, 1851. His
father was Samuel Eccleston, an Episcopalian. After
her husband's death, Mrs. Eccleston married a Cath-
olic gentleman named Stenson. Samuel was thus
brought under Catholic influences, and sent to St.
Mary's College, Baltimore, where he was converted.
Entering St. Mary's Seminary in 1819, he was ordained
priest, 24 April, 1825. He went to Issy, France, for
further theological studies, and, returning to Balti-
more in July, 1827, was made vice-president, and two
years later president, of St. Marv's College. On 14
Sept., 1834, he was consecrated titular Bishop of
Thermia, and coadjutor with the right of succession
for Baltimore, and, upon the death of Archbishop
Whitfield, 19 October, 1834, succeeded to the metro-
politan see. He became also administrator of Rich-
mond, until Bishop Whelan's appointment in 1841.
During his term of office many new churches
were erected. He contributed largely of his own means
towards the building of the cathedral. To provide for
German Catholics the Redemptorists were invited
from Austria in 1841; the Brothers of the Christian
Schools were introduced into the .United States in
1846, establishing Calvert Hall School at Baltimore,
and the same year the Brothers of St. Patrick took
charge of a manual labour school (since discontinued)
near that city. An important event was the opening,
1 November, 1849, of St. Charles's College, founded by
the generosity of Charles Carroll of Carrollton. Five
provincial councils, the third to the seventh inclusive,
were held at Baltimore under Archbishop Eccleston.
(See Baltimore, Archdiocese of.)
Shea, Hist, of theCath. Ch. in U. S. (New York, 1892), 1, 441,
II, 1; Scarp, Chronicles of Baltimore (Baltimore, 1874), 497-
501; Clarke, Lives of Deceased Bishops (New York, 1872), I,
484; Reubb, Biog. Encyd. Calh. Hierarchy of U. S. (Milwaukee,
1898).
J. P. W. McNeal.
Eccleston, Thomas of, thirteenth-century Friar
Minor and chronicler, dates of birth and death un-
known. He styles himself simply " Brother Thomas ",
and Bale seems to have first given him the title "of
Eccleston". He appears to have entered the order
about 1232-3 and to have been a student at Oxford
between 1230 and 1240. After the latter year he was
stationed at the convent in London, but he does not
appear to have ever held any office in the order. He is
chiefly famous for his chronicle " De Adventu Frat-
rum Minorum in Angliam", which extends from the
coming of the friars into England under Agnelras of
Pisa, in 1224, up to about 1258, when the work was
probably completed. Eccleston declares that he spent
twenty-six years collecting material for his chronicle,
most of the information it contains being derived from
f
EOHABD 270 IOQTERHAOH
*
personal knowledge or verbal communication, although "The Apparition of Christ and the Virgin to San
he seems to have had access to certain written docu- Francisco , "The Martyrdom of San Ponciano", and
ments now lost. His " De Adventu " is a collection of "Saint Cecilia". In the church of San Jose" el Real,
notes rather than a finished work. He describes with generally known as the " Profesa", are several others,
extreme simplicity and vividness what has been called, including " St. Isabel of Portugal ", while he executed
the heroic period of the Franciscan movement in Eng- for the church of Santiago lialtelolco fifteen altar-
land. In spite of the absence of dates and of any panels. In the cathedral is his "Candelaria" and a
chronological sequence and of its tendency to extol the " San Sebastian ", believed to be by his wife. Among
English province above all others, his chronicle is very the smaller paintings of Echave is one of San Antonio
valuable and is accurate and reliable in all that con- Abad with St. Paul, the first hermit. The artist also
cents the establishment and spread of the Friars Minor had a reputation as an author, among his works being
in England. Incidentally it throws some light on the one on the Biscayan language,
trend of early Franciscan events and thought in gen- Augustus van Cleef.
eral. Four MSS. of the "De Adventu", all of which
go back to one lost archetype, are' known to scholars. Echinus, a titular see of Thessaly, Greece. Echi-
The chronicle has been often edited ; in part by Brewer nus ( Exrw, also ExivoOt) was situated on the north-
in the "Monumenta Franciscana" (Rolls Series, Lon- £jn shore of the Gulf of Lamia (Maltacus Sinus).
don, 1858) ; and by Howlett in the same series (1882) ; To-day it is a small village, Akhinos ( Axcrif), of 500
by the Friars Minor at Quaracchi (in Analecta Fran- inhabitants, in the demos of Phalara and the eparchy
cwcana, I, 1885, 217-57) ; by Liebermann in the of Phthiotis. On the conical hill which rises above
" Monumenta Germani* " (XXVIII, Hanover, 1885, *he village are remains of the old walls. The city has
500-69). A critical edition of the complete text is **** destroyed by earthquakes and rebuilt many
much needed. There is an English translation of time8> particularly in 426 b. c. and a. d. 551. Philip
Eccleston's work by Father Cuthbert, O.S.F.C, " The J1 ?f Macedon left it to the Malians, and Philip V took
Friars and how they came to England fl (London, 1903) . * from the iEtolians. It was fortified by Justinian.
Waddino-Sbaralea, -Seng/, ord. Min.. ed. Nardecchia The see. mentioned m "Notitue episcopatuum" as
(Rome, 1907), 216; Little, Thomas of EccUston on the Coming late as the twelfth or thirteenth century, was a suffra-
of the fnare Afmor to England (London • iw/) of Larfssa. Three bishops are known: Theodore
i-aschal kobinson. ^ ^ Peter m 451 and AliaM^d m 459 (LeqUien,
— . • T i_-_x • t j.\. t% • • 1- Oriens christianus, II, 115).
SCIiard, JACQUES, historian Of the Dominicans, b. Leake, Northern Greece (London. 1835), II, 80; Pauly-Wib-
at Rouen, France, 22 Sept., 1644; d. at Pans, 15 sowa, Real-Encyd., a. v.
March, 1724. As the son of a wealthy official of the S, Petrides.
king he received a thorough classical and secular edu- _ . . . . , , ^ T ,
cation. He entered the Dominican Order at Paris and Echternach, Abbey of (also Epternach, Lat.
distinguished himself for his assiduity in study. When Epternacensis), a Benedictine monastery in the
Jacques Qu6*tif. who had planned and gathered nearly £°wn of *™ ™me, in the Grand Duchy of Luxem-
one?fourth of tne material for a literarVhistory of the kurgand S?,,?00?6 o(Jn?\ lt was, 4°.unded u"1
Dominican Order, died in 1698, Echard was commis- £98&y St. WiUibrord, an Endish monk of Ripon, who
sioned to complete the work. After much labour and fe5"™ theA AJP0"*? ofu. u u a i j ??* BlshQP °f
extensive research in most European libraries this Utl?S?t; -T^^^'^&^^uu^^1^
monumental history appeared in two quarto volumes ?* abbo* ^ ?ls d®ath m ™?- The abbey stood near
under the title "Scriptores ordinis pnedicatorum re- ™j[ on land given him for the purpose by St. Irmine.
censiti, notisque historicis illustrati " etc. (Paris, Abbess of (^ren and daughter of -Dagobert II. It had
1721). Besides a sketch, based chiefly on Pignon and ^%J°%r and otT r benefactors, including Pepin
Salanac, and a list of each writer's works, with the «"» Charlemagne, who conferred upon it ereat pnv-
dates and peculiarities of the various editions, Echard d***- In 859 the monks were displaced Ly secular
enumerates the1 unpublished, spurious, and doubtful canons as was so often the case with the early monas-
works, with valuable indications as to their where- £™:s> ™* m, 971 Emperor Otho I restored the Bene-
abouts. He displays throughout a keen, sane, and in- ™ctme llf?urere',l?3"ngng. fo.rty JS??** thlther 1*°™
cisive criticism which has been highly praised by com- ™e «"»* ^bey of St- Maximin at Tnenone of whom,
petent critics (Journal des Savants, LXIX, 574). A Ravanger by name, was made abbot The monastery
new and revised edition was prepared in 1908 by Remi ^came verv celebrated and was, during the Middle
Coulon OP Ages, one of the most important m Northern Europe.
DKNiFLis'in Archiv. fur Litteratur vnd Kirchengtechichie It -continued to flourish until the French Revolution,
(1886), II, 165 sqq.; Mortet in La Grande Encyclopedic b. v. when it was suppressed, and the monks dispersed.
Thos. M. Schwertner. The buildings put up by St. WiUibrord were burnt
down in 1017, and a new abbey was then erected. The
Echave, Baltasar de, painter, b. at Zumaya, church was Romanesque in style, but Gothic addi-
Guipuzcoa. Spain, in the latter part of the sixteenth tions and alterations were made in the fourteenth and
century; a. in Mexico about the middle of the seven- sixteenth centuries. In 1797 it was sold and became
teenth. As there was a painter of the same name, a pottery manufactory, but in 1861 it was reacquired
thought to be his son, he is known as Echave the by the townspeople, through whose generosity and
Elder. He was one of the earliest Spanish artists to devotion it was restored and made a parish church,
reach Mexico, arriving at about the same time, near The reconsecration took place with great solemnity in
the end of the sixteentn century, as Sebastian Arteaga 1868, and since that date the work of restoration and
and Alonzo Vasquez. He was then a young man, and decoration has continued steadily. It is popularly
there is a tradition that his wife, also a painter, was called "the cathedral", though not the seat of a
his instructor. Echave, whose subjects are chiefly bishop. The conventual buildings, originally erected
religious, had especial skill in composition, and his best in 1017-31, have been frequently rebuilt and added to,
works, which have much charm of colour and tender- and they were entirely modernized in 1732. At the
ness of treatment, are thought to recall those of Guer- suppression they became State property and have for
cino. In the galleries of the National Academy of many years served as barracks. The library was
San Carlos, in the City of Mexico, there are some of his noted for a number of precious MSS. of very early
best pictures, notably "The Adoration of the Magi", date which it contained; some of them are now in the
"Christ in the Garden", "The Martyrdom of San Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris.
Aproniano", "The Holy Family", "The Visitation", The Dancing Procession.— The Abbey of Echternach
"The Holy Sepulchre", "Saint Ann and the Virgin", owes much of its fame, especially in modern times,
SOHTXB
271
to the curious "dancing procession0 which takes place
annually on Whit Tuesday, in honour of St. Willi-
brord. The cult of the saint may be traced back
almost to the date of his death, and the stream of pil-
grims to his tomb in the abbey church has never
ceased. The Emperors Lothair 1, Conrad, and Maxi-
milian mav be numbered amongst them. The tomb
stands before the high altar, and has been recently
entirely renewed. On it is a recumbent effigy of the
saint, and amongst other relics preserved there are a
mitre, crosier, and chasuble said to have been used by
him. The origin of the procession cannot be stated
with certainty. Authentic documents of the fifteenth
century speak of it as a regular and recognized custom
at that tune, but for earlier evidence there is only
tradition to depend upon. The legend is that in 1347,
when a pestilence raged amongst the cattle of the
neighbourhood, the symptoms of which were a kind of
trembling or nervous shaking followed by speedy
death, the people thought that by imitating these
symptoms, more or less, whilst imploring the interces-
sion of St. Willibrord, the evil might be stayed. The
desired result was obtained, and so the dancing pro-
cession to the saint's tomb became an annual cere-
mony. Nowadays it is made an act of expiation and
penance on behalf of afflicted relations and especially
in order to avert epilepsy, St. Virus's dance, convul-
sions, and all nervous diseases. The function com-
mences at nine o'clock in the morning at the bridge over
the Sure, with a sermon by the parish priest (formerly
the abbot of the monastery) : after this the procession
moves towards the basilica, through the chief streets of
the town, a distance of about 1 } kilometres. Three steps
forward are taken, then two back, so that five steps
are required in order to advance one pace. The result
is that it is well after midday before the last of the
dancers has reached the church. They go four or five
abreast, holding each other by the hand or arm.
Many bands accompany them, playing a traditional
melody which has been handed down for centuries.
A large number of priests and religious also accom-
pany the procession and not infrequently there are
several bisnops as well. On arrival at the church, the
dance is continued around the tomb of St. Willibrord.
when litanies and prayers in his honour are recited, ana
the whole concludes with Benediction of the Blessed
Sacrament. Though curious and even somewhat
ludicrous, the people perform it in all seriousness and
as a true act of devotion. It usually attracts to
Echternach a great concourse of tourists as well as
pilgrims, and as many as ten thousand people gener-
ally take part in it. The procession tookplace annu-
ally without intermission until 1777. Then, on ac-
count of some abuses that had crept in, the music and
dancing were forbidden by the Archbishop of Trier,
and in 1786 Joseph II abolished the procession alto-
gether. Attempts were made to revive it ten years
utter but the French Revolution effectually prevented
it. It was recommenced, however, in 1802 and has
continued ever since. In 1826 the Government tried
to change the day to a Sunday, but since 1830 it has
always taken place on Whit Tuesday, as formerly.
Ste-Marthe, Gallia Christiana (Paris, 1785), XIII; Mar-
vene and Durand, Voyage Utteraire de deux BhUdidina (Paris,
1724), III; Mione, Diet, des Abbayes (Paris, 1856); Kribb, La
Procession dansante a Echternach (Luxemburg. 1888); Rbin-
ers. Die St. Willibrords Stiftunp Echternach (Luxemburg,
1896); Taunton, Echternach and the Dancing Pilgrims in Cath-
olic World (New York, 1891), LXV.
G. Cyprian Alston.
Echter yon Mespelbrunn, Julius, Prince-
Bishop of Wurzburg, b. 18 March, 1545, in the Castle
of Mespelbrunn. Spessart (Bavaria); d. 13 Sept.,
1617, at Wurzburg. Descended from an ancient
family in the service of the archbishops of Mainz, he
received a good education in the schools of that city,
also at Louvain, Douai, Paris, Angers, Pavia, and
Rome; it was in Rome that he became a licentiate of
canon and civil law. In 1567 he entered on his duties
as canon of Wurzburg, an office to which he had been
appointed in 1554; m 1570 he became dean of the
cathedral chapter, and in 1573, at the age of twenty-
eight, even before his ordination to the priesthood,
was appointed Prince-Bishop of Wurzburg. Various
causes nad combined to bring the diocese into a sad
state. Deeply in debt and poorly administered, it
had an almost entirely Protestant population. The
clergy, in point of virtue and learning, were for the
most part unequal to their task, and the cathedral
charter was adverse to any ecclesiastical reform.
During the first ten years of Echter's government the
attempt to unite the Abbey of Fulda and the Bishop-
ric of wurzburg, after the deposition of the Prince-
Abbot Balthasar von Dernbach, caused much con-
fusion. This was due to the youthful ambition of
Echter, and not, as some wish to interpret it, a sign of
any anti-Catholic sentiments on his part. From the
outset he endeavoured to carry out a thorough eccle-
siastical restoration. For this reason he encouraged,
as far as possible, the Jesuits and promoted their benef-
icent ministry. In the same spirit he conceived the
plan of founding a university at Wurzburg, and
despite all difficulties it was solemnly opened (2 Jan.,
1582) and became a model for all similar Counter-
Reformation institutions. Under the Jesuits it
flourished, grew rapidly, and furnished the see with
the priests and officials needed to counterbalance the
more or less irreligious temper of the population.
The bishop was now able to take decisive steps against
Protestantism. He banished all Lutheran preachers
from his territory and removed all priests who were
unwilling to observe the rules of tneir office. The
public officials had to be Catholics, and none but
Catholic teachers could be appointed. He began,
moreover, courses of careful instruction for non-
Catholics, and to some extent threatened them with
penalties and even with banishment. Within three '
years about 100,000 returned to the Catholic Church.
Public worship was also improved by the introduction
of new devotions, processions, and the establishment
of confraternities. Bishop Echter restored ruinous
monasteries or devoted their revenues to the erection
of new parishes and to the building of three hundred
new churches. The tapering towers of these churches,
called after the bishop "Julius towers", still preserve
his memory. His most beneficial and lasting monu-
ment, after the university, is the Julius Hospital,
which he founded with the endowment of the aban-
doned monastery of Heiligenthal. By skilful ad-
ministration he improved the decadent economic con-
ditions of his ecclesiastical states, reduced taxes, per-
fected the administration of justice, and established
many primary schools. In a word, he proved himself
one of the most capable rulers of his time. Not only
in his own diocese aid he display an extraordinary and
varied activity, but as the founder and soul of the
Catholic League, he exercised a decisive influence on
the future of Germany.
Bughinoeb, Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn (WQraburg,
1843); Wegelb in AUgemeine deutsche Biographic, XIV, 671-
84. Patricius Schlager.
Eck (Eckius), Johann, theologian and principal
adversary of Luther, b. 15 Nov., 1486, at Eck in Swa-
bia; d. 10 Feb., 1543, at Ingolstadt. His family
name was Maier, and his father, Michael Maier, was
for many years magistrate in the town, the latinized
name of which, Eckius or Eccius, was adopted after
1505 by Johann. His uncle, Martin Maier, pastor at
Rothenburg on the Neckar, received Johann in his
house (1495) and educated him. In 1498, when
twelve years old, he was admitted to the Heidelberg
University; thence he went in 1499 to Tubingen
where he received the degree of Master of Arts in
1501 ; then to Cologne and in 1502 to Freiburg in the
Breisgau. After his graduation in the faculty of arts
T\
272 SOX
*
he began the study of .philosophy and theology, took which excommunicated Luther and condemned his 41
courses at the same tune in jurisprudence, physics, theses. The execution of this mandate was beset with
mathematics, and geography, joined the Humanistic difficulties on every side. Eck, through his " Epistola
movement, and in addition to Latin, learned Hebrew ad Carolum V" (1521), admonished Emperor Charles
and Greek. Among his instructors at the university to enforce the papal bann. In the same year he went
were many distinguished scholars. His uncle now to Rome again, principally at the behest of the Bava-
withdrew his allowance and Eck was obliged to earn rian dukes for whom he acted as counsellor in ecclesi-
his livelihood as a tutor while continuing his studies, astical affairs, and made a third visit to Rome in 1523.
In 1505 he was appointed rector, of the Artistenburse Meanwhile (1522) he had induced the Bavarian dukes
gum Pfau, i. e. principal of the hall for students in arts to publish an edict in defence of the Catholic Faith,
at Freiburg, and received the degree of Bachelor of Wliile in Rome he procured for the dukes, among
Theology; ne lectured on the "Sentences" in 1506; other privileges, the power of enacting, independently
was promoted to the licentiate in 1509; and in 1510, of the bishops, decrees for the moral reformation of
when twenty-four years old, he. received the degree of the clergy; and furthermore the right to appropriate,
Doctor of Theology. He had been ordained to the for use against heretics and Turks, a fifth part of all
priesthood in 1508 with a papal dispensation from the church revenues.
age-requirement. Shortly after graduating as doctor, Eck in the meantime combated Lutheranism by his
he was invited (1510) by the Dukes of Bavaria to the letters and essays. Between the years 1522 and 1526
professorship of theology in Ingolstadt. He was ap- he published eight voluminous treatises against Luther,
pointed pro-chancellor of the university in 1512, and Through his influence the University of Ingolstadt
during his professorate of thirty-two years Ailed re- retained its strictly Catholic attitude and strenuously
peateoly the offices of dean, pro-rector, and rector; he opposed the rising Protestant institutions. Eck had
also served as pastor and was appointed canon in also a considerable share in organizing the "Catholic
Eichstatt. At Freiburg and- during his earlier years Federation", founded 5 June, 1524, by the leaders in
at Ingolstadt, his literary activity was remarkable, Church and State for the purpose of safeguarding the
not only in theology but also in other departments of ancient faith and enforcing the Edict of Worms. He
science, as is evidenced by his writings which have also defended in numerous essays the traditional doc-
been preserved partly in print and partly in MS. He trines of the Church against Zwingli and his adher-
engaged in geographical research and published a ents, and participated in the religious discussion in
series of philosophical works, some of which were to Baden (1526). When the Protestants, at the Diet of
serve as textbooks in the faculty of arts at Ingol- Augsburg in 1530, promulgated the "Augsburg Con-
stadt. In these writings he attempts to combine in a fession", defining their religious views, Eck headed
rational synthesis the advantages of the older philos- the Catholic champions upon whom the refutation of
ophy with those of the new. His principal theologi- the articles in this confession devolved. Together
cal work during this period, entitled " Chrysopassus , with Wimpina and Cochlaeus he represented the Cath-
treats of predestination with special reference to the olic party at the conference (16 Aug.) between Cath-
dogmas of grace and free will which were so soon to olic and Lutheran theologians relative to the' " Con-
become, in consequence of Luther's outbreak, the cen- fessio" and its "Confutatio"; and as theologian he
tre of sharp discussion. The tenor of this treatise, served on the sub-committee which canvassed the re-
written when its author was only twenty-eight years suits of the conference. Zwingli also had presented at
old, evinces both confidence and modesty. Augsburg a Confession of Faith and this Eck alone
Luther's appearance, and especially the Disputa- refuted. Eck then drew up 404 heretical theses upon
tion at Leipzig (1519), formed the turning-point in which he challenged the Protestant theologians to .
Eck's intellectual development and in his activity as public debate. The challenge was not accepted; the
a theologian. Thenceforth he is a prominent figure in only answer from the Protestant party was a torrent
the history of that period. With a clear insight into of abuse. In the negotiations relative to the Council
the meaning of Lutheranism, he was the first to cham- of Trent, Eck was consulted by the emperor, Charles
pion the cause of Catholic teaching against Protestant V, as well as by the pope, Paul III, ana was charged
error; and he became Luther's ablest opponent, by the latter with preliminary work for the council,
skilful, untiring, and thoroughly equipped in theol- At the religious disputation m Worms (1540), Eck
ogy. The rest of his life was spent in conflict with again appeared as the chief Catholic representative
the Reformers in Germany and Switzerland. He de- and debated with Melanchthon on the issues involved
fended the Catholic Church, its doctrines and its insti- in the "Augsburg Confession". This discussion was
tutions, in his writings, in public debates, in his continued auring the Diet of Ratisbon (1541) to
speeches at the diets, and in his diplomatic missions, which, besides Eck, the emperor delegated as spokes-
For the betterment of ecclesiastical life and the spread men on the Catholic side, Julius Pflug and Gropper.
of genuine reform he laboured earnestly by preaching Eck maintained clearly and decisively the Catholic
to the people and by insisting on the scientific educa- position, and quite disapproved the Ratisbon In-
tion of the clergy. As a reply to Luther's "theses" terim". He also went on a mission to England and
he wrote his "Obelisci", originally intended solely for the Netherlands in the interest of the Catholic cause,
the Bishop of Eichstatt. Both Luther and Karlstadt In 1529 the bishops of Denmark invited Eck and
answered bitterly and then it was agreed to submit Cochtoeus to the discussion at Copenhagen; but
the points at issue to the test of a public debate, neither appeared. Eck fully deserved the promi-
whicn was held in Leipzig, 27 June- 15 July, 1519. nence pained by him during the struggle against Prot-
Eck came off victorious, exposed Luther's heresy, and estantism. He was the most distinguished theologian
won over as a loyal adherent to the Catholic standard, of the time in Germany, the most scholarly and cour-
George, Duke oi Saxony. During the same year he ageous champion of the Catholic Faith. Frank and
published several essays attacking the tenets of even in disposition, he was also inspired by a sincere
Luther, and grew steadily in prominence as an au- love of truth ; but he showed none the less an intense
thority on theological questions. In 1520 he visited self-consciousness and the jovial bluntness of speech
Rome to report on the condition of affairs in Germany which characterized the men of that day. His ad-
and to secure the condemnation of Luther's heresy, versaries, lampooning him publicly, taxed him with
He submitted his essay on the Primacy of Peter to drunkenness and immorality; but the general tone of
Leo X, was appointed prothonotary Apostolic, and the writings published against Eck ana the readiness
was charged as papal legate, along with the two other of the Protestants to calumniate their victorious op-
legates, Aleander and Caracciolo, to carry out in Ger- ponent, arouse strong suspicion as to the truth of
many the provisions of the Bull "Exsurge Domine" these accusations ana make them, so far as the evi-
EOKABT
273
XOKHART
dence goes, altogether improbable. In rebuttal it
should be noted that Eck received the Last Sacra-
ments with exemplary piety, and that his funeral in
the Frauenkirche at lngolstadt was marked by great
solemnity.
As a writer Eck was prolific. His most important
works are: "Loci communes ad versus Lutherum et
alios hostes ecclesiae" (Arguments against Luther
and Other Enemies of the Church), printed first in
1525, 45th edition in 1576; essays on the Primacy of
Peter, Penance,*the Sacrifice of the Mass{ Purgatory,
etc. He also published numerous polemical writings
against Luther, Zwingli, Bucer, and other leaders of
the new religious movements. He compiled the re-
sults of the numerous disputations in which he partici-
pated and the sermons he preached on various sub-
jects. In 1539 he published a German version of the
Scriptures, translating the Old Testament from the
original and adopting Emser's translation of the New
Testament. Eck, however, was abler as a theologian
than as a stylist. He also published a collection of
most of his writings prior to 1535 entitled "Opera
Johannis Eckii contra Ludderum in 5 partes" (lngol-
stadt, 1530-1535). In this edition parts I— II contain
his polemical writings on the Primacy, Penance, etc.
against Luther; parts III-IV, his reports of the de-
bates and his polemics against Zwingli, Karlstadt, and
Bucer; also the "Ldci Communes", part V (4 vols.),
his Latin sermons.
Wiedemann, Dr. Johann Eck (Ratisbon, 1865), with list of
Eck's works; Brecher in AUgemeine deutsche Biographic
(Letosig, 1877), V, 596-002; GOnthsr, Johann Eck als Geo-
graph in Forschungen zur Kultur- und Literaturgesch. Bayerns
(Munich. 1894), II, 140-162; Schneid, Dr. Johann Eck u. daa
kirchliche Zinsverbot in Historisch-politische BIMter (1891).
CVIII, 241 sq.,321sq.,473 sq., 570 aq., 659 sq., 789 aq.; Bauch,
Die Anfange des Humanismus in lngolstadt (Munich, 1901);
Greying, Johann Eck als j'unger Gelehrter in Reformdtionsgesch.
Studisn u. Texte (MOnster, 1906), I.
J. P. KlRSCH.
Eclcftxt, Anselm, missionary, b. at Bingen, Ger-
many, 4 August, 1721; d. at the College of Polstok,
Polish Russia, 29 June, 1809. Entering the Society
of Jesus at nineteen, he was sent as a missionary to
Brazil. Two years after his arrival in that country,
he and his bretherh were seized like felons and carried
to Portugal, where they languished in prison till death
released them or till the king, in whose name it was
all done, was summoned by nis own Judge. Father
Eckart was confined for eighteen years in the under-
ground dungeons of Almeida and St. Julian. He
wrote the story of his own sufferings and those of his
companions in prison. Upon the death of Joseph I of
Portugal in 1777, Pombal fell into disgrace, ana those
of his victims who survived were released from their
loathsome dungeons. The Society of Jesus, which had
been suppressed four years earlier by the Brief of Cle-
ment XI V, had continued to exist in Russia. Father
Eckart applied for readmission, and for thirty-two
years following had the consolation of wearing the
habit of the proscribed order. After filling the office
of master of novices at Dunaburg, he was sent to the
College of Polstok, where this venerable confessor of
Jesus Christ, the last survivor, perhaps, of the cruel-
ties of Pombal, preserved in extreme old age the same
vigour of soul which had sustained him in the mis-
sions and in captivity. He died full of days and
merits in the eighty-eighth year of his ape and the
sixty-ninth after his admission to the Society.
Cabayon, Documents Inidits Les Prisons du Marquis de
Pombal, XXIX, 113, 283, 327; Sommervogel, Bibl. dela c. de J.,
111,330; vonMuer, Journal. . . , VII, 295 aqq.; DeGuilhermy,
MhuAoqe de la c. de J., Assistance de Germanic (Paris, 1898),
556; Weld, Suppression of the Society of Jesus in the Portu-
-' ' ), XI, XIII.
guese Dominions (London, 1877),
Edward P. Spillane.
Eckebert (EJkbert, Egbert), Abbot of Schdnau,
b. in the early part of the twelfth century of a distin-
guished family along the Middle Rhine; d. 28 March,
V.— 18
1184, in the Abbey of Schdnau. He was for a time
canon in the collegiate church of Sts. Cassius and
Florentine at Bonn. In 1155 he became a Benedic-
tine at Schdnau in the Diocese of Trier, and in 1166,
after the death of the first abbot, Hildelin, he was
placed at the head of the monastery. A man of great
zeal, he preached and wrote much for the salvation of
souls and the conversion of heretics. The Cathari,
then numerous in the Rhineland, gave him especial
concern. While a canon at Bonn he often had occa-
sion to debate with heretics, and after his monastic
grofession, was invited by Archbishop Rainald of
ologne to debate publicly with the leaders of the sect
in Cologne itself. His chief works are: "Sermones
contra Catharos" with extracts on the Manichaeans,
from St. Augustine (P. L., CXCV);"De Laude Cruris"
(ibid.); "SoTiloquium seu Meditationes" (ibid.); "Ad
Beatam Virginem Deiparam sermo panegyricus"
(ibid., CLXXXIV); "De sancta Elizabetha virgine",
a biography of his sister, a Benedictine nun and a
famous visionary and mystic (see Elizabeth of
SchOnau), a portion of which is in P. L., CXCV, also in
"Acta SS.", June, IV { 501 sqq. (ed. Palm6, 1867). A
complete edition of his works is found in Roth, " Die
Visionen der hi. Elisabeth und die Schriften der
Aebte Ekbert und Emecho von Sch6nau" (Brunn,
1884).
Streber In Kirchenlex., s. v. Egbert; Hurter, Nomencla-
tor (Innsbruck, 1889), IV; Chevalier, Bio-Bibl. (Paris,
1005), a. v.
Francis J. Schaefer.
0
Ecfchart, Johann Georg von (called Eccard be-
fore he was ennobled), German historian, b. at Duin-
gen in the principality of Kalenberg, 7 Sept., 1664; d.
at Wurzburg, 9 Feb., 1730. After a good preparatory
training at Schulpforta he went to Leipzig, where at
first, at the desire of his mother, he studied theology,
but soon turned his attention to philology and history.
On completing his course he became secretary to Field-
Marshal Count Flemming, the chief minister of the Elec-
tor of Saxony ; after a short time, however, he went to
Hanover to find a permanent position. Owing to his
extensive learning he was soon useful to the famous
historian Leibniz, who, in 1694, took Eckhart as as-
sistant and was, until death, his large-hearted patron
and generous friend. Through the efforts of Leibniz
Eckhart was appointed professor of history at Helm-
stedt in 1706, and in 1714 councillor at Hanover. After
the death of Leibniz he was made librarian and his-
toriographer of the royal family of Hanover, and was
soon after ennobled by Emperor Charles VI, to whom
he had dedicated his work " Origines Austriacae ". For
reasons which have never been clearly explained he
gave up his position, in 1723, and fled from Hanover,
perhaps on account of debt, to the Benedictine mon-
astery of Corvey, and thence to the Jesuits at Cologne,
where he became a Catholic. Not long after this the
Prince-Bishop of Wurzburg, Johann Philipp von
SchSnborn, appointed Eckhart his librarian and his-'
toriographer. In his work Eckhart was influenced by
the new school of French historians, and gave careful
attention to the so-called auxiliary sciences, above all
to diplomatics; he also strove earnestly to follow a
strictly scientific method in his treatment of historical
materials. Together with Leibniz he may be con-
sidered as a founder of the critical school of historical
writing. Besides the help he rendered Leibniz, of
whom ne prepared an affectionately respectful obitu-
ary (in Murr, "Journal fur Kunstgeschicnte", VII), he
issued a number of independent works. His chief work^
while professor at Helmstedt, is his "Historia studii
etymologici linguae germanicae hactenus impensi"
(Hanover, 1711), a literary and historical study of all
works bearing on the investigation of the Teutonic
languages. At Hanover he compiled a "Corpus his-
toricum medii a^vi" [Leipzig, 1723), in two volumes;
at Wurzburg he published the "Commentarii de rebus
<C
EOKHAKT
274
Francis Orientalis et episcopatus Wirceburgensis"
(1729), also in two volumes, an excellent work whose
rich materials are treated with scientific exactness.
B5nicke, Grundriaa einer Geschielile von der UniversiMt
Wutzburg (WOraburg, 1782), IT, 12-27; Allgemeine deutsche
Biographic (Leipzig, 1877), V, 627-631.
Patricius Schlager.
Eckhart (Ecxard, Eccard), Johann, Meister (the
Master), Dominican preacher, theologian, and mystic,
b. about 1260 at Hochheim, near Gotha; d. in 1327 at
Cologne. He made his philosophical and theological
studies in the Dominican Order. Although a profound
mystic he was also an able man of affairs, admirably
manifesting the spirit of his order by uniting through-
out his career great activity with contemplation.
After a period of teaching he was made, in 1298, prior
of the Dominican convent at Erfurt and vicar-pro-
vincial of Thuringia. Two years later he began to
lecture at Paris, where in 1302 his order gave him the
degree of Master of Sacred Theology. In the follow-
ing year he was elected provincial of the Province of
Saxony, to which office he was re-elected in 1307,
when he was also appointed vicar-general of Bohemia
and charged to reform its convents. His term of
office having expired in 1311, he again took a pro-
fessorial chair at Paris, whence he went in 1314 to
teach at Strasburg. After three years he was made
prior at Frankfort. He finally returned to the schools
in 1320, when he was made first professor of his order
at Cologne, where he remained until his death.
Eckhart's activity was also displayed in the pulpit,
of which he was an illustrious ornament, and by his
writings in the form of treatises and sayings. As a
preacher he disdained rhetorical flourish and avoided
oratorical passion ; but effectively employed the simple
arts of oratory and -gave remarkable expression to a
hearty sympathy. Using pure language and a simple
style, he has left us in his sermons specimens of the
beautiful German prose of which he was a master. In
these sermons, really short catecheses, we find fre-
quent citations from such writers as Seneca and Avi-
cenna, as well as from the theologians and Fathers.
His discourses are directed to the intellect rather than
to the will and are remarkable for their depth of mysti-
cal teaching, which only those who were advanced
in the spiritual life could fully appreciate. His favour-
ite themes are the Divine essence, the relations be-
tween God and man, the faculties, gifts, and oper-
ations of the human soul, the return of all created
things to God. These and kindred subjects he de-
velops more at length in his treatises, which partake
of the catechetical character of his sermons. In his
sayings he presents them in short and pithy form.
Although the writings of Eckhart do not present a con-
nected and studied system, they reveal the mind of
the philosopher, the theologian, and the mystic. The
studies of Henry Denifle, O.P., while showing Eck-
hart to have been less of a philosopher than he was
supposed to be, show also that he was a Scholastic
theologian of very superior merit, although not of the
first order. He followed the teaching of All>ert the
Great and of St. Thomas Aquinas, but departed from
their Scholastic method and form. Some opponents
of Scholasticism, admiring his aphorisms and original-
ity of method, have pronounced him to be the great-
est thinker before Luther. And there have been
Protestants who called him a Reformer. It was, how-
ever, as a mystic that Eckhart excelled. He is held
by many to have been the greatest among the Ger-
man mystics, and by all to nave been the father of
German mysticism. To Tauler and Suso he gave
not only ideas but also a clear, simple stvle, pos-
sessing a heartiness like that of his own. Although
he frequently quotes from the writings of the Pseudo-
Areopagite and of John Scotus Eriugena, in his mysti-
cism he follows more closely the teaching of Hugh of
St. Victor.
The very nature of Eckhart's subjects and the un-
technicality of his language were calculated to cause
him to be misunderstood, not only by the ordinary
hearers of his sermons, but also by the Schoolmen who
listened to him or read his treatises. And it must be
admitted that some of the sentences in his sermons
and treatises were Beghardic, quietistic, or panthe-
istic. But although he occasionally allowed harmful
sentences to proceed from his lips or his pen, he not
unfrequently gave an antidote m the same sermons
and treatises. And the general tenor of his teaching
shows that he was not> a Beghard, nor a quietist, nor
a pantheist. While at Strasburg, although he had
no relations with the Beghards (q. v.), he was sus-
pected of holding their mystical pantheism. Later,
at Frankfort suspicion was cast upon his moral con-
duct, but it was evidently groundless; for, after an
investigation ordered by the Dominican general, he
was appointed to a prominent position at Cologne.
Finally the charge was made at a general chapter of
his order, held at Venice in 1325, that some of the
German brethren were disseminating dangerous doc-
trine. Father Nicholas, O.P., of Strasburg, having
been ordered by Pope John XXII to make investiga-
tion, declared in the following year that the works of
Eckhart were orthodox. In January, 1327, Arch-
bishop Heinrich of Cologne undertook an independent
inquiry, whereupon Eckhart and Father Nicholas
appealed to Rome against his action and authority in
the matter. But the next month, from the pulpit of
the Dominican church in Cologne, Eckhart repudiated
the unorthodox sense in which some of his utterances
could be interpreted, retracted all possible errors, and
submitted to the Holy See. His profession of faith,
repudiation of error, and submission to the Holy See
were declared by Pope John XXII in the Bull " Dolen-
tes referimus" (27 March. 1329), by which the pontiff
condemned seventeen of Eckhart's propositions as
heretical, and eleven as ill-sounding, rash, and sus-
pected of heresy (Denzinger, Enchiridion, no. 428
sqq.; Hartzheim, Cone. Germ., IV, 631).
The entire works of Eckhart have not been pre-
served. Pfeiffer in " Deutsche Mystiker des 14. Jahr-
hunderts" (1857), II, has given an incomplete edition
of his sermons. Additions have been made by Sievers
in "Zeitschrift fQr deutsche Alterthumer ", XV, 373
sqq. ; Wackernagel in " Altdeutsche Predigten " (1876),
166 sqq., 172 sqq. ; Berlinger in " Alemannia", III, 15
sqq . ; Bech in " Germania ' \ VIII, 223 sqq . ; X, 391 sqq. ;
Jundt in "Histoire du Panth&sme" (1875), 231 sqq.
There is a translation in High German by Landauer,
"Meister Eckharts mystische Schriften" (1903).
Eckhart's Latin works bore the title " Opus Triparti-
tum". In the first part (Opus propositionum) there
are over one thousand theses, which are explained in
the second part (Opus quaestionum), and proved in
the third part (Opus expositionum). Of these only
the three prologues are known. Denifle discovered
also a portion of the third part, part of an explanation
of Genesis, a commentary on Exodus, Sirach, xxiv,
Wisdom, and other fragments.
Quktif and Echard, Script. Ord. Pr.. 1, 507-8; Bach, Meister
Eckfiardt, der Voter der deuiachen Speculation als Beitrag su einer
Clench, der deutschen Theol. und Phil, der mittleren Zeit (Vienna,
1864); Dbniflr in Zeitschr. f. deutsche Alterih. (1885), 259-
66; Idem, Meiater Eckhart* lateinische Schriften und die Grund~
anschauung aeiner Lehre in Archiv fwr Litterotur und Kircheng.
des MitteUUters (1886), II, 417-532, 672: Hartmann, Die Ge-
heimlehre in der chrisllichen Religion noeh den Erklarungen von
Meiater Eckhart (Leipzig, 1895); Grabmann, Die Lehre des hi.
deutsche Myatik in Predigerorden in Johrbuch fur Phil. u. spek.
Theol. (1900), XIV, 413-27.
A. L. McMahon.
Eckhel, Joseph Hilarttts. German numismatist,
b. 13 January, 1737, at Enzesfeld near Pottenstein, in
Lower Austria, where his father, Johann Anton
Eckhel, was steward to the Prince of Montecuculi; d.
16 May. J 798. In J 745 he was sent to studv in Vienna,
EOKHEL
275
EOKHEL
Joseph Hiijuuus Eckhel
in 1751 was admitted into the Society of Jesus, and
thirteen years later was ordained priest. He had
studied humanities in Leoben and philosophy in Graz,
besides mathematics, Greek, and Hebrew. The first
fruit of his literary labours, produced in his twenty-
first year, was an "Exercitium grammaticum in
prophetiam Obadiae". This he published as an ap-
pendix to the " Institutions linguae sacra " of P. J.
Engstler. After his ordination, and probably for some
time before, he was professor at the Jesuit gymnasia
at Leoben and Steyer; probably also at Judenburg,
and finally at the college of Vienna, where he taught
poetry and rhetoric, and acquired a mastery of Latin,
which he handled with ease and elegance. We still pos-
sess two rather comprehensive odes from his pen,
"Plausus Urbis*' and "Plausus Ruris,\ He left, be-
sides, two German poems written for special occasions,
in the style of that period, and a speech of the same
nature delivered on the occasion of the journey of
Emperor Joseph II to Italy.
How he became a numismatist, Eckhel himself has
told us in the preface to his " Numi veteres anecdoti ".
Whilst teaching at the
Academic Gymnasium
he became interested in
its cabinet of coins, which
was under the supervi-
sion of his fellow-Jesuit,
P.Khell. The collection,
containing principally
Greek coins, had attain-
ed considerable a size,
through the exertions of
the learned Erasmus
Frohlich, who had edited
a catalogue of most of
the ancient coins; Eck-
hel set to work selecting the coins which were as yet un-
known and unedited, and added thereto the unedited
coins of the choice collections of Count Michael Viczay
and Paul Festetics. Forced by ill-health vto abandon
teaching, he devoted himself entirely to numismatics
and archaeology. With the permission of his superior he
went to Italy in 1772 for his further education. In Bo-
logna and Rome he studied all the accessible coin collec-
tions, but found his richest treasures in Florence. Rai-
mundo Cocchi, prefect of the Archducal Museum, re-
ceived him most cordially and obtained for him the com-
mission to arrange the coins which had been collected by
Cardinal Leopoldo de* Medici, and which had afterwards
been very considerably increased. Cocchi, who died
shortly after this, recommended Eckhel to the Arch-
duke Feter Leopold, who in turn introduced him to
his mother, the Empress Maria Theresa. Meanwhile
(1773) the Society of Jesus was suppressed, and Eckhel,
like his brethren, was secularized. Returning to
Vienna through the South of France in January, 1774,
he was delighted to be entrusted by the empress with
the task of transferring the collection which belonged
to the university college of the Jesuits, to the court
cabinet, where, nowever, it received a separate place.
In March of the same year, having acquired an excel-
lent reputation as a numismatist, he was named director
of the cabinet of ancient coins, with Duval as his supe-
rior. After the latter's death (1775) he received sole
charge. Eckhel was commissioned to deliver bi-weekly
lectures on numismatics in the coin cabinet. In the
fall of 1775 he was promoted to the chair of antiquities
and of the historical auxiliary sciences in the univer-
sity. In the same year his first numismatic publica-
tion appeared.
J. von Bergmann writes of Eckhel's official work:
" Eckhel, as is everywhere evident, was an expert ad-
ministrator of the treasure committed to his charge.
Without much ado, without ostentation, he wrote
only what was needful and regarded merely that
which was essential. Besides his very simple accounts
and some reports written during the twenty-four years
of his incumbency, only a very few documents concern-
ing the collection of antique coins are in existence.
He enriched the cabinet without advertising it." He
obtained the means for. these acquisitions from the
proceeds of the sale of duplicates of gold and silver
coins. The duplication of examples resulted from the
amalgamation of the collection of Francis I with that
of the imperial family. Moreover, the series of the
Persian and Parthian kings were transferred from the
Oriental to the ancient department. The collection of
Duke Charles of Lorraine, that of the Count of Ariosti,
and a selection of coins from the collections of sup-
Eressed monasteries were added. By means of em-
assies and lucky finds the coin cabinet acquired
important additions (e. g. those of Osztropataka and
Szuagy-Somlyo). As a professor in the university
Eckhel lectured on ancient numismatics. His de-
livery is described as being simple, clear, instruc-
tive, inspiring, and often abounding in humour.
He was highly respected by his pupils. That he also
enjoyed high repute among his colleagues is attested
by his appointment as dean of the philosophical fac-
ulty in 1789. However, he soon resigned this position.
, The first numismatic work published by Eckhel was
" Numi veteres anecdoti ex museis Caesareo Vindobon-
ensi, Florentino Magni Ducis Etruria, Graneiliano
nunc Caesareo, Vitzaiano, Festeticsiano, Savorgnano
Veneto aliisque" (Vienna, 1775, in two 4to sections
with 17 copperplates). "Catalogus Musei Caesa-
riensis " (Vienna, m two large folio parts with numer-
ous illustrations) followed four years later. Eckhel
had given the collection entrusted to him an entirely
new arrangement, discarding the time-honoured alpha-
betical order, and substituting quite a new system.
He divided ancient numismatics into two depart-
ments: the first contained the coins minted by cities
other than Rome, arranged according to the geograph-
1 ical situation of the countries as far as this was possi-
ble; the second comprised all the coins of the Roman
Empire. First come the important but crude asses,
then the unclassified pieces with the inscription Roma.
They are followed by those of the various families,
emperors, and empresses, all arranged as far as possi-
ble in chronological order. Those whose date could
not be exactly obtained are placed after each emperor
as unclassified in alphabetical succession. "By this
method", says Eckhel, "the author was enabled to
rectify countless errors which Mezzabarba had forced
upon us in his General Catalogue" (Imperatorum
Romanorum numismata, Milan, 1683). And to make
these corrections principally led him to prepare this
catalogue for print. In it he gives an account, not on
outside authority, but from personal observation and
after lengthy and painstaking research, of everything
instructive which so numerous a collection presents.
The work was written in Latin and, "contrary to the
present ornamental style, in the simplest language1'.
This catalogue was followed by "Sylloge II, numorum
veterum anecdotorum Thesauri CaBsarei" and "De»
scriptio numorum Antiochiae" (1786), then by the
classical work " Doctrina numorum veterum ", in eight
volumes (1792-1798). Friedrich Kenner says of this:
" Misguided dilettantism had produced most mischiev-
ous results in the field of numismatics. Lack of sys-
tem, want of critical judgment, and the disorderly
arrangement of the literature had begotten confusion
and distrust, which prevented numismatics from tak-
ing the place among other sciences to which it was
entitled. With his naturally critical eye, Eckhel mas-
tered all the literature of his subject, eliminated errors
and forgeries with the help of his profound learning,
and then combined the results into an organic whole
in his ' Doctrina numorum veterum '. '. . . Eckhel has
become the founder of the scientific numismatics of
classical antiquity and taken his place alongside of his
contemporaries, Heyne and Winckelmann. Numis*
ECLECTICISM
276
ECLECTICISM
matics, hitherto despised, he changed into a kind of
encyclopedia of classical antiquities, which includes
extensive and much-used sources for other branches of
archaeology." The addenda to this work which Eckhel
entered in his manuscript copy were edited by his
successor, Steinbuchel.
By command of Emperor Joseph II, Eckhel wrote
an excellent manual, Kurzgefasste Anf angsgrunde
zur alten Numismatik" (Vienna, 1787; 2nded., 1807).
The work appeared in a Latin translation in 1799 and
in a Frencn revision in 1825. He edited, besides,
"Choix des pierres gravies du Cabinet Imperial".
Furthermore, a number of smaller treatises still exist
in manuscript form. His " Inscriptiones veteres " was
used by Theodore Mommsen. lie also left an exten-
sive correspondence with the most prominent repre-
sentatives of his branch of learning ( Abbe* Barthelemy,
R. Cocchi, Cousine>y, L. Lanzi, G. Marini, F. Seguier,
and others).
Eckhel died shortly after the completion of his
11 Doctrina ". "He was, as Bergmann writes, " a man of
firm and decided character, serious, but at the same
time cheerful, indulging in sarcastic, and at times
heated, attacks on cant and literary arrogance. He
used his extensive learning to correct thousands of
blunders committed by other writers, and was modest
and not at all disputatious in his controversies. He
spoke as he thought and acted as he spoke." Later
scholars rank Eckhel's scientific importance equally
high. On the first centenary of his birth a medal was
struck (by Manfredini) with the inscription, syste-
MATIS. REI. NVMARtaS. ANTIQV-S:. CONDITORI. The
distich which Michael Denis dedicated to his dead
friend will vindicate its own truth: —
Eckhelium brevis hora tulit, sed diva Moneta
Scripta viri secum vivere secla jubet.
Von Bbromann, Dan Andenken des AbbS J. H. Eekhd in
SiUungsberithte der phil. Clasae der kaiaerl. Akademie der Wis-
senschaften, XXIV (1857), 296-364; Kknner, Eckhel, ein
Vartrag (Vienna, 1871); the same in AUgemeine Deutsche Bioo-
raphie, V (1877), 633 eqq.
Karl Domanig.
Eclecticism (Gr. iic, \4yeiv; Lat. eligere, to se-
lect), a philosophical term meaning either a ten-
dency of mind in a thinker to conciliate the different
views or positions taken in regard to problems, or a
system in philosophy which seeks the solution of its
fundamental problems by selecting and uniting what
it regards as true in the various philosophical schools.
In the first sense, eclecticism is a characteristic of all the
great philosophers, with special development in some,
such as Leibniz; an element of the integral method of
philosophy more or less emphasized in the divers
schools. The term eclectics, however, is properly
applied to those who accept Eclecticism as the true
and fundamental system of philosophy. It is with
Eclecticism in this strict sense that we are dealing here.
As a rule, in the history of philosophy, Eclecticism
follows a period of scepticism. In presence of con-
flicting doctrines regarding nature, life, and God, the
human mind despairs of attaining scientific and ex-
act knowledge about these important subjects. Ec-
lecticism then aims at constructing a system broad and
vague enough to include, or not to exclude, the prin-
ciples of the divers schools, though giving at times
more importance to those of one school, and appar-
ently sufficient to furnish a basis for the conduct of
life. In the latter period of Greek philosophy, during
the two centuries precedingthe Christian Era and the
three centuries following, Eclecticism is represented
among the Epicureans by Asclepiades of Bithynia;
among the Stoics by Boethus, Panetius of Rhodes,
(about 180-110 b. a), Posidonius (about 50 b. a), and
later on by the nec-fcynics, Demetrius and Demonax
(about a. d. 150) ; in the New Academy by Philo of
Larissa (about 80 b. c.) and Antiochus of Ascalon
(d. 68 B. c); in the Peripatetic School by Andronicus
of Rhodes (about 70 b. c), the editor and commenta-
tor of the works of Aristotle 'and later on by Aristocles
(about a. d. 180), Alexander of Aphrodisias (about
a. d. 200), the physician Galen (a. d. 131-201), Por-
phyry in the third, and Simplicius in the sixth, century
of our era. The eclectic system was, by its character,
the one which was best suited to the practical mind of
the Romans. With the exception of Lucretius's
doctrine, their speculative philosophy was always and
altogether eclectic, while Stoicism dominated in their
ethical philosophy. Cicero is, in Rome, the best
representative of this school. * His philosophy is a
mixture of the scepticism of the Middle Academy
with Stoicism and Peripateticism. The School of the
Sextians, with Quintus Sextius (80 b. c), Sotion, and
Celsus, was partly Stoic and Cynic, partly Pythago-
rean. Under the empire, Seneca, Epictetus the slave,
and the Emperor Marcus Aurelius combined the prin-
ciples of Stoicism with some doctrines taken from
Platonism. The neo-Platonic School of Alexandria,
in the second and third centuries after Christ, is con-
sidered by some as eclectic; but the designation is hot
exact. The school borrows, indeed, many of its prin-
ciples from Pythagoreanism, Stoicism, Peripateticism,
and especially from Platonism; but all these doctrines
are dominated by and interpreted according to certain
principles of religious mysticism which make this
neo-Platonism an original though syncretic system.
The same may be said of the Christian writers of this
school who take some of .their philosophical principles
from the dominant systems, but who are guided in
their choice as well as in their interpretation by the
teaching of Christian revelation.
In modern times Eclecticism has been accepted in
Germany by Wolff and his disciples. It has received
its most characteristic form in France in the nineteenth
century from Victor Cousin (1792-1867) and his school,
which is sometimes called the Spiritualistic School.
Drawn away from sensualism by the teaching of Royer
Collard, Cousin seeks in the.Scottish School a sufficient
foundation for the chief metaphysical, moral, and
religious truths. Failing in this attempt, he takes up
the different doctrines then current; he is successively
influenced by Maine de Biran whom he calls "the
greatest metaphysician of our time", by the writings
of Kant, and by personal intercourse with Schelling
and Hegel; finally, he turns to the works of Plato,
Plotinus, and Proclus, only to come back to Descartes
and Leibniz. He then reaches the conclusion that
the successive systems elaborated throughout the
preceding ages contain the full development of human
thought; that the complete truth is to be found in a
system resulting from the happy fusion, under the gui-
dance of common sense, of the fragmentary thoughts
expressed by the different thinkers and schools of
all ages. Four great systems, he says, express and
summarize the whole development of human specu-
lation: sensism, idealism, scepticism, and mysticism.
Each contains a part of the truth; none possesses ex-
clusively the whole truth. Human thought cannot
invent any new system, nor can it neglect any of the old
ones. Not the destruction of any of them, but the- re-
duction of all to one, will put us in possession of the
truth.
There is, indeed, something true in Eclecticism.
It would be folly for each thinker to deliberately
ignore all that has been said and taught before him;
such a method would render progress impossible.
The experience and knowledge acquired by past aces
is a factor in the development of human thought.
The history of philosophy is useful; it places at our
disposal the truths already discovered, and by showing
us the errors into which philosophy has fallen, it
guards us against them and against the principles or
methods which have caused them. This is the ele-
ment of value contained in the system. But Eclec-
ticism errs when it substitutes for personal reflection
SOSTAST
277
SOSTAST
as the primary source of philosophy a mere fusion of
systems, or the history of philosophy for philosophy
proper* Eclecticism does not furnish us with the
ultimate principles of philosophy or the criterion of
certitude. We cannot say that philosophy has reached
the highest degree of precision either in its solution
or in its presentation of every problem; nor that it
knows all that can be known about nature, man, or
God. But even if this were the case, the principles of
Eclecticism cannot provide us with a firm, complete,
and true system of philosophy. Cousin says that
there is some truth in every system; supposing this to
be exact, this partial truth has evidently to be acquired
at first through principles and a rule of certitude which
are independent of Eclecticism. When Cousin declares
that there is a mingling of truth and error in every
system, he evidently assumes a principle superior ana
antecedent to the very principle of Eclecticism. The
eclectic must first separate, error from truth before
building into a system the results of his discrimination.
But this is possible only on the condition of passing a
judgment upon each of these systems and therefore
of having, quite apart from history, some rational
principle as an ultimate criterion. In a word, Eclec-
ticism, considered as a study of the opinions and theo-
ries of others in order to find in them some help and
enlightenment, has its place in philosophy; it is a part
of philosophic method; but as a doctrine it is alto-
gether inadequate.
Suxda4, ed. Emua a abdy, Lex ikon (2 vols., Halle. 1853); Rit-
tsr a*td Preller, Hiatoria Philosophies Graces (Gotha, 1888);
Zelx.br, Die Philosophic der Griechm (Leipzig, 1892); Alletne,
Eclectic* (London. 1881); Cousin, His loir c ginSrale de la philoao*
phie (Pans, 1884); Leroux, Refutation de I'Edectisme (Paris,
1830); Taine, Lea phUoaophea ctoaaiquea du XIXe aikcle (Pans,
1876), vi, arii; Mercxer, CriUriologie oHrfrole
Ill.i.
(Lou vain, 1000),
G. M. Saxjvagb.
Ecstasy. — Supernatural ecstasy may be defined as
a state which, while it lasts, includes two elements:
the one, interior and invisible, when the mind rivets
its attention on a religious subject; the other, cor-
poreal and visible, when the activity of the senses is
suspended, so that not only are external sensations
incapable of influencing the soul, but considerable
difficulty is experienced in awakening such sensations,
and this whether the ecstatic himself desires to do so,
or others attempt to quicken the organs into action.
That quite a large number of the saints have been
granted ecstasies is attested by hagiology; and now-
adays even free-thinkers are slow to deny historical
facte that rest on so solid a basis. They no longer
endeavour, as did their predecessors of the eighteenth
century, to explain them away as grounded on fraud;
several, indeed, abandoning the pathological theory,
current in the nineteenth century, have advocated the
psychological explanation, though they exaggerate its
force.
Falsb Views on. the Question of Ecstasy. —
The first three errors here mentioned are psychologi-
cal in nature; they fail to estimate at its proper value
the content of ecstasy; the other false theories spoken
of identity this state with certain morbid physical or
psychological conditions.
(1) Certain infidel philosophers maintain that dur-
ing an ecstasy there is a lessening of intellectual power,
that at a certain stage there is an utter loss of the ego,
an annihilation of the faculties. This is the theory of
Murisier and of Leuba. The arguments for this view
are based upon an exaggerated interpretation of cer-
tain phrases used by the mystics. Their accounts,
however (those, for instance, of Blessed Angela of
Foligno), give the lie to such an explanation. The
mystics state clearly that they experience, not only
the fullness, but the superabundance of intelligence,
an increase of activity of the highest faculties. Now,
in a science that is based on observation, as is mysti-
cism, we are not justified in brushing aside the numer-
ous and consistent testimonies of those who have
tested the facts, and putting in their place the crea-
tions of the imagination.
(2) The theory of unconsciousness distorts the facts
bo unscrupulously that some writers have preferred a
theory less crude, i. e. the emotional explanation. The
ecstatic, it is admitted, is not buried in a heavy sleep;
rather, he experiences violent emotions, in consequence
of which he loses the use of the senses;, and as there is
nothing new to occupy his attention, it follows that his
mind is taken up by some trifling thought, so trifling,
indeed, that these writers deem it unworthy of their
notice. This theory clashes less with historical data
than does the first, since it does not wholly eliminate
the activity of the ecstatic ; but it denies half the
facte emphatically urged by the mystical writers.
(3) It has been said that ecstasy is perhaps a phe-
nomenon wholly natural, such as might well be occa-
sioned by a strong concentration of the mind on a
religious subject. But if we are not to rest satisfied
with arbitrary conjectures^ w6 must show that similar
facte have been observed in spheres of thought other
than purely religious. The ancients attributed natu-
ral ecstasies to three or four sages, such as Archimedes
and Socrates, but, as the present writer has proved
elsewhere, these stories are founded either on incon-
clusive arguments or upon false interpretation of the
facts (Des graces d'oraison, c. xxxi).
(4) The rigid condition of the ecstatic's body has
given rise to a fourth error. Ecstasy, we are told, is
but another form of lethargy or catalepsy. The loss
of consciousness, however, that accompanies these
latter states points to a marked difference.
(5) In view of this, some have sought to identify
ecstasy with the hypnotic state. Physically, there are
usually some points of contrast. Ecstasy is always
accompanied by noble attitudes of the body, whereas
in hospitals one often marks motions of the body that
are convulsive or repelling; barring, of course, any
counter-command of the hypnotist. The chief dif-
ference, though, is to be found in the soul. The intel-
lectual faculties, in the case of the saints, became
keener. The sick in our hospitals, on the contrary,
experience during their trances a lessening of their
intelligences, while the gain is only a slight representa-
tion in the imagination. A single idea, let it be ever
so trivial, e. g. that of a flower, or a bird, is strong
enough to fasten upon it their profound and undivided
attention. This is what is meant by the narrowing of
the field of consciousness; and this is precisely the
starting-point of all theories that have been advanced
to explain hypnotic ecstasy. Moreover, the hallu-
cination noticed in the case of these patients consists
always of representations of the imagination. They
are visual, auricular, or tactual; consequently they
differ widely from the purely intellectual perceptions
which the saints usually enjoy. It is no longer possi-
ble, then, to start with the extremely simple hypothesis
that the two kinds of phenomena are one and the same.
A comparison of the effects that follow these states
will bring out more clearly the essential difference be-
tween the two. (a) The neuropath, after an hypnotic
trance, is dull, lifeless, and depressed, (b) His will is
extremely weak. In this abnormal weakness is to be
sought the reason why the subject can no longer resist
suggestion. These poor creatures, distraught, list-
less, and helpless, pass their days in idle dreams, (c)
The level of their morality is frequently almost as low
as that of their intelligence. From a threefold point
of view, then, there is a contrast between their
case and that of the saints who have been granted
ecstasies, (a) The latter possess strong intellects,
conceiving projects lofty and difficult in the execu-
tion ; in proof of this assertion we might appeal to the
history of the founders of religious orders, (b) Their
will-power is second to none in energy; so strong,
indeed, as to enable them to break through all opposi-
tion, especially that which arises from their own na~
\
BOTHSSIS
278
ECUADOR
tare, (c) Lastly, the saints keep before them a moral
ideal of a lofty character, the need of self-f orgetf illness
if they would give themselves to the glory of God and
the temporal and spiritual welfare of their fellow-men.
The hysterical subject of hypnotism, on the contrary,
combines in himself none of these noble qualities.
(6) An attempt has been made to rank ecstasy with
somnambulism, with which have also been classed, but
with greater reason, the trances of spirit mediums.
The case which most approaches, on the surface, the
ecstasy of the saints is that of Helen Smith, of Geneva,
whom Professor Flournoy studied carefully during the
closing years of the nineteenth century. During the
crises of spontaneous somnambulism she described her
visions in word or in writing. At one time she saw the
inhabitants of the planet Mars, at another she dwelt
among the Arabs or the Hindus of the fourteenth cen-
tury. In 1904 she had crises lasting a quarter of an
hour, during which she painted in oil pictures of Christ
and the Madonna, though she was quite unconscious
of what she was doing. The ecstasies of the saints
were, it was thought, of exactly the same nature.
There are, however, some striking differences: (a)
From the moral viewpoint the visions of the saints
produce a remarkable change in their manner of life,
and lead them to the exercise of the most difficult vir-
tues. Helen experiences nothing of the kind. She is a
good woman, that is all. (b) Unlike the saints, she
remembers nothing of what she has seen, (c) While
the vision lasts, the faculties at play are not the same.
In the case of the saints, the activity of the imagina-
tion is arrested during the culminating periods, and
throughout always holds a subsidiary place, while
the intellect undergoes a marvellous expansion. In
the case of Helen, the imagination alone was at work,
and its objects were of the most commonplace charac-
ter. Not a single elevated thought; simply descrip-
tions of houses, animals, or plants — nothing but a
mere copy of what we see on earth. Such descriptions
serve only as stories to amuse children.
(7) A seventh theory would identify ecstasy with
the wild reveries and disordered fancies occasioned by
the use of alcohol, ether, chloroform, opium, morphine,
or nitrous oxide. In the first place, the physical condi-
tion is quite different. No one, for instance, would
mistake the exalted attitude of an ecstatic for that of a
man under the influence of narcotics. Secondly, the
mental perceptions are not the same in character. For
if the slave of the drugs we have mentioned above does
not lose all consciousness, if he still retains any ideas,
they consist of extravagant, incoherent images, where-
as the ideas and thoughts of the mystic are throughout
coherent and elevated. Finally, the victims of alcohol
and of opium, on recovering from their debauch, re-
main in a state of sottishness. Thought and action are
simultaneously lessened ; the moral and the social life
have equally suffered. The use of narcotics has never
enabled a man to lead a purer life or to better himself
and others; experience points to the contrary.
These, then, are the false views that have been en-
tertained on the question of ecstasy. Nor should it be
a matter of surprise that free-thinkers should have
ventured on these explanations. It is but the conclu-
sion that follows logically from the principles with
which they start, i. e., there is no such thing as the
supernatural. They must, then, at any cost, seek the
causes in natural phenomena. (See Contemplation.)
B. Angela de Firtgineo Viaionum et Inatructionum Liber (re-
printed Cologne, 1601): Acta SS., 4 Jan.; tr. Cruikbhank
(Derby, 1872; New York, 1903); Ruybbroeck, Opera omnia
i Cologne, 1652); Lkonk ed., Obraa de Santa Teresa (Salamanca,
588); Alvareb dk Paz, De innuiaitione pacta (Lyons, 1617);
Jobkphus a Spirittj Sancto, Curaua theologian myatica, 6 vols.
(Seville, 17' 0-1740); Poulain, Dea graces d'oraison, 6th ed.
(Paris, 1009).
Aua. Poulain.
Kctheaia. See Heraclius, Emperor; Monothe-
UTE&
Ecuador, Republic of (La Republica del Ecua-
dor), an independent state of South America, bound-
ed on the north by Colombia, on the east by Brazil, on
the south by Peru, and on the west by the Pacific
Ocean. The north-western corner of the State is
crossed by the Equator, hence its name. No part of
America nas been so prominent for scientific ex-
plorations, specially geographic and physiographic,
carried out on a large scale in the eighteenth and first
half of the nineteenth century. One, sent out in
1735 by the French Government for the purpose of
measuring the meridian near the Equator, recalls the
names of La Condamine and Bouguer. The other
(1799-1804) forever associates Alexander von Hum-
boldt with the history of the New World.
Area, Physical Features, etc. — Ecuador is the
third smallest of the South American republics. It
forms, approximately, an isosceles triangle wedged in
between Colombia and Peru. Indenting the south-
west coast is the Gulf of Guayaquil within which lies the
large Island of Pund. As in the case of other South
American republics, the boundaries of Ecuador are ill-
defined and subject to modification by treaty. Its
area is variously given as from 80,300 to 152,000 sq.
miles, to which must be added the Galapagos Islands
in the Pacific, lying about 90°-92° west long., 10 de-
grees off the coast, and covering from 2490 to 3000 sq.
miles. These islands are about ten in number, only
one of which (Isabella or Albemarle) is inhabited by
some two hundred people. The eastern half of Ecua-
dor is low, wooded, and traversed by many rivers
emptying into the Maranon or Upper Amazon; the
western is very mountainous, the nigh Andes chain
dividing the two sections. This mountain range runs
nearly due south from the southern boundary of
Colombia to the Peruvian frontier. It has a number
of high peaks, all of volcanic origin, among them
Chimborazo (20,500 ft.), and many volcanoes. Of
the latter, Cotopaxi (19,613 ft.), Tunguragua (16,690
ft.), and Sangai (17,464 ft.) are still active; Antisana
(19,335 ft.), Pichincha (15,918 ft.), etc. have been ex-
tinct for a century or more; while Altar, Cotocachi,
etc. show traces only of activity in ages long past.
The Ecuadorian table-land and higher mountain val-
leys are temperate, though the temperature is low in
the greater altitudes. The year is divided into the
dry and the wet season. Under the Equator, how-
ever, there is little difference between the seasons.
The coast valleys and shores are very hot and
the climate generally unhealthful. Ecuador has
but one navigable river, the Guayas, which
empties into the Gulf of Guayaquil. The other
streams of Western Ecuador are of little importance.
The flora is luxuriant except in high altitudes.
Both lower slopes of the Andes are densely wooded.
On the coast tnere is an arid zone of limited extent;
the larger portion, however, is very fertile as far as the
Peruvian boundary at Tumbez. The inland forests
in the south are rich in cinchona bark, and extend
easterly to a height of nearly 10,000 feet. Then fol-
lows a sub- Andean zone for the next 3500 feet, in which
cereals thrive in an average temperature of from 53°
to 59° Fahr. This is followed by what are called the
p&ramos, cold and stormy wastes, treeless, and ex-
posed to daily snows, which reach an altitude of 15,000
feet above sea-level, and where the tough puna-grass
flourishes. On the eastern slope of the Andes dense
forests are found again and the cinnamon tree. Ani-
mal life is tropical and is found in proportion to the
vegetation. As far as known Ecuador is fairly rich
in minerals. It is the only South American state,
with the exception of Colombia, where emeralds have
been found in any quantity (near the coast at Manta
and Esmeraldas) ; their location, however, is uncertain.
The population is estimated at 1,272,000, of whom
about 400,000 are supposed to be Indians. Exact
statistics, however, do not exist. Of the 400,000, one-
ECUADOR
279
ECUADOR
half is allowed to the wild forest-tribes of the Eastern
section and the other half to the remnants of the di-
verse sedentary tribes which formerly occupied the
table-land and coast. The whole country is divided
into fifteen provinces besides the Eastern territory and
the Galapagos Islands.
History. — Of the pre-Columbian conditions and
languages of the Indians of Ecuador little is known . The
coast tribes have almost disappeared and those of the
higher regions have adopted Spanish customs. That
they differed from the Peruvian Quichua seems likely.
The best-known were the Cafiaris, the Carangas, and
the Puruaes or Puruays; a tribe known as the Scyri is
mentioned in the neighbourhood of Quito. They were
all sedentary; knew how to work gold, silver, copper,
and possibly bronze; and practised the fetichism com-
mon to primitive Americans. The coast tribes built
their houses of wood and cane, while those of the in-
terior used stone. They were skilful navigators,
some of their vessels being estimated at thirty tons,
and propelled by oars and cotton sails.
The Spaniards, led by Francisco Pizarro, first saw
the coast of Ecuador in 1525. From Tacamez, or Ata-
cames, where they touched, Pizarro dispatched Ruiz,
his pilot, to the south. In the account of Pizarro we
have the earliest description of the Ecuadorian coast
people. He sailed south beyond the present limits of
Peru, verifying his pilot's reports, and in 1528 re-
turned to Spain to prepare for the conquest of Peru.
He returned in 1531, landing at Coaque, and, marching
south along the shore, established himself, despite the
hostility of the natives, oh the Island of Puna. The
permanent Spanish occupation of Ecuador, however,
began in 1534, from Piura in Peru under Sebastian de
Belalcazar. He had a tedious campaign to Quito, in
which he was assisted by the Cafiaris. In 1534 three
towns were established: San Francisco de Quito (15
Aug.) at Riobaml a, thirteen days later transferred to
its present site, Chimbo; and Guayaquil, also origi-
nally founded at a place distinct from the one it now
occupies. Meanwhile Pedro de Alvarado had landed
on the coast with a considerable force from Guatemala.
Reaching the central plateau he was confronted by
Belalcazar and Diego de Almagro the elder. An amica-
ble agreement was reached, and Gonzalo Pizarro
pushed into the cinnamon country, but made little
neadway and had to turn back. His lieutenant, Orel-
lana, however, floated down the Amazon and landed
on the Isle of Trinidad, whence he carried to Spain the
first information about south-eastern Ecuador.
The second epoch of civil wars in Peru, the uprising
of Gonzalo Pizarro against the viceroy Nuflez de la
Vela, came to an end with the defeat and death of the
viceroy near Quito, 16 Jan.. 1546. Quito became the
head-quarters of the Crown s representative, and with
this as a basis the independence movement was put
down. During the colonial period the Church founded
institutions oflearning such as the University of Quito
and established a printing press at the same place in
1760. Political disturbances were few, but during the
sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries vol-
canic and seismic phenomena were frequent and often
disastrous. An attempt was made in 1809 to over-
throw the Spanish power, and Ecuador, Colombia, and
Venezuela, together with the rest of Spanish South
America, then engaged in efforts towards independence.
In 1820 Guayaquil succeeded in throwing off Spanish
control, and the battle of Pichincha (22 May, 1822)
finally put an end to the domination of the mother
country. Ecuador, with Colombia and Venezuela,
next formed an independent confederacy until 1830,
when the union was dissolved and the first Ecuadorian
congress met. Since then Ecuador has been torn by
internal dissensions and foreign complications, chiefly
with Colombia. The opposing political parties are the
Conservatives, or Clericals, and the Liberals. Since
1893 the latter have been in power and have to a great
extent adopted a policy of secularization in church
. matters. From 1833 to 1908 Ecuador has had nine-
teen presidents.
Government, Education, etc. — Ecuador is a con*
stitutional republic. From 1830 to 1883 it had no less
than ten constitutions; the -last was adopted in 1897.
The executive head is the president, elected with the
vice-president directly by the people for a term of four
years. The senators (30) and tne deputies (41) are also
elected by direct vote, the former for four, the latter
for two, years. Congress meets biennially at Quito,
the capital, on 10 August, and is in session for sixty
days. The principal cities are: Quito (80,000),
Guayaquil (51,000), Cuenca (30,000), Riobamba (18,-
000), and five of 10,000 or more inhabitants. Guaya-
quil is the chief seaport. In 1904 Ecuador had 168
miles of railroad ana 2565 miles of telegraph, both of
which have since been added to. The monetary unit is
the sucre, about equal to the pew of other Spanish-
American countries, but subject to fluctuation in value.
The chief exports are cacao, vegetable ivory, india-
rubber, and straw hats.
Educational statistics are scanty. There is a univer- •
sity at Quito with thirty-two professors and two hun-
dred and sixteen students (1905). Institutions for
higher education are found at Guayaquil and Cuenca.
The number of secondary schools is 35; primary
schools 1088 with 1498 teachers and 68,380 pupils;
and 9 high schools and colleges.
Religion. — Soon after the discovery of the country
missionaries began their labours in Ecuador, and in
1545 the Bishopric of Quito was erected. Work among
the different Indian tribes on the tributaries of the
Amazon was difficult, and the Dominican missions were
destroyed in 1599 by the savage Jivaros. Later, how-
ever, the Dominicans re-established themselves and
were assisted by the Jesuits who had been in Quito
since 1596. By the close of the seventeenth century
Ecuador was well evangelized, but after the expulsion
of the Jesuits in 1767, who on the Napo alone had
thirty-three missions with 100,000 inhabitants, the
Dominicans were unable to keep up the work and the
natives fell back into paganism. The revolution de-
stroyed all traces of two hundred years of untiring
labours. Since 1848 Ecuador has formed an ecclesias-
tical province. The population is Catholic except for a
small number of foreigners and a few pagan Indians in
the East.
Up to 1861 the government was in the hands of the
Liberal and largely anti-Catholic party. When Garcia
Moreno (q. v.) was elected president (1861-65 and
1869-75), nowever, he reorganized civil and religious
affairs. Under him a. concordat (20 Nov., 1863) was
concluded with Rome, new dioceses were erected,
schools and missions given to the Jesuits (who had
been recalled) and others, and in 1874, at the time of
the spoliation of the Holy See, ten per cent of the
State s income was guaranteed to the pope. Moreno
was murdered 6 Aug., 1875, and his deatn not only put
an end to the concordat, but under the new regime
which succeeded him a series of persecutions occurred.
In 1885, when Bishop Schumacher took charge, nearly
all the native clergy were suspended and replaced by
Europeans and practically a new hierarchy estab-
lished. The religious and moral education of the peo-
ple was likewise in bad condition. The revolution of
Alfaro in 1895 was a severe blow to the Church. The
orders, among them the Capuchins, Salesians, Mission-
aries of Stej^, and the various sisterhoods, were all
banished and Bishop Schumacher obliged to flee.
The State religion is the Catholic, but other creeds
are not interfered with. Since tithes were abolished
the State has provided for the maintenance of Catholic
worship; it also supports religious educational insti-
tutions, such as the three seminaries at Quito and six
elsewhere, one in each of the six dioceses. Civil mar*
riage was recognized in 1902, and two years later the
EOUMEHIOAL
280
EDDA
Church and its property were placed under State con-
trol. At the same time it was enacted that no new or
foreign religious order would be permitted in the coun-
try. Suffragan to Quito, which became an archbishop-
ric in 1848, are: Cuenca (1,786), Guayaquil (1837),
Ibarra (1862), Loja (1866), Puerto, or Porto, Viejo
(1871), Riobamba (1863). There are also four vicar-
iates Apostolic subject to the Congregation of Ex-
traordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs; Canelos and Afacas,
Mendez and Gualaquiza, Napo, Zamora.
The first known mention of the Ecuadorian coast is made by
Juan de Samano, Relacion de los primeros descuorimientos de
Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro (1525-26) in Documentos
para la Historia de Esparto* V.
Accounts of eyewitnesses on the Conquest: Francisco de
Xerez, Verdadera relaciSn delta Conquista de la Peru y provincia
del Cuzco Uamada la nueva Costilla (ed. 1534; Salamanca, 1547;
and translations); La Conquista del Pert* Uamada la nueva Cos-
tilla (Seville, 1534); Pedro Pizarro, Rdaci&n del descub. y
conquista del Perii (c. 1571) in Doc. para la Hist, de Bsparla, V.
Later sources are: Cieza, Pritnera Parte de la Crdnica del
Peru; Auoustin de Zarate, Hist, del Descub. V Con. del Peru
(Antwerp, 1555); Santa Clara, Hist, de las Guerras civile* del
Peru (Madrid, 1904); Cieza, La Guerra de Quito in Doc. para la
Hist, de la Espafia; Garcilabso de la Vega, Comentarios
realea de los Incos (Cordova, 1617); Narratives of the Rites
and Laws of the Incos, ed. AIarkham, (Hackluyt Soc,
London-. 1873), especially the first part, Lopez de Velabco,
Geogr. dtca. de lndias (Madrid, 1892). Important documents
are found in Colecci&n de Doc. de lndias ana in Relaciones geog.
de lndias (Madrid), I, III. Cf . Gomaka, Herrera, and, for be-
ginning of Conquest, Peter Martyr. — See also: Juan de Ve-
la8CO„ Hist, del Reyno de Quito (Quito, 1841-42): Ulloa and
Jorge Juan, Relacion hist, del viage d la America Meridional etc.
(Madrid, 1748); Resumen hist, del origen sucesi&n de los Incos
etc. (Caracas, 1830); La Condamine, Journal du Voyage fait
par ordre du roi a VEquateur (Paris, 1751); Idem, Hist, des
pyramides de Quito (Paris, 1751); Humboldt, Relacion hist.
(Paris, 1816-^31); Vues des Cordilleres etc. (Paris, 1816); Bene-
detti. Hist, de Colombia (Lima, 1887): Gonzalez Suarez,
Hist, general de la Repub. del Ecuador (Quito, 1890); Wolf,
Geog. y geologia del Ecuador (Leipzig. 1802); St Ob el, Skizzen
aus Ecuador (Berlin, 1886); Idem, Die Vulkanberge von Ecuador
(Berlin, 1898); Rei&s and STi'BEL, Reisen in Sud-Amerika
(Berlin, 1890); Kolberg, Nach Ecuador (Freiburg im Br.,
1897); H abb aurek. Four Years Among Spanish Americans
(New York, 1876); Wtmper, Travels Among the Great Andes of
Ecuador (London, 1892); see also publications of the Bureau of
American Republics (Washington, D. C.) and Dice. Hisp.-Amer.
For history of printing in Ecuador see Toribio Medina,
La Imprento en Quito (Santiago, 1904).
Ad. F. Bandelier.
Ecumenical Council. See Councils, General.
Edda, a title applied to two different collections of
old Norse literature, the poetical or " Elder Edda" and
the prose or "Younger Edda". Properly speaking
the title belongs only to the latter work, having been
given to the former through a misnomer.
I. "The Younger Edda , the work of the Icelandic
historian and statesman Snorri Sturluson (1178-1241),
is a treatise on poetics for the guidance of the skalds
or Icelandic poets. The title "Edda" is given to this
work in the most important manuscript wnich we pos-
sess of it, the "Upsala Codex", dating from about
1300. The meaning of the word Edda is not cer-
tain. The older explanation of " great-grandmother "
is now generally discarded, the most commonly ac-
cepted rendering being " poetics ' ' (from 6thry " spirit ' ',
"reason"). Some scholars derive the word from
Oddi, the name of a place in southern Iceland, where
Snorri received his earliest training. The work itself
was intended to supply to the skald all the necessary
information concerning mythqlogy, poetic diction, and
versification. Besides a formda (preface) of later
origin it contains three parts. (1) "Gylfaginning"
(Gylfi's Deception), an abstract of old Scandinavian
mythology in the form of a dialogue between King
Gylfi and three gods. Appended to this are the
"Bragaroedhur" (Bragi's Sayings), stories about
Odhin and Thor, related by Bragi, the god of poetry,
to the sea-god Aegir. (2) " Skaldskaparmal ■ (Dic-
tion of Poetry) is a collection of poetic paraphrases
(kenningar) and synonyms (dkend heiti), inter-
spersed with mythological and legendary stories. (3)
''Haltatal", & panegyric on the Norwegian King
pakon Hakonarson and Jarl Skuli, containing one
hundred and two strophes, each of which is composed
.in a different metre. This is followed by a prose com-
mentary written, however, after Snorri s death by an
unknown author. The work was unfinished when
Snorri died and was subsequently revised and ampli-
fied by other writers. The best edition of the Snorra
Edda is that published in three volumes by the Arna-
Magnaean Society (Copenhagen, 1848-1887). Selec-
tions were edited by E. Wilken (Paderborn, 1877;
glossary to this edition, Paderborn, 1883). Parts were
translated into German by Gering (Leipzig, 1892), into
English by Dasent (1842), by BlackweU in Mallet's
"Northern Antiquities" (London, 1770), and R. B.
Anderson (Chicago, 1880).
II. "The Elder Edda", a collection of mythological
and heroic songs in the ancient Icelandic language.
Altogether there are thirty-three such songs, twenty-
nine of which are contained in the famous "Codex
Regius", the most important of the Eddie manu-
scripts. This codex was found in Iceland in 1643 by
Bishop Brynj61f Sveinsson. It had no title, and,
since it contained poems, portions of which are cited
in the Snorra Edda, the bishop concluded that this
was Snorri 's source and so he called the collection
"Edda". He furthermore assumed that the priest
Ssemund (1056-1133), whose reputation for learning
had become proverbial, was the author, or at least the
collector of these songs, and he therefore wrote on a
copy which he caused to be made the title "Edda
Ssemundi multiscii" (Edda of Saemund the wise), and
the title "Edda" has since then remained in general
use to designate the kind of poems found m the
"Codex Regius". Such poems differ both in content,
and form from the so-called skaldic poems. There is
no doubt that these songs were collected and written
down in Iceland from oral tradition ; but nothing cer-
tain is known concerning their age, original home, and
authorship. All this has to be inferred from internal
evidence, and hence opinions differ widely. It is
agreed, however, that these poems are not common
Scandinavian, but purely Norwegian ; they were com-
posed either in Norway or in Norwegian settlements
like Iceland and Greenland. As to their age, it is con-
ceded that none dates earlier than the middle of the
ninth, and that some were written as late as the thir-
teenth century. The subject-matter of the songs is
taken either from mythology or heroic saga. Among
the mythological poems the most famous is the
"Voluspd" (the prophecy of the volva or sibyl),
the most important source for our knowledge of
Norse cosmogony. Important also in this respect are
the " Vaf thrudhnismal " and "GrfmnismaT', where
Odhin 's superior wisdom is set forth.
Of the songs dealing with Thor the best known is
the "Thrymskvidha" (the song of Thrym), relating
Thor's quest of his hammer. The sententious wisdom
of the Northmen is represented by the "Havamal"
(sayings of the High One, i. e., Odhin). Among the
heroic poems the chief interest attaches to the lays of
Sigurd and the Niflunga, Unfortunately this cycle of
poems is incomplete, owing to a great gap of about
eight leaves in the " Codex Regius , but an idea of the
contents of the lost poems may be gained from the
prose yersion of the "Volsungasaga , the author of
which still had before him the complete collection.
The first complete edition of the "Elder Edda", with
Latin translation, was issued by the Arna-Magiuean So-
ciety (Copenhagen, 1787-1828). The first critical edi-
tion, on which all subsequent ones were based, was
given by Sophus Bugge (Christiania, 1867). A litho-
graphic facsimile edition of the "Codex Regius", with
a diplomatic text, was given by Wimmer and J6nsson
(Copenhagen, 1891). Other editions are those of Sii-
mons and Gering (Halle, Vol. I, text, 1888-1901 ; Vol.
II, glossary, 1903); F. J6nsson (Halle, 1888-90, 2
vols.); Hildebrand-Gering (Paderborn, 1904); F. Det-
ter and R. Heinzel (Leipzig, 1903, 2 vols.). The
*
f BDDIDB 2:
poems of this kind not found in the "Codex Regius"
were edited by Heusler end Raniach, "Eddica Mi-
nora" (Dortmund, 1903). The best translation into
German is the metrical version of Hugo Oering (Leip-
zig, 1882). The first English version (of the mytho-
logical songs only) was made by A. S. Cottle (Bristol,
1797). A complete English version is that of Benj.
Thorpe (London, 1865-06). The songs are also trans-
lated tn Vigfusson and Powell's "Corpus poeticum
boreak" {Oxford, 1883), and some songs are also
rendered in Magnusson and Morris's "Translation of
the Volsungasaga" (London, 1870). A new transla-
tion by W. H. Carpenter is in preparation (1908).
For tno Srwmi Sdda conmlt Jonbson. Dm Old
tawUktt LittmOan Halarir (Copanincen, 1804-
00. 072 so.; Moax, Getchiahte aer N&rweaiteh-ialdndieehcn Li-
leraiur in Pjktn.'» Orundrits der Otmanachen Philologis (StrM-
burg. 1904). pp. 888-703; 008-010.
¥vt the Biter Editaoaxali JoKMoM.op. dt„I. 0-091; Moan.
□p. cit., 569-658; Golther. NardUcht LMrjaturgeickidiU
(Ldpiia. 1905), 10-67. Sue also the introduction to the edi-
tion of SiivoNS-QtauHa for full tnUiacnphinkl »ud critical m»-
Artuuh F. J. Rem y.
Eddtux (Aeddi). See Wilfrid or York.
Edelinok, the family name of four engravers. —
Gbhard, b. in Antwerp c. 1640; d. in Paris, 2 April,
1707. Galle instructed him in the rudiments of his
art, and from him, in Antwerp, the youth imbibed that
vigour and energy characterizing Rubens' school of
engravers, which was later to transform the art in
France and impart to it Northern freshness and sim-
Slicity. In 1665 Gerard came to Paris, studied with
e Poflly, quickly surpassed him, and almost immedi-
ately reached the height of his powers, which remained
undiminished until his death. Le Brun and Colbert
called Louis XTV'b attention to Edelinck, who re-
ceived commissions, a pension, the title of engraver to
the king, apartments in the Gobelins, and the position
of professor in the Gobelins Academy from the mon-
arch whose features he depicted in fourteen engrav-
ings. In 1675 he was naturalised ; in 1677 he became
a Royal Academician ; and soon thereafter the order
of Chevalier of Saint-Michel was conferred upon him.
Edelinck was one of the greatest masters of pure
engraving. He never used etching or dry-point on
his plates, and of the four hundred that he produced
there is not one- that is poor or second-rate. Ede-
linck's work was epoch-making: he revolutionised
engraving, abandoning lines that crossed to form
squares for lozenge forms. Further, he massed his
lines and changed their direction, thus avoiding the
monotony that had marked all previous work in
France. Edelinck had all the merits of his predeces-
sors and, besides, rendered texture, colour, and light
and shade as they never before had been rendered. His
strokes were clear and bold, and the results beauti-
byengravers "colour"; Sometimes they ___
ly "metallic". Reproductions on steel by Ede-
linck frequently suggested more colour and quality in
the originals than the latter possessed. He worked
with marvellous facility and concealed his consum-
mate science under an unobtrusive technic. While he
■ did not confine his burin to portraits, It was these
which gave him his great fame, for ho so depicted all
the notable men of his time, in the Church and the
Court, and in literature and art, that We, to-day, gain
an insight into their very character. The greater part
of his work was reproductive, but he sometimes en-
graved from his own drawings, for he was a superb
draughtsman. Edelinck was chosen to engrave
Raphael's "Holy Family", Le Brim's "Magdalen",
ana "Alexander Visiting the Family of Darius", the
first-named bringing him instant fame. Only two
impressions before letters of the "Holy Family" ex-
ist. Edelinek's life was one of piety, contentment.
1 EDisrrjB
and tireless labour; __
graving to his son and hie two brothers and «
on bis own plates. Death found him engraving the
" Alexander Entering the Tent of Darius , a superb
plate finished by Pierre Drevet. To his family he left
a fortune. Plates wholly his own were signed "Ger-
ard Edelinck", or "Edelinok eqnes"; but when his
compatriot Pitau or Oaspard Edelinck assisted him
the signature was "Edelinok". Among his pupils
were Gsxpard, Jean, and Nicolas Edotinck, Lombard,
and Trou vain. His principal works are: "Portrait of
Louis XIV", after Le Brun; "Portrait of Sigaud",
after Rigand;
oUit- "PortrartofMme.
* " Helyot with a
■Crucifix", after
Galliot; "Por-
trait of Philippe
de Champaigns ,
which the artist
thought his beet
work, afterCham-
paigrte; "Combat
of tne Four Horse-
Niooimjj, son of
the preceding, b.
in Paris in 1680;
d. there in 1730.
He studied under
his father, Ger-
ard, and to per-1
feet himself sub-
sequently went to
Italy. In Venice he produced many plates i
the
style of his father, whom, however, he never equalled
in vigour or Quality. He engraved several plates for
the Crozat collection. His masterpiece is a "Virgin
and Infant" after Correggio.
His works include a "Portrait of his Father", after
Tortebat; "Portrait of Cardinal Giulio de' Medici",
after Raphael; "Portrait of John Dryden", after
Kneller.
Jean, b. in Antwerp, c. 1643; d. in Paris, 1
■' " ■ - ' ■'-'•■ J -mi
Plates
wholly his own are much inferior to those of his cele-
brated brother, though they have considerable merit.
"The Deluge", after A. Veronese, is his masterpiece.
He made many engravings of the statues in the gar-
dens of Versailles.
Gaspahh-Francois, b. in Antwerp, 1652; d. in
Paris, 1722. Gaspard,' the youngest brother of
Gerard, who was his teacher and co-worker, was in-
ferior in talent to the other members of the Edelinck
family, and did not long follow the career of engraver.
Because he used a signature similar to that of Gerard
and because his master often helped him with his
Slates, much of his work is difficult to distinguish
■om Gerard's.
Lippha.v. Engraving and Etching (New York. 1006); DulifcS-
hil. U pnnlrr gravtur franfai* ' Farm, lH3o-5U), VII. 180-336;
DnPLEMlB, Hitt. dtlaGrai'urt i Paris, ]K(fO!, Biographic gtni-
raU de* Belgrt; Seobeitt. AUaemeines Kibulirr^Ltxicon (3 vols.,
Frankfort-™ -the -Main. 1882).
Lbigh Hunt.
Eden. See Paradise, Terrestrial.
BdealQS and Trumentiu*, Tyrian Greeks of the
fourth century, probably brothers, who introduced
Christianity into Abyssinia; the latter a saint and
fust Bishop of Axum, styled the Apostle of Abyssinia,
d. about 383. When still mere boys they accom-
panied their uncle Metfopius on a voyage to Abys-
sinia. When their ship stopped at one of the harbours
of the Red Sea, people of the neighbourhood massa-
cred the whole crew, with the exception of Edesius
EDESSA
282
EDESSA
and Frumentius, who were taken as slaves to the King
of Axum. This occurred about 316. The two boys
soon gained the favour of the king, who raised them to
positions of trust and shortly before his death gave
them their liberty. The widowed queen, however,
prevailed upon them to remain at the court and assist
her in the education of the young prince Erazanes and
in the administration of the Kingdom during the
frince's minority. They remained and (especially
rumentius) used their influence to spread Christian-
ity. First they encouraged the Christian merchants,
who were temporarily in the country, to practise their
faith openly by meeting at places of public worship;
later they also converted some of the natives. When
the prince came of age Edesius returned to his friends
and relatives at Tyre and was ordained priest, but did
not return to Abyssinia. Frumentius, on the other
hand, who was eager for the conversion of Abyssinia,
accompanied Edesius as far as Alexandria, where he
requested St. Athanasius to send a bishop and some
priests to Abyssinia. St. Athanasius considered Fru-
mentius himself the most suitable person for bishop
and consecrated him in 328, according to others be-
tween 340-46. Frumentius returned to Abyssinia,
erected his episcopal see at Axum, baptized King
Aeizanas, who had meanwhile succeeded to the throne,
built many churches, and spread the Christian Faith
throughout Abyssinia. The people called him Abuna
(Our Father) or Abba Salama (Father of Peace), titles
still given to the head of the Abyssinian Church. In
36.5 Emperor Constantius addressed a letter to King
Aeizanas and his brother Saizanas in which he vainly
requested them to substitute the Arian bishop Theo-
philus for Frumentius (Athanasius, "Apol. ad Con-
stant ium" in P. G., XXV, 631). The Latins cele-
brate the feast of Frumentius on 27 October, the
Greeks on 30 November, and the Copts on 18 Decem-
ber. Abyssinian tradition credits him with the first
Ethiopian translation of the New Testament.
Rufinob, Materia Ecdesiastica, lib, I, cap. ix, in P. L., XXI,
478-80; Ada SS., Oct., XII, 257-70; Duchesne, Lea missions
chrUiennea au Sud de Vemmre remain in Miiangea d'archSologie
et d'histoire (Rome, 1896), XVI, 79-122; Thebaud, The Church
and the Gentile World (Sew York. 1878), I, 231-40: Butler,
Lives of the Saints, 27 Oct.; Baking-Gould, Lives of the Saints
(London, 1872), 27 Oct.
\ Michael Ott.
Edessa, a titular archiepiscopal see in that part of
Mesopotamia formerly known as Osrhoene. The name
under which Edessa figures in cuneiform inscriptions
is unknown; the native name was Osroe, after some
local satrap, this being the Armenian form for Chos-
roes; it became in Syriac Ourhol, in Armenian Ourhal,
in Arabic Er Roha, commonly Orfa or Urfa, its present
name. Seleucus Nicator, when he rebuilt the town,
903 B. c, called it Edessa, in memory of the ancient
capital of Macedonia of similar name (now Vodena).
Under Antiochus IV (175-164 b. c.) the town was
called Antiochia by colonists from Antioch who had
settled there. On the foundation of the Kingdom of
Osrhoene, Edessa became the capital under the Abgar
dynasty. This kingdom was established by Nabatsean
or Arabic tribes from North Arabia, and lasted nearly
four centuries (132 b. c. to a. d. 244), under thirty-
four kings. It was at first more or less under the pro-
tectorate of the Parthians, then of the Romans; the
latter even occupied Edessa from 115 to 118 under
Trajan, and from 216 to 244, when the kingdom was
definitely suppressed to form a Roman province. The
literary language of the tribes which had founded this
kingdom, was Aramaic, wherfee came the Syriac.
The exact date of the introduction of Christianity
into Edessa is not known. It is certain, however, that
the Christian community was at first made up from
the Jewish population of the city. According to an
ancient legend, King Abgar V, Ushama, was converted
by Addai, who was one of the seventy-two dis-
ciples. (For a full account see Abgar.) In fact, how-
ever, the first King of Edessa to embrace the Christian
Faith was Abgar IX (c. 206). Under him Christianity
became the official religion of the kingdom. As for
Addai, he was neither one of the seventy-two dis-
ciples as the legend asserts, nor was he the Apostle
Thaddasus, as Eusebius says (Hist. Eccl., IV, xiii),
but a missionary from Palestine who evangelized Me-
sopotamia about the middle of the second century,
and became the first bishop of Edessa. (See Doctrine
op Addai.) He was succeeded by Aggai, then by Pa-
lout (Palut) who was ordained about 200 by Serapion
of Antioch. Thenceforth the Church of Edessa, until
then under that of Jerusalem, was subject to the metro-
politan of Syria. The aforesaid relations with Jeru-
salem and Antioch caused an important Syriac literary
movement at Edessa of which the city long remained
the centre. Thence came to us in the second century
the famous Peshitto, or Syriac translation of the Old
Testament; also Tatian's Diatessaron, which was com-
piled about 172 and in common use until St. Rabbula
(Rabulas), Bishop of Edessa (412-35), forbade its use.
Among the illustrious disciples of the School of Edessa
special mention is due to Bardesanes (154-222), a
schoolfellow of Abgar IX, the originator of Christian
religious poetry, whose teaching was continued by his
son Harmonius and his disciples. (See Bardesanes
AND BARDESANITES.)
A Christian council was held at Edessa as early as
197 (Euseb., Hist. Eccl., V, xxiii). In 201 the city was
devastated by a great flood, and the Christian church
was destroyed ("Chronicon Edessenum", ad. an. 201).
In 232 the relics of the Apostle St. Thomas were
brought from India, on which occasion his Syriac Acts
were written. Under Roman domination many mar-
tyrs suffered at Edessa: Sts. Scharbtl and Barsamya,
under Decius; Sts. Gurja, Schamdna, Habib, and
others under Diocletian. In the meanwhile Christian
priests from Edessa had evangelized Eastern Mesopo-
tamia and Persia, and established the first Churches in
the kingdom of the Sassanides. Aitillatia, Bishop of
Edessa, assisted at the Council of Nicaa (325). The
" Peregrinatio Silvias" (or Etherise) (ed. Gamurrini,
Rome, 1887, 62 sqq.) gives an account of the many
sanctuaries at Edessa about 388.
When Nisibis was ceded to the Persians in 363, St.
Ephrem left his native town for Edessa, where he
founded the celebrated School of the Persians. This
school, largely attended by the Christian youth of
Persia, and closely watched by St. Rabbula, the friend
of St. Cyril of Alexandria, on account of its Nestorian
tendencies, reached its highest development under
Bishop Ibas, famous through the controversy of the
Three Chapters (q.v.), was temporarily closed in 457,
and finally in 489, by command of Emperor Zeno and
Bishop Cyrus, when the teachers and students of the
School of Edessa repaired to Nisibis and became the
founders and chief writers of the Nestorian Church in
Persia (Labourt, Le christianisme dans l'empire perse,
Paris, 1904, 130-141). Monophysitism prospered at
Edessa, even after the Arab conquest.
Suffice it to mention here among the later celebrities
of Odessa Jacob Baradaeus, the real chief of the Syrian
Monophysites known after him as Jacobites (q. v.);
Stephen Bar Sudaili, monk and pantheist, to whom
was owing, in Palestine, the last crisis of Origenism in
the sixth century ; Jacob, Bishop of Edessa, a fertile
writer (d. 708) ; Theophilus the Maronite, an astron-
omer, who translated into Syriac verse Homer's Iliad
and Odyssey; the anonymous author of the "Chroni-
con Edessenum" (Chronicle of Edessa), compiled in
540; the writer of the story of "The Man of uod", in
the fifth century, which gave rise to the legend of St.
Alexius. The oldest known dated Syriac manuscripts
(a. d. 411 and 462), containing Greek patristic texts,
come from Edessa.
Rebuilt by Emperor Justin, and called after him
Justinopolis(Evagrius, Hist. Eccl., IV, viii), Edessa was
■D01WORTH 2f
taken in 609 by the Persians, soon retaken by HeA-
clius, but captured again by the Arabs in 640. Under
Byzantine rule, as metropolis of Oarhoene, it had
eleven suffragan sees (Echoa d*Orient, 1907, 145). Le-
auien (Oriens christ., II, 953 sqq.) mentions thirty-
ve Bishops of Edessa ; yet his list is incomplete. The
Greek hierarchy seems to have disappeared after the
eleventh century. Of its Jacobite bishops twenty-nine
are mentioned by Legmen (II, 1429 sqq.), many others
in the "Revue de ['Orient Chretien" (VI, 195), some
in "Zeitschrift der deutsehen morgenlandischen Ge-
sellschaft" (1899), 261 sqq. Moreover, Nestorian
bishops are said to have resided at Edessa as early as
the sixth century. The Byzantines often tried to re-
take Edessa, especially under Romanus Lacapenus,
who obtained from the inhabitants the " Holy Man-
dylion", or ancient portrait of Christ, and solemnly
transferred it to Constantinople, 16 August, 944
(Rambaud, Constantin PorphyrogSnSte, Paris, 1870,
105 sqq.). For an account of this venerable and fa-
■™™ ■mage, which was certainly at Edessa in 544, and
Weisliebersdorf, "Christus und Apostelbilder" (Frei-
burg, 1902), and Dobschiltz, "Christusbilder" (Leip-
zig, 1899). (See also Portraits of Christ.) Id 1031
Edessa was given up to the Greeks by its Arab gover-
nor. It was retaken by the Arabs, and then succes-
sively held by the Greeks, the Seljuk Turks (1087), the
Crusaders (1099), who established there the "county"
of Edessa and kept the city till 1144, when it was
again captured by the Turk Zengui, and most of its
inhabitants were slaughtered together with the Latin
archbishop. These events are Known to us chiefly
through the Armenian historian Matthew, who had
been born at Edessa. Since the twelfth century, the
city has successively belonged to the Sultans of Aleppo,
the Mongols, the Mamelukes, and finally (since 1517)
to the Osmanlis.
Orfa is to-day the chief town of a sanjak in the vila-
!et of Aleppo, and has a trade in cotton stuffs,
eather, and jewellery. Ruins of its walls and of an
Arab castle are yet visible. One of its curiosities is
the mosque of Abraham, this patriarch according
to a Mussulman legend having been slain at Orfa.
The population is about 55,000, of whom 15,000 are
Christians (only 800 Catholics). There are 3 Catholic
parishes, Syrian, Armenian, and Latin; the 'Latin par-
ish is conducted by Capuchins, who have also a school.
Franciscan nuns conduct a school for girls. This mis-
sion depends on the Apostolic mission of Mardin.
There are also at Orfa a Jacobite and a Gregorian
Armenian bishop.
i. Ancient Syriac Document) Relative to Ou Karlie.it
xir «r fj,nr.f7n...,h. •'* P^»^ '■ - "
3 IDGIWORTH
Edgeworth owned an estate at Firmount, or Fairy-
mount, a few miles' distant from Edgeworthstown,
where the elder branch of the Edgeworth family re-
sided. The Ed Re worths were of English descent, and
went to' Ireland in the reign of Elizabeth. The title,
" Edgeworth de Firmont", by which the abb£ was uni-
versally known in France, was derived from Firmount,
the ancestral patrimony of his family. The vicarage
house at Edgeworthstown where he passed his child-
hood is believed to be the same in which Oliver Gold-
smith went to school to the Rev. Patrick Hughes.
The Rev. Robert Edgeworth through conscientious
motives resigned his living, embraced the Catholic
religion, and, find-
ing life at home in-
tolerable under the
penal laws, with
his family (ail of
whom became
Catholics) re-
moved to Tou-
louse in Prance,
where Henry Es-
, the: '
__. k> Oerhoena et Edtttt
1734); GumomiD, U
/v"<,mi>HrvLcta Onrhcene (8t. .-. .„ , .....
originei dr VEglu-r a" Ede»e (I'aiis. l.SKSV Ut:v,i.. Iji UU.i;x>Urt
eyriaaue (FBri». 1899). passim; Idem, [list..™ polMgue, reliai-
euee et lilteraire f Beaut jueau'a la premiere crouade (Puis,
1891); Layiouue, fiimi hietonqve e-ur IccJr rhretiennr cTE.t-ise
(Lyjrm. 1IMOI; I1i:!-,n<;k, I„ lnm.ll.-> .f,;,.lrr -,„.;■ (I'arii. ISflOs,
294-314); Texikb. L- Wis el Irs monument* d~Edeeee in Revue
(1SSB). 326-54; Cuinct, La Turqvie d Atie
(Parii, 1892), 11, 257-283!
S. Vailhe.
Edgeworth, Henry Essex, better known as
1'Abbe Edgewohth oe Firmont, confessor of Louis
XVI, and vicar-general of the Diocese of Paris at
the height of the French Revolution, b. at Edge-
worthstown, County Longford, Ireland, in 1745; d.
22 May, 1807, at Mittau, Russia. His father, the
Rev. Robert Edgeworth, Protestant rector of Edge-
worthstown, or Mostrim, was a first cousin to Richard
Lovell Edgeworth, the father of Maria Edgeworth,
the novelist; and his mother was a granddaughter of
the Protestant Archbishop Ussher. The Rev. Robert
years of age, re-
ceived his early
training for the ec-
clesiastical state.
Subsequently he
went to the semi-
nary of Trente-
Trois, Paris, at the
suggestion of Dish-.
op Moylan of Cork
(at one time a carl
in Paris). After a Ebqzworth d> Ftrmobt
course of theology
at the Sorbonne, Henry Essex Edgeworth was ordained
priest and the capital of France became the theatre
of his apostolic labours. The Irish bishops offered
him a mitre in Ireland, an honour which he declined
with his usual humility. On the removal of her
confessor, Madame Elisabeth, sister of the ill-fated
Louis XVI, requested the superior of Let Missions
Etrangiret, where the ah W resided, to recommend her
another and he unhesitatingly selected the Abbe
Edgeworth. The Archbishop of Paris approved of
the choice, and introduced him at court. Thus he
became known to the royal family as a devoted
friend. In their fallen fortunes he stood by them a£
the risk of bis life, followed the survivors after the
Revolution into exile, and died in their service.
When the Archbishop of Paris was obliged to fly in
1792 in order to save his life, he vested the Abbe
Edgeworth with all his powers, making him his grand
vim-ire, and committed the great diocese to his care.
In answer to the urgent entreaties of his friends to
seek safety in Ireland or England, at this time, the
abbe replied; "Almighty God has baffled my meas-
ures, and ties me to this land of horrors by chains I
have not the liberty to shake off. The case is this:
The wretched master [the king] charges me not to
quit this country, as I am the priest whom he intends
to prepare him for death. And should the iniquity of
the nation commit this last act of cruelty, I must also
Erepare myself for death, as I am convinced the popu-
ir rage will not allow me to survive an hour after the
tragic scene: but I am resigned. Could my life saw
him I would willingly lay it down, and I should not
die in vain " (Letter to Mr. Maffey, priest in London).
At last, on the 20th of January, 1793, he was sum-
moned by the Executive Council to proceed to the
Temple prison at the desire of " Louis Capet ' ', who was
condemned to die on the following day. The abb£,
having remained in the Temple all night, said Mass in
the king's apartment on the morning of the execution,
sat beside him in the carriage on the way to the scaf-
c
EDICT
284
EDUCBUROH
fold, and, when the axe of the guillotine was about to
fall, consoled his beloved master with the noble
words: "Son of St. Louis, ascend to heaven." In
his graphic and authoritative account of the last mo-
ments of Louis XVI (the original of which in French
is preserved in the British Museum) the abbe1 is silent
about this 'fine apostrophe, which everyone has heard
of; but, when asked if ne made use of the memorable
expression, he replied that, having no recollection of
anything that happened to himself at that awful mo-
ment, he neither affirmed nor denied having used the
words. He was allowed to leave the scene of the exe-
cution unmolested, and so escaped ; but soon after his
head was demanded in several clubs, so that he was
obliged; to auit Paris and take refuge at Bayeux.
whence at that time he might easily have escaped
to England. Three chief considerations, however,
bound him to the land of horrors. He had a great
diocese committed to his care; he had promised
Madame Elisabeth, then in prison, never to desert
her, and he could not abandon his mother and sister,
still living in Paris. Dressed as an ordinary citizen,
and passing under the name now of Essex, now of
Edgeworth, and again of Henry, he eluded capture
and the guillotine, until finally in August, 1796, after
the death of his mother, and the execution of Madame
Elisabeth, he escaped to Portsmouth, and proceeded
to London.
Mr. Pitt offered to settle a pension for life on him,
but he respectfully declined it. During the three
months he spent in London he was lionized by fash-
ionable society. His brother, Ussher, who resided
at Firmount, and his relatives at Edgeworthstown,
proud of his fame and renown, -were most anxious to
see him in Ireland ; and, in fact, he was on the point
of revisiting the land of his birth when he was entrust-
ed with confidential despatches for Louis XVIII,
then at Blankenburg. This changed all his plans.
At the earnest entreaty of the exiled king he resolved
to remain with him as his chaplain, going afterwards
with the royal family to Mittau in Russia, where he
spent the remainder of his days, revered and honoured
by all with whom he came in contact. The Emperor
Paul settled a pension of 600 roubles per annum on
him. When Napoleon invaded Russia in 1807 it hap-
pened that some French soldiers were taken prisoners,
and sent to Mittau. A contagious fever broke out
amongthem, and in attending to their spiritual wants
Abb£ TSdgeworth, never of a robust constitution, fell a
victim to the plague. The daughter of Louis XVI,
despite the manifest danger of contagion, attended
night and day at the sick bed of her "beloved and
revered invalid, her more than friend, who had left
kindred and country for her family", to use her- own
words. He was interred at Mittau. Louis XVIII
wrote his epitaph, a copy of which, together with
a letter of condolence, was sent by Louis' orders to
Mr. Ussher Edgeworth, the abbess brother, residing
in Ireland.
C. S. EdoeWOBTO, Memoir* oi the Abbi Edgnsotth; con-
taining his Narrative of the Last Hours of Louis XVI (London,
1815); Thiers, Histoire de la Revolution franeaise (1827);
R. L. Edoeworth, Memoirs (London, 1820); Webb, Com-
pendium of Irish Biography (Dublin, 1878); Gordon, Five
Unpublished Letters of VAbbi EdgewoHh de Firmont in The
Tablet (London, 28 April, 1900).
Joseph Guinan.
Edict of Milan. See Const an tine the Great.
Edict of Nantes. See Huguenots.
Edict of Worms. See Luther.
Edinburgh, the capital of Scotland, though not its
largest city, derives its name from the time (about
a.d. 620) when the fortress of I'M win's burgh was
raised on a lofty spur of the Pentland Hills, overlook-
ing the Firth of Forth, and established the Anglian
dominion in the northern part of the Northumbrian
Kingdom. Edinburgh Castle was a royal residence in
tne reign of Malcolm Oanmore, husband of St. Mar-
garet, who died there in 1093. Bound the castle the
town grew up, 'and a little lower *k>wn the collegiate
church of St. Giles, predecessor of the present church
bearing that name, was erected in the twelfth century.
St. Margaret's son, King David I, founded the Abbey
of Holyrood, at the foot of the castle hill, 1128; but
the town of Edinburgh for several centuries did not ex-
tend beyond the ridge sloping eastwards from the
castle. In the middle of the fifteenth century Edin-
burgh became the real capital of Scotland, that is, the
seat of the Parliament and the Government, as well as
the residence of her kings, and the scene of many of the
most important provincial councils which regulated
the affairs of the Scottish Church. James II was the
first king crowned at Edinburgh instead of in the
Abbey of Scone, and he and his successors conferred
many privileges on the capital, and did all in their
power to develop it and increase its prosperity. The
buildings of the city gradually spread outside the
ancient walls, all along the sloping ridge which extends
from the castle at the top to Holyrood at the bot-
tom ; and towards the end of the nineteenth century the
New Town was built to the northward, beyond the
extensive lake (since drained) which stretched under
the castle hill.
During the past hundred years Edinburgh has
steadily increased in population and wealth, if not so
rapidly as other cities which are greater 'centres of
manufactures and commerce. The unrivalled beauty
of its situation, and the social and other advantages
which it offers as the capital of the country, as 'well as
the remarkable educative facilities afforded by its
many splendidly equipped schools and colleges, have
always made it exceptionally attractive as a place of
• residence. Literary taste and culture were long the
special characteristic of Edinburgh society, and it still
possesses some of the literary Charm which won for the
city the title of the Modern Athens in the second quar-
ter of the nineteenth ceritury, when Scott, Wilson,
Jeffrey, Brougham, and < others made it famous ' by
their personality and their genius. Modern facilities
of travel and of inteTcommufiication have inevitably
given to Edinburgh, as to every centre of population
m the kingdom outside London, a certain note ©frpro-
vincialism ;' but it has notahogether lost thedigrdtyand
charm properto a capital. The population of Edinburgh
is now (1008) 317,000, An increase of more than 100,000
in the past thirty years; and its total area is nearly
1 1 ,000 acres. It returns four members1 to Parliament!
and is governed bv a town council of fifty members,
presided over by the lord^provost. Printing, brewing,
and distilling have long been, and still are, the prin-
cipal industries of the oity. Edinburgh is the seat of
the supreme court of Scottish Law, which in its exter-
nal forms as well as in many essential points differs
greatly from the law of England. The presidents of
the courts are the lord-justice-general and the lord*
justice-clerk; and the judges, properly entitled "sen-
ators of the college of justice , enjoy the official title
of lord. The supreme courts occupy the ancient
Scottish Parliament house, a stately seventeenth-
century building; and under the same roof is the
Advocates1 Library, one of the most extensive 'and
valuable collections of books and manuscripts in the
kingdom.
Edinburgh University, the 'only one of the- four
Scottish universities not founded in Catholic times,
was established in 1582 by royal charter granted by
James VI, and was speedily enriched by many bene-
factions from prominent citizens. Its buildings
occupy the site of the ancient collegiate church of St.
Mary-in-the-Fields, or the Kirk o* Field (well known as
the scene of the mysterious murder of Lord Darnley) .
and have in recent years been greatly extended and
embellished. The university comprises the usual fac-
ulties of divinity, law, medicine, and arts, and has pro-
EDZNBVBOa 2
duced many eminent men. The Edinburgh medical
school has a world-wide reputation, and attracts stu-
dents from all parts of the empire, as well as many
foreigners. No religious tests prevent Catholics from
enjoying the full benefit of university education in
Edinburgh; but the number of Catholics frequenting
the schools is remarkably small. The total number of
students frequenting the university is between three
and four thousand.
Ecclesiastical History. — Edinburgh is naturally
much bound up in its ecclesiastical history with the
country at large. In the earliest centuries of its exist-
ence, belonging as it did to the Kingdom of North-
umbria, Edinburgh was included in the Diocese of
Lindisfarne, as we find from the list of churches be-
o that see compiled by Simeon of Durham in
dral had been in existence for some fifteen years. It
has no architectural interest, but a spacious chancel
was added, and other improvements carried out,>in
1891. A cathedral for the Episcopalian body (whole
bishop resides in Edinburgh) was erected about 1878,
at a cost of over «500,000, from funds left by two
charitable ladies. It is a Gothic building of much dig-
nity, and by far the finest ecclesiastical building, either
ancient or modem, now existing in Edinburgh. The
Presbyterians have some handsome churches, but the
grand old church of St. Giles, now in their hands, has
been hopelessly vulgarized by the "restorer". A new
church built by the Irvingites is adorned within by
some fine mum paintings.
The seven Catholic churches which (besides the
cathedral) supply the needs of the Catholic population
"l hi Castlb and Scott M<
864. The early connexion of the city with Lindisfarne
is shown by the dedication to St. Cuthbert of its oldest
church, founded probably in the ninth century. St.
Cutfabert's church was presented to the newly estab-
lished Abbey of Holvrood by King David; it was the
richest church in Edinburgh, ana possessed several
outlying chapels, such as St. Ninian's, St. Roque's,
and St. John Baptist's. When the diocesan system
came to be fully, established in Scotland, under Malcolm
and Margaret and their sons, Edinburgh was included
in the metropolitan Diocese of St. Andrews, and con-
tinued to be so until the suppression of the ancient
hierarchy in the sixteenth century. The archbishop's
see, as well as the episcopal residence, was of course
in the primatial city of St. Andrews, beyond "the Firth
of Forth- and there was no building known as a cathe-
dral in Edinburgh prior to 1634, when the new An-
: glican Diocese of Edinburgh was formed out of the
ancient archdeaconry of Lothian, and Forbes became
the first occupant of the see. The old collegiate church
of St. Giles was at this time, and during the revival of
Episcopal janiwn in Scotland, used as the cathedral of
the Protestant bishop. As regards the Catholic
Church, Edinburgh was the head-quarters of tie vicars
Apostolic of the Eastern District of Scotland from the
time of the- foundation of that, vioariaite in. 1828, when
the church now known as St. Mary's Catholic Cathe-
of Edinburgh are of no particular merit architecturally,
the most interesting being the latest erected, St.
Peter's, which is in the earnest Byzantine style, and
forms, with its presbytery, a little group of much
originality and charm. The Catholic Archbishop of
St. Andrews and Edinburgh (the fourth who has held
that office in thirty years) resides in Edinburgh, and
has his episcopal seat in St. Mary's Cathedral. St.
Andrews (to which the title of Edinburgh was added
at the restoration of the hierarchy in 1878) possesses
a small Catholic church; but the Catholic population
of the primatial city' is — except for summer visitors —
only a handful. In Edinburgh the Catholics are esti-
mated to numberabout 20.000. In the reign of Queen
Anne (1702-14) a list sent in to the privy council of
"Popish parents and their children in various districts
of Scotland" gives the number of Catholics in Edin-
burgh as 160, including the Duke and Duchess of
Gordon with their family and household, and several
other noble families. The majority of the Catholics
of Edinburgh to-day are of the poorer classes, and of
Irish origin ; but the past decade or so has witnessed a
considerable number of conversions among the more
well-to-do inhabitants of the city. Since the great
anti-Catholic tumults of 1779, when the chapels and
houses belonging to the insignificant Catholic body
were burned by the rioters, the spirit of tolerance has
EDITIONS 2!
made progress in the Scottish capital as elsewhere in
the kingdom. Catholics' are generalfy respected, and
may and do rise to high positions of trust in the com-
mercial, legal, and municipal world.
Something remains to be said of the religious houses
which have flourished in Edinburgh in ancient and
modern times. The principal and wealthiest monas-
tery in former days was the Abbey of Holyrood,
founded by David I for Augustinian canons, who were
brought fromSt. Andrews. The Blackfriars or Domini-
can monastery was founded by Alexander II in 1230,
on a site now occupied by a hospital. The Greyfriars
□r Franciscan church (of the Observant branch of the
order) stood in the Grassmnrket until it was destroyed
by fire in 1845. The Whitefriars or Carmelites did not
settle in Edinburgh until 1518. Their house of Green-
side, near the Calton Hill, was transformed at the Dis-
solution into a lepers' hospital. Beyond the Carmelite
house, nearer Leith, stood the precept ory of St. An-
thony, the only house of that order in Scotland. The
collegiate churches in and about Edinburgh included
those of St. Giles and St. Mary-in-the-Fieids (already
mentioned), Trinity Church, Rest a) rig, Corstorphine,
Creighton, and Dalkeith. Trinity church, one of the
most exquisite Gothic buildings in Scotland, was de-
stroyed in the nineteenth century by u deplorable act
of vandalism, to make room for new railway works.
Neither the Benedictine nor Cistercian monks, who
had numerous houses in Scotland, were established in
Edinburgh. The Cistercian or Bernardine nuns, how-
ever, possessed the convent of St. Marie-in-the-wynd
(or lane) near a hospital, where the sisters tended the
sick. The Dominican nuns had also a convent (called
Scietmei or Shenes, from St. Catherine of Siena) in
the outskirts of the city. The numerous hospitals in
Catholic Edinburgh comprised St. Mary Magdalen's
in the Cowgate, founded in 1503 (the chapel remains,
and is now used as a medical mission-hall); St. Leon-
ard's, at the foot of Salisbury Crags; St. Mary's, in
Leith Wynd, for twelve almsmen (converted into a
workhouse by the Edinburgh magistrates in 1619);
St. Thomas's, near the water-gate, founded in 1541 by
Abbot Crichton of Holyrood for seven almsmen in red
giwns; and Ballantyne's Hospital, founded by Robert
allantyne or Bellenden, Abbot of Holyrood. The two
religious orders of men now working in Edinburgh and
its seaport of Leith are the Jesuits and the Oblates of
Mary Immaculate. The former serve one of the largest
churches in the city, and the latter have a house at
Leith. There are eight convents of nuns, the oldest
being St. Margaret's (Ursuline), founded in 1835, the
first since the Reformation. The nuns keep a high-
class school and attend several hospitals. St. Cather-
ine's Convent of Mercy has a well-equipped training-
36 EDITIONS
college for teachers as well as a ladies' school. The
other convents are those of the Sisters of Charity,
Little Sisters of the Poor, Sisters of the Sacred Hearts,
Poor Clares, Order of Marie Reparatrice. Helpers of
the Holy Souls, and Sisters of the Immaculate Concep-
tion. The other Catholic institutions of the city in-
clude a children's refuge, orphanages for boys and
girls, home for working boys^ nome for destitute chil-
dren, dispensary, and nome for penitents.
HuiiABD, Hut. of Edinburgh (Edinburgh. 1754); Ahkehw,
Hist, of Edinbwuh ■: ICdinburah, IKSB;: Chiuukhs, Tradiiioruof
Edinburgh IH.Iinhiiruli, 1S."!'i); Wiijm)*. :W<-itu.n.<ife ,'/ l.dinburuh
(Edinburgh. 1848); Lzn.Bt.Gila IKdinburnh. 1887); Abnot.
Will, of Edinburgh (Edinburgh. ITTOi; '-rt-i:'s m Ok AnhwH-
tia of Edinburgh to the Guild of St. .Wjjft i K.linbiuvh, 1845):
Ourain, Royal Edinburgh (Edinburgh. 1800).
D. O. Hunter-Blair,
Editions of the Bible.— In the present article we
understand by editions of the Bible the printed repro-
ductions of its original texts. We are not concerned
with copies of the versions of the Bible, whether
printed or written; nor do we purpose to consider the
manuscript copies of the original text-. The written
reproductions are described under Codex Ai.rxan-
nniNUS and similar articles. See also Criticism,
Biblical, in the latter part of which article (Vol. IV,
pp. 499, 500) will be found an explanation of the criti-
cal nomenclature of Bible codices and the symbols by
which they are denoted. The translations of the Bible
will be treated under the title Versions of the
Bible. Since the original text of the Bible was writ-
ten in Hebrew or Greek (the original Aramaic por-
tions can for the present purpose be considered as co-
incident with the Hebrew), our study of its printed
reproductions naturally considers first the editions of
the Hebrew text, and secondly those of the Greek.
I. Editions of the Hebrew Text or the Bible. —
Roughly speaking, there are three classes of editions
of the Hebrew text: 1. The so-called Incunabula
(Lot. cwtabula, pi,, "cradle"); 2. The common edi-
tions; 3. The critical editions. The reader will see
that this division has an historical as well as a logical
1. The Incunabula. — Technically speaking, the In-
cunabula are the editions issued before the year 1500.
From pur present critical standpoint, they are very
defective; but since they represent manuscripts now
lost, they are important even for critical purposes.
The following publications constitute the main body
of the Incunabula; —
(1) The quarto edition of the Hebrew Psalter with
the commentary of Rabbi David Kimchi, printed in
1477, probably at Bologna. Vowels and accents are
wanting, except in the first four psalms. The volume
is noted for its omissions, abbreviations, and general
lack of accuracy.
(2) The folio edition of the Pentateuch, with vowels
and accents, containing the Targum of Onkelos and
the commentary of Rabbi Samuel Jarchi, printed at
Bologna, 1482. This publication is much more per-
fect and correct than the foregoing.
(3) The so-called Earlier Prophets, i. e. the Books of
Josue, Judges, Samuel, and Kings, printed in 1488 at
Soncino, near Cremona, in Italy.
(4) The folio edition of the Later Prophets, i. e.
Isaias, Jeremias, Ezechiel, and the twelve Minor
Prophets, printed soon after the preceding publica-
tion, without accents and vowels, but interlined with
the text of Kimchi's commentary.
(5) The Psalter and the Megilloth, or "Rolls", i. e.
the Canticle of Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Eccle-
siastes, and Esther, printed in the same year as the
F receding publication, at Soncino and Casale, in
taly. in a quarto volume.
(6) Three folio volumes containing the Hagiographa
with several rabbinic commentaries, printed at
Naples in 1487: the text is accompanied by the
vowels, but not by the accents.
EDITIONS*
287
EDITIONS
(7) A complete Hebrew Bible, in folio, printed in
1488 at Soncino, without any commentary. Its text,
accompanied by both vowels and accents, is based
partly on the previously printed portions of the
Hebrew Bible, partly on Hebrew manuscripts, but it
lacks accuracy.
(8) A folio containing the Hebrew and Chaldee Pen-
tateuch with Rashi's commentary, printed in 1490
in Isola del Liri.
(9) A most accurate and highly esteemed quarto
edition of the Pentateuch, printed at Lisbon in 1491.
(10) A second complete edition of the Hebrew text,
in quarto, printed in 1494 at Brescia. The editor
calls himself Gerson ben Mose of Soncino. The text,
which is accompanied by its vowels and accents, ex-
hibits many peculiar readings not found in any other
edition. The type is small and indistinct, the proof-
reading most slovenly; in a word, the edition is ut-
terly defective. Luther based his translation on it.
(11) The foregoing text is repeated in an octavo
edition printed at Pisa in 1494.
(12) A folio edition of the Hebrew Bible, printed on
parchment, bears no indication of its date or place of
printing; it probably appeared in Constantinople
about 1600.
(13) To these may be added Seb. Munster's Hebrew-
Latin Bible, printed in folio at Basle, 1534 and 1546,
since its text is based on that of the 1488 and 1494
editions. Here also belong, for the same reason, the
"Biblia Rabbinica Bombergiana", first edition (see
below), the editions of R. Stephanus (1539-44, 1546),
and the manual editions of Bomberg.
2. Common Editions. — By these we understand edi-
tions of the Bible reproduced either from manuscripts
or previous printed editions without the aid of critical
apparatus and the application of critical principles.
While the editions of the Hebrew text thus far enum-
erated owed their publication to Jewish enterprise,
those that follow were, at least in part, due to Chris-
tian scholarship. For practical purposes we ' may
divide the common editions into two classes: (1) those
not depending on other printed editions (independent
editions) ; (2) those depending, at least partly, on a
previously printed text (dependent, or mixed, edi-
tions).
(1) Independent editions. — This class of editions
comprises two principal ones: (a) the "Biblia Poly-
glotta Complutensia ": (b) the " Biblia Rabbinica
Bombergiana", second edition. Here we can give
only a summary of their principal features.
(a) "Biblia Polyglotta Complutensia1'. — In* the
year 1502, Cardinal Ximenes engaged several learned
scholars to prepare the edition of a polyglot Bible
called variously after the name of its ecclesiastical
gatron and the place of its publication (Alcala, in Lat.
omplutum). The editors of the Hebrew text were
Jewish converts. Ancient manuscripts, estimated at
the value of 4000 florins, and probably also the best
extant printed copies of the Hebrew text, were placed
at their disposal. Thus the cardinal's scholars pro-
duced a text quite different from the other printed
texts of his time. They marked the vowels, but not
the accents. The Polyglot was finished in 1517, but
was published only in 1520 or 1522, according to Greg-
ory (Canon and Text of the New Testament, New
York, 1907). The pure form of its text was only once
reprinted in the so-called " Biblia Polyglotta Vatabli",
or "Polyglotta Sanctandreana", or again, "Bertram's
Polvglot* (Heidelberg, 1586, 1599, 1616).
(b) "Biblia Rabbinica Bombergiana", second edition.
—Daniel Bomberg, of Antwerp, who had established
a printing-office for Hebrew and rabbinic literature
in Venice, published, in 1518, two important editions
of the Hebrew text: (a) an edition for Christian
readers, in quarto, which was reprinted in 1521, 1525-
28, 1533, 1544; (0) an edition for Jewish readers,
edited by the Jewish convert Felix Pratensis, It con-
tained the Targumim, the Massorah, and many Jewish
commentaries, but did not satisfy the Jews. Hence
Bomberg found it advisable to publish another edition
under the editorship of R. Jacob ben Chayim, the
most celebrated Jewish scholar of his time. He
brought the text into closer agreement with the Mas-
sorah, and added several more Jewish commentaries.
The work appeared in Venice, in four folio volumes,
1525-26, and was justly regarded as the first Mabsore-
tic Bible. It won the approbation of both Jewish and
Christian scholars, so that it had to be republished in
1547-49, and 1568; the last edition was brought, out
under the direction of John de Gara. In spite df the
great merits of the work, it is not wholly free from de-
fects; Ben Chayim paid too much attention to the
Massorah and too little to reliable old manuscripts.
The principal codex he followed fell afterwards into
the hands of de Rossi, who testifies that it is quite de-
fective and has not been carefully edited. Chayim
printed it without correcting its most glaring mistakes.
The subsequent editions were influenced princi-
pally by Ben Chayim's text, and only secondarily by
the Complutensian Polyglot. Thus the former text
was repeated by Bragadin (Venice, 1617), and, in a
slightly modified form, by Justiniani (Venice, 1551,
1552, 1563, 1573), the editors of Geneva (1618), John
de Gara (Venice, 1566, 1568, 1582), Plantin (Antwerp,
1566), Hartmann (Frankfort, 1595, 1598), the editors
of Wittenberg (1586, 1587), and Tores (Amsterdam,
1705). Long before the last publication appeared.
John Buxtorf edited first the Hebrew text in manual
form (Basle, 1611), then Chayim's rabbinic Bible in
four folio volumes (Basle, 1618, 1619). Though he
corrected some of Ben Chayim's mistakes, he allowed
others to remain and even introduced some new ones.
He ought not to have regulated the vocalization of the
Targumim according to the vowels in the Chaldee
fragments of the Bible, and it was at least inconsistent
to change the Massorah according to the Hebrew text,
seeing that Ben Chayim, whose text he professed to
follow, had modified the Hebrew text according to the
Massorah.
(2) Dependent, or Mixed, Editions. — In the editions
thus far mentioned the text of one or the other of the
two principal forms of the Hebrew Bible was repro-
duced without any notable change. We have now to
consider the attempts made to correct the text either
according to the reading of other editions or according
to that of ancient manuscripts.
(a) Texts Corrected according to Printed Texts. —
The first mixed text of the Hebrew Bible appeared in
the Antwerp Polyglot (1569-72); the same text was
repeated in the Paris Polyglot (1629-45), in the Lon-
don Polyglot (1657), in that of Reineccius (Leipzig,
1750-51), the smaller Plantin editions (Antwerp.
1580, 1582; Burgos, 1581; Leyden, 1613), the manual
edition of Reineccius (Leipzig, 1725, 1739, 1756), and
in the Vienna Bible (1743). The beautifully printed
Bible of H utter (Hamburg, 1588) presents a peculiarly
mixed text. Here may be added the names of a few
editors who published a Hebrew text without vowels
and without pretence to critical accuracy: Plantin
(Antwerp, 1573, 8vo and 12mo; Leyden, lo95, 16mo:
1610, 12n1o; Hanau, 1610, 24mo) ; Menasse ben Israel
(Amsterdam, 1630, 1639, 8vo); Leusden (1694, 8vo);
Maresius (1701, 8vo) ; Jablonsky (Berlin, 1711, 24mo);
Forster (Oxford, 1750, 4to).
(b) Texts Corrected according to Codices and
Printed Texts. — The mixture of Chayim's text with
the Complutensian could not give permanent satisfac-
tion. Every comparison of the mixed text with that
of any good manuscript brought to light many dis-
crepancies and suggested the idea that a better He-
brew text might be obtained by the help of good codi-
ces. The first attempt to publish a Hebrew text thus
corrected was made by John Leusden with the co-
operation of the printer Jos. Athias (Amsterdam,
K\
EDITIONS
288
EDITIONS
1661; 1667). The editor revised Chayim's text ac-
cording to the readings of two codices, one of which
was said to be about 900 years old. This edition,
printed by Athias, was revised by George Nissei ac-
cording to the readings of Hutter's Bible (LeydexL
1662). Niasel makes no pretence of having collated
any codices, so that his work is noted for its scarcity
rather than its critical value. Clodius, too, endeav-
oured to: correct Athias's text according to earlier edi-
tions, but was not always successful (Frankfort, 1677,
1692, 1716). Jablonsky corrected the second edition
of Athias according to .the readings of several eedices
and of the better previous editions, paying special
attention to the vowels and accents (Berlin, 1699,
1712) ; his first edition is commonly regarded as being
one of the best. Van der Hooght corrected the second
edition of Athias according to the Massorah and the
previously printed editions (Amsterdam and Utrecht,
1705); his attention to the smallest details and the
printer's care account for the general favour with
which the edition was received. A still more perfect
reprint of the edition was published by Prop»( Amster-
dam, 1724). Simonis, too* published correct and
cheap reprints of Van der Hooght 's Bible'. Opitz
corrected the edition of Athias according to the readV
ings of seventeen of the best previous editions and of
several manuscripts (Kiel, 1709; Zullichau, 1741).
He supervised the proof in person, and even the type
was remarkable for its size and clearness, so that the
edition was considered the most accurate extant. J.
H . Michaelis edited the first Hebrew text with vari-
ants (Halle, 1720). He based it on the text of Jab-
lonsky which he compared with twenty-four earlier
editions and with five manuscripts preserved in Er-
furt. The more important variants he added at the
bottom of the page. It has been found that the com-
parison was made rather superficially as far as the
printed editions were concerned, and there is no good
reason for supposing that more care was taken in the
comparison of the manuscript text. Still, the edition
remains valuable, because it is the first of its kind, and
some of its variants deserve attention even to-day.
The Oratorian Father Houbigant tried to produce a
text far superior to the commonly received one. Tak-
ing Van der Hooght 's text for his basis, he added his
own corrections and conjectures in critical notes. His
apparatus consisted of a number of manuscripts, the
ancient versions, and the Hebrew context. The pre-
cipitancy of his inferences and the rashness of his con-
jectures did much to create a prejudice against his
method, though the merit of his work has been duly
appreciated by scholars. His "Notes Critic® ' * were
printed in separate form in Frankfort (1777), after the
full edition had appeared in Paris (1753).
Here may be mentioned the work of the Italian
Jew, Salomo Norzi. He began in the early years of the
seventeenth century to compare Romberg's text with
the best of the printed editions, with a number of good
manuscripts of both Bible and Massorah, with the
Biblical citations found in the Talmud, the Midrashim,
and in other rabbinic writings, and with the critical
annotations of the more notable Jewish commentators;
the results of his long study he summarized in a Mas-
soretioo-eritieal commentary intended to Accompany
the text of the Hebrew Bible, which had been rather
scantily corrected. The title of the work was to be
"Repairer of the Breach" (Is., lviii, 12), but the
author died before he could publish his book. Nearly
a century later, a Jewish pnysician named Raphael
Chayim Italia had Norzi's work printed at his own
expense under the title "Offering of the Gift" (Man-
tua, 1742-44). Among Christian scholars it appears to
have remained unnoticed until Bruns and Dresde
drew attention to it. In spite of his best intentions,
Norzi at times rather corrupts than corrects the He-
brew text, because he prefers the readings of the Mas-
sorah to those of the manuscripts.
3. Critical Editions, — The editions thus far enumer-
ated can hardly be called critical, since their editors
either" lacked toe necessary apparatus or did not con-
sider it prudent to correct the received Hebrew text
according to the full light of their textual information.
Later on, two classes of scholars published really cri-
tical editions of the Hebrew text; some endeavoured
to restore critically the most correct Massoretic text
obtainable; others tried to find the most accurate- pre-
Massoretic text.
m Critical Editions of the Massoretic Text.— In
order to restore the correct Massoretic text it was ne-
cessary first to collect the apparatus. About the
middle of the eighteenth century this need was felt
very keenly by Benjamin Kennicott, a canon of Christ
Church, Oxford, who determined to remedy the evil.
Beginning in 1750, he collated either in person or,
through others as many as 615 Hebrew manuscripts,
52 printed editions, and the Talmud, continuing this
preparation until the year 1773. Then he began the
printing of the work (Vet us Test am. Hebr. cum var.
lectionibus, 2 volumes, Oxford, 1776-80) based on
Van der Hooght 'a Hebrew text as edited by Simonis.
The variants, with their respective sources, were indi-
cated below the text. In the introductory dissertation
of the second volume the author gives the history of
his enterprise and j ustifies its methods. He found this
necessary because, after the appearance of the first
volume, his critics had charged him with lack of care
and discernment in the choice of the manuscripts used,
of the variants noticed, and in- the treatment of the
Massorah.
Bernardo d&Rossi, professor at Parma, tried to con-
struct an apparatus that should not be open to the
exceptions taken against Kennicott's work. The mate-
rial on which de Rossi worked exceeded that of Ken-
nicott by 731 manuscripts, 300 printed editions, and
several ancient versions. In his work (Van® lectiones
Vet. Testam., 4 volumes, Parma, 1784-88) and its sub-
sequent supplement (Suppiementa ad varies s. text,
lectiones, 1798) he noted the more important variants,
gave a brief appreciation of their respective sources
and their values, and paid due attention to the Mas-
sorah. He follows Van der Hooght's text as his basis,
but considers it known, and so does not print it. All of
de Rossi's critics are at one in admiringthe laborious-
ness of his work, but they deny that its importance
bears any proportion to the labour it implies. Perhaps
the author himself, in his "Dissertatio prseliminaris"
to vol. IV, gives a fairer opinion, of his work than his
critics do. It can hardly be denied that de Rossi at
least showed what can be done by a study of the manu-
scripts and of the old editions for the correction of the
received Hebrew text.
The apparatus of the textual, or lower, criticism of
the Old Testament text (see Criticism, Biblical) is
not limited to the works of Kennicott and de Rossi;
itxx>mprises also the above-mentioned work of Salomo
Norzi, re-edited in Vienna, 1813; the writings of Wolf
ben Simeon Heidenhaim;. FrensdoriFa "Ochla W*
Ochlah" (1864), and "Massora Magna" (Hanover,
1S76); the prophetia "Codex of St. Petersburg",
dating back to 916, phototyped by Strack in 1876 \ all
the recently discovered or recently studied codices
and fragments, together with the works of the ancient
Jewish grammarians and lexicographers.
But even with, these means at their command, the
editors of the Hebrew text did not at once produce an
edition that could be called satisfactory from a critical
point of view. The editions of Ddderlein-Meisner
(Leipzig, 1793) and Jahn (Vienna, 1807) only popular-
ized the variants of Kennicott and de Rossi without
utilizing them properly. The edition published under
the name of Hahn and prefaced by Rosenmuller
(Leipzig, 1834) is anything but critical. The stereo-
type editions of Hahn (Leipzig, 1839) and Thefle
(Leipzig, 1849) remained for many yean the best
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289
XDITIOH8
manual texts extant. More recently the apparatus
has been used to better advantage in the edition of
Ginsburg (The New Massoretico-Critical Text of the
Hebrew Bible, 1894) and in that of Baer and De-
litzsch. The last-named appeared in single books, be-
ginning with the year 1861. The Books of Exodus,
Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy are still want-
ing ; both editors are dead, so that their work will have
to be completed by other hands.
(2) Critical Editions of the Pre-Massoretic Text.—
The editors whose work we have thus far noticed en-
deavoured to restore as far as possible the text of the
Massorah. However valuable such an edition may be
in itself, it cannot pretend to be the last word which
textual criticism has to say concerning the Hebrew text
of the Old Testament. After ail, the Massoretic
text attained to its fixed form in the early centuries of
the Christian Era; before-that period there were found
many text-forms which differed considerably from the
Massoretic, and which nevertheless may represent the
original text with fair accuracy. The most ancient and
reliable witness for the pre-Massoretic text-form of the
Hebrew Bible is found in the Septuagint. But it is
practically certain that, even at the tune of the Sep-
tuagint, the original text had suffered considerable
corruptions; these can be corrected only by comparing
parallel passages of the context, or again by conjec-
tural criticism; a critical edition of this kind presup-
poses, therefore, a critical edition of the Septuagint
text.
Various attempts have been made to restore the pre-
Massoretic text of single books of the Old Testament:
thus Olshausen worked at the reconstruction of the
Book of Genesis (Beitr&ge zur Kritik des ttberlieferten
Textes im Buche Genesis, 1870); Wellhausen (Text
der Bucher Samuelis, 1871), Driver (Notes on the
Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, 1890), and
Klostermann (Die Bucher Samuelis und der Konige,
1887) at the correction of the Books of Samuel; Cor-
nill at the correction of the Book of Ezechiel (Das
Buch des Propheten Ezechiel, 1886). To these might
be added various other publications; e. e., several
recent commentaries, some of the works published by
Bickell, etc. But all these works concern only part of
the Old Testament text. "The Sacred Books of the
Old Testament", edited by Paul Haupt (see Criti-
cism, Biblical, s. v. Textual), is a series intended to
embrace the whole Hebrew text, though the value of
its criticism is in many instances questionable; Kittel's
"Biblia Hebraica" (Leipzig, 1905), too. deserves a
mention among the critical editions which attempt to
restore the pre-Massoretic Hebrew text.
II. Editions of the Greek Text of the Bible. —
Before speaking of the Greek text of the New Testa-
ment, we shall nave to give a brief account of the edi-
tions of the Greek books of the Old Testament. They
appear partly in separate editions, partly in conjunc-
tion with the Septuagint.
1. Separate Editions. — The principal separate edi-
tions of the deuterocanonical books appeared at Ant-
werp, 1566 (Plantin), 1584, and with Latin text taken
from Ximenes' Polyglot, 1612; at Frankfort, 1694;
Halle, 1749, 1766 (Kircher); Leipzig, 1757 (Reinec-
cius), 1804 (Augusti), 1837 (Apel), 1871 (Fritzsche);
Oxford, 1805; London, 1871 (Greek and English);
Frankfort and Leipzig, 1691 (partial edition) ; Book
of Tobias, Franeker, 1591 (Drusius), and Freiburg,
1870 (Reusch); Book of Judith, Wurzburg, 1887
(Scholz, Commentar): Book of Wisdom, 1586 (Hol-
koth's " PraBlectiones " edited by Ryterus); Coburg,
1601 (Faber); Venice, 1827 (Greek, Latin, and Ar-
menian); Freiburg, 1858 (Reusch); Oxford, 1881
(Deane); Ecclesiasticus, 1551, '55, '68. 70, '89, '90
(Drusius), 1804 (Bretschneider); Books of Macha-
bees, Franeker, 1600 (Drusius); I Mach., Helmst&dt,
1784 (Bruns).
2. Editions Joined to the Septuagint, — The history of
V.— 19
these editions of the deuterocanonical books of the
Old Testament is connected with that of the Septua-
gint editions. The reader will find full information on
this question in the article Septuagint.
Swbtk, An Introduction to the Old Testament m Greek (Cam-
bridge. 1002), 171 sqq.; Urtext und Uebersetzunoen der Bibet
(Letpnjz, 1807). 64 sqq.; Nbbtub in Hast., Dictionary of the
Bible (New York. 1903). IV, 437 sqq • Kaulen in Kirohenlex.,
II, 506 sq.; Masch, BMiotheca sacra (Halle, 1778), I, 427-436.
The newly invented art of printing had flourished
for more than half a century before an attempt was
made topublish an edition of the Greek New Testa-
ment. The Canticles, Magnificat, and Benedictus were
printed at Milan. 1481 ; at Venice, I486 and 1496, as
an appendix to the Greek Psalter; John, i. 1, to vi, 58,
appeared in Venice, 1495 and 1504. together with the
poems of St. Gregory Nazianzen; the beginning of the
Fourth Gospel, John, i, 1-14, was published at Venice,
1495. and at Tubingen, 1511. Not that the reading
public of that age did not feel interested in the other
parts of the New Testament; but it did not show any
desire for the Greek text of the Bible. After the be-
ginning of the sixteenth century the world's attitude
with regard to the Greek text of the New Testament
changed considerably. Not counting the publication
of codices, mere stereotype reprints, or the issue of
parts of the Testament, the number of editions of the
complete Greek text has been estimated at about 550;
in other words, since the beginning of the sixteenth
century, every year has witnessed the publication of,
roughly speaking, two new editions of the complete
Greek text. For our present purpose, we may con-
sider the principal editions under the four headings of
the Complutensian, the Erasmian, the Received, and
the Critical text.
1. The Complutensian Text. — It was the Archbishop
of Toledo, Cardinal Ximenes de Cisneros, who began
at AlcaljL in 1502, the preparation of the edition of
the Old Testament in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, and
of the New Testament in Greek ana Latin. It has
been thus far impossible to ascertain what codices
served as the basis of the work called the Compluten-
sian Polyglot. Though Leo X sent from the Vatican
Library some manuscripts venerandai vetustatis for the
use of the scholars engaged in the work at Alcaic, it is
quite certain that the well-known Codex Vaticanus
was not among them. It appears that the Greek
New Testament text of the Polyglot rests on the read-
ings of a few manuscripts only, belonging to the so-
called Byzantine family (see Criticism, Biblical, s. v.
Textual). The charge that the Complutensian text
was corrected according to the evidence of the Latin
Vulgate, is now generally abandoned, excepting with
regard to I John, v. 7. The New-Testament text is
contained in the fifth or, according to other arrange-
ments, in the last of the six folios of the Polyglot; it
was finished 10 Jan., 1514, and though the rest of the
work was ready 10 July, 1517, four months before the
great cardinal a death (8 Nov., 1517), it was not pub-
lished until Leo X had given his permission proprio
motu, 22 March, 1520.
The Complutensian text, corrected according to
certain readings of the Erasmian and of that of Ste-
ghanus, was repeated in the Antwerp Polyglot pub-
shed, under the auspices of King Philip II, by the
Spanish theologian Benedict Arias Montanus and his
and printed by the celebrated t}
in the last of the eight folios which make up the Ant-
werp Polyglot; in the fifth it is accompanied by the
Syriac text (both in Hebrew and Syriac letters), its
Latin version, and the Latin Vulgate; in the eighth
volume, the Greek text has been corrected in a few
passages, and is accompanied by the interlinear Latin
Vulgate text. The text of the fifth volume of the
Antwerp Polyglot was repeated only in the fifth vol-
ume of the Paris Polyglot, 1630-33, while that of the
EDITIONS
290
XDITIOH8
eighth volume reappears in a number of editions:
Antwerp, 1573-84 (four editions. Christopher Plan-
tin) ; Leyden, 1591-1613 (four editions, Rapheleng) ;
Paris, 1584 (Syriac, Latin, and Greek text; Prevos-
teau): Heidelberg, 1599, 1602 (Commelin); Lyons,
1599 (Vincent); Geneva, 1599; Geneva, 1609-27 (eight
very different editions; Pierre de la Rouiere, Sam.
Crispin, James Stoer); Leipzig, 1657 (with the inter-
linear version of Arias Montanus; Kirchner); Vienna,
1740 (edited by Debiel, published by Kaliwoda);
Mainz, 1753 (edited by Goldhagen; published by Var-
rentrapp); Liege, 1839 (Kersten). To these editions,
containing the Plantinian, or the modified Complu-
tensian, text, the following may be added, which repre-
sent a mixture of the text of Plantin and that of
Stephanus: Cologne, 1592 (Arnold Mylius; Greek and
Latin text); Nuremberg, 1599-1600 (Hutter's Poly-
glot, twelve languages); 1602 (the same, four lan-
guages); Amsterdam, 1615 (the same, Welschaert);
Geneva, 1628 (Jean de Tournes; one edition gives
only the Greek text, another gives Beza's Latin ver-
sion and a French translation).
2. The Erasmian Text.— On 17 April, 1515, the well-
known humanist, Beatus Rhenanus, invited Desiderius
Erasmus, who lived at the time in England, to edit the
Greek New Testament which John Froben, a cele-
brated printer of Basle, was anxious to publish before
Pope Leo X should give his permission to put forth
the Complutensian text printed more than a year be-
fore. Erasmus hastened to Basle, and printed
almost Bodily the text of the manuscripts that hap-
pened to fall into his hands: the Gospels according
to a manuscript of Basle (Ew. 2); the Book of
Acts and the Epistles according to another man-
uscript of Basle (Act. 2) ; the Apocalypse according
to a manuscript named after Reuchlin " Codex Reuch-
lini" (Apoc. 1). He made a few corrections after
superficially collating some other Basle manuscripts,
Ew. 1 among the rest. Since Reuchlin's manu-
script did not contain the end of the Apocalypse,
Erasmus translated Apoc, xxii, 16b-21, from the
Vulgate. The printing began in Sept., 1515, and the
whole New Testament text was finished in the begin-
ning of March, 1516. Under these circumstances sat-
isfactory work could hardly be expected; Erasmus
himself, in a letter to Pirkheimer, confesses that the
first New Testament edition is "praecipitatum verius
quam editum". In 1519 appeared the second Eras-
mus edition, in which the text of the first was almost
entirely repeated, though several hundred mistakes
were corrected. Luther followed this edition in his
German translation of the New Testament. Urged
by the importunities of his critics, Erasmus admitted
into his third edition (1522) the passage I John, v, 7,
according to the reading of the Codex Montfort.
(Ew. 61). In his fourth edition (1527) he changed
his text, especially in Apoc.. in several passages ac-
cording to the readings of tne Complutensian Poly-
glot; m the fifth edition (1535) he repeated the text
of the fourth with very few changes.
The Erasmian text was frequently reprinted: Ven-
ice, 1518; Hagenau, 1521; Basle, 1524, 31, etc.; Stras-
burg, 1524; Antwerp, 1571, etc.; Paris, 1546 and 1549
(Rooertus Stephanus introduced corrections from the
Complutensian Polyglot); in his third edition, R.
Stephanus repeats the fifth Erasmian with variants
from fifteen manuscripts and the Complutensian
Polyglot (Paris, 1550). This edition is called Regia,
and is the basis of the English Authorized Version
(1611). Stephanus's fourth edition (Geneva, 1551)
adds the Latin to the Greek text, the latter of which
is for the first time divided into verses, a contrivance
which was introduced into the Latin Vulgate in 1555,
and then became general. The last edition of R.
Stephanus was reprinted with slight modifications a
great number of times; its principal repetitions were
those supervised by Theodore Beza (Geneva, 1565,
1582, 1589, 1598 in folio; 1565, 1567, 1580, 1590, 1604
in octavo) and the brothers Bona venture and Abra-
ham Elzevir (Leyden, 1624, 1633, 1641; Amsterdam.
1656, 1662, 1670, 1678). In the preface of the second
Elzevir edition (Leyden, 1633) we read the words:
"Textum ergo habes nunc ab omnibus receptum."
Hence this Elzevir text became known as the textus
reoeptu8, or the Received Text.
3. The Received Text. — From what has been said it
follows that the Received Text is that of the second
Elzevir edition, which is practically identical with the
text of Theodore Beza, or the fourth edition of Rober-
tus Stephanus corrected in about one hundred and
fifty passages according to the readings of the Codex
Claromontanus, the Codex Cantabrigiensis, the Latin,
Syriac, and Arabic versions, and certain critical notes
of Henry Stephanus. In its turn, the fourth edition
of Robertus Stephanus is almost identical with the
fifth Erasmian edition which exhibits the text of five
rather recent manuscripts corrected in about a hun-
dred passages according to the reading of the Complu-
tensian Polyglot. Still, it can hardly be denied that
the readings peculiar to the text can be traced at least
as far back as the fourth century. For about a cen-
tury the Received Text held undisputed sway; its edi-
tions numbered about one hundred and seventy, some
of the more important being the following: (1) The
fifth volume of Brian Walton's "Biblia Polyglotta"
(London, 1657) contains the New Testament m Greek,
Latin, Syriac. Arabic, Ethiopic; a learned apparatus
is added in tne sixth volume. (2) John Fell edited
the text anonymously (Oxford, 1675) with variants
collected "ex plus centum mss. codicibus et antiquis
versionibus". (3) John Mill reprinted the text of
Stephanus, 1550, together with valuable prolegomena
and a critical apparatus (Oxford, 1707), and L. Kuster
published an enlarged and corrected edition of Mill's
work (Amsterdam, 1710). (4) Not to speak of Rich-
ard Bentley's "Proposals for Printing", published in
1720, we must mention Wetstein's edition, the prole-
gomena to which appeared anonymously in 1730. and
were followed by tne body of the work in two folios
{Amsterdam, 1751-1752) with an apparatus collected
from codices, versions, readings of the Fathers, printed
editions, and works of Biblical scholars. He also laid
down principles for the use of variants, but did not put
them into practice consistently enough. (5) The
principles advocated by Wetstein were more faithfully
followed in W. Bowyer's edition of the Greek New
Testament ( London, 1763). (6) When the foregoing
scholars had collected an almost unmanageable num-
ber of variants, John Albert Bengel endeavoured to
simplify their use by dividing them into two families,
an Asiatic and an African; besides, he constructed a
Greek text based on the readings of previous editions,
excepting that of the Apocalypse, which was based
also on the readings of manuscripts (Tubingen, 1734).
(7) This edition was enlarged and emended by Burck
(Tubingen, 1763).
4. The Critical Text. — In the last paragraph we have
enumerated a list of editions of the Greek New Testa-
ment which contain, besides the text, a more or less
complete apparatus for the critical reconstruction of
the true reacting. We shall now mention a number of
editions in which such a reconstruction was attempted.
(1) Griesbach developed Bengel 's method of group-
ing the variants into a formal system. He admitted
three textual recensions: the Occidental, the Alexan-
drian (or Oriental), and the Constantinopolitan (or
Byzantine) . The first two he derived from the middle
of the second century, and the third he considered as a
mixture of the two, belonging to the fourth century,
though subsequently modified. After laying down
his principles of textual criticism, he tried to recon-
struct the text best known in the ancient Church of
both East and West. In 1774 he published the text
of the synoptic Gospels; in 1796-1806, the text of the
EDITIONS 291 EDITIONS
New Testament, called "Editio secunda"; in 1827 Tischendorf's fifth recension is found in his "Editio
David Schulz added the first volume of a third edition. OctavaCriticaMaior" (Leipzig, 1864-72, Giesecke and
Griesbach is not always faithful to his principles, being Devrient). In his first recension Tischendorf is fur-
too much under the sway of the Received Text; more- ther removed than T<achmann from the Received
over, he did not sufficiently utilise the codices most Text: in his second he favours the Latin Vulgate; in
important for his purpose. His text has been fol- the third, and still more in the fourth, he returns to
lowed by Schott, Knapp, Tittmann, Hahn, and Theile. the readings of the Received Tfext of Elzevir and
(2) It suffices to mention the editions of Mace (Lon- Griesbach ;but in the fifth he again follows the princi-
don, 1729), Harwood (London, 1776), Matthaei (Riga, pies of T«achmann and favours the readings of his first
1782-1788), Alter (Vienna, 1786), and Scholz (Leip- recension rather than those of his third and fourth-,
zig, 1830-1836); the last named scholar (a Cathohc, Tischendorf will always occupy a high rank among the
and professor of exegesis in the University of Bonn) editors of the Greek text; but he is rather a student of
reduced Griesbach 's first two recensions to one, dis- the text than a textual critic. The "Prolegomena"
tinguishing it only from the Constantinopolitan text- to the eighth edition had to be supplied by C. R. Greg-
form, which he derived from the more correct copies ory on account of the great editor's untimely death
circulating in Asia Minor, Syria, and Greece during (7 Dec., 1874). Gregory published these " Prolegom-
the first centuries. Scholz himself had industriously ena" in three instalments (Leipzig, 1884, 1890, 1894),
collected manuscripts in the East. The labours of giving the reader a most satisfactory and complete
Hug and Eichhorn may also be mentioned briefly. The summary of the information necessary or useful for
former substituted his so-called Common Edition, and the better understanding of the Greek text and its
the latter the uncorrected text of Asia and Africa, for apparatus.
Griesbach 's Occidental class. Both Hug and Eichhorn (5) The discrepancy between the text of Scholz's
assign the Alexandrian text-form to Hesychius, and edition (Leipzig, 1830-36) and the readings of the
the Byzantine to Lucian; finally, Hug assigns to the early documents stimulated Tregelles to study the
labours of Origen in his old age a fourth text-form textual questions more thoroughly in order to relieve
identical with a middle class favoured by Griesbach the existing uncertainty. The favourable reception
and Eichhorn. Rinck (1830) divided the Occidental of hjs "Book of Revelation in Greek . . . with a new
manuscripts into African and Latin, both of which are English Version" published with a " Prospectus of a
surpassed in purity by the Oriental. Critical Edition of the Greek New Testament, now in
(3) Carl Lachmann was the first critic who tried to Preparation" encouraged him to continue the arduous
reconstruct a New Testament text independent of the course of studies he had begun. After collating all the
Received. Believing that the autograph text could more important manuscripts which were to be found
not be found, he endeavoured to restore the text-form in England, he visited the libraries of Rome, Flor-
most common in the Oriental Church during the ence, Modena. Venice, Munich, Basle, Paris, Hamburg,
course of the fourth century. He published his small Dresden, Wolfenbuttel, and Utrecht for an accurate
stereotype edition in 1831 (Berlin), and his large study of their respective codices. It has been noted
Latin-Greek text in 1842-50 (Berlin) ; this latter is ao- that when the results of Tregelles differ from those of
companied by P. Buttmann's list of authorities for the Tischendorf, the former are usually correct. He was
Greek readings. Though Lachmann 's text is prefer- enabled to publish the Gospels of St. Matthew and St.
able to the Received, his apparatus and the use he Mark in 1857; those of St. Luke and St. John in 1861 ;
made of it are hardly satisfactory in the light of our the Acts and the Catholic Epistles in 1865 ; the Pauline
present-day methods. Epistles in 1869-70. While engaged on the last chap-
(4) Among the editors of the New Testament text, ters of the Apocalypse, he had a stroke of apoplexy, so
Tischendorf deserves a place of honour. During the that this part had to be finished by the hand of a
thirty years which he devoted exclusively to textual friend (1872). Seven years later, Hort and Streane
studies, he published twenty or twenty-one editions of added "Prolegomena" to the work of Tregelles. A
the Greek Testament; the most noteworthy among; reprint of the text without its critical apparatus ap-
them belong to one or another of the following five re- peared in 1887. The character of the work is well
censions: (a) In 1841 (Leipzig) he issued an edition in described by its title, "The Greek New Testament,
which he surpassed even Lachmann in his departure Edited from Ancient Authorities, with their Various
from the Received Text; the ancient manuscripts, the Readings in full, and the Latin Version of Jerome91
early versions, and the citations of the Fathers were (London, 1857-79).
regarded as the highest authorities in the selection of (6) The textual labours of Tregelles and Tischen-
his reading. In 1842 Tischendorf published in Paris dorf were, to a certain extent, overshadowed by the
an edition destined for the French Protestants (Di- work achieved by the two eminent Cambridge scholars,
dot), and in the same year and place, at the instance of Brook Foes Westcott and Fenton John Anthony Hort.
the Abbe" I. M. Jager, another for the French Catho- Like their predecessors, they acknowledged and fol-
lies, which he dedicated to Archbishop Affre. In this lowed the principles of Lachmann; but they differed
he received the Greek readings most in keeping with from I<achmann as well as from Tischendorf and Tre-
the Latin Vulgate, (b) The second recension con- gelles in utilising and systematizing the genealogical
sists of four stereotype editions (12mo, 1842-50) con- grouping of the ancient readings, thus connecting tneir
taining the Greek text brought into agreement with labours with the views of Bengel and Griesbach. They
the Latin Vulgate, (c) Tischendorf's third recension distinguished four branches of textual tradition, (a)
is represented by his fourth (Lipsiensis secunda, 1849; Hie Western has a tendency to paraphrase the text
Winter), his fifth (stereotype; Leipzig, 1850, Tauch- and to interpolate it from parallel passages and other
nitz), and his sixth edition (with corrected Latin Vul- sources. It is found mainly in Codex D, the old Latin
gate and Luther's translation; Leipzig, 1854, A vena- Version, and partly in Cureton's Syriac manuscript,
rius and Mendelssohn). A separate print of the (b) The Alexandrian is purer tkan the Western, but
Greek text of this last edition (1855) constitutes the contains changes of a grammatical character. It is
first of Tischendorf's so-called "academic" editions, found in the oldest uncial codices, except in B (and
In the seventh reprint of the academic edition, as well part of M), a number of cursive manuscripts, and the
as in the third of Tauchnitz's stereotype text, the Egyptian versions, (c) The Syrian is a mixture of all
readings were changed according to Tischendorf's the other texts, or at least it contains some of the
fifth recension, (d) The fourth recension is found in characteristics of all the others. It is found in the
Tischendorf's ''Editio Septima Critica Maior" (Leip- later uncials, and in most of the cursive manuscripts
zig, 1856-59; Winter). The work contains valuable and versions, (d) The neutral text comes nearest to
prolegomena and a detailed critical apparatus, (e) the original text, being almost identical with it. Its
EDITIONS
292
EDITIONS
pure form is found nowhere, but the readings of M and
some of the oldest uncials, especially of B, give us the
nearest approach to it. As to the value of tne several
classes of readings, Hort believes that most of the
Western and Alexandrian, and all the Syrian must be
rejected; these latter he finds nowhere before the mid-
dle of the third century. All the necessary explana-
tions have been collected in a volume accompanying
Westoott and Hort's "New Testament in the Original
Greek" (Cambridge and London, 1881). The volume
contains an introduction (324 pages) and an appendix
(173 pages). The introduction treats of the necessity
of Textual New-Testament Criticism (pp. 4-18), of its
various methods (19-72), of the application of its prin-
ciples to the restoration of the New-Testament text
(73-287), and finally of the character, the aim, and
the arrangement of the new edition (288-324). The
appendix contains critical comments on difficult pas-
sages (pp. 1-140), notes on certain orthographic and
grammatical discrepancies between the ancient codi-
ces (pp. 141-173), and finally a complete list of the
Old-Testament passages employed in the New (pp.
174-188). The volume containing the text of West-
oott and Hort's edition was printed also separately in
the year of the first appearance. In 1885 (1887, etc.)
the text appeared separately in a volume of smaller
size, and in 1895-96 both volumes of the original work
were published anew in their larger form.
(7) Westoott and Hort's Greek New Testament,
though hailed with delight by a great number of textual
critics, did not meet with unchallenged praise. Among
the dissenters were Godet, Wunderlicn, Dobschutz,
Julicher, Bousset, and Burgon (The Revision Revised;
The Quarterly Review, 1881-82 • 2nd edit., London,
1885). Of these, some object to Westoott and Hort's
method, others to their appreciation of Codex B,
others to their attitude towards the so-called Western
readings, others, finally, uphold the claims of the
Received Text. In the third and fourth editions of his
" Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Tes-
tament", F. H. Scrivener writes against the views of
Teschendorf, Tregelles, and Westcott-Hort ? he favours
the readings of the later manuscripts in the reconstruc-
tion of the Greek New-Testament text, and advocates
the return to a text-form similar to the Received Text.*
Among his various publications we may notice "The
New Testament in the Original Greek, together with
the Variations Adopted in the Revised Version" (New
Edition, London, 1894) and his various collations of
texts (Twenty Manuscripts of the Gospels, London.
1853; Collation of Codex Sinaiticus with the Received
Text, Cambridge and London, 1863, 1867). Here
may be mentioned also "The Greek Testament with a
critically revised text, a digest of various readings,
marginal references to verbal and idiomatic usage,
prolegomena, and a critical and exegetical commen-
tary1' edited by Henry Alford, afterwards Dean of
Canterbury (London, 1849-1857; sixth edition, 1871).
Teschendorf was of opinion that Alford's revision of
the text was not satisfactory. Again, "The New Tes-
tament in the Original Greek, with Notes and Intro-
duction" (London, 1856-60; newly edited with index,
1867), by Christopher Wordsworth, Canon of West-
minster, is a mixture of the texts of Griesbach, Lach-
mann, Teschendorf, and Elzevir. Finally, in connex-
ion with the Revised Edition, Professor C. Palmer, of
Oxford, published "The Greek Testament, with the
Readings adopted by the Revisers of the Authorised
Version* ' (Oxford, 1881 ; Clarendon Press).
(8) Among the chief works dealing with the textual
restoration of the Greek New Testament which have
appeared in recent years, we must mention the edition
of B. Weiss: Part I, Acts, Catholic Epistles, Apoca-
lypse (Leipzig. 1894, Hinrichs) ; Part II, The Pauline
Epistles together with Hebr. (1896); Part III, The
Gospels (1900). A manual edition of this text ap-
peared 1902-05, in three volumes; the mistakes of the
first issue were corrected as far as possible. Richard
Francis Weymouth edited in a handy form "The Re-
sultant Greek Testament" (London, 1886, Elliot
Stock; cheap edition, 1892 and 1896; third edition,
1905) ; in it he gives us the text on which the majority
of modern editors are agreed, together with all the
readings of Stephens (1550), Lachmann, Treeelles.
Lightfoot, Ellicott, Alford, Weiss, the Bale Edition
(1880), Westcott-Hort, and the Revision Committee,
with an introduction by J. J. St. Perowne. The editor
may not give the reader anything of his own, but he
furnishes an amount of textual erudition which the
Bible student can hardly afford to neglect. Dr. E.
Nestle has edited a "Novum Testamentum Grace
cum apparatu critico" (Stuttgart, 1898, 1899, 1901,
1903, 1904, 1906) based on the four most prominent
of the recent texts: Tischendorf, Westcott-Hort, Wey-
mouth, and Weiss. All the variants of the four edi-
tions, excepting as to minor details, are noted, so that
the reader obtains at a glance the results of the fore-
most textual criticism on any given text. It would be
difficult indeed to contrive a handier and more com-
plete edition of the Greek text than this of Nestle's,
which seems likely to become the Received Text of the
twentieth century.
(9) It is, therefore, all the more to be regretted that
Nestle's text cannot be recommended to the general
Catholic reader. Not to mention other shortcomings,
it places John, v, 4, and vii, 53-viii, 11, among the
foot-notes, and represents Mark, xvi, 9-20, together
with an alternative ending of the Second Gospel, as a
"Western non-interpolation ", suggesting that it is an
ancient Eastern interpolation of the sacred text.
The rules of the new Index enumerate with precision
those classes of Catholics who may read texts like that
of Nestle; others must content themselves with one
or another of the following editions: P. A. Gratz re-
edited the Complutensian text (Tubingen, 1821 ; Ftts);
L. Van Ess published a combination of the Complu-
tensian and the Erasmian text (Tubingen, 1827;
Fus) ; Jaumann adheres closely to the edition of Titt-
mann (Munich, 1832; Linda uer); we have already
mentioned Tischendorf's text prepared for Catholic
readers under the influence of I. M. Jager (Paris, 1847,
1851, 1859); Reithmavr produced a combination of
this latter edition ana that of Lachmann (Munich,
1847; Ratisbon, 1851); V. Loch derived his text, as
far as possible, from the Codex Vaticanus (Ratisbon,
1862); Tauchnitz published, with the approbation of
the proper ecclesiastical authority of Dresden, Theile's
text almost without change, together with the text
of the Latin Vulgate; Brandscheid edited the Greek
text and the Latin Vulgate of the New Testament in
such a way as to bring tne former as much as possible
into agreement with the latter (Freiburg, 1901, etc.);
finally, M. Hetzenauer published his " Novum Testa-
mentum Graece" (Innsbruck, 1904, Wagner), repro-
ducing in separate form the Greek text of his Greek-
Latin edition (1896-98). He is more independent of
the Vulgate text than Brandscheid, and he adds the
more important variants in the margin, or in foot-
notes, or again in an appendix critica.
(10) It must not be imagined that the textual crit-
icism of the New Testament has arrived at a state tha£
can be regarded as final. Without doing injustice to
the splendid results attained by the labours of the
scholars enumerated in this article, it must be con-
fessed that the condition of the textual criticism of
the New Testament is more uncertain to-day than it
was twenty years ago. The uncertainty springs mainly
from the doubts of our critics as to tne real value of
the Western readings. Professor Blass may exagger-
ate the importance of these Western readings, at
least with regard to the Book of Acts, when he consid-
ers them as the transcript of the inspired writer's
first or rough copy, while he identifies the Eastern with
the copy actually sent out to Antioch, Even if attt-
XDH0HD8B1TBT %
dents repudiate Blass'aview, they will be influenced by
the conservative work of H.vonSoden, which is now
(1908) in course of publication (Die Schriften des NT.
in ihrer nltesten erreichbaren Teitgestalt hergestellt
auf Grand ihrer Textg&schichte, Berlin, Duncker).
The writer distinguishes three groups of readings:
moot manuscripts present the Antiochene test, which
is probably the recension of Lucian, called K; about
fifty witnesses represent the Egyptian text, probably
the recension of Hesychius, denoted by H; the third
group, denoted by I, is the Vulgate of Palestine, An
investigation of the original form and the develop-
ment of each of these recensions gives rise to a number
of subdivisions. The problem for the textual critic is
to discover the archetype which lies in each case at
the bottom of the three recensions. If von Soden's
method should eventually prove to be false, it may at
least contribute to the improvement of our Greek
New-Testament editions.
Several aodroee have bean mentioned in the eonrae of the
article. We mirjht refer the reader for ■ Hat of the other prin-
cipal authors to KAOLIN-WEUi-HcHDHinaiw in KirdumUx.,
i. v. Bibtlautpaben, or to ton GiBii«Bi>T in fijahnaidByflflw;
La Long, Bibliotheca astro, ed. Hues (Halle. 1778), I, 1ST
»q.; HoaeMMOLULa, Handbutli Kir die Ltleratur dor Inbluchen
r^utumifiiroMf (dcttm«M,1797),I,278iqq.;Hoo,ginJn<uB#
in die Xchritlen da NeucnTtttamentt (4th ed., rjluttiar!, 1847).
I, 208 «qq.; Tnoiuja, An Account at tat Printed Tat of the
Qmtk Nev Ttttamcnt (London. 1854); HORN* akd Taaoaiiaa,
An Introduction, to the Textual Crihcum of Iho New Tettament
(London, 1856). 110 sera.. 048 eqq.; O'Callaohah, A Litl af
Edition! of tin Hoiy Serinturet and parte thereof printed m
America previovt to 1X0 (Albany, 1861); Rices. BiblioQuxn
AW Tettomenti Oraci (Bruniwiot, 1872); Hall, A Critical
Bibliography of tKt Greek New TtttametU at Publithed in America
(Philadelphia, 1883!: Huhdhauien, Bditunen dot ncutetta-
wTtilidiex Ta'.a tbuj Xd-.Hitcn w .umtetlantnaienen Ttxtkritik
teit LacAmonn in Litcrar. Handweiter (1882),32I aaq.iScui.Tr, A
Companion to Hit Greek Tettamcnt and lite Enotith Vet
ed..Ner." " """" "~ " '" "
lively discussion with him and his ministers. Regain-
ing his liberty he entered the Society of Jesus in 1623,
and made his noviceship on the Mission, retiring to
Essex for a spiritual retreat. He was eventually be-
trayed by false brethren, tried at Lancaster in 1628,
and was found guilty of high treason for being a
Jesuit priest ana a seducer in religion. His fellow-
prisoner, Father John Southworth, afterwards a mar-
tyr, absolved him as he went forth to undergo the
Bibl. Diet. Bug. I
Patrick Ryan.
Blam, Ada Ajtottoiorum etc. (OOttinjen, 1806
Avottolomm. etc. (LeijKig, 1890); Id.. Svanottium. —
■MM (I^ipiii. 1902); GHiaoKi, Textkritik da Neuen Ttetamer
K-i (Leip.ig, 1902); aarjooar, Canon and Text of the ,V. T. <Ns'
York, 1907): von Boom. Dit Schriften dee AT. ... *hr,
attaten emiehbttrtn TcOgetta.it etc. (BeiUn, 1902. 1906).
A. J. Haas.
Kdmondsbury, See Boby St. Edmonds.
Edmund, Congregation ov Saint, founded in
1843. by Jean-Baptiste Muard, at Pontigny, France,
for the work of popular missions. The members also
devote themselves to parochial work, to the education
of youth in seminaries and colleges, to the direction of
pious associations, and to foreign missions. The
mother-house is at Pontigny, but since the expulsion
of the religious orders the superior general resides at
Hitchin, England. In the United States, the congre-
gation has two houses: a missionary house and apos-
tolic school at Swanton, Vermont, for the training of
young men who wish to study for the priesthood and
the religious life ; and a college at Winooaki, "Vermont,
with 12 fathers, 8 scholastics, and 100 pupils.
Edmund Arrowomith, Venerable, English mar-
tyr, b. in 1585 at Haddock; executed at Lancaster, 23
Aug., 1628. He is of great reputation for the numer-
ous favours, spiritual and temporal, which are won
through his "Holy Hand", still preserved as an object
of veneration in the church of St. Oswald, Ashton,
near the martyr's birthplace. His parents suffered
much for their religion, and the future martyr was
once, when a child, left shivering in his night-clothes
by the pursuivants, who carried his parents off to
Lancaster jail. He entered Douai College in 1605,
but ill-health compelled him to interrupt his studies;
be was, however, ordained priest in 1612. Lanca-
shire was the scene of his missionary labours and he
was eminent for " fervour, seal and ready wit". Ap-
prehended, probably in 1622, he was brought before
Bridgeman, Protestant Bishop of Chester, and had a
bookseller, and was b. in London, 25 Jan., 1540; exe-
cuted at Tyburn, 1 Dec., 1581. A city company sent
the promising child to a grammar school and to Christ
Church Hospital.
When Mar? Tudor
entered London in
state as queen, he
was the schoolboy
chosen to give the
Latin salutatory
tohermajesty. Sir
Thomas White,
lord mayor, who
built and endow-
ed St. John's Col-
lege at Oxford, ac-
cepted Campion
as one of his first
scholars, appoint-
ed him junior fel-
and, dying, gave
him his last mes-
sages for his aca-
demic family.
Campion shone at
Oxford in 1560.
when he delivered,
Edmund Campion
... jat thereburial of Amy Robsart,and another
at the funeral of the founder of his own college ; and for
twelve years he was to be followed and imitated as no
man ever was in an English university except himself
and Newman. He took both his degrees, and became a
celebrated tutor, and, by 1568, junior proctor. Queen
Elisabeth had visited Oxford two years before ; she and
Dudley, then chancellor, won by Campion's bearing,
beauty, and wit, bade him ask for what he would.
Successes, local responsibilities, and allurements, his
natural ease of disposition, the representations, above
all, of his friend Bishop Cheyney of Gloucester, blinded
Campion in regard to his course as a Catholic : he took
the Oath of Supremacy, and deacon's orders according
to the new rite. Afterthoughts developing into scm-
ges, scruples into anguish, he broke off his happy
xford life when his proctorship ended, and betook
himself to Ireland, to await the reopening of Dublin
University, an ancient papal foundation temporarily
extinct. Sir Henry Sidney, the lord deputy, was in-
terested in Campion's' future as well as in the revival
which, however, fell through. With Philip Sidney,
then a boy, Campion was to have a touching inter-
view in 1577.
As too Catholic minded an Anglican, Campion was
suspected, and exposed to danger. Hidden in friendly
houses, he composed his treatise called "A History
of Ireland", Written from an English standpoint it
gave much off ence to the native Irish, and was severely
criticised, in the next century, by Geoffrey Keating in
his Irish history of Ireland. Urged to further effort
by the seal of Gregory Martin, he crossed to England
in disguise and under an assumed name, reaching
IDMUHD 294
London in time to witness the trial of one of the ceived by the martyrs with a joyful shout of Hoc die$
earliest Oxonian martyrs, Dr. John Storey. Campion and Te Deum. Campion, with Sherwin and Briant,
now recognized his vocation and hastened to the who were on a separate hurdle, was dragged to TVburn
seminary at Douai. Cecil lamented to Richard Stani- on 1 December. Passing Newgate archyhe lifted him-
hurst the expatriation of "one of the diamonds of self as best he could to salute the statue of Our Lady
England". At Douai Campion remained for his theo- still in situ. On the scaffold, when interrupted and
logical course and its lesser degree, but then set out as taunted to express his mind concerning the Bull of
a barefoot pilgrim to Rome, arriving there just before Pius V excommunicating Elizabeth, he answered only
the death of St. Francis Borgia; ''for I meant", as by a prayer for her, "your Queen and my Queen"*
he said at his examination, "to enter into the Society He was a Catholic Englishman with political opinions
of Jesus, thereof to vow and to be professed". This which were not Allen's, though he died, as much as
he accomplished promptly in April (1573), being the ever Felton did, for the primacy of the Holy See. The
first novice received by Mercurianus, tne fourth general, people loudly lamented his fate; and another great
As the English province was as yet non-existent, he was harvest of conversions began. A wild, generous-
allotted to that of Bohemia, entering on his noviceship hearted youth, Henry Walpole, standing by, got his
at Prague and passing his probation year at Brunn in white doublet stained with Campion's blood ; the inci-
Moravia. Returning to Prague, he taught in the col- dent made him, too, in time, a Jesuit and a martyr,
lege and wrote a couple of sacred dramas; and there Historians of all schools are agreed that the charges
he was ordained in 1578. Meanwhile, Dr. Allen was against Campion were wholesale sham. They praise
organizing the apostolic work of the English Mission, his high intelligence, his beautiful gaiety, his fiery
and rejoiced to secure Fathers Robert Parsons and energy, his most chivalrous gentleness. He had
Edmund Campion as his first Jesuit helpers. In the renounced all opportunity for a dazzling career in a
garden at Brunn, Campion had had a vision, in which world of master men. Every tradition of Edmund
Our Lady foretold to him his martyrdom. Comrades Campion, every remnant of his written words, and not
at Prague were moved to make a scroll for P. least his unstudied golden letters, show us that he was
Edmunaus Campianv* Martyr, and to paint a pro- nothing less than a man of genius; truly one of the
phetic garland of roses within his cell. Parsons and great Elizabethans, but holy as none other of them all.
Campion set out from Rome, had many adventures. He was beatified by Pope Leo XXII on 9 Dec.,
and called upon St. Charles Borromeo m Milan, ana 1886. Relics of him are preserved in Rome ana
upon Beza in Geneva. ' Campion was met in London, Prague, in London, Oxford, Stonyhurst, and Roe-
and fitly clothed, armed, and mounted by a devoted hampton. A not very convincing portrait was made
young convert friend. His office was chiefly to reclaim soon after his death for the Gesu in Rome under the
Catholics who were wavering or temporizing under the supervision of many who had known him. Of this
Sression. An alarm was raised and he fled to the not in every copy of that now scarce work.
Forth, where he fell again to writing and produced his Campion's Hiatorie of Ireland was fint published by Stani-
famous tract, the "Decern Rationes . He returned to hurst in Hounshed, Chronicles (1687), then in Wars's book
London, only to withdraw again ttfc time towards Sft^iSB? 1&22&b2£&i^£8El?SZ
Norfolk. A spy, a former Steward of the Roper family, Opuscula, carefully edited (Antwerp, 1631); this included
one George Eliot, was hot upon his track, and ran him Oration*. Letter*, and the Narratio Divortii Henrici VIII,
and others down at LyfonfGrange near Wantage in %*J*£ &£T™>*m3«?'tt «2"*lff2SlJ&
Berkshire on 17 July, 1581. ^ biography is Simpson, Edmund Campion, Jesuit Protomartyr of
Amid scenes of violent excitement, Campion was England (London. 1866; reissued. London, 1907). Accounts of
derisively joaraded through the streete of J& native ^^^'^Jf^^^^^lSi &S&
City, bound hand and foot, riding backwards, With a of the Society of Jesus, and Stanton, Menology of Endand and
paper stuck in his hat to denote the " seditious Jesuit". %<&*. TV «"*><>!• on Cwnmon by Cooper in the Diet. Nat.
Km thrown into Little Ease at the Tower he was $Zfttt&^&££ fi* ?**&&£'£
carried privately to the house Of his Old patron, the count is contained in Lives of the English Martyrs, completed
Earl of Leicester: there he encountered the queen and ed. by Camm (2 vols.(> London. 1906), II, 266-367. A
horoAlf tinH iwamVaH AArnp*t. nmffera of lihprtv and sketch by Goldxb appears in The English Martyrs (Catholic
nerseli, ana receivea earnest proners oi UDercy ana Truth ^^^ 2 vols., London. 1802). For minor points con-
preferments would he but forsake his papistry. „ected with Campion see The Month (August, 1883; September,
Hopton having tried in vain the same blandishments, 1807: January, 1905); and The Irish Ecclesiastical Record,
on gampion'a return to the Tower, the priest wm then m£«~ n^ Ejffi ™^»£S£ **&%&£.
exammed Under torture, and was reported to have Appendix, itself founded on db Backer, SiU. des Ecriv. ds la
betrayed those who had harboured him. Several cdeJ. A small book devoted to him ia The Blessed Edmund
arreste were made on the strength of the lie. He Campum in the St. Nicholas Sen* (London !f hmm
had asked for a public disputation. But when it came
off in the Norman chapel of the Tower, before the
Dean of St. Paul's and other divines, Campion had Edmund Rich. Saint, Archbishop of Canterbury,
been denied opportunity to prepare his debate, and England, b. 20 November, c. 1180, at Abingdon, six
had been severely racked. Thus weakened, he stood miles from Oxford; d. 16 Nov., 1240, at Soissy,
through the four long conferences, without chair, France. Bus early chronology is somewhat uncer-
table, or notes, and stood undefeated. Philip Howard, tain. His parents, Reinald (Reginald) and Mabel
Earl of Arundel, who was looking on in the flush of Rich, were remarkable for piety. It is said that his
worldly pride, became thereby inspired to return to mother constantly wore hair-cloth, and attended
God's service. The privy council, at its wits' end over almost every night at Matins in the abbey church,
so purely spiritual a "traitor", hatched a plot to im- His father, even during the lifetime of his mother,
peach Campion's loyalty, and called in the hirelings entered the monastery of Eynsham in Oxfordshire.
Eliot and Munday as accusers. A ridiculous trial Edmund had two sisters and at least one brother,
ensued in Westminster Hall, 20 Nov.. 1681. Campion, The two sisters became nuns at Catesby. From
pleading not guilty, was quite unable to hold up his his earliest years he was taught by his mother to prac-
often-wrenched right arm, seeing which, a fellow- tise acts of penance, such as fasting on Saturdays on
prisoner, first kissing it, raised it for him. He made a bread and water, and wearing a hair shirt. When old
magnificent defence. But the sentence was death, by enough he was sent to study at Oxford. While there,
hanging, drawing, and quartering: a sentence re- the Child Christ appeared to him while he was walking
EDMUND
295
EDUCATION
alone in the fields. In memory of what passed be-
tween him and Christ on that occasion, he used every
night to sign his forehead with the words "Jesus of
Nazareth", a custom he recommended to others.
Anxious to preserve purity of mind and body, Ed-
mund made a vow of chastity, and as a pledge thereof
he procured two rings; one he placed on the finger of
Our Lady's statue in St. Mary's, Oxford, the other he
himself wore.
About 1195, in company with his brother Richard,
he was sent to the schools of Paris. Thenceforward,
for several years, his life was spent between Oxford
and Paris. He taught with success in both universi-
ties. After bavins devoted himself to the study of
theology, Edmund acquired fame as a preacher, and
was commissioned to preach the Sixtn Crusade in
various parts of England. All this time his austeri-
ties were very great. Most of the night he spent in
prayer, and the little sleep he allowed himself was
taken without lying down. Though thus severe to
himself, he was gentle and kind towards others, espe-
cially to the poor and sick, whom sometimes he per-
sonally attended. In 1222 Edmund became treasurer
of Salisbury cathedral. Ten years later he was ap-
S minted to the Archbishopric of Canterbury by
regory IX and consecrated 2 April, 1234.
Notwithstanding the gentleness of his disposition,
he firmly defended the rights of Church and State
against the exactions and usurpations of Henry III.
He visited Rome in 1237 to plead his cause in person.
This fearless policy brought him into conflict, not only
with the king and his party, but also with the monks
of Rochester and Canterbury. Determined opposi-
tion met him from all sides, and constant appeals were
carried to Rome over his head. In consequence, a
papal legate was sent to England, but Henry adroitly
managed the legate's authority to nullify Edmund's
power. Unable tc force the king to give over the con-
trol of vacant benefices, and determined not to counte-
nance evil and injustice, Edmund saw he could not
longer remain in England. In 1240 he retired, to the
Cistercian Abbey of Pontigny. Here he lived' like a
simple religious till the summer heat drove him to
Soissy, where he died. Within six years he was can-
onized by Innocent IV. His body was taken to
Pontigny, and numerous miracles have been wrought
at his shrine. Notwithstanding the devastation
that from time to time has overtaken Pontigny,
the body of St. Edmund is still venerated in its abbey
church. Important relics of the saint are preserved
at Westminster Cathedral; St. Edmund's College,
Ware; Portsmouth Cathedral, and Erdington Abbey.
The ancient proper Mass of St. Edmund, taken from
the Sarum Missal, is used in the Diocese of Ports-
mouth, of which St. Edmund is patron. In Septem-
ber, 1874, 350 English pilgrims visited St. Edmund's
shrine. The community, known as Fathers of St.
Edmund, were forced to leave their home at Pontigny,
by the Associations law. The "Speculum EcclesisB ',
an ascetical treatise, and the "Provincial Constitu-
tions" are the most important of St. Edmund's
writings.
Besides the three ancient lives of St. Edmund by Matthew
Paris, Robert Bacon, and Robert Rich, there is a fourth
ascribed to Bbrtrandop Pontigny in Martens and Durand,
Thesaurus Anecdotorum. For a complete account of the MSS.
records, the reader is referred to Wallace, St. Edmund of Can-
terbury (London, 1803), 1-18, and to de Paravicini^ at. Ed-
mund of Abingdon (London, 1808), xiii-xlii; Butler, Ltvea of the
Saints, 16th Nov. • S. Edmund Archbp. of Canterbury (London,
1845) (Tractarian); Ward. St. Edmund Archbp. of Canterbury
(London, 1003) ; Archer in Diet, of Nat. Biog.t s. v.
Columba Edmonds.
Edmund the Martyr, Saint, King of East Anglia, b.
about 840 ; d. at Home, Suffolk, 20 November, 870. The
earliest and most reliable accounts represent St. Ed-
mund as descended from the preceding kings of East
Anglia, though, according to later legends, he was born
at Nuremberg (Germany), son to an otherwise unknown
King Alcmund of Saxony. Though only about fifteen
years old when crowned in 855, Edmund showed him-
self a model ruler from the first, anxious to treat all
with equal justice, and closing his ears to flatterers and
untrustworthy informers. In his eagerness for prayer
he retired for a year to his royal tower at Hunstanton
and learned the whole Psalter by heart, in order that
he might afterwards recite it regularly. In 870 he
bravely repulsed the two Danish chiefs Hinguar and
Hubba who had invaded his dominions. Tney soon
returned with overwhelming numbers, and pressed
terms upon him which as a Christian he felt bound to
refuse. In his desire to avert a fruitless massacre, he
disbanded his troops and himself retired towards
Framlingham; on tne way he fell into the hands of
the invaders. Having loaded him with chains, his
captors conducted him to Hinguar, whose impious
demands he again rejected, declaring his religion
dearer to him than his life. His martyrdom took
place in 870 at Hoxne in Suffolk. After beating him
with cudgels, the Danes tied him to a tree, and cruelly
tore his flesh with whips. Throughout these tortures
Edmund continued to call upon the name of Jesus, un-
til at last, exasperated by his constancy, his enemies
began to discharge arrows at him. This cruel sport
was continued until his body had the appearance of, a
porcupine, when Hinguar commanded nis head to be
struck off. From his first burial-place at Hoxne his
relics were removed in the tenth century to Beodrics-
worth, since called St. Edmundsbury, where arose the
famous abbey of that name. His feast is observed 20
Nov., and he is represented in Christian art with
sword and arrow, the instruments of his torture.
Thomas Arnold, Memorial* of St. Edmund's Abbey in R. 8.
(London, 1800), containing Abbo op Fletjry, Passio S. Ead~
mundi (986), and Gaufridus de Fontibds, Infantia S. Ead~
mundi (c. 1150); Tynemouth and Capqrave, Nova Legenda
AnglxcB, ed. Horbtm an (Oxford, 1901); Butler, Lives of the
Saints (Dublin, 1872); Macxinlay, Saint Edmund King and
Martyr (London, 1893).
G. E. Phillips.
Education. — In General. — In the broadest sense,
education includes all those experiences by which in-
telligence is developed, knowledge acquired, and char-
acter formed. In a narrower sense, it is the work done
by certain agencies and institutions, the home and the
school, for tne express purpose of training immature
minds. The child is born with latent capacities which
must be developed so as to fit him for the activities and
duties of life. The meaning of life, therefore, of its
purposes and values as understood by the educator,
primarily determines the nature of his work. Educa-
tion aims at an ideal, and this in turn depends on the
view that is taken of man and his destiny, of his rela-
tions to God) to his fellowmen, and to the physical
world. The content of education is furnished by the
previous acquisition of mankind in literature, art, and
science, in moral, social, and religious principles. Tne
inheritance, however, contains elements that differ
greatly in value, both as mental possessions and as
means of culture; hence a selection is necessary, and
this must be guided largely by the educational ideal.
It will also be influenced by the consideration of the
educative process. Teaching must be adapted to the
needs of the developing mind, and the endeavour to
make the adaptation more thorough results in theo-
ries and methods which are, or should be, based on
the findings of biology, physiology, and psychology.
The work of education begins normally in the home;
but it is, for obvious reasons, continued m institutions
where other teachers stand in place of the parents.
To secure efficiency it is necessary that each school be
properly organized, that the teachers be qualified, and
that the subjects of instruction be wisely chosen.
Since the school, moreover, is so largely responsible
for the intellectual and moral formation of those who
EDUCATION 296 EDUCATION
will later, as members of society, be useful or harmful, training, the development of free personality was im-
there is evidently needed some higher direction than possible. In China, the family, with its sacred tradi-
that of the individual teacher, in order that the pur- tions and its ancestor-worship, was dominant; in Per-
pose of education may be realized. Both the Church sia, education was controlled by the State; in Egypt
and the State, therefore, have interests to safeguard: by the priesthood; in India by the different castes,
each in its own sphere must exercise its authority, if There was, doubtless, in the Oriental mind a conscious-
education is to strive for the true ideal through the ness of personality; but no effort was made to
best content and by the soundest methods. It is thus strengthen it and give it value. On the contrary, the
obvious that education at any given time expresses Hindu philosophy, which regarded knowledge as the
the dominant ideas in philosophy, religion, and science, means of redemption from the miseries of life, placed
while, in its practical control, the existing relations be- that redemption itself in nirvana, the extinction of the
tween the temporal power and the spiritual assume individual through absorption into the being of the
concrete form. As, moreover, these ideas and rela- world. The position of woman was, in general, a de-
tions have varied considerably in the course of time, it graded one. Though the early training of the child
is quite intelligible that a solution of the central edu- devolved upon the mother, her responsibility brought
cational problems should be sought in history ; and it is with it no dignity. But little provision was made for
further beyond question that historical study, in this the education of girls; their only vocation was to
as in other departments, has a manifold utility. But marry, bear children, and render service to the head of
a mere recital of facts is of little avail unless certain the family.
fundamental principles be kept in view, and unless the t In view of these facts, it cannot be said that educa-
fact of Christian revelation be given its due impor- tion as the Western world conceives it owes any great
tance. It is needful, then, to distinguish the constant debt to the East. It is true that some of the sciences,
elements in education from those that are variable; as mathematics, astronomy, and chronology, and some
the former including man's nature, destiny, and rela- of the arts, as sculpture ana architecture, were carried
tions to God. the latter all those changes in theory, to a certain degree of perfection; but the very success
practice, ana organization which affect the actual of Oriental ability and: skill in these lines only empha-
conduct of educational work. It is with the first sizes by contrast the deficiencies of Oriental education,
aspect of the subject that the present article is Even in the sphere of morality the same antagonism
mainly concerned ; and from this standpoint education appears between precept and practice. It cannot and
may be defined as that form of social activity whereby, need not be denied that many of the sayings, e. g. of-
under the direction of mature minds and by the use of Confucius, evince a high ideal of virtue, whfle some of
adequate means, the physical, intellectual, and moral the Hindu proverbs, such as those of the " Pantscha-
powers of the immature human being are so developed tantra ' ', are full of practical wisdom. Yet jthese facts:
as to prepare him for the accomplishment of his life- only make it more difficult to answer the question:
work here and for the attainment of his eternal destiny. Why was the actual living of these people so far re-
Neither this nor any other definition was formulated moved from the formally accepted standards of virtue?
from the beginning. In primitive times the helpless- Nevertheless, Oriental education has a peculiar sig-
ness and needs of the child were so obvious that his nificance; it shows cjuite plainly the consequences of
elders by a natural impulse gave him a training in the sacrificing the individual to the interests of numan in-
rude arts that enabled him to procure the necessaries stitutions, and of reducing education to a machine-
of life, while they taught him to propitiate the hidden like process, the aim of which is to mould all minds
powers in each object of nature, and nanded on to him upon one unchanging pattern: and it further shows
the tribal customs and traditions. But of education how little can be accomplished for real education by
for a long time before they begin to reflect upon its 1901.)
meaning, and such reflection is guided by philosophical The Greeks. — If the education of the Oriental peo-
speculation and by established social, religious, and pies was stationary, that of the Greeks exhibits a pro-
political institutions. Often, too, their theorizing is gressive development which passes from one extreme*
the work of exceptional minds, and presents a higher to another through a variety of movements and reac-
ideal than might be inferred from their educational tions, of ideals and practice. What remains constant'
eractice. Nevertheless, an account of what was done throughout is the idea that the purpose of education is:
y the principal peoples of antiquity will prove useful to train youth for citizenship. This, however, was-,
by bringing out the profound modification which conceived, and its realization attempted, in different.
Christianity wrought. a a ways by the several City-States. In Sparta, the child.
Oriental Education. — The invention of writing according to the Code of Lycurgus, was the property of
was of the utmost importance for the development of the State. From his seventh year onward he received
language and the keeping of records. The earliest a public training whose one object was to make him a
texts, chiefly of a religious nature, became the sources soldier, by developing physical strength, courage, self-
of knowledge and the means of education. Such were control, and obedience to law. It was a hard training
in China the writings of Confucius, in India the Vedas, in gymnastic exercises, with little attention to the in-
in Egypt the Book of the Dead, in Persia the A vesta, tellectual side and less to the aesthetic; even music and
The main purpose in having these books studied by dancing took on a military character. Girls were sub-
youth was to secure uniformity of thought and cus- jected to the same severe discipline, not so much to
torn, and unvarying conformity with the past. In emphasize the equality of the sexes as to train the
this respect Chinese education is typical. Tne sacred sturdy mothers of a warrior race,
writings contained minute prescriptions for conduct in The ideal of Athenian education was the completely
every circumstance and station of life. These the developed man. # Beauty of mind and body, the culto-
pupu was obliged to memorize in a purely mechanical vation of every inborn faculty and energy, harmony
fashion; whether he understood the words as he re- between thought and life, decorum, temperance, and
peated them was quite indifferent. He simply stored regularity-j-such were the results aimed at in the
his memory with a multitude of established forms and home and in the school, in social intercourse, and in
phrases, which subsequently he employed in the prep- civic relations. " We are lovers of the beautiful ", said
aration of essays and in passing the governmental Pericles, "vet simple in our tastes, and we cultivate*
examinations. That he should learn to think for him- the mind without loss of manliness" (Thucydides, II,.
self was of course out of the question. With such a 40). The means of culture were music and gymnas--
EDUCATION 297 IDUOATIO*
tics, the former including history, poetry, the drama, These ideals, again, underwent a decided change
oratory, and science, along with music in the narrower during the fifth century b. c. In one respect at least
sense; while the latter comprised games, athletic exer- it was a change for the better; it extended the rights
cises, and the training for military duty. That music of citizenship. The constitution of Solon was set
was no mere "accomplishment" and that gymnastics aside and that of Clisthenes adopted in its stead (509
had a higher aim than bodily strength or skill is evi- b. a). The democratic character of the latter, with
dent from what Plato tells us in the "Protagoras", the increase in prosperity at home and the widening
The Greeks indeed laid stress on courage, temperance, of foreign relations, afforded new opportunities for in-
and obedience to law; and if their theoretical disquisi- dividual ability and endeavour. This heightened
tions could be taken as fair accounts of their actual activity, however, was not put forth in behalf of the
practice, it would be difficult to find, among the prod- common good, but rather for the advancement of per-
ucts of human thinking, a more exalted ideal. The sonal interests. At the same time morality was de-
essential weakness of their moral education was the prived of even the outward support it had formerly
failure to provide adequate sanction for the principles drawn from religion; philosophy gave way to scepti-
they formulated and for the counsels they gave to cism; and education, while it became more intellectual,
youth. The practice of religion, whether in public laid emphasis on form rather than on content. The
services or in household worship, exerted but little in- most influential teachers were the Sophists, who sup-
fluence upon the formation of character. The Greek plied the growing demand for instruction in the art of
deities, after all, were no models for imitation; some of public discussion and offered information on every
them could scarcely have been objects of reverence, sort of subject. Developing in practical directions
since they were endowed with the weaknesses and pas- the principle that " man is the measure of all things ",
sions of men. Religion itself was mechanical and ex- they earned individualism to the extreme of subjec-
ternal; it did not touch conscience nor awaken the tivism alike in the sphere of speculative thought and
sense of sin. As to the future life, the Greeks believed in that of moral conduct. The purposes of education
in the immortality of the soul; but this belief had little were correspondingly modified, and new problems
or no practical significance. Thus the motive for vir- arose. Now that the old standards and basis of mor-
tuous action was found, not in respect for Divine law ality had been rejected, the main question was to re-
nor in the hope of eternal reward, but simply in the de- place them by others in which due allowance would be
aire to temper in due proportion the elements of hu- made on the one hand for individuality and on the
man nature. Virtue is not self-repression for the sake other for social needs. The answer of Socrates was:
of duty, but,
beauty and
disease and w
man " will so regulate his own character as to be on by him for obtaining such knowledge was his maieu-
good terms with himself, and to set those three princi- tick, i. e. the art of giving birth to ideas through the
pies [reason, passion, and desire] in tune together, as if method of question and answer, by which he devel-
thev were verily three chords of a harmony, a higher, oped the power of thinking. As an intellectual dis-
and a lower, and a middle, and whatever may lie be- cipline, this scheme had undoubted value; but it left
tween these; and after he has bound all these together unsolved the chief problem: how is knowledge, even
and reduced the many elements of his nature to a real of the highest kind, to be translated into action? Plato
unity as a temperate and duly harmonised man, he offered a twofold solution. In the "Republic", set-
will then at length proceed to do whatever he may ting out from his general theory that the idea alone is
have to do" (Republic, IV, 443). This conception of real, and that the good of each thing consists in har-
virtue as a self-balancing was closely bound up with mony with the idea whence it originated, he reaches
that idea of personal worth which has already been the conclusion that knowledge consists in the per-
mentioned as the central element in Greek life and ception of this harmony. The aim of education,
education. But the personality referred to was not therefore, is to develop knowledge of the good. So
that of man for the sake of his humanity, nor even far, this scheme contains little more promise of prac-
that of the Greek for the sake of his nationality; it tical results than that of Socrates. But Plato adds
was the personality of the free citizen, and from citi- that society is to be ruled by those who attain to this
zenship tne artisan and the slave were excluded. The knowledge, i. e. by the philosophers; the other two
mechanical arts were held in bad repute; and Aristotle classes, soldiers and artisans, are subordinate, yet each
declares that " they render the body and soul or intel- individual, being assigned to the class for which his
lect of free persons unfit for the exercise and practice abilities fit him, reaches the highest self-development
of virtue" (Politics, V, 1337). A still more serious and contributes his share to the social weal. In the
limitation, affecting not only their concept of human "Laws", Plato attempts to revise and combine cer-
dignity, but their regard for human life as well, con- tain elements of the Spartan and of the Athenian sys-
sisted in the exposure of children. This was practised tern ; but this reactionary scheme met with no success,
at Sparta by the public authority, which destroyed the This problem, finally, was taken up by Aristotle in
child that was unfit for the service of the State; while the " Ethics" and the " Politics". As in his philoso-
at Athens the fate of his offspring was committed to phy, so in his educational theory, he departs from
the father and might be decided m accordance with Plato's teaching. The goal for the individual as well
purely personal interests. The mother's position was as for society is happiness: " What we have to aim at
not much better than it had been in the Orient, is the happiness of each citizen, and happiness con-
Women were generally regarded as inferior' beings, sists in a complete activity and practice of virtue"
" impotent for good, but clever contrivers of all eviF (Politics, IV). More precisely, happiness is "the con-
(Euripides, Medea, 406). At best she was a means to scious activity of the highest part of man according to
an end, the bearing of children and the care of the the law of his own excellence, not unaccompanied by
household; her education consequently was of the adequate, external conditions ". Merely to know the
scantiest sort. The only exceptions were the hetaras. good does not constitute virtue; this knowledge must
i. e. the women who were outside the home circle and issue in practice, the goodness of the intellect (knowl-
who with greater freedom of living combined higher edge of universal truth) must be combined with good-
culture than the legitimate wife could hope for. ness of action. The three things which make men
Under such circumstances marriage implied for good and virtuous-^-nature, habit, and reason — "must
woman a lowering of personal worth that was in be in harmony with one another (for they do not
marked contract with the ideals set up for the. educar- always agree) ; men do many things against habit and
lion of men. nature, u reason persuades them that they ought*
EDUCATION 298 EDUCATION
We have already determined what natures are likely our common country" (De Officiis, 1, 17). Education
to be most easily moulded by the hands of the legisla- therefore was essentially a preparation for civic duty,
tor. All else is the work of education; we learn some " The children of the Romans are brought up that they
things by habit and some by instruction " (Politics, may one day be able to be of service to the fatherland,
Bk. Vlf). Education, however, must always be and one must accordingly instruct them in the cus-
adapted to the peculiar character of the State: " The toms of the State and in the institutions of their ances-
citizen should be moulded to suit the form of govern- tors. The fatherland has produced and brought us
ment under which he lives" (ibid.. VIII). Ana again, up that we may devote to its use the finest capacities
" It is right that the citizens should possess a capacity of our mind, talent, and understanding. Therefore
for affairs and for war, but still more for the enjoy- we must learn those arts whereby we may be of greater
ment of peace or leisure; right that they should be service to the State; for that I hold to oe the highest
capable of such actions as are indispensable and salu- wisdom and virtue."
tary, but still more of such as are moral per «c. It is These words express, at any rate, the spirit of the
with a view to these objects, then, that they should early Roman education. The home was the only
be educated while they are still children, and at all school, and the parents the only teachers. Of scien-
other ages, till they pass beyond the need of educa- tine and sesthetio training there was little or none,
tion" (laid., TV). "Neither must we suppose that To learn the Laws of the Twelve Tables, to become
any one of tne citizens belongs to himself, tor they all familiar with the lives of the men who had made Rome
belong to the State, and are each of them a part of the great, and to copy the virtues which he saw in his
State, and the care of each part is inseparable from father were the chief endeavour of the boy and youth,
the care of the whole " (ibid., VIII) . Thus the moral element predominated, and virtues of a
In the theories of Plato and Aristotle are found the practical sort were inculcated: first of all pietas, obedi-
highest reaches of Hellenic thought regarding the pur- ence to parents and to the gods; then prudence, fair
pose and nature of education. Each of these great dealing, courage, reverence, firmness, and earnestness,
thinkers established schools of philosophy, and each These qualities were to be developed, not by abstract
has profoundly affected the thought of all subsequent or philosophical reasoning, but through the imitation
time, yet neither succeeded in providing an education of worthy models and, as far as possible, of living con-
sound and permanent enough to avert the moral and crete examples. Vita di&cimua, "We learn for life",
political downfall of the nation. The diffusion of said Seneca; and this phrase sums up the whole pur-
Greek thought and culture throughout the world by pose of Roman education. In the course of time, ele-
conquest and colonization was no remedy for the mentary schools (tudi) were opened, but they were
evils which sprang from an exaggerated individualism, conducted by private teachers and were supplemen-
Once the idea was accepted that each man is his own tary to the home instruction. About the middle of
standard of conduct, neither brilliancy of literary pro- the third century b. c. foreign influences began to
duction nor fineness of philosophic speculation could make themselves felt. The works of the Greeks were
prevent the decay of patriotism, and of a virtue which translated into Latin, Greek teachers were introduced,
had never looked higher than the State for its sanction, and schools established in which the educational char-
Aristotle himself, at the close of his "Ethics", points acteristics of the Greeks reappeared. Under the di-
out the radical difficulty: " Now if arguments and rection of the lUeratw and the grammaticus education
theories were able by themselves to make people took on a literary character, while in the school of the
good, they would, in the words of Theognis, be enti- rhetor the art of oratory was carefully cultivated. The
tied to receive high and great rewards, and it is with importance which the Romans attached to eloquence
theories that we should have to provide ourselves, is clearly shown by Cicero in his" DeOratore" and by
But the truth apparently is that, though they are Quintilian in his "Institutes"; to produce the orator
strong enough to encourage and stimulate young men became eventually the chief end of education. Quin-
of liberal minds, though they are able to inspire with tilian's work, moreover, is the principal contribution
goodness a character that is naturally noble and sin- to educational theory produced in Rome. The hel-
cerely loves the beautiful, they are incapable of con- lenizing process was a gradual one. The vigorous
verting the mass of men to goodness and beauty of Roman character yielded but slowly to the intellec-
character." No such "conversion" was aimed at by tualism of the Greeks, and when the latter finally tri-
the Sophists. Appealing to the natural tendencies of umphed, far-reaching changes had come about in
the individual, they developed a spirit of selfishness Roman society, government, and life. Whatever the
which in turn broke out in discord, thus opening the causes of decline — political, economic, or moral — they
way for the conquest of Greece by Roman arms. could not be stayed by the imported refinement of
The Romans. — In striking contrast with the Greek Greek thought and practice. Nevertheless, pagan
character, that of the Romans was practical, utili- education as a whole, with its ideals, successes, and
tarian, grave, austere. Their religion was serious, failures, has a profound significance. It was the
and it permeated their whole life, hallowing all its product of the highest human wisdom, speculative and
relations. The family, especially, was far more sacred practical, that the world has known. It pursued in
than in Sparta or Athens, and the position of woman turn the ideals that appeal most strongly to the human
as wife and mother more exalted and influential, mind. It engaged the thought of the greatest philos-
Still, as with the Greeks^ the power of the father over ophers and the action of the wisest legislators. Art.
the life of his child — patna potestas — was absolute, and, science, and literature were placed at its service, and
in the earlier period at least, the exposure of children the mighty influence of the State was exerted in its
was a common practice. In fact the Laws of the behalf. In itself, therefore, and in its results, it
Twelve Tables provided for the immediate destruction shows how much and how little human reason can
of deformed offspring and gave the father, during the accomplish when it seeks no guidance higher than it-
whole life of his children, the right to imprison, sell, self and strives for no purposes other than those
or slay them. Subsequently, however, a check was which find, or may find, their realization in the present
placed on such practices. The ideal at which the phase of existence.
Roman aimed was neither harmony nor happiness, The Jews. — Among the pre-Christian peoples the
but the performance of duty and the maintenance of Jews occupy a unique position. As the recipients and
his rights. Yet this ideal was to be realized through custodians of Divine revelation, their conceptions of
service to the State. Deep as was the family feeling, life and morality were far above those of the Gentiles,
it was always subordinate to devotion to the public God manifested Himself to them directly as a Person,
weal. "Parents are dear", said Cicero, "and children a Spirit, and an ethical Being, guiding them by His
and kindred, but all loves are bound up in the love of providence, making known to them His will, and pre-
EDUCATION 299 EQUOATIO*
KribiAg the minutest details of life and of religious remain in darkness1' (John, xii, 46); and again, "For
practice. Throughout the Old Testament, Goof ap- this was I born, and for this came I into the world; that
pears as the teacher of His chosen people. He sets' I should give testimony to the truth " (John, xviii, 37).
before them a standard of righteousness which is none The knowledge which He came to impart was no mere
other than Himself: "You shall be holy, because I am intellectual possession or theory: "I am come that
holy" (Levity xi, 46). Through Moses and the they may have life, and may have it more abundantly"
Prophets He gives them His Commandments and the (John, x, 10). He taught, therefore, as one " having
promise of a Messiah to come. But He also placed authority1'; He insisted that His hearers should be-
upon them the duty of instructing their children, lieve the truths which He taught, even though these
"Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one Lord. Thou might seem to be " hard sayings ' '. His doctrines, in-
ahalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart, and deed, made no appeal either to pride of intellect or to
with thy whole soul, and with thy whole strength, selfishness or to passion. For the most part{ as in the
And these words which I command thee this day, snail Sermon on the Mount, they were diametrically op-
be in thy heart: and thou shalt tell them to thy chil- posed to the maxims that had obtained in the pagan
dren, and thou shalt meditate upon them sitting in thy world. They were, in the highest sense, supernatural,
house, and walking on thy journey, sleeping and ris- not only in proposing eternal life as the ultimate goal
ing " (Deut., vi, 4-7) . In accordance with this injunc- of man s existence and action, but also in enjoining the
tion, education, at least in the earlier period, was given denial of self as the chief requisite for attaining that
chiefly in the home. Jewish family life, indeed, far destiny. Service to the
neighbour was insisted upon,
surpassed that of the Gentiles in the purity of its rela- but this was to be rendered in the spirit of love, the
tions, in the position it secured to woman, and in the new commandment which Christ gave (John, xiii, 34).
care which it bestowed on children, who were regarded Faithfulness also to civic duty was required, but the
as a blessing vouchsafed bv God and destined for His sanction which imparted force to such obligations was
service by fidelity to the Divine law. An important man's elevation to a higher citizenship in the Kingdom
function of the synagogue also was the instruction of of God. To strive after this and to realize it in one's
youth, which was committed to the scribes and the earthly life, so far as possible, was the ideal to which
doctors. Schools, as such, came into existence only every other good was subordinate; " Seek ye first the
in the later period, and even then the teaching was kingdom of God, and his justice, and all these things
permeated by religion. Though the Old Testament shall be added unto you" (Matt., vi, 33).
contains no theory of education in the stricter sense, it Truths of this kind, so far removed from the natural
abounds in maxims and principles which are all the tendencies of human thought and desire, could be im-
more weighty because they are inspired by Divine wis- parted only by one who embodied in himself all the
dom and because they have a practical bearing upon qualifications of a perfect teacher. The philosophers
life. God Himself showed the dignity of the teacher's no doubt might, and did, formulate beautiful theories
office when He declared: "They that are learned shall regarding knowledge and virtue; but Christ alone
shine as the brightness of the firmament: and they could say to His disciples: " I am the way, the truth,
that instruct many to justice, as stare for all eternity5' and the life" (John, xiv, 6). And whatever worth
(Dan., xii, 3). In the light, however, of a more per- they attached in theory to personality was of far less
feet revelation, it is clear that God's dealings with fidmificance than the actual realization of the highest
Israel had an ultimate purpose which was to be real- ideal in Christ's own Person. He could thus rightfully
ized " in the fulness of time . Not only the utterances appeal to that imitative tendency which is so deeply
of the Prophets, but many signal events in the history rooted in man's nature and from which so much is ex-
of the Jews and many of then* ritual observances were pected in modern education. The axiom, also, that we
types of the Messiah; as St. Paul says, "All these team by doing, and that knowledge gets its full value
things happened to them in figure " (I Cor. , x. 1 1) , and only when it issues in action, finds its best exemplifica-
" The law was our pedagogue m Christ " (Gal., iii, 24). tion in Christ's dealings with His disciples. He " be-
As the Supreme Teacher of mankind, God, while im- can to do and to teach" (Acts, i, 1). In His miracles
parting to them the truth which they presently He gave evidence of His power over all nature and
needed, also prepared the way for the greater truths of therefore of His authority to require faith in His
the Gospel. words: "The works themselves which I do give testi-
Christtan Education. — As in many other respects, mony of me{ that the Father hath sent me (John, v,
so for the work of education, the advent of Christian- 36). To His disciples, when they hesitated or were
Christian teaching impart a new sort of knowledge and mere outward profession of faith or loyalty: "Not
lay down a new principle of action, but Christianity, every one that saith to me, Lord, Lord, shall enter
moreover, supplies the effectual means of making its into the kingdom of heaven: but he that doth the will
ideals actual and of carrying its precepts into practice, of my Father" (Matt., vii, 21).
Through all vicissitudes of conflict and adjustment, # The necessity of manifesting belief through action
of changing civilisations and varying opinions, in spite is constantly pointed out both in the literal teaching
even of the shortcomings of its own adherents. Chris- of Christ and m His parables. These, again, illustrate
tianity has steadfastly held up before men the life and His practical wisdom as a teacher. They were drawn
the lessons of its Divine Founder. from objects and circumstances with which His hear-
Jems Christ as Teacher. — " God, who, at sundry times era were familiar. In each instance they were adapted
and in divers manners, spoke in times past to the f ath- to the manner of thinking suggested by the local sur-
ers by the prophets, last of all, in these days hath roundings and the customs of the people; and they
spoken to us by his Son" (Heb., i, 1-2). This com- were often called forth by an incident that seemed un-
munication through the God-Man was to reveal the important or by a question which was asked now by
true way of living: " The grace of God our Saviour hath His followers and again by His tireless enemies. Thus
appeared to all men; instructing us, that, denying un- the simplest things of nature — the vine, the lily, the
godliness and worldly desires, we should live soberly, fig-tree, the birds of the air, and the grass of the field —
and justly, and godly in this world, looking for the were made to yield lessons of the deepest moral signifi-
blessed hope and coming of the great God and our Sa- canoe. His ami was not to adorn His own discourse,
viour Jesus Christ" (Titus, ii, 11, 12). Of Himself and but rather to bring its content into the minds of his
His mission Christ declared, " I am come a light into hearers more vividly, and to secure for it greater per-
the world; that whosoever believeth in me, may not manence by associating in their thought some supernat-
EDUCATION 300 EDUCATION
urml truth with the facts of daily experience. Sen- 2. The commission given to the Apostles was not to
sory perception, memory, and imagination were thus expire with them; it was to remain in force "all days,
developed to form a mental setting for the great truths even to the consummation of the world". Perpetuity,
of the Kingdom. The same principle found its appli- therefore, is an essential feature in the educational
cation in the institution of the sacraments whereby work of Christianity. The institutions of paganism
natural elements are made the outward signs of in- had indeed flourished and advanced from phase to
ward grace. As St. John Ghrysostom aptly says, phase of development, but they did not contain the
"Wert thou incorporeal, He would have bestowed on element of enduring vitality. In the higher depart-
thee incorporeal gifts in their bare reality; but because ments of learning, as in philosophy, school had foi-
the soul is bound up with the body, He jpves thee in- lowed school into vigour and into decay. And in edu-
telligmle thin^ under sensible forms" (Homilia lx, ad cation itself, one ideal after another had been put
populum Antioch.). In fact the whole teaching of forward only to be displaced. Christianity, on the con-
Christ is the clearest proof of the principle that educa- trary, while it could never become a rigid system, held
tion must adapt itself in method and practice to the up to mankind certain unchangeable truths which
needs of those who are to be taught, in accordance should serve as criteria for determining the value of
with this principle He prepared the minds of His fol- every fundamental theory of life and of education,
lowers beforehand for the institution of the Holy Eu- By insisting, especially, that man's destiny was to be
charist, for His own death, and for the coming of the attained, not in any form of temporal service or suc-
Holy Ghost (John, vi, xiv, xv) ; and He even reserved cess, but in union with God, it proposed an ideal which
certain truths to be made known by the Paraclete : " I should be valid for ail time ana amid all the variations
have yet many things to say to you: but you cannot of human thought and endeavour. That such changes
bear them now. But when he. the Spirit of truth, is would inevitably come to pass, Christ, without doubt,
come, he will teachyou all truth" (xvi, 12, 13). Thus foresaw. In view of these, a merely human teacher
the completion of His work as a teacher is left not to would have provided for the stability of his work by
human conjecture or speculation, nor to the theories of devices which would, if successful, have attested his
philosophical schools, but to the Spirit of God Him- foresight, or shrewdness, or knowledge of human
self. This of course was best realised by those who nature. But Christ's guarantee to the Apostles is at
were nearest to Him; vet even those of the Jews who once simpler and surer: "Behold I am with you all
were not among the Apostles, but were, like Nicode- days". The task of instructing the world in Christian
mu8, disposed to judge fairly, confessed His superior- truth would have been impossible but for this per-
ity : " We know that thou art come a teacher from God ; manent abiding of Christ with His appointed teachers,
for no man can do these signs which thou dost, unless On the other hand, once the force of His promise is
God be with him ' ' (John, in, 2). ^ a realized, the significance of Christianity as a perpetual
The Aim of Christian Education. — Had Christ's mis- institution becomes evident: it means that Christ
sion ended when He quitted the earth, He would still Himself through a visible agency was to continue for
have been in word and work the ideal teacher, and all time the work He began during His earthly life as
would have influenced for all time the education of Teacher of the human race.
mankind so far as its ultimate aims and basic princi- 3. It has already been pointed out that some of the
pies are concerned. But as a matter of fact, He made pagan peoples, and notably the Greeks, had attained a
ample provision for the perpetuation of His work by very high conception of personality; and it has also
training a select body of men who for three years were been shown that this conception was by no means
constantly under His direction and were thoroughly perfect. The teaching of Christianity in this respect
imbued with His spirit. To these Apostles, moreover, is so far superior to any other that if a single element
He gave the command: " Going therefore, teach ye all could be designated as fundamental in Christian edu-
nations and behold I am with you all days; even cation it would be the emphasis which it lays on the
to the consummation of the world" (Matt., xxviii, 19, worth of the individual. In the first place. Christian-
20). These words are the charter of the Christian ity had its origin, not in any abstract speculation as to
Church as a teaching institution. While they refer goodness or virtue, but in the actual, concrete life of a
directly to the doctrine of salvation, and therefore to Person who was absolutely perfect. It was not, then,
the imparting of religious truth, they nevertheless, or obliged to cast about for the ideal man, or to present a
rather by the very nature of that truth and its conse- theory as to what that ideal might possibly be: it
quences for life, carry with them the obligation of in- could and it did point to a realisation which far sur-
sisting on certain principles and maintaining certain passed the most exalted ideas of human wisdom. In
characteristics which have a decisive bearing on all Christ first appeared the full dignity of human nature
educational problems. a ^ a through its elevation to personal union with the Word
1. The truth of Christianity is to be made known to of God; and in Him, as never before or since, were
all men. It is not confined to any one race or nation manifest those traits which furnish the noblest models
or class, nor is it to be the exclusive possession of for imitation.
highly gifted minds. This characteristic of uniyer- Christianity, furthermore, elevated human person-
smiiy is in plain contrast with the highest conceptions ality by the value it set upon each human soul as cre-
of the pagan world. The cultured Greek had only ated by God and destined for eternal life. The State
contempt for the barbarian, and the Roman looked is no longer the supreme arbiter, nor is service to the
upon outside nations as subjects to be governed rather public weal the ultimate standard. These, it is true,
than as people to be taught. But at Athens also and within their legitimate sphere have just claims upon
at Rome there was the distinction between free citi- the individual. Christianity by no means teaches
sens and slaves, in consequence of which the latter that such claims can be disregarded or the correspond-
spirit, professes himself a debtor to all men, Greeks duties that man owes to God. While the value of per-
and barbarians, the wise and the unwise alike. All, in sonality is thus enhaneed, the sense of responsibility is
fact, were to be dealt with as children of the same correspondingly increased; so that the freer develop-
Heavenly Father and heirs of the Kingdom of God. In ment of the person is not allowed to culminate in sel-
respect of these supernatural prerogatives, the dis- fishness nor m that extreme individualism which is a
tinctions which had hitherto prevailed were set aside: threat to social organisation.
Christianity appeared as one vast school with man- 4. From these principles Christianity drew conse-
]pnd at large for its disciples* quences which were totally at variance with the
EDUCATION
301
EDUCATION
thought and practice of paganism. The position of
woman was lifted at once to a higher plane; she
ceased to be a chattel, or a mere instrument of pas-
sion, and became the equal of man, with the same per-
sonal worth and the same eternal destiny. Marriage
was no longer a union entered into through caprice or
convention, but an indissoluble bond involving mu-
tual rights and duties. Moreover, it was raised to the
dignity of a sacrament, which not only sanctified the
marital relation and its purposes, but also conferred
the graces needful for the due fulfilment of its obliga-
tions. The whole meaning of the family was thus
transformed. Parental authority was indeed main-
tained, but such an exercise of the patria potestas as
the destruction or the exposure of cnildren could not
have been tolerated once it was realized that the
child's personality also is sacred, and that parents are
responsible not simply to the State, but also to God,
for the proper education of their offspring. Christian-
ity, moreover, laid upon the child the duty of respect-
ing and obeying his parents, not out of servile fear or
hard necessity, but through a spirit of reverence
and filial love. The ties of home-life were thereby
strengthened, and the whole work of education took on
a new character because it was consecrated in its very
source by religion.
5. In respect of its content Christianity opened up
to the human mind wide realms of truth which un-
aided reason could not possibly have attained, and
which nevertheless are of far deeper import for life
than the most learned speculations of pagan thought.
Upon those truths, also, which the philosophers had but
vaguely discerned, or about which they had remained
in doubt, it shed a new light. There could be no fur-
ther questioning, for the Christian, as to the existence'
of a personal God, the reality of His providence, the
immortality of the soul; the freedom of the will, and
the resulting accountability of man to Divine Justice.
Above all, the nature of the moral order was set forth
in unmistakable terms. Christianity insisted that
morality was not mere outward conformity to custom
or law, but the inner rectitude of the will, that aes-
thetic refinement was of far less consequence than
purity of heart, and that love of the neighbour as
proven in deeds, not personal gain or advantage, was
the true norm of human relationships. That such a
conception of life, with its emphasis on really spiritual
aims, must lead to the formation of educational ideals
unknown to the paean world, is obvious. But on the
other hand it would De wrong to infer that Christianity,
in its "otherworldliness", reduces or neglects the val-
ues of the present life. What it consistently main-
tains is, that life here gets its highest value by serving
as a preparation for the life to come. The question is
not whether one should live now without any regard to
the future or look forward to the future with no con-
cern for the present; but rather how one should profit
by the opportunities of this life in such wise as to se-
cure the other. The problem, then, is one of estab-
>roportions, i. e. of determining values accord-
lishingpr
ins to the
ing to the standard of man's eternal destiny. When
education is defined as "preparation for complete liv-
ing" (Herbert Spencer), the Christian can take no
objection to the words as they stand; but he will in-
sist that no living can be " complete " which leaves out
of consideration the ultimate purpose of life, and
hence that no education really "prepares" which
thwarts that purpose or sets it aside. It is just this
completeness — in teaching all men, in harmonising all
truths, in elevating all relationships, and in leading
the individual soul back to the Creator— that forms
the essential characteristic of Christianity as an educa-
tional influence.
The Educational Work of the Church. — Next
in importance to Christ's personal teaching was the
establishment of a teaching body whose mission was
identical with His own : " As the Father hath sent me, I
also send you" (John, xx, 21); and "He that heareth
you, heareth me " (Luke, x, 16). He was not content
with proclaiming once for all the truth of the Gospel,
nor did He leave its wider dissemination to individual
enthusiasm or initiative; He founded a Church to
carry on His work. The spread of His doctrine was
entrusted, not to books, nor to schools of philosophy,
nor to the governments of the world, but to an organ-
ization that spoke in His name and with His authority.
No other body of teachers ever undertook so vast
a work, and no other ever accomplished so much
for education in the highest sense. Apart from the
preaching of the Apostles, the earliest form of Chris-
tian instruction was that given to the catechumens
(q. v.) in preparation for Daptism. Its object was
twofold: to impart a knowledge of Christian* truth,
and to train the candidate in the practice of religion.
It was conducted by the bishop and. as the number of
catechumens increased, by priests, deacons, and other
clerics. Until the third century this mode of instruc-
tion^ was an important adjunct to the Apostolate; but
in the fifth and sixth centuries it was gradually re-
placed by private instruction of the converts, who were
then less numerous, and by the training given in other
schools to those who had been baptized in infancy.
The catechumenal schools, however, gave expression
to the spirit which was to animate all subsequent
Christian education: they were open to every one who
accepted the Faith, and they united religious instruc-
tion with moral discipline. The "catechetical"
schools, also under the bishop's supervision, prepared
young clerics for the priesthood. The courses of
study included philosophy and theology, and naturally
took on an apologetic character in defense of Christian
truth against the attacks of pagan learning. One of
the oldest of these schools was at the Lateran in Rome;
the most famous was that of Alexandria (see Doc-
trine, Christian).
In addition to this formal instruction, the Church
from the beginning carried on through her worship an
educational work embodying the deepest and soundest
psychological principles. The ritual at first was of
necessity simple; but as the Church was allowed a
larger freedom, and her worship passed from the cata-
comb to the basilica, statelier forms were introduced;
yet their essential purpose was the same. The Mass,
which has always been the central liturgical function,
appeals to the mind through the medium of sense. It
combines light and colour and sound, the action of the
priest, and the dramatic movement that fills the sanc-
tuary, especially in the more solemn service. Beneath
these outward forms lies the inner meaning. The
altar itself, in every detail, is full of a symbolism that
brings vividly to mind the life and personality of
Christ, the work of redemption, and the enduring
sacrifice of the Cross. In due proportion, each item
of the liturgy conveys a lesson through eye and ear to
the highest faculties of the soul. Sense, memory,
imagination, and feeling are thus aroused, not simply
as aesthetic activities, but as a support of intellect and
will which thereupon issue in adoration and thanks-
giving for the "mystery of faith". On the other
hand, the liturgy has always included in its purpose
the participation of the faithful, and hence it pre-
scribes the response of the people to the prayers at the
altar, the chanting of certain portions of the service,
bodily postures and movements in keeping with the
various phases of the sacred rite. The faithful are not
merely bystanders or onlookers; they are not to main-
tain a passive, receptive attitude, but rather to rave
active expression to the religious thought and feeling
aroused m them. This is especially evident in the
sacramental system. While each of the sacraments is
a sifm to be perceived, it is also a source of grace to be
received; and the reception involves in each case a
series of actions which manifest the faith and disposi-
tion of the recipient. Moreover, each sacrament is
. EDUCATION 302 EDUCATION
adapted to some particular need, and the whole sys- to teach in such schools lest he should be obliged to
tern of sacraments, from baptism to extreme unction, take part in idolatrous practices. Tertullian (de Ido-
builds up the spiritual life by processes of cleansing, lolatna, c. x) insists on the same distinction: the
strengthening, nourishing, and needing, which parallel teacher, he says, by reason of his authority, becomes
the stages and requirements of organic growth. in a way the " catechist of demons ' ' ; the pupil, imbued
In a larger way, also, the liturgical year, as it com- with Christian faith, profits by the letter of classical
memorates the principal events m the life of Christ, instruction, but rejects its false doctrine and holds
brings into Christian worship a variety which affects aloof from the superstitious practices which the
to some extent both the details of the liturgy itself and teacher can hardly avoid. Such a distinction was nat-
the religious feelings which it inspires — from the joy of urally the source of difficulties and gave rise to much
Christmas to the triumph of Easter and Pentecost, discussion. The situation was not remedied by the
For the due observance of the greater festivals the edict of Julian the Apostate, forbidding the Christians
Church provides, as in Advent ana Lent, by seasons of to teach; though this called forth apme protests and
preparation. The Old Law with its types foreshad- suggested the creation of a Christian literature based
owed the New; the Baptist announced the Messiah; on classical models of style, nothing decisive resulted.
Christ himself prepared His disciples beforehand for On the other hand, fear of the corrupting influence of
the mystery of the Eucharist, for His death, and for pagan literature had more and more alienated Chris-
the coming of the Holy Qhost. The Church, following tians from such studies ; and it is not surprising to find
the same practice, arouses in the mind of the faithful amongthe opponents of the classics such men as St.
those thoughts and feelings which form an apperoep- John Chrysostom, St. Ambrose, St. Jerome, and St.
tive preparation for the central mysteries of faith and Augustine. Though they had received a thorough
their proper observance at appointed times. Along classical education, and though they appreciated fully
with these greater solemnities come year by year the the worth of the pagan authors, their final attitude
commemorations of the Christian heroes, the men and was adverse to the study of pagan literature. Apart
women who have walked in the footsteps of Christ, from many controverted points in this subject, it is
laboured for the spread of His kingdom, or even shea clear that the Fathers, at a time when the environ-
their blood for His sake. These are held up as models ment of the Church was still pagan, were far more
to be imitated, as realizations more or less perfect of anxious for the purity of faith and morals than for the
the sublime ideal which is Christ Himself. And cultivation of literature. In later ages, as the danger
among the saints the foremost place is given to Mary of contamination grew less, classical studies were re-
the Mother of Christ, the ideal of Christian woman- vived and encouraged by the Church : but their value
hood, to whom the Son of God was "subject" in the has more than once been questioned (see Lalanne, In-
home at Nazareth. Each festival in her honour is at fluenoe des Peres de PEglise sur l'eclucation publique,
once an exhortation to copy her virtues and an evi- Paris, 1850).
dence of the high station to which woman was raised Meanwhile the work of education was not neglected,
by Christianity. The liturgy, then, is an application If the Empire gave way before barbarian invasion, the
on a large scale of those principles which underlie all Church found a new field of activity among the vigor-
real teaching — appeal to the senses, association, ap- ous races of the North. To these she brought not only
perception, expression, and imitation. The Church Christianity and civilization, but also the best ele-
did not begin by theorizing about these, nor did she ments of classical culture. Through her missionaries
wait for a psychological analysis to determine their she became the teacher of Germany and France, of
value. Instructed by her Founder, she simply incor- England and Ireland. The task was a difficult one,
E orated in her liturgy those elements which were best and its accomplishment was marked by many vicissi-
tted to teach men the truth and lead them to act in tudes of temporary failure and hard-won success. At
conformity with the Gospel. It is none the less signifi- times, indeed1, it would seem that the desire for learn-
cant that modern education is adopting for its own ing had quite disappeared even among those for whom
purposes, i. e. the teaching of secular subjects, the the acquisition of knowledge was a sacred obligation,
psychological principles which the Church from the Yet these drawbacks only served to stimulate the zeal
beginning has put into practice. of ecclesiastical and civil rulers in behalf of a more
While the Church, in her interior life and in the exe- thorough and systematic education. Thus the salient
cutionof her mission, gave proof of her vitality and of feature of the Middle Ages is the co-operation of
her ability, to teach mankind, she necessarily came Church and State for the development of schools,
into contact with influences and practices which were Theodoric in Italy, Alfred in England, and Charle-
the legacy of paganism. In point of religious belief magne in the Frankish Kingdom are illustrious exam-
there was. of course, a clean breach between the poly- pies of princes who joined their authority with that of
theism of Athens and Rome and the doctrines of bishops and councils to secure adequate instruction
Christianity. But philosophy and literature were for clergy and people. Among churchmen it suffices
factors which had to be counted with as well as the to mention Chrodegang of Metz. Alcuin, St. Bede,
educational system, which was still largely under pagan Boethius, and Cassiodorus (see the several articles),
control. Schools had been opened by converts who As a result of their efforts, education was provided for
were imbued with the ideas of Greek philosophy — by the clergy in the cathedral schools under the direct
Justin at Rome, and Aristides at Athens: while, at supervision of the bishop and for the laity in parochial
Alexandria, Clement and Origan enjoyed tne highest schools to which all had access. In the curriculum,
repute. These men regarded philosophy as a means religion held the first place; other subjects were few
of guiding reason to faith, and of defending that faith ana elementary, comprising at best the trivium and
against the attacks of paganism. Others again, like quadrivium (see Arts, The Seven Liberal). But
Tertullian, condemned philosophy outright as some- the significance of this education lies not so much in its
thing with which the Christian could have nothing to content as in the fact that it was the means of arous-
do. t In regard to the pagan classics the conflict of ing a love of learning among peoples that had just
opinion was even sharper. Some of the greatest theo- emerged from barbarism, and of laying the founda-
logians and Fathers, like St. Basil, St. Gregory Nazi- tions of Western culture and science. The history of
anzen, and St. Gregory of Nyssa, had studied the education records no greater undertaking; for the task
classics under pagan masters and were therefore in was not one of improving or perfecting, but of creating,
favour of sending Christian youths to non-Christian and had not the Church gone vigorously about her
schools on the ground that literary studies would en- work, modern civilization would have been retarded
able them the better to defend their religion. At the for centuries. (See Schools; Middle Ages.)
tame time these Fathers would not permit a Christian One of the chief factors in this progress was monas-
EDUCATION 303 KBUOATION
ticism (q. v.). The Benedictine monasteries especi- all the then known branches of science were repre-
ally were homes of study and depositories of the an- sen ted; the student body comprised ail classes, laymen
dent learning. Not only sympathetic writers, like and clerics, seculars and religious; and the diploma
Montalembert. but those also who are more critical, conferred was an authorisation to teach everywhere,
acknowledge tne service which the monks rendered to The university was thus, in the educational sphere,
education. " In those restless ages of rude culture, of the highest expression of that completeness which had
constant warfare, of perpetual lawlessness and the all along characterised the teaching of the Church ; and
rule of might, monasticism offered the one opportunity the spirit of inquiry which animated the medieval uni-
for a life of repose, of contemplation, and of that leis- versity remains, in spite of other modifications, the
ure and relief from the ordinary vulgar but necessary essential element in the university of modern times,
duties of life essential to the student. . . • Thus it hap- The changes which have since taken place have for the
pened that the monasteries were the sole schools for mostpart resulted in separating those elements which
teaching; they offered the only professional training; the Church had built into a harmonious unity. As
they were the only universities of research ; they alone Protestantism by rejecting the principle of authority
served as publishing houses for the multiplication of brought about innumerable divisions in belief, so it
books; they were the only libraries for the preserva- led tne way to rupture between Church and State in
tiori of learning; they produced the only scholars ;they the work of education. The Renaissance in its ex-
were the sole educational institutions of this period treme forms ranked pagan culture above everything
(Paul Monroe, A Text-Book in the History of Educa- else; and the Reformation in its fundamental tenet
tion, New York, 1907, p. 255). In addition to their went beyond the individualism which led to the de-
prescribed studies, the monks were constantly occu- dine of Greek education. Once the schools were
pied in copying the classic texts. "While the Greek secularized, they fell readily under influences which
classics owed their safe preservation to the libraries of transformed ideals, systems, and methods. Philoso-
Constantinople and to the monasteries of the East, it phy detached from theology formulated new theories
is primarily to the monasteries of the West that we are of life and its values, that moved, at first slowly then
indebted for the survival of the Latin classics" more rapidly, away from the positive teachings of
($andys. A History of Classical Scholarship. 2nd ed. Christianity. Science in turn cast off its allegiance to
Cambridge, 1906, p. 617). The specific work of edu- philosophy and finally proclaimed itself the only sort
cation was carried on in the monastery school and was of knowledge worth seeking. The most serious prao-
intended primarily for the novices. In some cases, tical result was the separation of moral and religious
however, a schola exterior, or outer school, was added from purely intellectual education — a result which,
for lay students and for aspirants to the secular priest- was due in part to religious differences and political
hood. The course of study included, besides the changes, but also in large part to erroneous views con-
seven liberal arts, the reading of Latin authors and cerning the nature and need of moral training. Such
the music of the Church. Finally, through their an- views again are in general derived from the denial,
nals and chronicles, the monks provided a rich store of explicit or implicit, of the supernatural order, and of
information concerning medieval life, which is invalu- its meaning for human life in its relations to God ; so
able to the historian of that period. The chief im- that{ during three centuries past, the main endeavour
portance, however, of the monastic schools is found in outside the Catholic Church has been to establish edu-
the fact that they were conducted by an organized cation on a purely naturalistic basis, whether this be
body of teachere who had withdrawn from the world ©sthetic culture or scientific knowledge, individual
and devoted their lives, under the guidance of religion, perfection or social service. In its earlier stages
to literary pursuits ana educational work. The same Protestantism, which laid so much stress on faith,
Christianity that had sanctified the family now gave could not consistently have sanctioned an education
to the prof ession of teacher a sacredness and a dignity from which religious ideals were eliminated. But
which made teaching itself a noble vocation. according as its principles worked out to their legiti-
Two other movements form the climax of the mate consequences, it became less and less capable of
Church's activity during the Middle Ages. The de- opposing the naturalistic movement. The Catholic
velopment of Scholasticism (q. v.) meant the revival Unurch has thus been obliged to carry on, with little or
of Greek philosophy, and in particular of Aristotle; no hdp from other Christian bodies, the struggle in
but it also meant that philosophy was now to serve the behalf of those truths on which Christianity is founded :
cause of Christian truth. Men of faith and learning and her educational work during the modern period
like Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas, far from may be described in general terms as the steadfast
dreading or scorning the products of Greek thought, maintenance of the union between the natural and the
sought to make them the rational basis of belief. A supernatural.
synthesis was thus effected between the highest specu- From a human point of view the Church was under
lation of the pagan world and the teachings of the- many disadvantages. The loss of the universities,
ology. Scholasticism, moreover, was a distinct advance the confiscation of monastic and other ecclesiastical
in tne work of education; it was an intellectual train- property, and the opposition of various governments
ing in method, in systematic thought, in severe logical seemed to make her task hopeless. Yet these difficult
reasoning, and in accuracy of statement. But taken ties only served to call forth new manifestations of her
as a whole, it furnished a great object-lesson, the pur- vitality. The Council of Trent gave the impulse by
port of which was that, for the keenest intellect, the decreeing that a more thorough education of the clergy
findings of reason and the truths of Revelation could should be secured through the seminaries (cj. v.) and
be harmonized. Having used the subtilties of Greek by urging upon bishops and priests the duty of build-
thought to sharpen the student's mind, the Church ing up the parochial schools. Similar measures were
thereupon presented to him her dogmas without the adopted byprovincial and diocesan synods throughout
least fear of contradiction. She thus united in a con- Europe. Tnen came the religious orders founded for
sistent whole whatever was best in pagan science and the express purpose of educating Catholic youth. (See
culture with the doctrine entrusted to her by Christ, especially Institute of the Brothers of the Chris-
If education be rightly defined as "the transmission of tian Schools; Society of Jesus; Oratorians.)
our intellectual and spiritual inheritance" (Butler), And to these finally must be added the numerous con-
this definition is fully exemplified in the work of the gelations of women who devoted their lives to the
Church during the Middle Ages. Christian training of girls. However different in or-
The same synthetic spirit took concrete form in the ganisation and method, these institutions had for
universities (a. v.). In founding these the popes and their common purpose the spread of religious truth
the secular rulers co-operated; m university teaching along with secular knowledge among aU classes. Thus
EDUCATION 304 EDUCATION
there aroae, by force of circumstances, a distinctly prayer, attendance at Divine worship, and reception
Catholic system of education, including parish schools, of the sacraments. By these means conscience is
academies, colleges, and a certain number of univerei- purified, the will to do right is strengthened, and the
ties which had remained under the control of the mind is fortified to resist those temptations which,
Church or were founded anew by the Holy See. It is especially in the period of adolescence, threaten the
especially the parochial school that has served in re- gravest danger to the moral life,
cent times as an essential factor in the work of religion. 4. An education which unites the intellectual, moral,
In some countries, e. g. Canada, it has received sup- and religious elements is the best safeguard for the
Sort from the Government; in others, as in the United home, since it places on a secure basis the various rela-
tates, it is maintained by voluntary contributions, tions which the family implies. It also ensures the
As Catholics have also to pay their share of taxes for performance of social duties by inculcating a spirit of
the public school system, they are under a double self-sacrifice, of obedience to law, and of Christian
burden; but this very hardship has only served to love for the fellow-man. The most effectual prepara-
place in clearer light their practical loyalty to the tion for citizenship is that schooling in virtue which
principles on which Catholic education is based. In habituates a man to decide, to act; to oppose a move-
fact, the whole parochial school movement during the ment or to further it, not with a view to personal gain
nineteenth century forms one of the most remarkable nor simply in deference to public opinion, but in ac-
chapters in the history of education. Ijr proves on one cordance with the standards of right that are fixed by
side that neither loss of the State's co-operation nor the law of God. The welfare of the State, therefore,
lack of material resources can weaken the determina- demands that the child be trained in the practice of
tion of the Church to carry on her educational work; virtue and religion no less than in the pursuit of
and on the other side it shows what faith* and devotion knowledge,
on the part of parents, clergy, and teachers can accom- 5. Far from lessening the need of moral and reli-
glish where the interests ofreligion are at stake. (See gious training, the advance in educational methods
choolb.) As this attitude and this action of Catholics rather emphasises that need. Many of the so-called
place them in a position which is not always rightly improvements in teaching are of passing importance,
understood, it may be useful to present here a state- ana some are at variance with the laws of the mind,
ment of the principles on which the Church has based Upon their relative worth the Church does not pro-
her course in the past, and to which she adheres un- nounce. nor does she commit herself to any particular
swervingly at the present time when the problems of method. Provided the essentials of Christian educa-
education are the subject of so much discussion and tion are secured, the Church welcomes whatever the
the cause of agitation in various directions. The sciences may contribute toward rendering the work of
Catholic position may be outlined as follows:— the school more efficient.
1. Intellectual education must not be separated 6. Catholic parents are bound in conscience to pro-
from moral and religious education. To impart vide for the education of their children, either at home
knowledge or to develop mental efficiency without or in schools of the right sort. As the bodily life of
building up moral character is not only contrary to the child must be cared for, so, for still graver reasons,
psychological law, which requires that all the faculties must the mental and moral faculties De developed,
should be trained, but is also fatal both to the individ- Parents, therefore, cannot take an attitude of indiner-
ual and to society. No amount of intellectual attain- ence toward this essential duty nor transfer it wholly
ment or culture can serve as a substitute for virtue ; on to others. They are responsible for those earliest im-
the contrary, the more thorough intellectual education pressions which the child receives passively, before he
becomes, the greater is the need for sound moral exercises any conscious selective imitation; and as the
training. intellectual powers develop, the parents' example is
2. Religion should be an essential part of education; the lesson that sinks most deeply into the child's
*' should form not merely an adjunct to instruction in mind. They are also obliged to instruct the child.
her subjects, but the centre about which these are according to his capacity, in the truths of religion and
ouped and the spirit by which they are permeated, in the practice of religious duties, thus co-operating
le study of nature without any reference to God, or with the work of the Church and the school. The
of human ideals with no mention of Jesus Christ, or of virtues, especially of obedience, self-control, and
human legislation without Divine law is at best a one- purity, can nowhere be inculcated so thoroughly as
sided education. The fact that religious truth finds m the nome; and without such moral education by the
no place in the curriculum is, of itself; and apart from parents, the task of forming upright men and women
any open negation of that truth, sufficient to warp the and worthy citizens is difficult, if not impossible.
Eupirs mind in such a way and to such an extent that That the need of moral and religious education has
e will feel little concern in his school-days or later for impressed the minds of non-Catholics also, is evident
religion in any form ; and this result is the more likely from the movement inaugurated in 1903 by the Be-
to ensue when the curriculum is made to include every- ligious Education Association in the United States,
thine that is worth knowing except the one subject which meets annually and publishes its proceedings at
which is of chief importance. Chicago. An international inquiry into the problem
3. t Sound moral instruction is impossible apart from of moral training was started in London in 1906, and
religious education. The child may be drilled in cer- the report has been edited by Professor Sadler under
tain desirable habits, such as neatness, courtesy, and the title, " Moral Instruction and Training in Schools"
punctuality; he may be imbued with a spirit of hon- (London, 1908).
our, industry, and truthfulness — and none of this For the respective rights and duties of the Church
should be neglected; but if these duties towards self and the civil authority, see Schools; State.
and neighbour are sacred, the duty towards God is QmJULt.. Monbo», ML of Education (New York. 1897);
immeasurably more sacred.^ When it is faithfully" Hau. and Uremia, BM. <rf Education (Boston, 1893); Cub-
performed, it includes and raises to a higher plane the b»rl»t, Syllabus of Lectures on the Hiet of Ed. (New York,
discharge of every other obligation. TSaimne in re- l9ggBTOI0 wbttsbs: Stockl. Qesch. d. Padaoogik (Meint.
Ugion, moreover, furnishes the best motives for con- 1876); Kbixo, Lehrb. d. Padagogik (Paderborn, 1900): Drams,
duct and the noblest ideals for imitation, while it sets Christian School* and Scholar*, 2d ed. (London, 1881); Kuns,
_ teeaue
noted, is more than instruction in the dogmas of faith Educational (Oueako, 1896); Willmann, DidaktikaU BO-
or the precepts of the Divine law; it Unessentially a f^fPJ^ ^^^^^V^^^S
practical training in the exercises of religion, such as Education (Chicago, 1895); Idem, Religion, Agnosticism and
EDUCATIONAL
305
EDUCATIONAL
Education (Chloaoo, 1002); Ddpanlodp, De V education (Paris,
1850); Idbm, De la haute tducation inteUectueUe (Paris, 1855-57);
Gaum, Du Catholicisms dans V Education (Pans, 1835); Idem,
Lsttres sur le paganisms dans V education (Paris, 1852); Klbut-
gbn, Ueber die alien vnd die neuen Schulen (MOnster, I860).
Non-Catholic Wbitbbs: K. A. Schmid, Gesch. d. Erxiehung
(Stuttgart, 1884-46); K. Schmidt. Gesch. d. Paaagogik (Kdthen,
1801); Monrob, Source Book of the Hist, of Ed. (New York,
1801); JuAVuim. Historical Survey of Pre-Christian Ed. (New
York, 1000); Harms, ed., International Educational Series
(New York. 1887 — ): Rosbnkbanz, tr. Brackitt, The Philo-
sophy of Education (New York, 1005); Butlbr, The Meaning
of Education (New York, 1005); Spbncbb, Education (New
York, 1805); Bain, Education as a Science (New York, 1883);
Horns, The Philosophy of Education (New York, 1004).
E. A. Pace.
Educational Association, The Catholic, a vol-
untary organization composed of Catholic educators
and other persons who have an interest in the welfare
of Catholic education in the United States of America.
It includes several associations established to secure
closer union and more active co-operation in special
lines of work. The movement for unification began
with an effort to establish a conference of seminary
presidents and professors. A meeting called by the
Right Rev. T. J. Conaty, Rector of the Catholic Uni-
versity of America, was held at St. Joseph's Seminary.
New York, in May, 1898. A second meeting was held
in Philadelphia, September, 1899, but nothing further
was done until April, 1904, when, at the instance of
the Right Rev. D.J. O 'Council, representatives of sev-
eral seminaries met and decided to revive the confer-
ence, and to hold a meeting at St. Louis in July, 1904.
The first meeting of the Association of Catholic Col-
leges and Universities of .the United States was called
by the Right Rev. T. J. Conaty, and was held in
Chicago in April, 1899. Annual meetings have been
; held since that time. The Parish School Conference
was organised in Chicago in July, 1902, and it was
then decided to meet at Philadelphia with the Associ-
ation of Catholic Colleges and Universities in 1903.
At the Philadelphia meeting the Parish School Con-
ference passed a resolution empowering a committee
on organisation to confer with the standing committee
of the Association of Catholic Colleges and to draw up a
plan of union. These three conferences met in St. Louis
12-14 July, 1904; and a committee including repre-
sentatives of each proposed a constitution to be tried
for one year. The report of the committee was unan-
imously adopted at a joint meeting of all three and
the Catholic Educational Association was formed 14
July, 1904, the Right Rev. D. J. O'Connell being unan-
imously elected President General of the Association.
This Association held its second meeting in New
York and a leading feature of the meeting was the re-
markable public demonstration in Carnegie Hall at
the close. The third meeting was held in Cleveland,
and the fourth at Milwaukee; both were notable for
the increasing attendance and for the cordial approba-
tion of the movement given by members of the hie-
rarchy. At the meeting in Milwaukee, July, 1907, the
constitution, which had been amended each year, was
finally adopted, and the executive board was author-
ised to take steps to incorporate the association. The
fifth annual meeting was held at Cincinnati in Julv,
1908. There was a registration of 709 names at this
convention; all sections of the country were repre-
sented, and a number of religious communities sent
official delegates.
An idea of the general scope of these gatherings may
be had from the subjects treated in the papers and the
addresses at this meeting. Among the former were
contributions on "The Present Condition of Latin
Studies in the Catholic Institutions of the United
States": " The Method of Teaching Religion "; "Neces-
sity and Means of Promoting Vocations to Teaching
Orders"; "School Library and the Child's Reading'*,
and on the study of social questions and problems in the
seminary, the present state of education and the cur-
riculum. At tne public meeting the topics were " Re-
Vw- 2*
ligious Instruction, the Basis of Morality", "The
Catholic School and Social Morality", and "The Ne-
cessity of an Enlightened Conscience for the Proper
Performance of Civic Duties ".
The convention was the largest and most representa-
tive {gathering of Catholic educators that had up to
that date been held in the country. The usefulness of
these meetings is now generally recognised. They
give an understanding of the strength and weakness of
the Catholic educational position that can be obtained
in no other way. A great deal of earnest and serious
work is done at them; they foster a spirit of unity and
co-operation in all departments of educational work:
and they inspire the educators with a greater love and
devotion to their calling. The whole system of Catho-
lic educational activity has been strengthened, unified
and developed by the annual conventions of the asso-
ciation, and more especially was this the result of the
meeting in Cincinnati.
As tne understanding of the Catholic educational
situation, with its difficulties and possibilities, becomes
clearer, the work of the association becomes every year
more definite and more practical. The slow and grad-
ual growth of the association has given it a form of or-
ganization well suited to the development of the work.
Catholic educators have a good understanding of the
I>roblems they must solve, among which are the prob-
em of secondary education, and the problem of curric-
ulum. Of more importance, even, than the thorough-
ness of educational work is the defence of the general
interests of Catholic education, and the vindica-
tion of the principles on which it is based. The
secular system of education is based largely on the
theory that man is born for the State and that he de-
rives his rights from the State. The socialist would
have the State absorb all authority in the domain of
learning and of industry, and there are many secular
educators who would fain see the monopoly of education
lodged in the power of the State. The Catholic system
is based on the right of the parent, the right of the child,
and a reasonable individualism. The resolutions of the
Cincinnati convention insisted on the right of the parent
in the matter of education, and the association exists for
the purpose of maintaining the right of the parent and
the principle of liberty of education. The Catholic
Educational Association is an expression of the unity
of principle that unites all Catholic educators.
The officers of the association are a president gen-
eral, several vice-presidents general, a secretary gen-
eral, treasurer general, and an executive board. The
association includes the college, school, and seminary
departments. The affairs of the association are man-
aged by the executive board. Each department is
represented in this board by its president and two
otner members elected by the department. Each de-
partment regulates its own affairs, and each may or-
ganise sections for the more special work in which its
members are interested. In the Parish School De-
partment, there is a Superintendents' Section and a
Deaf Mute Section. A local meeting for the teachers
is organized at every convention through the Parish
School Department.
In the constitution the aims of the association are
stated as follows : " The object of this association shall
be to keep in the minds of the people the necessity of
religious instruction and training as the basis of moral-
ity and sound education; and to promote the prin-
ciples and safeguard the interests of Catholic educa-
tion in all its departments; to advance the general
interests of Catholic education, to encourage the spirit
of co-operation and mutual helpfulness among Cath-
olic educatoro, to promote by study, conference, and
discussion the thoroughness of Catholic educational
work in the United States; to help the cause of Cath-
olic education by the publication and circulation of
such matter as shall further these ends."
According to the report of the secretary general
EDUCATION
306
BDXXOATIOH
there were on 1 July, 1908, three hundred and sixty-
four members of the Parish School Department, fifty-
two colleges in the College Department, and fourteen
seminaries in the Seminary Department. The asso-
ciation publishes an annual report giving all the papers
and discussions of the association and its departments.
It also publishes "The Catholic Educational Associa-
tion Bulletin" quarterly, which contains mattere of
interest to the members of the association and articles
that have an important bearing on Catholic educa-
tional work. The association has issued to 1908 five
annual reports from the secretary's office, Columbus,
Ohio. Francis W: Howard.
Education of the Blind. — Although the educa-
tion of the blind as a class dates back no further than
the year 1784, historians and statisticians generally
admit that the affliction which it tends to relieve was
no less prevalent before than it has been since that
date. Indeed, so far from having increased, blindness
appears to have in a marked degree decreased during
the last hundred years.
General Statistics of Blindness. — An exact
statement of the number of blind persons in all parts
of the inhabited earth is of course impossible. The
estimates which publicists have formed upon the basis
of census returns, as also those derived from the ob-
servation of travellers, give the ratio of blind persons to
the whole population m Asia 1 to 500; in Africa 1 to
300; in Europe 1 to 1094 (the ratios for seventeen
countries of the last-named division being, approx-
imately: England, 1 to 1235; Scotland, 1 to 1118;
Ireland, 1 to 870; France, 1 to 1194; Germany, 1 to
1136; European Russia, 1 to 534; Austria, 1 to 1234;
Hungary, 1 to 952; Italy, 1 to 1074; Spain, 1 to 835;
Denmark, 1 to 1248; Sweden, 1 to 1262; Norway, 1
to 795; Finland, 1 to 689; Belgium, 1 to 1229; Switz-
erland, 1 to 1325; Bulgaria, 1 to 321). For the other
great geographical divisions no data are available for
even a fairly satisfactory approximation. (See below
Blindness in the United States.) Consistently with the
foregoing ratios, and with such conjectures as may be
hazarded for America, Australasia, etc., it may be es-
timated that the number of blind persons now living
in all parts of the world is not far short of 2,500,000.
A careful study of the figures shows that blindness
prevails most in tropical, and least in temperate, re-
gions ; more in the Eastern than in the Western Hemi-
sphere. In the temperate climates of the North the
blind are comparatively few; nearer the Arctic Circle,
the glittering snows, the alternation from thebrOliant
nights of the Arctic summer to the prolonged darkness
of the winter, and other conditions affect the visual
organs unfavourably, while in the torrid zones the
glare from desert sands and the intense heat of the
sun occasion many diseases, resulting in either total
or partial loss of sight.
Blindness in the United States. — In the Western Hemi-
sphere a different ratio seems to obtain. The data, how-
ever, for an accurate comparison are wanting, except in
the United States (lying between the 24th and 49th par-
allels of north latitude), where, according to the census
of 1900, the ratio of the blind to the entire population
is 1 to 1178. In 1890, the ratio was 1 to 1242. The
number of blind persons in the United States originally
returned by the enumerators of the Federal Census
Bureau. 1900, was 101,123; by subsequent correspon-
dence with individuals, this number was reduced to
64,763; but the special report on "The Blind and the
Deaf" states that this should be considered only as a
minimum, the correct figure being probably 80,000
and possibly over 100,000. Of the minimum 64,763
reported in the Census, 57-2 per cent were males, 42-8
per cent females ; about 13 per cent were under, and
about 87 per cent over, twenty years of age. Of the
juvenile 13 percent (8308), those entirely or partially
blind before the age of two years numbered 8166.
Causes and Effects. — In a careful study of the causes
of blindness Conn of Bresjau estimates that among
1000 blind there are only 220 absolutely unavoidable
cases, 449 possibly avoidable, and 326 (or nearly one-
third) absolutely avoidable. Blindness may result
from accident or from disease. The diseases most
often productive of blindness are: ophthalmia neona-
torum, or inflammation of the eyes of the new-born;
trachoma, often called "granular lids", and glaucoma,
and atrophy of the optic nerve. Blindness from
ophthalmia of the new-born is so widespread that,
according to Magnus, out of 2528 cases of total blind-
ness in Germany, 10-88 per cent were due to this cause.
Among the blind under the age of twenty the proportion
is as high as 30 per cent. In the United States, between
6000 and 7000 persons have thus become blind . Thanks
to improved sanitary conditions in homes, to more
intelligent care on the part of midwives and nurses,
and more skilful medical treatment, ophthalmia in
certain countries appears as a cause of blindness in
onlv seven per cent of the total number of cases, as
against the 41 per cent recorded fifty years ago.
The function of sight can, to a certain extent, be re-
placed by the use of the other senses. Stimulated by
necessity and trained by education, touch, hearing, and
smell take the place of vision. Having no sight to
distract them, moreover, the blind cultivate their re-
maining senses all the more effectually. 'As for the
exercise of their mental faculties, although wanting
some of the means by which various impressions are
received, and attention is aroused, the blind are as
capable of reflection and reason as other human be-
ings, while, owing to their condition, they are more
frequently forced to close mental application. That
blindness does not necessarily render its subjects in-
tellectually inferior, may also be inferred from the
number of famous persons who were blind from child-
hood or early youth. A list of such examples might
with little difficulty be produced, long enough and im-
portant enough to show how erroneous is the idea that
the physical darkness of the blind is necessarily associ-
ated with intellectual darkness.
History of Education of the Blind. — That no
attempt was made in ancient times to instruct the
blind, or in any way to cultivate their intelligences,
was mainly due to the prevalent error as to then* men-
tal capacities. The same error, generally speaking,
produced the same unfortunate results in Christian civ-
ilization until as late as the end of the eighteenth
century. On the other hand, the Church, from the ear-
liest ages, at least made provision for their corporal
needs, while here and there attempts were made to
teach them various handicrafts. Among the most
noted of the hospices for the poor and afflicted which
began to appear in all parts of Christendom almost as
soon as persecution ceased, was that established in the
fourth century by Saint Basil at Ca&sarea, where special
provision was made for the blind, and guides were sup-
plied for them. In the fifth century, Limnseus, a her-
mit of Syria, received, in cottages especially built for
them, the blind of the surrounding country, whom he
taught, among other things, to sing the praises of God.
Two centuries later, towards the year 630, a refuge
exclusively for the blind, such as was called in
the Middle Ages a typfdocomium, was founded at
Jerusalem.
In the West, the Church was animated with similar
charity. Early in the seventh century, St. Bertrand,
Bishop of Le Mans, founded a hospice for the blind at
Pontheu, in the north-west of France. In the elev-
enth century, William the Congueror, in expiation of
his sins, founded a number of institutions; among
them four hospices for the blind and other infirm per-
sons at Cherbourg, Rouen, Bayeux, and Caen respec-
tively. Towards 1260, St. Louis, King of France, es-
tablished at Paris the Hospice des Quinze-Vingts,
where he housed and instructed three hundred blind
EDUCATION
307
EDUCATION
persons. The inmates of the hospice, after the ex-
ample of the students and the craftsmen of the day,
formed among themselves a distinct brotherhood, to
whom the saintly kins gave special statutes and privi-
leges. It is noteworthy that, in spite of the changes
of government, the "Hospice des Quinze-Vingts" has
survived to this day. A similar institution, though
less extensive, was established and endowed at Char-
tres by KingJohn the Good in 1350. Provision was
made for 120 blind persons. For various reasons,
however, the number of inmates dwindled till, in 1837,
according to Dufau. there were but ten. A hospioe
for the blind is said to have been erected (1305) at
Bruges, in Flanders, by Robert de Blthune. in grati-
tude for the courage displayed by the inhabitants in
repelling (1300) an invasion of Philip the Fair. A
similar foundation was made at Ghent by Peter Van
der Leyen about 1370. Brotherhoods of the blind
were formed, particularly at Chartres, Caen, Chalons,
Meaux, Padua. Memming, Frankfort, and Hull. That
the inmates of these institutions received other suit-
able instruction besides that in the Catechism and in
trades there can be no doubt. So desultory, however,
were these attempts to give the blind a modicum of
education, and so inadequate were the means em-
ployed, that the problem of their special education
remained unsolved. No one had as yet suggested the
idea of providing a permanent literature for them.
As early as the sixteenth century attempts were made
to devise special processes, but these attempts, so far
as we know, met with very little success.
Among others, Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576), an
Italian mathematician, had pointed out a way of teach-
ing the blind to read and write by the sense of touch.
They were to trace with a steel bodkin or stylus the
outline of each of the letters of the alphabet, engraved
on metal, until they could distinguish the letters by
the sense of touch and reproduce them on paper. Car-
dano, however, failed to suggest how to write on a
straight line with uniformity oTspace between the lines.
In 1575 Rampazetto produced at Rome prints in in-
taglio from letters carved in wood. His invention was
dedicated to St. Charles Borromeo. In 1580, under
Philip II, to whom he dedicated his invention, Fran-
cesco Lucas, at Madrid, engraved letters in wood for
the instruction of the blind; but the letters being sunk
in the wood, the outlines could not as readily be fol-
lowed with the finger-tips. In 1640, Pierre Moreau, a
notary at Paris, had movable letters cast for the use
of the blind, but for lack of means was unable to follow
up his undertaking. In his work, "Deliciffl mathe-
matics et physic® , published at Nuremberg in 1651,
George Harsdftrffer describes how the blind can re-
cognize, and be taught to name and imitate, letters
engraved in wax. Padre Francesco Lana-Terzi, the
same Italian Jesuit who anticipated by more than a
century the system of lip-reading for deaf mutes, also
suggested, as an improvement on Cardano's invention
for the blind, a guide consisting of a series of wires and
strings arranged in parallel lines at equal distances
from one another, to secure straight writing and uni-
formity of space between the fines. Besides this,
Lana-Terzi describes, in his " Prodromo", an invention
of his owiij by which the blind may be taught to cor-
respond with each other by a secret code. We have
looked in vain in works of reference for any descrip-
tion of this cryptographic device. It is so simple that
it can be learned in a few hours. Instead of compel-
ling a blind person to learn how to form all the letters
of the alphabet, the three methods pointed out by
Lana-Terzi demand only a tactual knowledge of the
letters, familiarity with their positions in their respec-
tive sections, ana a little skill; (1) to insert one, two,
or three dots within a square or parts of a square or
right angles turned in four different directions; or (2)
to prefix to either a comma, colon, semicolon, period, or
interrogation mark any one of the first four numerals;
or (3) merely to form these numerals. The letters
of the alphabet with the lines enclosing them, Lana-
Terzi suggests, should be in relief rather than in in-
taglio, raised letters being far more distinguishable
to the sense of touch than letters sunk in a plane sur-
face. The following diagrams will make the matter
clear.
First (LanorTerzi) Method. — Suppose the blind cor-
respondent wishes to send the cipher message, Son
pngione (I am a prisoner), he will turn to his tablet,
a o
ST J
C £
<7U *Aj
%>zrv
& iff*
®Q§
and ascertain by touch that the letter a is the second
of those enclosed within the lines forming the ngureT-
He will trace this figure with a pencil, and, to L— .
indicate that it is the second letter in the above figure,
he will write, [77 either above, or below, or within it,
two dots, thus l_ The message in full is as follows: —
EdB ER3LJ3JEE
N
P R I OI ONB
Second Method. — The letters of the alphabet are em-
bossed on a wooden or metallic tablet and distributed
in any order whatever into five or more sections, which
are indicated by lines in relief.- Each section is dis-
tinguished from the others by one of the five principal
punctuation marks, formed, like the letters, in relief.
avrd
7J*
Tv\
<.fmn,
'W
4tuj.
The position of each letter in its own section is indi-
cated by one of the first four numerals according to the
order in .the section. Thus, the message, II re e morio
(the king is dead), would be written as follows: —
i: 2: 4-1; U 3: 1.4- 2? I-
Third Method. — Instead of designating by punctua-
tion marks the different sections into which the letters
are distributed, they may be indicated by numerals,
thus: —
a&cd\<e£ ah
i y
3
0/IJ41
^
n
By this method the blind person would have to
learn how to form only the first five numerals. Thus
the above message, II re e morio, according to this
method, would be written as follows: —
1-3 2-3 4-4 1-2 l-£ 3-3 1-4 4-4 2-5 -M
I L R E t MORTO
the first numeral indicating the position of the letter
in the section, and the second numeral the section it-
self.
To enable the correspondent to make out for
himself the answer to his message or communication,
Lana-Terzi proposes the following plan: Let each of
the correspondents have a table or long strip of wood
BDUOATIOH
308
EDUCATION
on which are engraved or embossed the letters of the theory, HaOy took this young waif to be the subject of
alphabet arranged in serial order at equal distances his first practical essays in teaching the blind. Lesueur
from each other, as in the diagram here given. was promised a regular daily allowance in place of the
E
a,(rcdifafoi€rri,7ioftaJL4tu,Yx\
Lana-Terxx Contbtfancb fob Oobsmpondxno st Knots
Suppose now that a person who is not blind should
wish to send to his blind friend this message: II nemico
ti tratna insidie (the enemy is trying to ensnare you).
Let him take a piece of thread or twine, apply the end
of it to the extreme point of the tablet, extend the
thread over the space from a to the first letter t of the
message and make a knot at that point; for the second
letter, apply this first knot to point a, extend the
thread over the space from a to the letter I, make,
as before, a knot at that point, and so on for the
rest of the letters. It will readily be understood how
the blind person, to whom the roll of knotted thread
or twine is sent, can make out the communication by
applying the various thread lengths over the distances
indicated by the knots, and thus discover each letter
of the message. The blind correspondent, in his turn,
can easily send by this same method whatever com-
munication he wishes.
. A few years after the publication of Lana-Terzi's
"Prodromo ".Jacques Bernouilli, being at Geneva in
1076, taught Elisabeth Waldkirch to read by a method
not unlike that of Cardano. The young lady made
such progress that after four years she was able to cor-
respond with her friends in German, French, and Latin,
all of which she spoke fluently at the age of fifteen.
She knew almost all the Bible by heart, was familiar
with philosophy, and was an accomplished musician.
About the year 1711 the first known attempt was
made to construct a tactile ciphering- tablet or appara-
tus by which all the operations of arithmetic might be
performed and recorded. This was the work of Nich-
olas Saunderson, who became blind when one year old.
So distinguished was this blind mathematician that he
was appointed Lucasian Professor of Mathematics in
the University of Cambridge. The Abb6 Claude-
Francois Deschamps (1745-91), in his treatise on the
education of the deaf and dumb, is said to have also
sketched the outlines of the art of teaching the blind
to read and write. Diderot in his "Lettre sur les
aveugles", which appeared in London in 1749, and for
which he was condemned to prison, mentions his in-
terview with Lendtre, better known as "The Blind
Man of Puisaux". Among other remarkable things
related of him is the teaching of his son, though not
blind, to read by means of raised letters. Between
1772 and 1784 we read of the earliest attempt to make
maps in relief for the blind. This invention is ascribed
to R. Weissenburg, of Mannheim, who was partially
blind at five years of age, and totally at fifteen.
Whether any of the credit is due to Weissenburg's
teacher, Christian Niesen, cannot be ascertained.
Though Diderot was among the first to call special
attention to the condition and wants of the blind, and
to make them, generally known through his famous
letter, yet neither he. nor Leibniz, nor Reid, nor Con-
dillac, nor any of the Encyclopedists went beyond
abstract psychological speculation. None of them
proposed any measure of practical utility or relief nor
devised any plans for the instruction and training of
sightless persons.
The modern era in the history of education of the
blind opened in 1784 — nearly three centuries after the
desultory and apparently ineffectual attempts of Car-
dano and others — when Valentin Hauy (1745-1822) set
himself to do for the blind what the Abbe* de 1* Epee had
done for deaf mutes. It was in June, 1784, that Hatty
met, in one of the churches of Paris, a young mendicant
named Lesueur, who had been blind from his birth.
Having already spent many years in studying the
income which he was supposed to earn by begging.
Before long' the number of Hatty's pupils increased to
twelve, then to double that number, and finally to
fifty. His school was at first a day-school, to which
children of both sexes were admitted. When Hatty,
in 1786, exhibited the attainments of twenty-four of
his best pupils at Versailles, Louis XVI and his court
were in raptures at the wonderful novelty of children
without sight reading{ writing, ciphering, doing handi-
craft work, and playing orchestral music. So great
was the interest which this and similar exhibitions
aroused, and so generous the patronage of the king and
the public which they secured for Ms school, that
Hatty soon had sufficient means to board his pupils.
From the very beginning the institution had the
triple character of a school^ a workshop, and an acad-
emy of music; and to this day these three depart-
ments have been maintained with such a record for
efficiency that the institution founded by Hatty has
served as the model for most of the many others in both
hemispheres. But true intellectual culture for the blind
dates only from the day when reading by touch was
made possible. To Hatty is due the credit of having
provided a system of tactual printing and a perma-
nent literature for the blind. In the light of a cen-
tury's progress and of better systems of printing and
writing invented since his day, the shortcomings of
Hatty's print in relief may lessen the value of his in-
vention, but, in fairnesB to his memory, it must be
remembered that Hatty alone succeeded in making
Eractical for the blind as a class what others before
im had merely foreshadowed, or had successfully
applied only in individual instances. In spite, there-
fore, of the derogatory claims made by two or three
writers, and notwithstanding that he himself ad-
mitted having seen a letter printed by Theresa von
Paradis from type made for her by von ICempelen, the
fact remains that no one before Hatty had ever tried
seriously to make printing available for the blind; to
no one before him had the idea occurred of printing
books for the blind, or of establishing libraries of liter-
ature printed in relief. The movement originated by
him has resulted in the establishment in all civilised
countries of institutions of learning and industrial
training schools for the blind. Before the close of the
eighteenth century, a period of only sixteen years( four
such institutions had sprung up in Great Britain, vu., in
Liverpool(1791),mEoUnburgh(1793),inBri8tol(1793),
and in London ( 1799) . Other countries were not slow
in following the example. The following table shows
what the leading countries of Europe and America have
done for their blind during the nineteenth century: —
No. of
First Inst.
No. of
BUnd
No. of
Trade
founded in
Educat.
Schools
the year
Inst.
and
Asylums
France
1784
32,340
24
10
England
1791
26,330
24
54
ScotUnd
1793
4,000
5
2
Austria-Hungary
1804
41,400
11
17
Germany
1806
49,570
34
48
European Russia
1807
221,208
37
6
Sweden
1808
4,100
3
6
SwiUerland
1800
2,500
4
5
Ireland
1810
5,120
6
7
Denmark
1811
1,961
2
2
Spain
United States
1820
1831
21,000
64,763
11
44
6
24
Belgium
Italy
1838
4,935
8
4
1838
30,210
19
6
Norway
1861
2,816
2
1
EDUCATION
309
EDUCATION
Contemporary Education of the Blind. — Gen-
eral Aspects. — In nearly all the countries referred to in
the foregoing table, most of the schools for the blind
maintain three distinct departments: a literary de-
partment, a department of music, and an industrial
department. The rank of these institutions is higher
or lower from an educational point of view accoi
as more or less prominence is gjven to literature an<
music as compared with industrial or manual training.
In the leading schools the literary department em-
braces kindergarten, primary, secondary, and, in a
few instances, collegiate education; the department
of music embraces primary, secondary, and collegiate
education; while the industrial department embraces
the teaching of handicraf ts^varying in kind according
to age, sex, and country. The courses of study in the
literary department are generally the same as those
pursued in the public high schools of the respective
countries. The work in the department of music
varies from instruction in the mere elements of music
to thoroughly organised courses of study and highly
specialized instruction in the science and art of music.
In the industrial department the chief trades are: in
the male department, piano-tuning, wood-carving,
the making of baskets, mats, matting, brooms, ana
mattresses, chair-caning, hammock-work, and uphol-
stery; in the female department, basket-making,
knitting, hand- and machine-sewing, crocheting, fancy
work of various kinds.
* In the experimental stages of education, there was a
tendency in almost all the schools for the blind to
make the industrial department the most prominent
feature. The lack of books, of adequate educational
appliances, and of definite methods, the comparative
ease in teaching some one or other of the simpler
trades, the want of technical experience on the part of
instructors, the dependence upon manual occupations
and mechanical arts for self-support, the readiness to
be swayed by the utilitarian principle of training the
blind for the active duties and occupations opening
the way to self-maintenance and independence — these
and other similar considerations were strong argu-
ments in favour of industrial training; to the neglect
and detriment of the prime and essential work of edu-
cation. Of late years, however, a marked change has
been wrought in the ideals pursued in the education
of the blind. Owing to the increase of general intelli-
gence, on the one hand, and the steady decrease in
value of manual labour, on the other hand, educators
of the blind have come to realise that it is not techni-
cal skill, or ability to work successfully at one or more
of the usual trades, but only a broad and liberal
scheme of education that will release the blind from
the bondage of dependence, uplift them as a class, and
raise them to a level of usefulness and independence.
In consequence of the extensive employment of ma-
chinery in almost every department of human activ-
ity, there has sprung up among educators of the blind
a growing conviction that the only field in which the
sightless can hope in the future to compete success-
fully with the seeing is a field of thought where the in-
tellect can have free play and where Dlindness will be
no hindrance to advancement and success. The blind
need, therefore, at least as good an education as the
seeing. The question as to whether they are capable
and entitled to such an education has not been settled
in the same manner in all countries. In many of the
European institutions the prevailing idea is that, as a
class, the blind must necessarily remain at the foot of
the social scale, forever dependent upon the more
fortunate classes, and that what is done for them is
rather in the spirit of favour and charity than as of
strict obligation. In the United States the education
of the blind rests on a different basis. As modern
methods of instruction have proved the possibility of
imparting to the normal blind child practically the
same education as to other children, it is generally
acknowledged that the blind, as a class, have an equal
right with the seeing to share in all the educational
benefits which are provided for every child in the
commonwealth; and since this education cannot for
obvious reasons be given them in the common schools,
special provision should be made for their education
in distinct institutions, public orprivate.
Systems of Embossed Print. — Three centuries and a
half elapsed after the invention of printing before any
attempt to make printing available for the blind as a
class was successful, whatever information and in-
spiration may have been drawn by the ingenious in-
ventor from special processes devised before his day,
the credit of having first made reading by finger-
touch possible must be accorded to Valentin HaQy (see
above) . The first book embossed by Hauy for the use
of the blind was, according to Guadet, his " Essai sur
1 'education des aveugles ' (1786). This book was
translated into German by Michel, and into English,
in 1795, by the blind poet Blacklock. The style of
type adopted by Hauy was the French script, resemb-
ling the legal manuscripts of the time. The capital
and small letters were respectively fourteen and seven
and a half millimetres high. The book was a quarto
of 1 11 pages, printed on one side only, two pases being
gummed together back to back, to preserve the relief.
The pages were embossed from metal type by the blind
children of HaQy's school under the direction of
Clouaier, the court printer. While this invention won
unstinted praise for Hauy, he himself, when he heard
his achievements compared to those of the Abbe* de
l*Epee, modestly protested, "I only fit spectacles,
while he bestows a soul." From 1806, the time of
HaQy's departure for St. Petersburg, to 1854, when
line-print was superseded by point-print, the type used
at the Institution des Jeunes Aveugles at Paris, varied
between the French script, the Italic, and Roman
capitals.
Embossed Printing in England. — Printing for the
blind had been used m France for forty-three years, in
Austria for eighteen, in Prussia for twenty-six, before
it was used in England ; HaQy's system of printing, it
is claimed, was introduced into England by Sir Charles
Lowther, to whom it was suggested by a copy of one
of the books printed at the Institution des Jeunes
Aveugles, and purchased for him by his mother, he
being himself blind. In 1826, James Gall, of Edin-
burgh, who had seen specimens of books embossed at
the Paris institution, set himself to improve the alpha-
bet, by making it more perceptible to the touch. In
1827 he printed a small book in an angular modification
of the common English alphabet. It is said to have
been the first English book printed for the blind in Eng-
land, and naturally great interest was excited when it
was found that the blind could read it easily with their
finger-tips. Between 1828 and 1838 no fewer than 20
styles of embossed printing were brought out in Great
Britain. Of these, however, only six obtained recog-
nition: those of HaQy, Gall, Fry- Alston, Lucas, Frere,
and Moon. HaQy's script was adopted by Sir Charles
Lowther in his publication, in 1834, of the Gospel of
St. Matthew. Though Gall modified the common
characters of the alphabet to make them more easily
distinguishable by touch, he did not believe that arbi-
trary characters would ever be universally adopted,
maintaining that these books should be legible to both
blind and seeing. Besides two or three booklets pre-
viously embossed, Gall printed, in 1832, the Gospel of
St. John. The Fry-Alston system of embossed print-
ing is the plain upper-case Roman without ceriphs or
the lighter strokes, and was devised by Dr. Edmund
Fry and adopted by Alston at the Glasgow Institution
for the Blind, of which he was principal. In 1832 the
Scottish Society of Arts offered a gold medal for the
best system to produce cheapness and tangibility in
connexion with an alphabet suited alike to the fingers
of the blind and to the eyes of the seeing. Nineteen
XDUOATXOM 310 IDUOATIOK
different alphabets, seventeen of which were of a purely systems were different forms of the upper or lower can
arbitrary character, were submitted to the society or of both upper and lower case, of the Roman letters
between 9 January, 1832, and 24 October, 1833. Owing to the sise of the letters, the books embossed in
After much deliberation and a series of rigid teste, the other parts of Europe were much bulkier than those of
medal was awarded (after Dr. Fry's death} to Alston, like content in France or in England. For a long time
31 May, 1837. From the award made to Dr. Fry's after the introduction of the Braille system into Ger-
alphabet, the Scottish Society of Arts evidently shared many, line-print was retained, even where Braille was
the idea of Hally and of other advocates of the Ro- adopted. It was not until 1876 that interest began to
man letter that in the education of the blind every- be aroused in regard to uniformity of embossed print-
thing should be done to establish a bond of vital unity ing, in consequence, no doubt, of the movement in-
between them and the seeing and to lessen the isola- augurated in England by the British and Foreign
tion which arbitrary systems of print would only in- Blind Association in favour of Braille.
crease. As Alston a type was rather small ana not Embotted Printing in the United States.— From
very legible, his system did not stand the test of time. 1832, when the first school for the blind was opened in
Lucas invented a stenographic system formed of arbi- the United States, to 1860, when Dr. Pollack intro-
trary characters and of numerous contractions. In duced Braille in the Missouri school (there being then
this system the Gospel of St. John and the Acts of the as many as twenty-one institutions for the blind in
Apostles were printed in 1837 and 1838 respectively, this country}, two systems of printing were in vogue
Frere devised a phonetic system which he himself The first was that of Dr. Howe, the head of the Boston
describes as a "scientific representation of speech", school for the blind, and the second that of Mr. Fried-
It consists of 34 characters indicating each of the lander, the principal of the Philadelphia school. Dr.
simple sounds in speech. Frere was the first to intra- Howe's system was the angular lower case Roman and
duce (1839) the "return lines", in which the reading Mr, Frieu lander's system the Roman capitals of the
is alternately from left to right and from right to left, Fry-Alston type. In 1835 Dr. Howe published sev-
and the letters themselves are reversed in the lines eral books in the Boston letter; Mr. Friedlander's
from right to left. He also devised an ingenious sya- Roman capital was not adopted in Philadelphia until
tern of embossing from stereotype plates; which in- 1837. From an educational as well as from a
ven tion was, at the time, the greatest improvement nomical point of view, it is a matter of regret that, for
in embossing since the days of Hauy . The larger part ithe lack of concerted action between the principals of
of the Old and portions of the New Testament were the Boston and the Philadelphia schools, two systems
printed in Frere 's system. Dr. Moon of Brighton, of print should have been imposed at the very oi '
whose system is used more than any other by the adult on the country. From 1837 to 1853 the two systems
blind, at least in England, devised, towards 1845, an flourished in their respective spheres without any agi-
alphabet formed of more or less arbitrary characters, tation regarding uniformity of type. In 1851 the
which either resemble or suggest a resemblance to the Boston line-print was given the preference c
Roman letters which they represent. He also adopted, other embossed systems at the London exhibition of in-
with a number of slight alterations, Prere's " return dustries of all nations. This award, made twenty-six
lines" and his method of stereotyping. The first book years after the appearance of Braille in France and
in Moon's system appeared in 1847. The printing of one year after the adoption of the new system by the
the Bible was begun in 1848 and completed in 1858. Paris institution for the blind, shows how deeply
Moon's books, though easy to read owing to their large rooted was the theory prevailing since Hauy, that the
type, are very bulky and expensive; 56 volumes are adoption of any system not resembling in form and ap-
required for the Protestant edition of the Bible, which pearance the letters in common use would be preju-
omits a number of books contained in the Catholic dicial to the best interests of the blind by furthering
edition. The chief defects of the Moon system are that their segregation from the seeing. A comparison be-
lt is not a writable system and that it lacks a musical tween the leading systems of line-letter print which
notation. It is useful chiefly for adults whose finger- obtained recognition in France, England, and the
touch has been dulled by age or manual labour. United States shows that Hatly's system gave 365
FJmltoswd Printing in Continental Europe. — Between letters on 50 square inches of surface; Gall's, 520;
1809, when embossed printing, of which be claimed to Alston's, 891 ; . Friedlander's (from 1S33 to 1834), 290,
be the inventor, was begun by Klein, the founder of and 826 after 1836; Howe's, 702 and by a further im-
the first school forthe blmd atvienna, and 1841, when provement, it is claimed, 1067 letters.
,Knie, principal of the institution for the blind at Bres- Braille. — In spite of the perfection to which some of
lau, introduced the Braille system into Germany, three the line-letter systems had been brought as regards
styles of embossed printing, known as the Stachel-, compactness, a careful study of the functions and lim-
Press-, and Punktierte Typendruck (the needle-, line-, itations of the sense of touch showed that the Roman
and punctured print) had been used in Germany, systems, which lacked the quality of strong appeal to
Austria, Holland, Switzerland, and Denmark. These that sense (known as tangibility), could be of no edu-
EDUCATION
311
EDUCATION
cational value. Besides this, they were practically
unwritable, and they provided no adequate means of
musical notation. Fortunately, when the various
line-types were found deficient, and a strong protest
by the intelligent blind in Europe and in the United
States was raised against them, a new system was dis-
covered, which possessed all the requisites which were
lacking in the line-letter prints. This new system is
known as Braille. Its invention by Louis Braille, a
blind pupil of the Institution des Jeunes Aveugles of
Paris, marked a new epoch in the history of the educa-
tion of the blind. The original idea of a point-print
was derived by Louis Braille from Barbier, who sug-
gress in the education of the blind. From the day
when the system was finally adopted in the schools of
France, England, Germany, the United States, and
other countries, the Braille has undergone various
modifications; nence a variety of Braille systems,
which have caused even greater confusion than the
diversity of the earlier Roman styles of embossed lit-
erature. As late as 22 April, 1902, in an address made
at the conference held at Westminster on matters re-
lating to the blind, Mr. William H. Illingworth, head-
master of the Royal Blind Asylum and School, West
Craigmillar, Edinburgh, spoke as follows regarding the
diversity of Braille alphabets and the desirability of a
new York point alphabet.
«- b«" c-- d n t
d«: U m i * It fc*n
Is. m r n ~ o .* P ••• <1 *» t •* s *. t . u — vv
ww xm y a ztt Number sidn :n Numerals i s: 2-
3 .» 4 r St 6«* 7 •• 8*- 9' 0* Wo I'd and Part
Wo I'd Sidns the .- and *& of ••: that %s \n5 *■ cJh «♦.
ou
VI
SM
tfi u wh :.• Ph ::• dfi «•
Of
Punctuation Marks Comma * Semi-colon . Colon u In-
ftrcodation n Dash .... Period :« Exclamation a Putin-
thesis r Quotation u. APostroPhe :**: Hyphen rr
gested a combination of points arranged in a rectangle
— twelve points in two vertical columns of six each.
The most conspicuous, though not most radical, de-
fect was the large and unwieldy size of the signs,
which could not be covered with the finger. Another
drawback was the great waste of space. As the
" cell1', or rectangle, was of fixed size, if a letter was
represented by a point in one corner, all the rest of the
space was left blank. This was observed by Braille,
who reduced Barbier's rectangle one-half; thus he
limited the number of the points to six instead of
twelve. The six points in Braille are arranged in two
vertical rows of three each. By the omission of one or
more of the points sixty-three distinct signs are
formed, to represent the entire alphabet, accents.
Arabic numerals, marks of punctuation, word- ana
part-word signs, as well as a system of algebraic and
musical notation. Of these sixty-three characters,
ten are called fundamental signs, and form the basis of
all the rest by the addition of one point in some part or
other of the " cell" either to the fundamental signs or
to the series formed from them. The chief advan-
tages of the Braille system are: (1) its simplicity and
easy acquisition ; (2) its " tangibility", or efficiency in
impressing the sense of touch, enabling the blind not
only to read but also to write; (3) its adaptability to
both the writing and printing of a system of musical
notation.
In spite, however, of its evident advantages, many
years went by before the new system obtained recog-
nition, even m countries where, for lack of "tangibil-
ity" in the existing systems, the use of books in the
class-room had been almost unknown. It is quite pos-
sible that the slowness and reluctance in the adoption
of Braille were due to the fact that institutions for the
blind had been so widely separated in dates of origin and
in locality that the need of unity of action and commu-
nity of interest was but slowly realized . In many cases
prejudice, petty jealousy, and obstinate attachment to
theories long since proved false, account for the un-
yielding attitude towards improved methods, which
has often stood in the way of true and uniform pro-
uniform system: "Out of a chaos, born of conflicting
opinions and petty jealousies, combined with an
almost incredible amount of apathy, indifference and
indecision such as exists in the Braille world, it would be
impossible by any means short of a miracle to create
or to formulate such a scheme. . . . We hear often
and are treated to examples of 'English as she is
spoke', but I venture to think that for variety and
specimens of the grotesque, this pales into insignifi-
cance before 'Braille as she is wrote'. Though the
time may be quite ripe for a serious attempt being
made to improve the existing state of matters, it will
require years of patient thought and interchange of
opinion, absolute singleness of purpose and charitable,
sympathetic self-abnegation to devise a perfectly uni-
form and practical system, and make tne Braille — if
that system be the very best system — as perfect and
simple as possible and as worthy to be tne tangible
exponent of the most powerful and universally spoken
language of modern times."
New York Point (see cut). — The claim to being,
in the words of the writer quoted above, a system "as
perfect and simple as possible and as worthy to be the
tangible exponent" of the English language can justly
be made for the punctographic system known as New
York Point, or tne Wait system, unquestionably the
meet perfect form which the idea suggested by Bar-
bier and rescued from oblivion by Louis Braille has as
yet attained. This system is a genuine American
product, the outcome of years of patient thought, of
indefatigable labour, and of absolute singleness of pur-
pose. To Mr. William B. Wait, for upwards of forty-
three years at the head of the leading institution for
the blind in the United States, is due the credit of the
origination,development, construction, and application
of tne literary, musical, and mathematical codes of the
New York Point System. The genesis of this new
punctographic system is the result of a desire on the
Sart of Mr. Wait to improve the Braille by remodel-
ng it, on principles of compactness and economy of
time and space. Careful study, however, of the struc-
ture and application of Braille led to the conclusion
EDUCATION
312
EDUCATION
that the vertical position of Braille signs, allotting a
fixed and unvarying space to all signs alike, was de-
fective in more than one important respect. Owing
to its limited number of only sixty-three possible single
signs, it was inadequate to the requirements of music,
if not to those of literature and mathematics as well;
it was also found to be much more bulky, and hence
more costly, than the Boston-Line, which, in the ab-
sence of any other system, was then taken as a standard.
To remedy these structural defects, by increasing the
number of signs, and reducing the bulk and cost
of books to the, lowest possible minimum, only one
course was left open. A different mode of sign struc-
ture was devised, employing two points instead of
three vertically and extending the base forms to three,
four, or five points horizontally. By this method the
new sign-structure of New York Point yields 120
single, and 20 compound, signs against the 63 single
signs to which the Braille is limited, and thus answers
all the requirements of literature, music, and mathe-
matics Besides, even apart from the application of
the principle of recurrence in the structure of the New
York Point — a principle that was not applied in the
original Braille — all the advantages of simplicity, econ-
omy of space and (in writing) of time, as well as of
cost, are on the side of the Wait or New York Point
system, as has been demonstrated by the most rigid
tests. Thus, in printing a font of 520 letters in each
system on a perfectly uniform scale, the letter-, word-,
and line-spaces being the same in each system, any
Braille code (where the alphabet only is used, and no
contractions or punctuation marks) requires 51*75 per
cent more space than the New York Pomt. The s^ace
required by punctuation marks in Braille is 20 per cent
greater than in the New York Point. The excess of
labour in the writing of Braille is twenty-seven per
cent greater than in New York Point. In the writing
of punctuation marks there is a slight excess of labour
on the side of New York Point. However, the use of
punctuation marks does not materially affect the ques-
tion, as they form only about -04 of the whole bulk of
composition. Another advantage of the New York
Point over Braille is its having true capitals. In
Braille the practice is to place before words requiring
capitals a sign identical with the period, and to begin
the word with the usual small letter. This requires
two full " cells", or sixty per cent more area than the
New York capitals, which are four points wide. Al-
though up to the sixth or seventh century no distinc-
tion was made in Europe, and none is made to this day
in the Oriental alphabets, between capitals and small
letters (the latter, in fact, were evolved from the
former), yet, for those who are over-exacting regard-
ing "good use", the advantage of possessing true
capitals, instead of sham ones, is not inconsiderable.
Furthermore, the gliding of the finger over the point-
signs in but one direction, the lateral, is, on physiolo-
?'cal grounds, an important advantage which the New
ork Point has over the Braille system, where the
finger has to move first in the longitudinal and then in
the lateral direction.
Methods of Writing. — The invention of the New
York Point marked an epoch in the history of the
education of the blind; yet, had facilities not been
supplied for writing and printing it, the new system
would have failed to make its mark as an educational
force. Fortunately, however, such appliances were
provided by Mr. Wm. Wait in 1894, and consist of a
desk-tablet, a pocket-tablet, the kleidograph for paper
writing, and the stereograph for embossing the metal
plates used in printing. The kleidograph and stereo-
graph have done wonders in facilitating the education
of the blind. The former, designed for the purpose of
writing literature, music, and mathematics in tactile
form, is invaluable for speed and efficiency, and for the
reason that what is written by it can at once be read
by the blind writer without removing or reversing the
{>aper, as must be done when the tablet is used. At
east eighty per cent of the time reauired for writing
music is saved, and sixty per cent for literary work.
The stereograph is a development from the kleido-
graph, designed to emboss both sides of zinc or brass
plates ready for use in printing. By its means a
compositor can prepare twice or thrice as much
matter in a given time as by the movable type: besides,
the matter comes from the compositor's hands stereo-
typed and ready for the press. The cost of the com-
plete plate is reduced by more than one-half. The
further application of the interlining process, and of
printing on both sides of the sheet at one impression
from the plates embossed by Mr. Wait's stereograph,
will reduce the cost of books still further, and effect a
saving, in metal, in paper, and in binding, of nearly
50 per cent.
The many appliances devised since the days of
Valentin Hatty, particularly in France, England, and
Germany, to enable the blind to write, may be grouped
under three classes. First, the "hand-guides" are
designed merely to help the blind to write in straight
lines and at equal distances. For correspondence
with the seeing, an ordinary pen or, more generally, a
lead pencil is used, and the letters are written from
left to right. For correspondence with the blind the
ordinary letters have to be formed with a blunt stylus
from right to left and reversed on paper which is un-
derlaid with some soft material, as felt or blotting-
paper, to bring out the written matter in relief on the
reverse side of the page and reading from left to right.
Valentin Hatty devised a simple method of pencil-
writing by placing the paper upon a frame in the in-
terior of which were stretched parallel cords of catgut;
between these cords it was an easy matter to write in
straight lines and to make the letters of uniform size.
Another ingenious way of producing tactile writing
was, at the suggestion and request of Hatty, devised
by Adet and Hassenfratz in 1783. It was to trace the
letters in a bold hand with a glutinous ink, over which
sand was spread, so as to form, when it adhered to
the letters, a rough sort of relief, or "tangible",
writing. Various other fluids were devised for em-
bossed writing, by Challan and Rousseau in 1821, by
C. L. Mailer in 1823, by Freissauff in 1836, by Riesmer
in 1867, and finally by the Abbe Vitali of Mijan, in 1893.
The use of these various coloured fluids produces a
writing which is at once " tangible " to the blind and
visible to the seeing.
Among the more elaborate appliances for writing in
straight, parallel, equidistant lines, may be men-
tioned the tablets of Generesse (1807) and of Bruno,
the typhlograph of Passard, Dr. Nord's skotograph,
Dr. Woizechowsky's amaurograph, Count de Beau-
fort's stylograph, Wedgewood's noctograpn, and the
writing-frames of the Elliot brothers, of Thurefield,
Dooiey, and Levitte. The second class of apparatus
are those designed not only to enable the blind to
write in straight lines and to make the letters of uni-
form size, but also to mechanically assist the hand in
the formation of the letters and in tracing them at the
same distance from each other. These appliances
may be divided into line-cell and point-cell frames,
according as the ordinary line-letter alphabet or the
point system is used in writing. Of the line-cell
frames or tablets, the best known are those devised by
the Rev. Joseph Engelmann of Linz (1825), James
Gall of Edinburgh, Mercier-Capette, Heboid, Dr.
Llorens of Barcelona,* by C. E. Guldberg of Copen-
hagen (1858), Galimberti of Milan, Martuscelli of Na-
ples, Moon of Brighton, England, Kemps of Grave,
Holland, Ballu, Brother Isidore of Woluwe-Saint-
Lambert, Belgium, and Mile Mulot of Angere, France.
Mile Mulot's stylographic frame enables the blind to
correspond not only with the sightless, but also with
the seeing just as readily and satisfactorily. Of the
numerous print-cell writing-frames or. tablets de-
EDUCATION
313
SmXOATZQ*
signed for writing Braille, the best known are those of
Louis Braille, Ballu, Loas-d'Aguen, Kruger, Kull,
Pablasek, Signora della Casa, T. K. Armitage : and for
writing New York Point, Mr. Wait's desk and pocket-
tablet already mentioned. Essentially, all point-cell
tablets consist of a board bearing a movable metal
plate indented with pits and having connected with it,
and over it, a metal guide with two rows of either ob-
long or square holes. The paper is jpj&ced between the
pitted plate and the metal guide. The writing is done
with a blunt awl or bodkin, which forces the paper into
pits, thereby producing the dots which represent the
fetters. When the paper is taken out and turned
over, the writing which was from right to left appears
in relief and is read from left to right. The metal
guide has from four to five rows of openings, allowing
for the writing of four or five lines; when these are
written the guide is shifted downwards and held fast
to the f rame T>y two little pins, when four or five more
lines are written, and the operation is repeated until
the end of the page is reached. The third class of ap-
paratus are those designed for increase of speed m
writing, not by hand, however, but by mechanical
means. Among the principal writing machines for
the ordinary line-letter alphabet, are those of Braille-
Foucault (1842), Thurber (1847), Hughes of Manches-
ter (1850), Lariviere of Nancy, Saintard (1847), Hirzel
of Lausanne, Oehlwein of Weimar, Marchesi, Colard
Viennot, Gastaldon of Turin, Ballu (1861), the Ham-
mond, Simplex, Yost. Blickensderfer, Caligraph, etc.
Without any doubt, the most rapid and most satisfac-
tory way for the blind to correspond with the seeing is
by means of typewriters. All methods of writing,
however, which are not tangible to the fingers are lia-
ble to the objection that the written matter cannot be
revised and corrected by the blind writer. Of ma-
chines constructed for embossing Braille and New
York Point, those chiefly in use in the United States
are Hall's writer, for Braille, and Wait's kleidograph,
for New York Point. In France, England, and Ger-
many, a number of Braille machines have been de-
signed on the lines of Hall's Braille-writer.
Geography. — The blind are fond of the study of
geography, and with proper teaching are as capable of
forming correct geographical notions as the seeing.
Most of the detailed teaching of geography, however,
must be from raised maps. In the elementary
course, rough maps made by the pupils themselves on
cushions by means of pins and string are very helpful.
The first maps used by the blind were on embroidered
cloth or canvas, the needle-work representing the
land and the plain cloth the water; boundaries were
marked by coarse corded stitches, and towns and cities
by points made with the same coarse material. Vari-
ous attempts were subsequently made to construct
relief maps on paper or cardboard, the boundary lines,
river courses, lakes, bays, positions of towns ana
cities, etc., being represented in a variety of ways.
The best thus far made are the wooden dissected
maps, in which the divisions of a country are repre-
sented by a movable section, bodies of water by a de-
pression in the wood, hills and mountains by a slight
elevation, towns and cities by brass-headed nails.
When all the movable sections are fitted together they
form a complete map. The main objection to the dis-
sected maps is that they are very expensive and better
suited to individual than to class teaching.
The Teaching of Arithmetic. — Records are not want-
ing to show that, from the very beginning, arithmetic
and other branches of mathematics held an important
place in the education provided by institutions for the
blind. It was soon observed that the blind displayed
great fondness for arithmetical calculations. While
mental arithmetic was particularly encouraged, it be-
came evident that in the more advanced branches of
the science, the blind needed special apparatus, and
various appliances were devised to meet this want.
Among the earliest attempts to construct a tangible
device for the more abstruse calculations of arithmetic
and algebra is that of the great mathematician,
Nicholas Saunderson. Since his day a great many
different ciphering boards, or tablets, have been con-
structed. One of the best is Taylor's octagonal
board with square pins and octagonal holes. On one
end of the pin one of the edges is raised into a promi-
nent ridge, and on the other end there is a similar
ridge divided in the middle by a deep notch. The
holes in the board are star-shaped, with eight points.
The pin can be placed in eight different positions, and
on reversing it, with the notched end uppermost, in
eight more; this gives ten signs for the Arabic num-
erals and six for the ordinary algebraic signs. For
pure algebra another pin is needed, differing from that
used in arithmetic. This gives sixteen additional
signs, which are quite sufficient. It is essential for a
good arithmetic board that the same pin should repre-
sent every character; otherwise time is lost in select-
OoOnoaoa
» 0 + -
o □ o □
Opening in the Board for
x -s-
• • •
• • •
O a o a
the reception of the pins.
TaTIOB'8 ClPHKBUfO-TABIJET
ing the required character and in distributing the type
at the end of each operation. In the United States a
board is used with square holes, and two kinds of type
are required to give even the Arabic numbers.
Afuaic.— Since the days of Hauy, music has always
been considered as one of the most potent factors in
the education of the blind, offering them advantages
which they can derive from no other source. Though
a fair percentage of the blind attain to a high degree of
musical skill, and find for themselves positions of re-
sponsibility and importance, yet, contrary to the gen-
eral belief, no larger proportion of persons with ex-
ceptional musical talent is found among the blind than
in any other class. The common idea that the blind
are taught music by ear is erroneous* it arises partly
from the assumption that those wno are sightless
must of course possess an abnormally acute sense of
hearing, and partly from the fact that so many persons
are unaware that a tactile musical notation exists.
Since 1784 there have, in fact, been almost as many
such systems as systems of embossed reading. Be-
sides the common musical notation in relief, used by
Valentin Hauy; by W. Taylor of York, and Alston of
Glasgow, special systems were devised by Frere,
Lucas, and Moon in England; by Guadet, Rousseau,
and the Abbe" Goupil, in France; by Klein, Krahmer,
Oehlwein, and Warschauer, in Germany; by Petselt
in Austria; by D. Pedro Llorens in Spam; and by M.
Mahony in the United States. In most of these sys-
tems the common letters in relief were used to express
the notes and their values, the octave, finger, repeat,
and time signs, etc. All of the above systems, how-
ever, with the exception of the common musical nota-
tion in relief, have long since been entirely superseded
by the Braille and the New York Point systems of
musical notation. Soon after Louis Braille had de-
vised the literary code he adapted his punctographic
system to musical notation. An outline of the New
York Point musical notation was first presented in
1872, and the first edition of the notation was printed
in the same year. In 1878 it received the unanimous
approbation of the American Association of Instruc-
tors of the Blind, and it was adopted a few yean later
EDUCATION
314
EDUCATION
in most of the institutions for the blind in the United
States. t As to the comparative merits of the two sys-
tems, it is claimed that the Braille notation is inferior
in completeness and clearness of expression. The no-
tation of music requires not less than 140 signs. The
New York system, extending to four or five points
horizontally, yields 120 single and 20 compound signs,
while the Braille system admits of but 63 single signs
|fiiiiilifriniii|,lrrifri Hi
Al'le-iu-ia, a!-le«lu-ia al-le- lu - ia .
iilj ill in i in ill Huh ill mi
O sons and daughter^ let us singTbelGogof f*av>)tf* glo-nous
IrNUffjilJ JljJrlf f Iff !■! II
>-<lavJi ris-entrbumphintf. A«le -I& - iai
King.To-dayis ns -ent^umpking. A-le -lu -
tr*
•M
z
M*
U"
T
:-:
~»
tv •%*
•• •
•••
• ?
••
n t
m4 u .- t»r ••
••• •••
1
i
4
zrniu m\ —
Example or Tactile Musical Notation
and requires a uniform space for each. Ambiguity is
the consequence of this inadequate number of signs,
the same sign being made to represent two different
things of the same species, as, tor example, a whole
note and a sixteenth, a half-note and a thirty-second.
Industrial Training. — From the very beginning of
systematic education of the blind down to the last de-
cade, industrial training has always occupied a decid-
edly prominent place in the curriculum. Too often,
particularly in the earlier days, the essential work of
education was subordinated to conditions created and
demands made by the industries. Instead of being
used as a means of education, the teaching of trades
was made the chief aim and end. The success of cer-
tain pupils in careers from which they seemed neces-
sarily excluded naturally gave rise to somewhat
extravagant hopes of the possibilities of industrial edu-
cation. Hence, perhaps, arose the prevalent notion
and expectation that schools for the blind should
graduate young men and women so equipped that
each and all would be self-supporting and able to earn
as much, or nearly as much, as persons of equal nat-
ural ability with the sense of sight. The fact, how-
ever, is that only a small proportion of the blind in
Europe and America are wholly self-supporting. Ac-
cording to the United States Census of 1900, of 62,456
blind persons, ten years of age and upwards, only
12,506, or about 20 per cent, were reported as regu-
larly engaged in remunerative occupations. The per-
centage of the general population so employed was
upwards of 50. As most institutions for the blind,
particularly in the United States, are open to all blind
children of average intelligence, the heterogeneous
character of the membership or such schools must
lower the standard of efficiency. Another > factor
which has too often been lost sight of is that blindness
is a disabling infirmity. Education is much slower
and more difficult with only four senses than with
five; it would, therefore, be unreasonable to expect
better results of the schools for the blind than are ex-
pected of the public schools for normal children, in
which schools neither trades nor music are taught.
The teaching of skilled trades, it must also be remem-
bered, properly belongs to a stage of education later
than the primary, and it should not be allowed to
trespass upon the legitimate work of the schools. As
soon as adults are admitted to the school with minors,
the industrial feature tends to become dominant ana
unavoidably imparts an element of commercialism to
the school. Both adults and younger pupils become
disposed to lay more stress on shop work than on
mental exercises and discipline. In consequence,
the finished pupils lack those general qualifications
which are necessary to begin business in the trades
they have learned, and still more to successfully com-
pete against sight and machinery. The lone, trying,
and costly experience of the leading, schools in the
United States has, moreover, proved that the teaching
of trades or industries during the school period confers
no lasting good upon the pupils and is void of even
such results as the sense of self-reliance and desire to
become self-supporting which, it was believed, were
being promoted. For these reasons the industrial
experiment is gradually being abandoned in order to
save the institutions for that strictly educational
work for which they were established. If trades, then,
are to be taught the blind, and industries to be carried
on by them, the technical training should . as in the case
of seeing pupils, be taken up only after trie completion
of the primary or secondary course of studies and in a
location altogether removed from the school proper.
Manual Training. — Instead of the teaching of the
ordinary trades, which, owing to the radical change in
industrial conditions, can no longer be carried on by
the blind at a financial profit, a system of regular and
thorough training of the hands, the senses, and the
muscles has been generally introduced in the leading
American institutions for the blind. The various
forms of solid work, of work in clay, paper, and card-
board, as well as sewing, cooking, weaving, basketry,
simple wood-carving, etc., are the processes of manual
training most commonly employed in the general ed-
ucation of the blind.
Physical Training. — Educators of both blind and
seeing pupils are in entire accord as to the great im-
portance of physical training. The blind, for obvious
reasons, are peculiarly in need of healthful, systematic
exercise. Observation and statistics show that their
health and strength are far below the normal standard.
Hence, before there is any hope of obtaining satisfac-
tory educational results, ail physical and physiological
defects, such as deformities in the muscular system,
unsightly movements, natural timidity, awkwardness
in walking, etc., must be corrected as tar as possible.
In view of these facts, physical training forms an in-
tegral part of the regular curriculum of the schools for
the blind.
Libraries for the Blind. — It is almost impossible for
those who enjoy the use of sight to realise what a boon
reading is for those who live in perpetual darkness.
Outside of their early education, for those who have
been blessed with it, there is nothing in the life of the
bjind so stimulating, so broadening, and so comforting
as good books. In no country have more efforts been
made to supply the blind with books and to solve the
Eroblem of then* circulation than in the United States.
a no country has such a liberal government provision
been made for the education of the blind through the
EDUCATION
315
EDUCATION
publication of books as was made by the United States
Government, when by an act of Congress (3 March.
1879) the sum of $250,000 was set apart as a perpetual
fund, the interest of which,($ 10,000) is expended each
year in printing and distributing suitable books among
the institutions for the blind in the United States.
Mainly as a result of this provision, the number of
volumes distributed among the thirty-nine school
libraries amounts, according to the Annual Report of
the Department of the Interior for 1902, to 105,804
volumes, an average of 2713 volumes per school. In
France and in England, it must be admitted, there is
far greater individual co-operation and a more gen-
erous interest displayed in furthering the extension of
libraries for the blind than in the United States. Thus
the " Association Valentin Hatty ' ' of Paris had, in 1905.
on itB list of voluntary writers of books for the blind
the names of 1 150 persons who embossed in Braille and
donated in that year to the "Bibliotheque Braille",
for its forty-nine travelling libraries, 1533 volumes.
In the same year the British and Foreign Blind Asso-
ciation of London was indebted to 574 generous per-
sons who gave valuable time in writing Braille books
for the blind.
Catholic Literature for the Blind in (he United States.
— Before 1900, with the exception of a small catechism
and Cardinal Gibbons' " Faith of Our Fathers", there
were no Catholic books for the blind to be had in this
country. To supply this long-felt want, which, with
the dearth of Catnolic schools for the blind, has re-
sulted in the loss to the Church of thousands among the
Catholic blind, the writer of this article founded, in
January, 1900, . a society whose aim it is to place
gratuitously within the reach of the blind throughout
the United States Catholic literature embossed m the
Wait, or New York Point, print. With the assistance
of a few devoted ladies, wno helped to raise the neces-
sary funds, a printing plant was equipped and has been
in operation ever since. The society was incorpo-
rated in March, 1904, under the name of "The Xavier
Free Publication Society for the Blind of the City of
New York". . Although from its inception the society
has been dependent for the maintenance of its work
upon donations and annual subscriptions, still, with
the encouragement and blessing of the Catholic hier-
archy, the deep appreciation and gratitude of thou-
sands of Catholic blind throughout the country,
and the generous help of its benefactors, it has been
enabled to pursue its beneficent olgect for the moral
and intellectual elevation of the blind. Since its foun-
dation, thousands of volumes of Catholic literature,
embracing ascetical, Biblical, biographical, doctrinal,
and historical works, as well as works of general litera-
ture, of fiction, and of poetry, have been placed in up-
wards of thirty-seven state, city, or institute libraries
for general and free circulation among the blind. The
publications of the society are also circulated through-
out the country from its own central library. " The
Catholic Transcript for the Blind'1, a monthly maga-
zine, published by the Xavier Free Publication So-
ciety tor the Blind since 1900, is so far (1909) the only
Catnolic periodical embossed in the English language.
Catholic Literature in England. — It is only, within
the last five years that, through the initiative of the
Hon. Mrs. G. M. Fraser, who taught Braille to most of
the writers, upwards of four hundred books have been
hand-typed by voluntary workers and placed at the
disposal of the Catholic Truth Society of London for
circulation among the Catholic blind in Great Britain.
This work would not have been undertaken had it been
possible to get Catholic books at the great English
libraries for the blind.
The Blind-Deaf. — According to the special reports
of the United States Census Office for 1900, of the
64,763 persons reported as blind, 2772, or nearly 43
per 1000, were found to be also deaf. The age of the oc-
currence of these two defects cannot be stated exactly,
except for those blind and deaf from birth, of whom
there are 76. Between birth and five years of age are
64; between five and nine, 54; between ten and four-
teen, 37; between fifteen and nineteen, 24. That the
public, and even professional educators, entertain in-
correct views on the education of this class of sufferers
has been shown by Mr. William Wade in his interesting
monograph, "The Blind-Deaf". For this excellent
publication, and still more for his widespread and
munificent charity to the blind-deaf, and particularly
to the deaf and dumb and blind of this country, Mr.
Wade's name deserves to be forever enshrined m the
hearts of this doubly and trebly afflicted class. The
knowledge by the public that the education of the
blind-deaf is by no means the difficult task commonly
believed, and the further knowledge of the number of
those who have been educated and of their advanced
position in mental attainments, will do much, it is
contended by the author of the monograph, to advance
the interests and the happiness of the bhndrdeaf . " In
the early education of tne blind-deaf", we are told by
Dora Donald, "there are three distinct periods. In
the first the pupil receives impressions from the mate-
rial world. The mind of a blind-deaf child does not
differ from that of a normal child; given the same
opportunity, it will develop in the same way. Whilst
the normal child discovers the world through the five
senses, the world must be brought to the mind-deaf
child and imparted by the teacher through the sense of
touch'. During the second period the child is taught
to give utterance to his conceptions. This may be
done either through the sign language, the manual
alphabet of the deaf, or through one of tne systems of
raised print for the blind, if articulated speech cannot
be taught the child. The third and by far the most
difficult step is that of procuring mental images from
the printed page. If tne child has been thoroughly
trained in the habit of personal investigation, if he has
been taught to express freely the results of such in-
vestigation by means of the manual alphabet and to
record them in print, he will eventually be able to
reverse the process and to build about him an imagi-
nary existence that will cause the printed page to teem
with life and to glow with the charm of actual existence.
At this stage of the child's education, he may enter
either a school for the deaf, a school for the blind, or
the common school for normal children. Supplied
with the necessary apparatus and accompanied by a
teacher who will faithfully translate all that he might
obtain through sight and hearing, he may be taughtby
the same methods used for normal children, ever keep-
ing in mind this one point of difference — touch must
take the place of sight and hearing ; the manual alpha-
bet or-embossed page being substituted for speech."
Nbovin, Cwcus de Colon Judicana (Jena. 1682); Trink-
husius, Diaeertotiuncula de Cade (Genoa, 1672); Guilbeau,
Histoire de V Institution Notionale dea Jeunea Avcugtee (Paris,
1907); Arnould, Une Ame en prison (Paris, 1904); db la
Suerannb, Lee eemre oveugles (Paris. 1901). tr. by Lbooatt,
The Blind Sisters of St. Paul (New York, 1907); Id., Lee aveuglee
par un aveugk (Paris, 1889); Buisson, Dictionnaire de pidagogie
(Paris, 1887); Mkll, Encyklop&disches Handbuch dee Blinden-
toeeene (Vienna, 1900); Merle, Dae Blinden Bildungs-Wesen
(Norden, 1887); Heller. Studien sur Blindenpeuchologie (Leip-
jrig, 1904); Vxgnali, La Educazione dei Ciechi (Florence, 1903);
Lana-Teru, Prodromo alC Arte Maeetra (Brescia.1670); Illinos-
worth. Poet and Present Methods of Educating the Blind; Levy,
Blindness and the Blind (London, 1872); Gall, Literature for the
Blind (Edinburgh, 1834); Report of the Conference on Matters
Relating to the Blind (Westminster. 1902); Armitaoe, The Edu-
cation and Employment of the Bltnd (London, 1886); Annual
Reports of American Institutions for the Blind; Report of the New
York State Commission to Investigate the Condition of the Blind
(Albany, 1906); Anaonob, Education of the Blind (Boston,
18X2); Wade, The Blind-Deaf (2nd ed., Indianapolis, 1904).
Joseph M. Stadelman.
Education of the Deaf and Dumb. — Education
essentially includes the process of encouraging,
strengthening, and guiding the faculties, whether of
mind or body, so as to make them fit and ready instru-
ments for the work they have to do; and, where the
BDtTOATION
316
EDUCATION
need exists, it must include^ moreover, the awakening
for the first time into activity and usefulness of some
faculty which, but for the awakening, might remain
forever dormant. As regards intellectual develop-
ment, the deaf individual is the most handicapped of
the afflicted class. The term ' ' deaf and dumb , so fre-
quently applied to that class of individuals who neither
hear nor speak, is becoming obsolete among the educa-
tors of the deaf, as it implies a radical defect in both
the auditory and the vocal organism. Persons who
are born deaf, or who lose their hearing at a very early
age, are unable to speak, although their vocal organs
may be unimpaired. They become dumb because,
being deprived of hearing, they are unable to imitate
the sounds which constitute speech. To correct the
error involved in the term dumb, it is customary to
speak of human beings who do not hear and speak as
deaf-mutes, a term which implies that they are silent,
but not necessarily incapable of speaking. Brute ani-
mals that are deaf, are deaf and dumb; the little child,
before it has learned to speak, is mute, but not dumb.
There are found individuals who can hear, but cannot
speak. To such may be applied the term dumb, inas-
much as they are either destitute of the power of
speech or are unwilling to speak and are lacking in in-
telligence. Such children are generally found to be
more or less idiotic. On account of the great progress
made, especially during the last century, in the educa-
tion of deaf-mutes, by which a large percentage are
taught to speak, the term mute is also omitted when
speaking of matters pertaining to that class formerly
designated as "deaf and dumb". Institutions for
them are named preferably "Schools for the Deaf",
and in the literature of the subject they are spoken of
simply as the " deaf", e. g. "The Annals of the Deaf",
etc. Here it is well to remark, that there is a strong
and growing objection among the deaf and their edu-
cators to calling their institutions asylums — a term
which classifies them with unfortunates needing relief
and protection, like the insane. In fact, Webster,
under the word " Asylum ", classes the deaf and dumb
with the insane. Efforts are consequently being made
to place such institutions under the control of educa-
tional rather than of charity boards.
History. — That there were deaf persons in the re-
mote past is evident from the fact that the causes of
deafness, such as disease, were as prevalent then as
now. Before the Christian Era, their condition was
deplorable. By many they were considered as under
the curse of heaven; they were called monsters and
even put to death as soon as their deafness was satis-
factorily ascertained. Lucretius voices the received
opinion that they could not be educated: —
To instruct the deaf, no art can ever reach,
No care improve them, and no wisdom teach.
Greek and Roman poets and philosophers classified
them with defectives, and the Justinian Code abridged
their civil rights. In the family they were considered
a disgrace, or were looked upon as a useless burden
and kept in isolation. It is a bright page in the New
Testament which narrates the kindness of our Divine
Lord, who, doing good to all, did not forget the deaf
and dumb. After His example, the Church has ex-
tended its charity to this afflicted class, and has led
the way in opening up for them other channels of
thought in place of the hearing faculty. The state-
ment met with in literature connected with the educa-
tion of the deaf, that the real history of deaf-mute
instruction must be considered as dating from the
Reformation, is the old fallacy of post hoe ergo propter
hoe. The fact is, that not a few of the more famous
educators of the deaf received their first lessons from
those who preceded the Reformation or were not in-
fluenced by its errors, but undertook the instruction of
deaf-mutes for the sole purpose of imparting religious
instruction. No Catholic theologian maintained that
the adult deaf and dumb from birth are beyond the
pale of salvation, because " Faith cometh by hearing"
(Rom., x, 17). The assertion is often made, without
references being given, that St. Augustine held such an
opinion. Although tne great doctor may have held
the opinion of his time, that the deaf could not be edu-
cated, he certainly did not exclude them from the pos-
sibility of salvation any more than he excluded pagans
to whom the Gospel had not yet been preached.
That the deaf are very much handicapped, even in
our time, as regards religious instruction, so necessary
for the preservation of faith and morals, must be ad-
mitted. Many deaf-mutes born of Catholic parents
have lost the Faith, owing to a lack of Catholic educa-
tional facilities. Moreover, they are. deprived of the
usual Sunday instructions and sermons. There are in
the United States few priests engaged in ministering to
their spiritual welfare, and such as have taken up this
apostolate are not at leisure to devote their whole en-
ergy to the work. On the other hand, Protestant
ministers travel through the length and breadth of the
land and in their monthly itineraries assemble the
deaf for religious services. There can be no doubt
that from the dawn of Christianity the deaf enlisted
the synipathy and zeal of many priests and mission-
aries who, by various ingenious devices suited to the
occasion, taught them the essential truths of faith;
but history has left meagre records of their good
work. According to Venerable Bede, St. John of
Beverley (721) caused a deaf and dumb youth to speak
by making the sign of the cross over him; and Bede
himself, in his " De Loquela per gestum digitorum ",
describes a manual alphabet. Rudolph Agricola, the
distinguished humanist (1443-1485), states that he
saw a deaf and dumb man who was able to converse
with others by writing (De inventione dialectica. Ill,
xyi). Ponce de Leon (1520-1584), a Spanish Bene-
dictine monk, undertook the education of several deaf-
mutes, as is related in the accounts of his work discov-
ered among the archives at Ofia. He relates that he
taught pupils who were deaf and dumb from birth to
speak, to read, to write, and to keep accounts, to re-
peat prayers and to confess orally. He first taught
nis pupils to write the names of objects and then to
articulate. A contemporary writer, Francesco Val-
les. says that Ponce de Leon's method proved that,
although we learn first to speak and then to write, the
reverse order answers the same purpose for the deaf.
It is highly probable that he was led to undertake the
instruction of the deaf and dumb by the principle an-
nounced by Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576), a friend
of St. Charles Borromeo, that " writing is associated
with speech, and speech with thought^ but written
characters may be connected together without the in-
tervention of sounds. The deaf can hear by reading,
and speak by writing." About fifty years later, Juan
Pablo Bonet, a Spanish priest, published a treatise en-
titled, " Reduccion de las Letras y arte para Ensefiar a
hablar los Mudos " (Madrid. 1620) . He made use of a
manual alphabet, invented a system of visible signs
representing to the sight the sounds of words, and gave
a description of the position of the vocal organs in the
pronunciation of each letter. His work contains
many valuable suggestions useful to modern teachers
of articulation andnp-reading.
St. Francis de Sales, having on his missionary jour-
neys met a deaf-mute, took him into his service and
succeeded in establishing communication with him by
signs, and prepared him for confession and Holy Com-
munion. The celebrated Jesuit naturalist and phy-
sician, Lana Tend (1631-1687), in his " Prodromo dell*
Arte Maestra", considers the education of the deaf,
which, according to him, consists in their " first learn-
ing to perceive tne dispositions of the organs of speech
in the formation of sounds, and then imitating them;
and recognizing speech in others by lip-reading. To
that end they should first utter each sound separately,
read it on the lips of another, then join them in words;
EDUCATION
317
EDUCATION
next they should be taught the meaning of these words
by being shown the objects signified, and gradually be
made acquainted with the meaning of those which re-
late to the functions of the senses, the arts, the under-
standing and the will " (Arnold). Lorenza Hervas y
Panduro (1735-1809), a celebrated Spanish philologist
and missionary in America, took an active interest in
the education of the deaf in Rome and published a
learned work in two volumes entitled "Escuela Es-
pafiola de Sordo-mudos, o Arte Para Ensenarles a Es-
cribir y Hablar el Idioma Espafiol" (Madrid, 1795).
The work consists of five parts, " the first dealing with
the deaf in the political, physical, philosophical, and
theological aspects of the subject and the linguistic
questions it gives rise to; the second is a history of
their education up to that time, which is the first com-
plete account written; the third explains the practical
method of teaching idiomatic language by writing; the
fourth that of teaching speech; and the fifth is on the
instruction of the deaf in metaphysical ideas and in
moral and religious knowledge (Arnold). .
Among other writers in the interest of the education
of the deaf and dumb must be mentioned John Bul-
wer (1645); Deusing (d. 1666), who in his writings
recommends writing, signs, and, on occasion{ lip-read-
ing as the helpful instruments in the education of the
deaf; William Holder (1616-1698), and his contem-
porary, John Wallifl (1616-1703); George Dalgarno
(1626-1687), of Aberdeen, Scotland, who published,
in 1661, "Are Signorum'' and, in 1680, " Didascaloco-
phus" (or "Deaf and Dumb Man's Tutor"), and de-
vised a double-handed alphabet; Baron Von Helmont
(1618-1699) ; John Conrad Amman (1669-1724), a na-
tive of Schaffhausen, Switzerland, who published
(1700) "Dissertatio de Loquela", in which are de-
scribed the means by which the deaf and dumb from
birth may acquire speech.
Although Germany cannot claim originality in the
field of the education of the deaf and dumb, several
works published in other countries were translated into
German, and their teachings put in practice. Among
the earliest to take up this work were Kerger (1704).
Raphel (1673-1740), Lasius (1775). and Arnold!
(1777). The first public institution for the deaf in
Germany was established by Samuel Heinicke (1729-
1790), the great advocate of the oral method of in-
struction, which has generally been followed in Ger-
man schools for the deaf. To Friedrich Moritz Hill
(1805-1874), regarded as one of the greatest teachers
of the deaf, is due what is distinctively called the
" German System11, which has found an able critic in
J. Heidsiek, of the Breslau Institution for the Deaf, in a
work entitled " Der Taubstumme und seine Sprache".
Jacob Rodriguez Pereire (1715-1780), a Portuguese
Jew. gave an exhibition of his skill in teaching the
deal before the Academy of Science in Paris. His
efforts were confined to a privileged few, and, from this
circumstance, as well as his keeping his methods se-
cret, his work, unlike de 1'Epee's. had no lasting effect
upon the deaf as a class" (Arnold). Abbe Dee-
champs, of Orleans, devoted his life and fortune to the
education of the deaf-mutes and, in his instructions,
relied chiefly on reading and writing together with
speech and lip-reading.
Up to the middle of the eighteenth century, it was
believed that speech was indispensable to thought.
The practical utility of pantomime had not been fully
shown before the days of Abbe1 Charles-Michel de
l'Epee (1712-1789), the father of the sign-language
ana founder of the first school for the deaf. The de-
plorable condition of the two deaf-mutes whom he
chanced to meet on one of his missionary errands ex-
cited his compassion and awakened in him zeal for
their religious instruction. He discovered others of
the same class, especially among the poor, and to these
he devoted his time and fortune. In his first attempt
to teaeh his silent pupils he tried the method of pic-
tures used by Pere Vanin before him; but, finding this
method unsatisfactory.' he tried the articulation
method, which he found discouragingly slow. Notic-
ing, as every instructor of the deaf has noticed, that
deaf-mute children, even before having received in-
struction from anyone, will, at play and at other times,
communicate with each other in pantomime and make
use of certain natural gestures indicative of objects,
their quality and action, he came upon the idea of
using a sign-language as the means of instruction.
Since words are conventional signs of our ideas, why
could not conventional gestures be signs of ideas? He
concluded that the natural language of signs, which
the deaf-mutes themselves invent, would be of great
service in their instruction. He accordingly made
himself familiar with the few signs already in use and
added others more or less arbitrary. He opened a
school for deaf-mutes in Paris, about 1760, which soon
won international fame. De l'Epee died in 1789,
leaving as his successor the Abbe* Sicard, who made
important improvements in the system of de l'Epee.
At about the same time a school for the deaf was
opened bv Samuel Heinicke at Dresden, which was
afterwards removed to Leipzig, and another by
Thomas Braidwood. at Edinburgh. The successful
results obtained in these schools prompted other cities
and countries to establish similar ones under the di-
rection of persons trained by de l'Epee, Heinicke, or
their disciples.
In Italy the first school for the deaf was established
in 1784 at Rome, by the Abbate Silvestri, a disciple of
Abbe* de l'Ep6e. Among other Italian educators must
be mentioned Tommaso Pendola (1800-1883) and
his brilliant associate, Enrico Marchio; Abbate Bales-
tra and Abbate Giulio Tarra (1832-1889), who acted
as president at the Milan International Congress in
1880 and saw his most cherished ideas regarding oral
teaching practically approved by the resolutions that
were adopted, and which hastened the progress of oral
teaching, especially in France.
Francis Green, a native of Boston, 1742, whose son
was a deaf-mute, was the earliest advocate of deaf-
mute education in America. In his " Vox Oculis Sub-
jecta,>, published in London, 1783, he describes the
method oy which the deaf-mute may be taught to
speak. In about 1812, John Braidwood, Jr., a grand-
son of the founder of the Edinburgh school, attempted
to establish schools in Virginia, New York, and Balti-
more, but failed. " The immediate effects ", says the
" History of American Schools for the Deaf'1 (I, 10),
" was to hinder and delay the opening of the first pert
manent school; for the members of his family in Great
Britain, who controlled the monopoly of deaf-mute in-
struction in America, placed obstacles in the way of
Dr. Gallaudet, when he sought to acquire the art of in-
struction in the mother country. " An exceptionally
large number of deaf-mutes having been found in the
State of Connecticut by Dr. M. F. CogBwell, whose
daughter was deaf, a corporation of several gentlemen
was enlisted for the purpose of establishing a school at
Hartford,under the care of Dr. Thomas Hopkins Gal-
laudet. Tar the purpose of mastering the art of in-
structing the deaf. Dr. Gallaudet sailed for England;
but the exorbitant and humiliating terms imposed by
the Braidwood- Watson family, winch held the mo-
nopoly of the art, repelled him. Happening to meet
Abbe* Sicard, who with his pupils was visiting London,
he accepted an invitation to visit the school in Paris.
Here he received every assistance. The abbe* gave
him several hours of instruction every week and gener-
ously allowed Laurent Clerc, one of his distinguished
pupils and valuable associates, to accompany Turn on
his return to America. In the contract drawn up be-
tween Dr. Gallaudet and Laurent ClerC; it is stipu-
lated (article 11): "He [Laurent Clerc] is not to be
called upon to teach anvthing contrary to the Roman
Catholic religion", and in his letter to Bishop Cheve-
EDUCATION
318
IDUOATIOH
rus of Boston, Abb6 Sicard writes: " The extreme desire
to procure for the unfortunate deaf-mutes of the coun-
try in which you dwell, and fulfill so well the mission
of the Holy Apostles, the happiness of knowing our
holy religion, leads me to a sacrifice which would ex-
ceed human strength. I send to the United States
the best taught of my pupils, a deaf-mute whom my
art has restored to society ana religion. He goes fully
resolved to live and be faithful to the principles of the
Catholic religion which I have taught him." Not-
withstanding the kind solicitude of his beloved master,
Laurent Clerc, like so many other deaf-mutes de-
prived of constant religious instruction, in his sur-
roundings weakened in the Faith and apostatised.
The kindness of Abbe* Sicard only served to lay the
foundation of a Protestant propaganda which, ever
since the opening of the Hartford school founded by
Dr. Gallaudet, has controlled the education of the deaf
in America. This Hartford School, then known as the
American Asylum, was opened 15 April, 1817, under
the superintendencyof the Rev. Dr. Gallaudet. whose
two sons, the Rev. T. Gallaudet and E. M. Gallaudet,
have been active in the cause of deaf-mute education.
The latter was the founder of the Columbia Institu-
tion for the Deaf and Dumb at Washington, D. C,
which was opened 13 June. 1857. Later on, m 1864,
it developed into a school for the higher education of
the deaf under the name of the National Deaf-Mute
College. Connected with the college is a normal de-
partment for the training of teachers for the deaf. A
course of studies leading up to entrance into the Na-
tional Deaf-Mute College may be found in the " Ameri-
can Annals of the Deaf1' for November, 1907. As re-
gards higher education and normal-school practice,
opportunities are also afforded by the Catholic deaf-
mute schools in the State of New York.
When the Abbe* de l'Epee originated the method of
signs, many of his contemporaries, such as the Abbe"
Deschamps, refused to be associated with the new
school, and between him and Samuel Heinicke of
Leipzig, the great upholder of the speech method,
there was carried on a spirited controversy, which has
continued ever since, among the educators of the deaf.
Professor E. A. Fay, in the " American Annals of the
Deaf", gives the following classification and definition
of the methods used in the schools for the deaf: —
" (1) The Manual Method :-^-Signs, the manual alpha-
bet, and writing are the chief means used in the in-
struction of the pupils, and the principal objects aimed
at are mental development, and facility in the com-
prehension and use of written language. The degree
of relative importance given to these three means
varies in different schools; but it is a difference only in
degree, and the end aimed at is the same in all.
"(2) The Manual-Alphabet Method:— The manual
alphabet method and writing are the chief means used
in the instruction of the pupils, and the principal ob-
jects aimed at are mental development, and facility in
the comprehension and use of written language.
Speech and speech-reading are taught to all of the
pupils in one of the schools (the Western New York
Institution) recorded as following this method.
" (3) The Oral Method:— Speech and speech-reading,
together with writing, are made the chief means of in-
struction, and facility in speech and speech-reading, as
well as mental development and written language, is
aimed at. There is a difference in different schools in
the extent to which the use of natural signs is allowed
in the early part of the course, and also m the promi-
nence given to writing as an auxiliary to speech and
speech-reading in the course of instruction; but they
are differences only in degree, and the end aimed at is
the same in all.
" (4) The Auricular Method:— The hearing of semi-
deaf pupils is utilized and developed to the greatest
possible extent, and; with or without the aid of artifi-
cial appliances, their education is carried on chiefly
through the use of speech and hearing, together with
writing. The aim of the method is to graduate its
Supils as hard-of-hearing speaking people instead of
eaf-mutes.
" (5) The Combined System: — Speech and speech-
reading are regarded as very important, but mental
development and the acquisition of language are re-
garded as still more important. It is believed that, in
many cases, mental development and the acquisition of
language can be best promoted by the manual or the
manual-alphabet method, and so far as circumstances
permit, such method is chosen for each pupil as seems
best adapted for his individual case. Speech and
speech-reading are taught where the measure of suc-
cess seems likely to justify the labor expended, and, in
most of the schools, some of the pupils are taught
wholly or chiefly by the oral method or by the auricu-
lar method."
Some educators of the deaf employ the method of
visible speech, which is a species of phonetic writing
symbolizing the movements of the vocal organs in the
production of speech. There is also a phonetic man-
ual in which the several positions of the hand not only
represent various speech sounds, but also indicate
concisely the way in which the represented sound is
physiologically or mechanically produced (see Lyon,
u Phonetic Manual", Rochester, New York, i891).
Whipple, in his "Phonetic Manual", endeavoure to
depict the positions taken by the visible organs, the
teeth, lips, tongue, and palate, in the production of
sound.
It is beyond the scope of this article to discuss the
merits of the various methods in use. A teacher of
the deaf cannot lose sight of the fact that in the term
deaf, or deaf-mute, there are included at least four sub-
classes, namely, the semi-mutes, who have lqst their
hearing after they had acquired more or less perfectly
the use of language; the semi-deaf, who retain some
power of hearing, but yet cannot attend with profit
schools for hearing children; the congenitally deaf, pos-
sessing some ability to perceive sound; and the totally
deaf from birth, who are unable to perceive sound.
A teacher of hearing children may take for granted,
if the class is properly graded, that all his pupils
are on the same plane; but a teacher of the deaf, whose
pupils may be only four in number, may have before
nim, even in the lowest grade, as many different kinds
of deaf children as there are pupils in the class. These
he must instruct and educate. Considering that the
deaf child is very much handicapped, and that the
period of its school-days are limited, it is reasonable to
suppose that a good teacher will take advantage of
every latent power possessed by the child for educa-
tional development. In a word, the teacher will suit the
method to the child and not endeavour to adapt the
child to the method. It would certainly be a mistake
to use the purely oral method for all deaf-mutes with-
out discrimination and without considering the ca-
pacity, eyesight, etc. of the pupil.
Aids to Education op the Deaf. — For the purpose
of diffusing knowledge relative to the education of the
deaf, there has been established, through the benefac-
tions of Dr. Alexander Graham Bell, the Volta Bu-
reau, Washington, D. C. Here are collected items of
interest in the educational work for the deaf. Under
John Hits, its first superintendent, it received interna-
tional development. In this way it has been possible
to compile and diffuse international statistical infor-
mation concerning institutions and work for the deaf
throughout the world. Its publications are distrib-
uted gratuitously or by exchange. Among the pub-
lications of the Volta Bureau is an historical account
of all the schools for the deaf in the United States, in
three volumes, edited by Dr. E. A. Fay. As an incen-
tive to the educational work for the deaf K and as a
means of collating the opinions of those interested,
there are about thu^y-two periodical publications in
EDUCATION '319 IDUOATION
Europe and more than sixty in America dealing with States were as generous as New York in caring for its
questions concerning the deaf. The oldest among the deaf children, there should be, if adequate facilities
latter, "The American Annals of the Deaf'1, edited by were provided. 4744 children in Catholic schools for
Dr. Fay, is eclectic in its character and as such is the the deaf outside of the State of New York,
organ of the combined system of instruction. For the With the exception of the New York institutions
diffusion of the oral method there was founded, in for the deaf, the other Catholic institutions are almost
1899, at Philadelphia, a special periodical, " The Asso- entirely dependent upon the charity of religious sister-
ciation Review", published by the "American Asso- hoods. Pupils of all denominations are admitted, the
ciation to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the only requirements for admission being a sound mind
Deaf ". Among the efficient agencies for the promo- and good morals. Good work has been done by these
tion of educational work for the deaf must be num- devoted sisters for Church and State, and their gradu-
bered the meetings, congresses, and conferences of su- ates are respected and self-supporting citizens; but, as
perintendents and teachers of the deaf, and of the deaf they carry on their schools with little support from
themselves. The oldest organisation of the kind is without, the number of pupils is necessarily small,
the "Convention of American Instructors of the The pupils are for the most part girls, and, because
Deaf", which met for the first time in New York in there is no male community m the United States, as
1850, and for the sixteenth time in 1901, at the Le there is in Canada and Europe, to take charge of the
Couteulx, St. Mary's Institution for the Improved In- deaf-mute boys, these are obliged, with very few ex-
struction of Deaf Mutes, Buffalo, as the guests of the captions, to attend State or public day-schools.
Sisters of St. Joseph. # # The celebrated school for the deaf at Cabra, near
There are also annual meetings of the "Association to Dublin. Ireland, has two departments. The St.
Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf " ; meetings Joseph s School for boys is under the care of Christian
of principals and of the Department of Special Educa- Brothers, and the St. Mary's School for girls is in
tion of the National Association of American Teach- charge of Dominican nuns. It was established in the
ers. At the invitation of the Right Rev. D. J. O'Con- year 1846 by Archbishop Murray of Dublin. The
nell, Rector of the Catholic University of America, all patrons of the institution are the archbishops and
persons interested in the education of Catholic deaf- bishops of Ireland, the president of the management
mutes met in July, 1907, at Milwaukee, simultane- being the Archbishop of Dublin. Without govern-
ously with the Catholic Educational Association, and ment grant, the school has attained a foremost rank
organised the Catholic Deaf-Muto Conference. The among educational institutions for the deaf. Accord-
conference is a powerful factor in enlisting the co- ing to the report for May. 1900, there were 518 pupils
operation of bishops, priests, and laymen in ameliora- under instruction, — 260 boys and 258 girls. Inaus-
tmgthe educational condition of the Catholic deaf. The trial training suited to the age and capacity of the
deaf themselves, also, at stated times, hold State and children, ana so necessary for the deaf, forms an im-
national conventions. Such meetings are carried on portant part in the educational system of the school,
in the sim language, which, because visible to a large . The institutions for the deaf in the United States,
audience* is best adapted for public addresses, ser- during the last decade, show a marked increase in the
mons, etc. Whenever at these meetings the deaf number of day-schools. This is due to the strong in-
touch upon educational topics, they take occasion to fluence of the defenders of the oral method, who, for
manifest their strong protest against pure oralism in their purpose, consider such schools superior to board-
the schools, and then* unequivocal adherence to the ing-scnools. The conscientious duty of Catholic par-
sign-language and the combined system of education, ents to withdraw their afflicted children from State
In the United States deaf-mutes are entitled to a boarding-schools that have proved so dangerous to
share in the school fund, and special boarding and day faith, has also influenced the establishment of, day-
schools are provided for them. Most of the institu- schools. Until boarding-schools are provided, the
tions are controlled by trustees appointed by the day-school, notwithstanding its many inconveniences,
State. The term of instruction is from seven to is preferable for the Catholic deaf-mute child, so that
twelve years. # it may not be deprived of religious home influence.
Actual Conditions — According to the subjoined Until 1870, the schools for the deaf established in the
statistics, compiled from the "American Annals of United States were almost entirely boarding-schools,
the Deaf" for 1907, there are 60 public State schools. Deaf-Blind. — There are some individuals who are
60 public day-schools, and 17 denominational ana not only deaf but also blind, and not a few who are
private schools, making in all 139 schools for the deaf, mute, and blind. Wonderful results have been
deaf in the United States, having an attendance of produced in the education of this afflicted class during
11,648 pupils — 6317 boys and 5331 girls — 1552 in- the last half-century, as is evidenced in the case of
structors — 171 men and 1081 women. Out of the Laura Bridgeman. taught by Dr. Howe; Helen A.
total number of 139 schools for the deaf, there are 13 Keller, educated by Miss Annie Sullivan; Clarence
Catholic schools with the following enrolment: St. Selby, poet and author, taught by Sister Dosithea of
Joseph's School for the Deaf, Oakland, California, 39; the Le Couteulx, St. Mary's Institution, Buffalo, New
Ephpheta School for the Deaf, Chicago, Illinois, 72; York, and Lottie Sullivan, educated by Mrs. G. W.
Institute of the Holy Rosary. Chincuba, Louisiana, Veditz of the Colorado School, and instructed for her
37; St. Francis Javier's School, Baltimore, Maryland, first Holy Communion by the Sisters of St. Joseph in
35; Boston School for the Deaf, Randolph, Maasachu- St. Louis. About forty more remarkable cases are
setts, 93; Mater Boni Consilii School, St. Louis, Mis- known in the United States and Canada (see " Ameri-
souri, 40; St. Joseph's School, Longwood, Missouri, can Annals of the Deaf", June, 1900). It is evident
20; Notre Dame School, Cincinnati, Ohio, 12; St. that a teacher of this class must be strong in the power
John's Institute, St. Francis, Wisconsin, 71; St. of inventing means for the attaining of results, and of
Joseph's Schools. 3, NewYork City, 417; Le Couteulx, utilizing the unimpaired faculties as indirect ways of
St. Mary's School, Buffalo, New York, 176 — making in communication between the imprisoned soul and the
all 1002 deaf pupils in Catholic schools. It will be outer world. Usually they are taught the manual
noticed that, in the four Catholic schools for the deaf alphabet, and made to understand that objects have
in the State of New York, which has a deaf population names, and that by these names, recognised in raised
of about 10,000, there are 593 children cared for; and print or by spelling on the fingers, objects can be des-
that, in nine schools scattered throughout the remain- ignated. So delicate is their sense of touch that, like
ing portion of the United States, where there is a deaf Helen Keller, they can, by feeling the movements of
population eight times as great as that of the State of the vocal organs in the production of speech, be taught
New York, only 409 are provided for. If all the to speak and even to read the speech of others.
EDUCATION
320
IDUOATION
Manual Alphabets. — Venerable Bede (op. cit.)
describes finger alphabets. Monks under rigid rules
of silence often made use of them. Rosellius, a Flor-
entine monk, in his " Thesaurus Artificiosae Memorise "
(1579), figures three one-hand alphabets which, with
minor differences, were used by Bonet and Hervas y
Panduro. The first alphabet used in teaching spoken
and written language to the deaf was the Spanish one-
hand alphabet of Rosellius. " The happy thought of
this adaptation", says J. C. Gordon, " is attributed to
the pious and learned monk, Pedro Ponce de Leon"
(1520-1584). The two-handed alphabet, used in
Great Britain, was in use centuries ago among the
school-boys of Spain, France, and England. Manual
alphabets have nothing to do with "signs9' or the
" sign-language "• They constitute a manner of writ-
inglanguage Dy spelling words on the fingers. As a
means of intercourse with the deaf, they are preferable
to writing on paper, being mare convenient and rapid*
000 Catholics, it follows that, if conditions and
causes are uniform, there are 17,625 Catholic deaf —
10,272 under the age of 20 and 7353 adults. Since
deaf-mutism is common among the poor, it is probable
that the number of Catholic deaf is much larger. The
statistics for the schools for the deaf throughout the
world may be tabulated as follows: —
Schools
Teachers
Pupils
Africa
Asia
Australia
Europe
North America
South America
7
9
7 .
450
148
7
16
47
46
3152
1790
34
*
127
453
332
25,821
12,784
229
Total
628
5086
39,746
l! TWO-HANDW ALPHABVT
For the sake of promoting the welfare of thousands of
deaf persons, it is recommended to hearing persons to
master this art, which is easily acquired.
Statistics. — According to the United States Special
Census Report for 1900, there are in Continental
United States 89,287 persons with seriously impaired
powers of hearing. Of these 2772 are blind-deaf,
37,426 are totally and 51,861 partially deaf; 51,871
became deaf under the ace of 20 and 37,416 m adult
life: 46,915 are males and 42,372 females; 84,361 are
white, and 4926 coloured.
There are on an average 1175 deaf to the 1,000,000
population in Continental United States. Consider-
ing that there are in this territory probably 15,000,-
OlfB-HAXDBD ALPHABVT
Reports received from fifty-three State schools in
the United States, having an aggregate attendance of
10,124 pupils, show the values of the grounds and
buildings to be $13,370,576; expenditure for grounds
and buildings, $605,027; expenditure for salaries
and other expenses, $2,556,459, making a total
expenditure of $3,161,486, or $312 average cost per
capita.
Reports from forty-three public day-schools show
expenditures for salaries ana other expenses to be
$96,014 for 788 pupils, or an average cost per capita of
$1 22. Reports from three denominational and private
schools show an aggregate expenditure of $20,649 for
135 pupils, that is to say, an average cost per capita
EDWARD
321
EDWARD
of $152. The following tables give the statistics for
the United States: —
No. of In-
stitutions
Men
452
5
14
471
Wom-
en
Total
Deaf
State Schools
Public Day
Denominational
and Private
60
62
855
150
76
1,307
155
90
265
3
5
Total in U.S.
139
1,081
1,552
273
Pupils in
During
theFis-
calYear
Present 10 Nov.. 1907
Gradu-
Boys
Girls
Total
ates
1905-06.
State Schools
Public Day '
Denominational
and Private
11,008
1,118
I 538
5,563
526
528
4,542
511
278
10,105
1,037
506
238
2
13
In 139 Schools)
in U.S. f
...... i
12,664
6,617
5,331
11,648
253
American Annals of the Deaf, ed. Fat; The Association Re-
view and The Reports of Summer Meetingst published by the
American Association to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the
Deaf; History of the American Schools for the Deaf, 3 vols., ed.
Fay (Washington, 1893); Volta Bureau (Washington), Inter-
national Reports, Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Education
(Washington, 1906): Gordon, Education of the Deaf, Notes and
Observations (Washington, 1892), and also for manual alpha-
bets; Cyclopedia of Education (New York, 1877); Ferreri, The
American Institutions for the Education of the Deaf, tr. in the As-
sociation Review; Green, Vox Oculis Subiecta (London, 1783);
Facts and Opinions Relatinq to the Deaf (London, 1888); Mon-
roe, Bibliography of Education (New York, 1897).
F. A MOELLER.
Edward m, King of England (1312-77). eldest son
of Edward II and Isabella*, daughter of Philip IV of
France; b. at Windsor Castle, 13 Nov., 1312; d at
Sheen, 21 June, 1377., He succeeded to the throne in
his fifteenth year through the deposition of his father
in January, 1327, Edward II being forced to agree to
his own deposition, as the son refused to accept the
crown without his father's consent. His marriage to
Philippa, daughter of the Count of Hainan] t, took
place at York, 24 January, 1328. In person Edward
was graceful, strong, and active; he was fond of hunt-
ing, nawking, and all knightly pastimes, especially
war. Ambition seems the most prominent' point in
his character, and his life, characterized throughout
by selfishness and extravagance, was spoilt in later
years by indulgence in a shameful passion. As a king,
though he won great renown by his wars, he seems to
have cared neither to maintain the royal prerogatives
nor to follow any policy which would benefit his peo-
ple.
For the first four years of his reign all power was in
the hands of the queen-mother and Mortimer, and not
till their overthrow in November, 1331, can Edward
be said to have begun to rule. His first warlike ex-
perience was inglorious. In 1327 the Scots, led by
Robert Bruce, bent on recovering their independence,
invaded the North of England. Edward marched to
meet them; but so quick and active were the Scots
that Edward marched from York to Durham without
gaining any definite news of their position, and, when
He tried to cut them off and force them to fight, was
completely outmanoeuvred by them. The 'Shame-
ful Peace'9 of Northampton, made in 1328, by which
Scotland's independence was again recognized, was
one of the causes which brought about the downfall of
Mortimer and Isabella. Edward renewed his struggle
with Scotland in 1333, supporting Edward Baliol in an
attempt on the Scottish throne. He defeated the
Scots under Sir Archibald Douglas at Halidon Hill,
and set Baliol on the throne. But the Scots quickly
expelled Baliol, and, though Edward restored him, the
(quarrel with France prevented Edward from continu-
ing the struggle. Further contests with Scotland
took place during the Crecy campaign, when David
Bruce, after securing his rightful place as king, took
advantage of Edward's absence in France to mvade
England, only to be defeated and captured at Neville's
Cross, October, 1346. David remained a prisoner for
eleven years, but the Scottish raids continued. In
1355 the Scots took Berwick; Edward retook it in the
following year, but, though he ravaged the Lothians in
the campaign known as Burnt Candlemas", he was
unable to bring the Scots to terms. When David was
released, in 1357, and found himself unable to pay the
stipulated ransom, he agreed to make Edward heir to
the Scottish throne. But David died, in 1 37 1 , and left
Edward in a position which prevented him from pros-
ecuting his claim or interfering with Scotland's inde-
pendence.
Partly caused by the war with Scotland in 1333 and
1334 was the great war between England and France
known as the Hundred Years War. The Scots had
been helped by money from Philip VI of France, and
Edward s anger at this was increased through the
presence at his court of a French exile, Robert of Ar-
tois, who did all in his power to stir up enmity between
the English and the French kings. Edward and
Philip had been rival claimants for the French throne
in 1328, and after Philip had been chosen kins there
was much dispute over the homage owed by Edward
for his French fiefs. Philip, too, was anxious to be
king over all France, a claim which involved the an-
nexation of Guienne and Gascony, the parts still held
by England. Thus personal and national rivalry com-
bined to cause war. Edward's personal share in the
war which lasted from 1338 to 1360 was a distinguished
one. The first campaigns, however, were more re-
markable for the concessions won by Parliament out
of the king's needs than for successes in battle. By
the end of 1339 he had agreed not to take a tallage of
any kind without the consent of Parliament; and in
1341, to obtain further supplies, he submitted to his
accounts being audited by a board chosen in Parlia-
ment, and promised not to choose ministers without
the consent of his council. But, having received the
money, Edward shamefully broke his promises, saying
that he had "dissembled in order to avoid greater
perils ". The campaign of 1340 is noted for Edward's
naval victory at Sluys over a fleet of five hundred
French ships which attempted to prevent his landing;
and this, taken with his victory off Winchelsea, in
1350, over the Spanish fleet, goes some way towards
justifying his claim to the sovereignty of the seas.
The next campaign in which Edward took an im-
portant part was that of 1346. v The Earl of Derby had
been appointed to command in Gascony, and in 1346
Edward was about to lead an army to help him, when
he was persuaded to attack, instead, the unprotected
northern part of France. Landing near Cherbourg,
he marched through Normandy, doing as much mis-
chief as he could, and advanced almost to Paris.
Then, crossing the Seine, he retreated towards Calais,
pursued closely by Philip; and at Cr6cy, 24 August, he
won a complete victory over the French force. Con-
tinuing to Calais, he began a lengthy siege which ended
in the surrender of the town, August, 1347. Truces
frequently signed after this were as frequently broken
till open war broke out again in 1355. Edward him-
self had small part in the warfare which followed till
the campaign of 1359-60, when, after trying to take
Reims, he concluded a treaty with the regent of
France at Br6tigny, 8 May, 1360, by which all the an-
cient province of Aquitaine with Calais, Guinea, and
Ponthieu was ceded to him, and he renounced his
claim to the French crown and to all French provinces
except Brittany. The period between 1347 and 1355
was remarkable for the Black Death, a plague whiqb jn
EDWARD
322
CnWABD
im of Wykeham, attacked some of
"Good Parliament" of 1376. Lord
England swept off about half the people. Decrease in Wales and William of W;
population caused increase in labourers' wagea. And these evils in the " Good F
in 1350 the king attempted to deal with the difficulty Latimer, the king's chamberlain, and Richard Lyons,
by proclaiming that labourers must work for the same his financial agent, were impeached and imprisoned;
wages as before the plague, under penalty fixed by and though Edward sent a message begging Parlia-
" "---Vn»Bi«k ^rm^ —• """ "
statute. (See Gasqi
Death, newed., London, imjo.j
Ecclesiastically, Edward's reign
was marked by some legislation
directed against the pope. The diffi-
culties were caused partly by the
heavy taxation levied by the pope
on the clergy, and partly by the ap-
Kintment of foreigners to English
nefices by the pope; while the
irritation of Englishmen at these
grievances was increased by the
pope's residence at Avignon, under
the influence of the French king. In
1351 the Statute of Provisory was
passed. The king had, in 1344, com-
plained to the pope against reserva-
tions and provisions by which Eng-
lish benefices were given to foreignes
to deal gently withXlice Perrers
iot the sake of his love and hie
honour, she was banished from court.
But the death of the Black Prince
immediately afterwards was a great
blow to the Commons. John of
Gaunt was able, on Parliament's
dismissal, to recall the impeached
ministers, and by Edward s wish
Alice Perrers returned. The strug-
gle between the anti-ecclesiastical
party, led by John of Gaunt, in alli-
ance with John Wyclif, and the
clergy, led by William of Wykeham,
is scarcely connected with Edward
personally, except in so far as this
and other evils were due to Edward's
neglect of the affairs of his kingdom.
unlets at home, and failure abroad
„. „ , and the rights Discontent and .
of patrons were defeated; and this proving in- brought his reign to a close. He died deserted by all
effectual, the statute now made all who procured except one priest who attended him out of c
papal provisions for benefices liable to fine and im- sion. He was buried in Westminster Abbey.
pnsonment. But the statute can hardly have bene- Oaiguut Boomers —For earfy y»n Annals PaiL.
patrons, for preferments filled by provisions Bbidunoton in Chrmida ol Edward f. and II. in «. S. (Loo-
declared forfeit to the Crown for that turn'. In <*»"■ 1882-3j.-For. g*ner»l _l.iiU.ry of leigB. Aoy» of Wnu-
were declared forfeit to the Crown for that tu „ .
1353, by the Statute of Pnemunire, all subjects of the iggB; Bulegium
king were forbidden to plead in a foreign court in mat- 1874: Wauinqi
R. B., III," 1
nAnglia
n fl.iS.,1,1883.— Fol
n ». S.,
ters which the King's Court could decide, and in 1365
the papal courts were expressly included under thin.
Urban V in 1366 demanded the annual tribute prom-
ised by King John which was then thirty-three years
in arrear; but, on Parliament refusing to pay, nothing
more was heard of the claim.
The last years of Edward's reign were a time of fail-
ure and disappointment. In France he had lost, by
1374, all possessions but Calais, Bordeaux, and Ba-
yonne; at sea the English were badly beaten by the
Spaniards in 1372; the king himself after the death of
his wife, in 1369, was completely under the influence
of Alice Ferrers ; the court became more extravagant
than before, and ministers were suspected of corrup-
tion. The Commons, supported by the Prince of
I™ndn'n,*18U3)T Chroniquet de"jean It Bit jBrnVluH. 1803)
For Scottish wan. Chroniam d» Lanrraul (Edinburfh, 1830).
Modern Workb. — Stubbo. Contlilvtional Hialoruaf England
(3rd ert,). II. 302-401; Hunt in Diet. Nat. Bioo.. i. v.; Lo«o-
WAN, Iluturv of Kdvard lit flflndon, 180B1; Wamurtob, Ed-
ward III in Rpocht a) Modem Hut. (6th *d.. 18021; Aun.tr,
Edward III. and hit Wan m Enft. Hill, from Conttmp. Wriltrt
(London. 1887); W v.i-t D.v[i» ii Hitter? ol EneUmd for Cath-
olic School* (London, 1003), 138-40. bu a good mmnury of
eoclssiHlioal history; and a luaful bibliography miy bo found
in theAnnuoi Report of American Hiitorical Attodatura for 1900.
*• S81"3- ThOHAB WlLLIAMB.
Edward the Confessor, Saint, King of England,
b. in 1003; d. 5 January, 1066. He was the son of
Ethelred II and Emma, daughter of Duke Richard of
EDWARD
323
IDWABD
Normandy, being thus half-brother to King Edmund
Ironside! Ethelred's son by his first wife, and to King
Hardicanute, Emma's son by her second marriage
with Canute. When hardly ten years old he was sent
with his brother Alfred into Normandy to be brought
up at the court of the duke his uncle, the Danes hav-
ing sained the mastery in England. Thus he spent
the best years of his life in exile, the crown having
been settled by Canute, with Emma's consent, upon
his own offspring by her. Early misfortune thus
taught Edward the folly of ambition, and he grew up
in innocence, delighting chiefly in assisting at Mass
and the church offices, and in association with relig-
ious, whilst not disdaining the pleasures of the chase,
or recreations suited to nis station. Upon Canute's
death in 1035 his illegitimate son, Harold, seized the
throne, Hardicanute being then in Denmark, and Ed-
ward and his brother Alfred were persuaded to make
an attempt to gain the crown, which resulted in the
cruel death of Alfred who had fallen into Harold's
hands, whilst Edward was obliged to return to Nor-
mandy. On Hardicanute 's sudden death in 1042,
Edward was called by acclamation to the throne at
the age of about forty, being welcomed even by the
Danish settlers owing to his gentle saintly character.
His reign was one of almost unbroken peace, the
threatened invasion of Canute's son, Sweyn of Nor-
way, being averted by the opportune attack on him of
Sweyn of Denmark ; and the internal difficulties occa-
sioned by the ambition of Earl Godwin and his sons
being settled without bloodshed by Edward's own
gentleness and prudence. He undertook no wars ex-
cept to repel an inroad of the Welsh, and to assist
Malcom III of Scotland against Macbeth, the usurper
of his throne. Being devoid of personal ambition,
Edward's one aim was the welfare of his people. He
remitted the odious "Danegelt", which had need-
lessly continued to be levied ; and though profuse in
alms to the poor and for religious purposes, he made
his own royal patrimony suffice without imposing
taxes. Such was the contentment caused by "the
good St. Edward's laws", that their enactment was
repeatedly demanded by later generations, when they
felt themselves oppressed.
Yielding to the entreaty of his nobles, he accepted
as his consort the virtuous Editha, Earl Godwin's
daughter. Having, however, made a vow of chastity,
he first required her agreement to live with him only
as a sister. As he could not leave his kingdom with-
out injury to his people, the making of a pilgrimage to
St. Peters tomb, to which he had bound himself, was
commuted by the pope into the rebuilding at West-
minster of St. Peter's abbey, the dedication of which
took place but a week before his death, and in which
he was buried. St. Edward was the first King of
England to touch for the "king's evil", many suffer-
ers from which disease were cured by him. He was
canonized by Alexander III in 1 161 . His feast is kept
on the 13th of October, his incorrupt body having been
solemnly translated on that day in 1 163 by St. Thomas
of Canterbury in the presence of King Henry II.
St. Elred, De Sancto Eduardo Rege; Acta 88.. 5 Jan. (Ant-
werp, 1643) ; Lives of Edward the Confessor; William or
M almisbdrt, Oesta Regum, and Matthew Paris, Chronica
Maiora in R. 8. (London, 1858, 1872, 1887); Butler, Lives of
the Saints (Dublin, 1872); Challonkr, Britannia Sancta (Lon-
don, 1745); Lingabd, History of England (London, 1883).
G. E. Phillips.
Edward the Martyr, Saint, King of England, son
to Edgar the Peaceful, and uncle to St. Edward the
Confessor; b. about 962; d. 18 March, 979. His acces-
sion to the throne on his father's death, in 975, was
opposed by a party headed by his stepmother, Queen
Elirida, who was bent on securing the crown for
her'own son Ethelred, then aged seven, in which she
eventually was successful. Edward 's claim, however,
was supported by St. Dunstan and the clergy and by
most of the nobles ; and having been acknowledged by
the Witan, he was crowned by St. Dunstan. Tnough
only thirteen, the young king nad already given prom-
ise of high sanctity, and during his brief reign of three
yean and a half won the affection of his people by his
many virtues. His stepmother, who still cherished
her treacherous designs, contrived at last to bring
about his death, whilst hunting in Dorsetshire he
happened (18 March, 979) to call at Corfe Castle
where she lived. There, whilst drinking on horseback
a glass of mead offered him at the castle gate, he was
stabbed by an assassin in the bowels. He roae away,
but soon tell from his horse, and being dragged by the
stirrup was flung into a deep morass, where his body
was revealed by a pillar of light. He was buried first
at Wareham, whence three years later, his body, hav-
ing been found entire, was translated to. Shaftesbury
Abbey by St. Dunstan and Earl Alfere of Mercia, who
in Edgar's lifetime had been one of his chief oppo-
nents. Many miracles are said to have been obtained
through his intercession. Elfrida, struck with re-
pentance for her crimes, built the two monasteries of
Wherwell and Ambresbury, in the first of which she
ended her days in penance. The violence of St. Ed-
ward's end, joined to the fact that the party opposed
to him had been that of the irreligious, whilst he him-
self had ever acted as a defender of the Church, ob-
tained for him the title of. Martyr, which is given to
him in all the old English calendars on 18 March, also
in the Roman Martyrology.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in R. 8. (London, 1861); Malmes-
burt, Gesta Regum, ibid. (London, 1872); Tynbmouth and
Capgrave, Nova Legenda Anglia (Oxford, 1001); Challoner.
Britannia Sancta (London, 1745); Lingard, History of England
(London, 1883): Butler, Lives of the Saints (Dublin, 1872);
Stanton, Menology of England and Wales (London, 1802). »
G. E. Phillips.
Edwin GEduini), Saint, the first Christian King of
Northumbria, b. about 585, son of J£lla, Kins of
Deira, the southern division of Northumbria; a. 12
October, 633. Upon jEUVs death in 588, the sover-
eignty over both divisions of Northumbria was usurped
by Ethebric of Bernicia, and retained at his death by
his son Ethelfrid; Edwin, iEUa's infant son, being comT
pelled until his thirtieth year to wander from one
friendly prince to another, in continual danger from
Ethelfrid '8 attempts upon his life. Thus when he
was residing with Kins Redwald of East Anglia,
Ethelfrid repeatedly endeavoured to bribe the latter
to destroy him. Finally, however, Redwald 's refusal
to betray his guest led in 616 to a battle, fought upon
the river Idle, in which Ethelfrid himself was slain, and
Edwin was invited to the throne of Northumbria. On
the death of his first wife, Edwin, in 625, asked for the
hand of Ethelburga, sister to Eadbald, the Christian
King of Kent, expressing his own readiness to embrace
Christianity, if upon examination he should find it
superior to his own religion. Ethelburga was accom-
panied to Northumbria by St. Paulinus, one of St.
Augustine '8 fellow missionaries, who thus became its
first apostle. By him Edwin was baptized at York in
627, and thenceforth showed himself most zealous for
the conversion of his people. In instance of this,
Venerable Bede tells how, at their royal villa of Ye-
verin in Northumberland, the king and queen enter-
tained Paulinus for five weeks, whilst he was occupied
from morning to night in instructing and baptizing
the crowds that flocked to him. By Edwin s per-
suasion, moreover, Eorpwald, King of East Anglia,
son of his old friend Redwald, was led to become a
Christian. In token" of his authority over the other
kings as Bretwalda, Edwin used to have the tufa (a
tuft of feathers on a spear, a military ensign of Roman
origin) borne publicly before him, and he received
tribute from the Welsh princes. Under him the law
was so respected, that it became, as the Venerable
Bede attests, a proverb that u a woman might travel
EDWY
324
IOAN
through the Island with a babe at her breast without
fear ot insult". St. Edwin was slain on 12 October,
633, in repelling an attack made on him by Penda, the
pagan King of Mercia, who, together with the Welsh
prince Cadwallon (a Christian only in name), had in-
vaded his dominion. Perishing thus in conflict with
the enemies of the Faith, he was regarded as a martyr
and as such was allowed by Gregory XIII to be de-
picted in the English College church at Rome. His
head was taken to St. Peter's church at York, which
he had begun. His body was conveyed to Whitby.
Churches are said to have been dedicated to him at
London and at Breve in Somerset.
Plummkr ed., Bedcs Historia Ecdesiastiea Gentis Anglorum
(Oxford, 1896), II, 9-20; Ttnemouth and Capgrave, Nova
Legenda Angtia (Oxford, 1901); Acta SS., 12 October; But-
ler, Lives of Saints (Dublin, 1872), 4 Oct.: Linoard. His-
tory of England (London, 1883); Stanton, Menology of Eng-
land and Wales (London, 1892); Raine in Did. Christ. Biog.,
s. v.
G. E. Phillips.
Edwy (or E ad wig), King of the English, eldest son
of Edmund and St. Aelfgif u, b. about 940 ; d. 959.
Though but fifteen years old at the death of his uncle
Edred, he was unanimously chosen king, and was
crowned at Kingston in January, 956. Too young,
almost, to know his own mind, and surrounded by
counsellors who pandered to all that was worst in him,
his reign was of short duration. Despite the exhorta-
tions of St. Dunstan and Archbishop Odo, both of
whom fell under his displeasure, he put imposition
after imposition upon his subjects. His relatives
were removed from court, honest thanes were de-
spoiled of their lands and inheritances, and his grand-
mother Eadgive, who, by her piety and dignity, had
endeared herself to the entire nation, was deprived of
all her possessions.
At length, in 957, the Mercians and Northumbrians,
who felt his course most keenly, rose against him.
Edgar, Edwy's younger brother, withdrew from the
court with Archbishop Odo ana put himself at the
head of the insurgents. Edwy advanced to meet him
but was defeated at Gloucester and obliged to flee for
his life. Unwilling to prolong a civil war, the men of
Kent and Wessex assented to a general meeting of the
thanes from North and South to arrange for peace. It
was decided that the country should be divided in half
at the Thames, and that each brother should rule over
a part. To Edwy was allotted the southern portion,
and to Edgar the northern. Taught prudence by his
reverses, Edwy governed his portion from that time
forward with commendable justice and moderation,
but died, prematurely, in 959.
His relations with St. Dunstan were not the happi-
est, and constitute the chief interest of Edwy's career.
His opposition to the saint dated from the refusal of
the latter to countenance his relations with Ethelgive,
by some presumed to be his foster mother, and her
daughter. Seeing that he was in disfavour, Dunstan
withdrew for a time to his cloister, but the anger of
the king, kept alive by Ethelgive, followed him into
that sanctuary. The monks were incited to revolt,
the abbey was plundered. Dunstan fled and, though
hotly pursued, managed to escape to the Continent,
where he remained until after Edwy's death.
Osbern's story to the effect that Edwy engaged
in a general persecution of the monks may, how-
ever, be safely rejected, as the revolt against him was
not concerned with the dispute between the regulars
and seculars which began only after Edwy's death.
On the other hand, Edwy's dislike for Dunstan may
have helped to impede the saint's monastic reforms.
Anglo-Saxon Chron.; Aethelwbard, lion. Hist. Brit.; Lin-
oard, Hist, of Eng. (Dublin, 1878); Memorials of Dunstan
(Rolls Ser.); Hallam, Middle Ages (London, 1818), II. 264.
Stanley J. Quinn.
Eestennans, Fabian A. See Lahore, Diocese of.
Egan, Boettos, Archbishop of Tuam, b. near Tuam,
Ireland, 1734; d. near Tuam, 1798. He belonged to a
family owning large estates in the County Galway.
In the eighteenth century they were reduced in posi-
tion and means. The penal laws made it then difficult
for an Irish Catholic to receive Catholic education at
home; nor do we know where young Egan received
his early education. Neither is it certain at what age
he went to France to be trained for the priesthood.
This training he received at the College of Bordeaux,
founded by Irish exiles and endowed by Anne of Aus-
tria in the seventeenth century. After his ordination
he returned to Ireland and laboured in the ministry
for some years till, in 1785, he was appointed Bishop
of Achonry. Two years later he became Archbishop
of Tuam. Accustomed during his whole life in Ire-
land to the barest toleration of his religion, he joyfully
welcomed the Catholic Relief Act of 1793, and has-
tened to express his gratitude to George III. When
Maynooth College was founded in 1795, he was named
one of its trustees. One of lus last public acts was to
sign an address to the Irish viceroy, Lord Camden,
condemning the revolutionary associations then in
Ireland. In this address George III was described as
" the best of kings", and the Irish Parliament as " our
enlightened legislature". It was strange language to
use of such a king and of such a parliament.
Burke. Catholic Archbishops of Tuam (Dublin, 1882); Healy.
History of Maynooth College (Dublin, 1895).
E. A. D'Alton.
Egan, Michael, first Bishop of Philadelphia, U. S.
A., b\ in Ireland, most probably in Galway, in 1761 ;
d. at Philadelphia, 22 July, 1814. Entering the Order
of St. Francis he was rapidly advanced to important
offices. In .his twenty-sixth year he was appointed
Guardian of St. Isidore's, the house of the Irish Fran-
ciscans, at Rome, and held this position for three years,
when he was transferred to Ireland. After labouring
for several years as a missionary in his native land, he
responded to an earnest appeal of the Catholics of
Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and went to the United
States. Though lacking the constitution demanded
by the pastoral duties of that pioneer age, and suffer-
ing often from sickness, Father Egan's priestly zeal
and his eloquence in the pulpit gained universal recog-
nition, and, in April, 1803, he was appointed by Bishop
Carroll one of the pastors of St. Mary's church in
Philadelphia. On 8 April, 1808, Pope Pius VII erected
this city into an episcopal see, with Michael Egan as
first bishop. Archbishop Carroll describes him to the
Roman authorities as " a man of about fifty who seems
endowed with all the qualities to discharge with per-
fection all the functions of the episcopacy, except that
he lacks robust health, greater experience and a
greater degree of firmness m his disposition. He is a
learned, modest, humble priest who maintains the
spirit of his Order m his whole conduct." Owing to
the Napoleonic troubles, the papal Bulls did not reach
America until the year 1810. On 28 Oct. Bishop Egan
was consecrated by Archbishop Carroll in St. Peter's
church, Baltimore. His brief episcopate was embit-
tered and his health shattered by the contumacious
behaviour of the lay trustees of St. Mary's church,
which he had chosen for his cathedral. These trustees,
who were tainted with the irreligious notions of the
times, without any legal right, and contrary to the
canons of the Church, claimed the privilege of electing
and deposing their pastors and of adjusting their sal-
aries. This un-Catholic contention that the laity
own the churches and the clergy are their hired ser-
vants ' ' disturbed the peace, retarded the progress, and
threatened the existence of the Catholic religion in
Pennsylvania during two episcopates. Bishop Egan's
troubles were aggravated by the insubordination of
two Irish priests whom he had admitted to the diocese,
James Harold and his better-known nephew, William
EGBEBT
325
EGBERT
Vinoent Harold. Bishop Egan died worn out by his
struggles to maintain his episcopal authority.
Griffin, History of Bishop Egan (Philadelphia, 1893); Shea,
History of the Catholic Church in the U. S. (New York, 1890),
III; Keuss, Biog. Cyd. of the Cath. Hierarchy of U. S. (Milwau-
kee, 1898). James F. Loughlin.
Egbert, Saint, a Northumbrian monk, born of
noble parentage c. 639 ; d. 729. In his youth he went
for the sake of study to Ireland, to a monastery, says
the Venerable Bede, "called Rathmelsigi ", identified
by some with Mellifont in what is now County Louth.
Inhere, when in danger of death from pestilence, he
prayed for time to do penance, vowing amongst other
things to live always in exile from his own country.
In consequence he never returned to England, though
he lived to the age of ninety, and always fasted rigor-
ously. Having become a priest, he was filled with
zeal for the conversion of the still pagan German
tribes related to the Angles, and would himself have
become their apostle, if God had not shown him that
his real calling was to other work. It was he, how-
ever, who dispatched to Friesland St. Wigbert, St.
Willibrord, and other saintly missionaries. St. Eg-
bert's own mission was made known to him by a
monk, who, at Melrose, had been a disciple of St.
Boisil. Appearing to this monk, St. Boisil sent him
to tell Egbert that the Lord willed him instead of
preaching to the heathen to go to the monasteries of
St. Columba, "because their ploughs were not going
straight", in consequence of tneir schismatic Practice
in the celebration of Easter. Leaving Ireland there-
fore in 716, Egbert crossed over to Iona, where the
last thirteen years of bis life were spent. By his
sweetness and humility he induced the Iona monks to
relinquish their erroneous mode of computation; in
729 they celebrated Easter with the rest of the Church
upon 24 April, although their old rule placed it that
year upon an earlier day. On the same day, after sav-
ing Mass and joiningjoyfully in their celebration, the
aged Egbert died. Though he is now honoured sim-
ply as a confessor, it is probable that St. Egbert was a
bishop. By Alcuin he is expressly called antistes and
episcopus, and an Irish account of a synod at Birra
names him " Egbert Bishop", whilst the term sacerdos
used by the Venerable Bede, is sometimes applied by
him to bishops.
Bede, Hist. Bodes. Anal. (Oxford. 1896), III, iv, 27, V, be.
xxii: Alcoin, De Sanctis Ecclesia Eooracensis in Historians of
York, R. 8. (London, 1879); Tynemouth and Capgrave, Nova
Legenda (Oxford, 1901); Acta 88., 24 April; Lingard, Anglo-
Saxon Church (London, 1845), ch. xiv; Stanton, Menology of
England and Wales (London, 1892); Lanigan, Ecd. Hist, of
Ireland (Dublin, 1828), III, 95; Healy, Ancient Irish Schools
(Dublin, 1892); Bright in Did. Christ. Biog^B. v.
G. E. Phillips.
Egbert (Ecqberht or Ecqbryht), frequently
though incorrectly called " First King of England "; d.
a. d. 839. He styled himself in 828 Rex Angtorum, 1. e.
" Overlord of East AnghV', a title used by.Offa fifty
years before; in 830 he described himself as " King of
the West Saxons and Kentishmen", and in 833 he is
" King of the West Saxons". He came of the royal
race descended from Ine of Wessex and, owing to his
pretensions topower, was exiled by the joint action of
Beorhtric of Wessex and Offa of Mercia. The date and
duration of his exile are unknown, but he returned in
802 and was chosen King of the West Saxons. In 815
he ravaged Cornwall and conauered the West Welsh
who dwelt there. They rebelled in 825, when he
again defeated them just in time to repel a Mercian in-
vasion at the battle of Ellandune. Shortly after-
wards Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and Essex accepted him
as king and East AJn^lia submitted to his overlordship.
War with Mercia again broke out, and ended in Egbert
driving out Wielaf and receiving the submission of
that kingdom. In 829 he attacked Northumbria, but
the Northumbrians met him at Dore and recognized
him as overlord.
Thus for the first time he had united' the whole Eng-
lish race under one overlordship, in this way substan-
tially justifying the title King of England, though the
idea of territorial kingship had not at that time come
into being. Nor was he actually king of all the sub-
ject tribes, for the under-kings still ruled, though they
were under him as Bretwalda. Thus he restored Wig-
laf to the throne of Mercia and made his own son Ethel-
wulf King of the Kentishmen. In his own Kingdom of
Wessex he developed the shire system, carefully regu-
lating the relations of the ealdorman and the bishop to
the shire. ( He also organized the Fyrd, or militia.
His ecclesiastical policy was very favourable to the
Church, and at the Council of Kingston, in 838, he gave
the archbishop assurances of friendship and certain
privileges which considerably strengthened the pri-
matial see. In 831 he forced the North Welsh (the
people of Wales) to accept his overlordship, but three
years later he had to defend his realm from Scandina-
vian pirates who were invading Sheppey. He beat
them off, but they returned in 835 and defeated him at
Charmouth in Dorsetshire. In 837 he again had to
meet a great fleet of Northmen, who on this occasion
were helped by an insurrection of the West Welsh.
He, however, won a great victory over the allies at
Hengestdune, on the borders of Cornwall, after which
he remained at peace till his death.
The chronology of the Anglo-Saxon chronicle is
often two, and sometimes three, years out with regard
to the events of his reign. His coins, which are rare,
though specimens from nineteen different mints are
known, bear his name and the title Rex, the additions .
Saxo, "M ", or "A" denoting Wessex, Mercia, and
East Anglia respectively.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in R. S., XXIII (London, 1861);
Florence or Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis (Eng. Hist.
8oc., London, 1848-9). XIII; Henry of Huntingdon,
Historia Angtorum in Rolls Series (London, 1,874>, William
or Malmesbury, Gesta Regum (Eng. Hist. Soc., London,
1840), VI; Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus jEvx Saxonici (Eng.
ogy), Introduction to Roger Hoveden in R. S. (London. 1868-71);
H add an and Stubbs, Ecclesiastical Documents (Oxford, 186&-
78); Green, The Making of England (London, 1885); Hunt,
s. v., in Diet, Nat. Biog. (London, 1880).
Edwin Burton.
Egbert, Archbishop of Trier, d. 8 or 9 December,
993. He belonged to the family of the Counts of Hol-
land. His parents, Count Theodoric I and Countess
Hildegarde, sent him to be educated in the Abbey of Eg-
mont, located within their dominions. Egbert is first
mentioned in history as head of the imperial chancery,
then under Archbishop Willigis of Mainz. Docu-
ments of 976 and 977 record him as holding this office.
In 977 he was made Archbishop of Trier, which see
was vacant by the death of Theodoric. Here he re-
mained till 993. He sought particularly to remove
from this great diocese all traces of the ravages caused
by the Northmen at the end of the ninth century, and
to foster the ecclesiastical reforms that had been pro-
gressing since the days of Otto I. He completed the
restoration, begun by his predecessor, of the Abbey of
S. Maria ad Martyres near Trier. Just outside the
city he built the abbey-church of St. Eucharius
(St. Mathias), to which Otto II contributed gener-
ously. On this occasion the body of St. Celsus
was discovered. The abbey itself was richly en-
dowed and its monastic school flourished again. The
collegiate church of St Paulinus, near Trier, was simi-
larly endowed, a regular income for its clergy as-
sured, and a fitting solemnity in Divine worship
made possible. Abbot Hetzel of Mettlach was de-
posed for conduct unworthy of his vows and station.
The monastery was reformed, and its school became
an active centre of studious occupations. In Mun-
stermaifeld St. Martin's was raised to the dignity
of a collegiate church and was correspondingly en-
SGBSRT
326
SOBUtf
dowed. From all these regenerated centres, like-
wise from the Abbeys of Ecnternach and St. Maxi-
min, that needed no reformation, a beneficent.
Spiritual, and intellectual influence radiated in all
irections through the diocese.
Egbert was an intimate friend of Otto II, and with
Wilhgis of Mainz exerted a wholesome influence over
the emperor, whom he accompanied on his journey to
Italy in 983. After Otto's death he stood at first for
Henry the Wrangler (Zanker), but soon went over to
Otto III and his mother Theophano. Other evidence
of the religious renaissance in the Diocese of Trier is
found in the admirable works of ecclesiastical art in-
spired by Egbert and executed mostly in Trier itself.
Among these are several valuable manuscripts: the
famous "Codex Egberti ", a book of Gospels written at
Reichenau and richly adorned with miniatures, now
preserved in the city library of Trier; the "Psalte-
rium Egberti", written in 981 and now in the chapter
library of Cividale (Italy), to which it was donated by
St. Elizabeth of Thuringia (also called the "Codex
Gertrudianus", after the Russian Grand Duchess
Gertrude, who became its possessor in 1085) ; the " Co-
dex Epternacensis", which contains also the Four
Gospels and is kept in the Gotha library; likewise
several Sacramentaries, transcripts from the " Letter
Book" (Registrum) of St. Gregory the Great (596-
604), etc. The arts of the goldsmith and of the worker
in enamel were particularly well cultivated at Trier.
Among valuable specimens still extant are! at Trier
a portable altar, at Limburg the golden case or cover-
• ing with richly adorned head of the so-called St. Peter's
Staff, once a part of the relics of the Trier cathedral,
now in the sacristy of the Franciscan church at Lim-
burg. Egbert was buried in the chapel of St. Andrew,
built by him near the cathedral of Trier.
Hibsch. JahrbUcher dea deuUehen Reichea tmter Heinrich II.
(Berlin, 1862); UmAnz, JahrbUcher dea deuUchen Reichea tmter
Otto II. und Otto III. (Berlin, 1902), I; Bkaun, Oeaehiehte der
Trierer Buehmolerei (Trier, 1896): Kkaus, Die Miniature* dea
Codex Egberti (Freiburg im Br., 1884); Saubrland and Hasb-
loff. Der Paolter Brabiaehofa Egbert. Codex Oertrudianua, in
Cividale (Trier, 1901): Bbibsbl, Erabiechof Egbert und die by-
sontiniaehe Fraga in Stimmen aua Maria-Loach (Freiburg im
Br.), XXVII (1884), 260-274, 479-496; Lamprbcbt, Der Bil-
derachmuck dea Codex Egberti und dea Codex Epternocenaia in
JahrbUcher dea Vereina von Attertumafreunden xm Rheinlandef
LXX (1881), 56-122; Wattbnbach, Deutaehlanda Geachichta-
queUen im MittelaUer (7th ed., Stuttgart, 1904), 408 aq.
J. P. KlRSCH.
Sbert, Archbishop of York, England, son of Eata,
er of the Northumbrian Kins Eadbert and cousin
of King Ceolwulf, to whom the Venerable Bede dedi-
cated his history; date of birth unknown; d. 10 No-
vember, 766. He received his early education in a
monastery, and then went to Rome with his brother
Ecgred, where he was ordained a deacon. Ecgred died
in Rome and Egbert immediately returned to North-
umbria. On the resignation of the Bishopric of York
by Wilfrid II in 732, King Ceolwulf appointed Eg-
bert his successor. Shortly after his accession Bede
wrote a long letter to him advising him to give much
time to study and prayer, to ordain more priests for
the administration of the sacraments, and to translate
the Creed and the Lord's Prayer into the Saxon tongue.
He also urged him to strive to obtain the subdivision
of many of the dioceses of the North in order that
episcopal visitations might be more frequently made.
He called his attention to many disorders that were
prevalent and particularly urged him to secure the
pallium for himself. Acting upon this advice Egbert
obtained the pallium from Gregory III at Rome in
735, and thus became the second Archbishop of York,
that title having been lost to the Church of York ever
since Paulinus had fled into Kent more than a century
before. During all those years no one had sought for
the restoration of that lost dignity, and this neglect
was afterwards used as a strong argument in favour
olthe precedence of Canterbury, when the well-known
controversy- arose between the two sees. The restora-
tion of the pallium to Egbert increased his power and
authority over the Northern bishops, who thus became
his suffragans; and his power was still morestrength-
ened in 738 when his brother Eadbert succeeded to the
throne of Northumbria.
Egbert was thus placed in a position which enabled
him to carry out many reforms, and in the perform-
ance of these he proved himself a strict disciplinarian;
but though stern when correction and rebuke were
justly deserved, he was remarkable for his sweetness
and gentleness. His pupil Alcuin frequently speaks of
his piety and energy and always refers to him m terms
of tne deepest affection. " He is said to have been the
first prelate who possessed a mint at York. He paid
great attention to the services and music of his church,
introducing the observance of the Hours. He was also
a benefactor to the fabric of the minster, bestowing
upon his cathedral the choice work of the jeweller and
the goldsmith, and giving to it figured curtains of silk
of foreign workmanship. He was, in all probability,
the first introducer of the parochial system into the
North" (Fasti Ebor.). One of his greatest works,
perhaps, was the foundation of the famous School of
York and its celebrated library. The renown of its
masters and scholars soon spread through every Chris-
tian country, and noble youths from all parts flocked
to York to be taught by the great archbishop. He him-
self taught divinity, whilst his assistant Albert, who
afterwards succeeded him as archbishop, gave lessons
in grammar and in the arts and sciences. The fact
that the illustrious Alcuin was Egbert's pupil, sheds
no little lustre on this famous school.
The archbishop's daily work has been thus de-
scribed by Alcuin himself: " As soon as he was at leis-
ure in the morning, he sent for some of the young
clerks, and sitting on his couch taught them succes-
sively till noon, at which time he retired to his private
chapel and celebrated Mass. After dinner, at which
he ate sparingly, he amused himself with hearing his
pupils discuss literary questions in his presence. In
the evening he recited with them the service of com-
plin, and then calling them in order, he gave his bless-
ing to each as they knelt in succession at his feet"
(Mabillon, Acta SS. Ord. S.B., ad an. 815). Towards
the end of his life he left the care of the school to
Albert and Alcuin, giving himself more time and op-
portunity to prepare for his end in peace and tranquil-
lity. In this life of retirement and prayer he was jomed
by his brother King Eadbert, who voluntarily resigned
his throne to enter the monastery in 757. Egbert died
before his brother, having ruled over the Diocese of
York nearly thirty-four years. He was buried in one of
the porches of his cathedral at York. His best-known
work is the "De Jure Sacerdotali", a collection of
canonical regulations. Extracts from it made in the
eleventh century, under the title of "Excerptionee
e dictis et canonibus SS. patrum ' ' (Mansi, XII, 4 1 1-32 ;
WUkins, 1, 101-12), were long current as a work of Eg-
bert. Among the writings attributed to him are a
" Pontificale'\or series of special offices for the use of
a bishop; a "Dialogus Ecclesiasticse Institution is"- a
" Conf essionale ' ', and a " Pcenitentiale ' ', both of which
were written in the vernacular as well as in Latin.
The " Pontificate ", an important liturgical text, has
been published by the Surtees Society, and his other
works may be found in the second volume of Thorpe's
"Ancient Laws and Institutes of England". In its
present shape the "Pcenitentiale Egberti" (P. L.,
LXXXIX, 411 sqq.) contains but little from the hand
of Egbert, and is a ninth-century Frankish compila-
tion, put together mostly from Halitgar. Similarly, the
"Dialogus Eccl. Institutionis" (Mansi, XII, 482-88)
is said not to be from Egbert in its present form (see
York; Penitential Books; Liber roNTiFicALis).
For the writings of Egbert see P. L., LXXXIX. Gf. Rain*,
Faati Eborucenaea (London, 1863), I, 94 sqq.; Mabillon, Ada
88. Ord. S.B. (Venice, 1733), uec III, 548-9, and mo. IV. 149-
8: Idem. Annalet OJ3.B. (Paris, 1703-1730), II, 07-8; His-
torian, o/ fort in fioUi Aerie.. 1, 388; SrusoN or Dohham, Hut.
Veda. Dunelm. in Roll, Stria; Hmk, Boni/oi und tui (1883),
180 ■«□.; William or M.LMteacKT, G«U /"oiUi/. in fioUj
ciariat' 2*5; Scknjudmi, XircAcnrwAijoucUcn (2nd eel.. 1883),
70; Wam«hschxmen, luMoranunaen (18ol). 231 ao.q.;
Scjufm, BumMWkt (1883), 60S sqq.
0. E. Hind.
Iger, Diocese or. See Aorta, Diocese of.
Egfrid (also known as Ecpkid, Echqfbid, Eo-
irsBD), King of Northumbria, b. 650; d. 685. He
ascended the Northumbrian throne at Oswy's death
in 670, and after defeating the Picta sfho had thought
to impose upon his youth by asserting their independ-
ence, turned his attention to Wulphere, King of
Mercia, and broke, for a time, the power of the southern
kingdom. In 679 new trouble with Mercia arose, and
in the course of the subsequent struggle Aelfwin, Eg-
f rid 's brother, was slain. Through the intervention of
Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, peace was at
last restored and in lieu of vengeance Egfrid was pre-
vailed upon to accept the legal wergild (fine) for his
brother's death,
Egfrid now consolidated his kingdom by diplomacy,
annexation, and treaty, bringing Cumberland, Gallo-
way, and North Lancashire under Northumbrian
influence. The desire for conquest, however, had
entered his veins, and in 684 he dispatched an ex-
Sition into Ireland, The invasion was unsuccess-
. but nevertheless was productive of much damage
and bitterness to a hospitable, friendly people who
had conferred numerous benefits on the Angles and
who found violence where they expected gratitude.
Disregarding the advice of his counsellors, Egfrid led
an expedition against the Picts the next year, and,
being decoyed into the mountain passes, wss trapped
and slain. He was buried by the victors in the
cemetery on the isle of Hii or Iona, and his brother
succeeded to the Northumbrian throne.
See also Etheldreda; Ely.
Bide. Hi*. Bed., v. Ill ud IV; Stmion, Hi*. Bod. Dun.,
IuidlliBABOHiua, Ann. Eccl., ad an. 684; Diet. Chrict. Hiog.,
«. v.; LiNQAHn, Hut. of England (Dublin. 1878), I.
Stanley J. Qoinn.
Bgidius. See Giles.
Eginhaxd. See Einhard.
Egloffstein, Frederick W. von, b. at Aldorf , near
Nuremberg, Bavaria, 18 May, 1824; d. in New York,
1885. He served in the Prussian army in his early
manhood and then emigrated to the United States.
Von Egloffstein has been called " The Father of Half-
tone Engraving" in the United States, for the reason
that he was the first one to employ ruled glass screens,
together with photography, to produce engravings.
In 1861 he engaged Samuel Sartain, a steel engraver, to
rule with wavy lines numbering 250 to the inch glass
plates covered with an opaque varnish, and he was
engaged in perfecting his experiments in this direction
when the Civil War broke out. Abandoning his busi-
ness, he joined the Union army as a volunteer from
New York and was commissioned a colonel. While
leading a skirmish in North Carolina, 27 April, 1862,
he was severely wounded and retired from the service
with the brevet rank of brigadier general. Under the
patronage of Archbishop McCloskey he then took up
his new system of engraving again, and one of Muril-
lo's madonnas and an'-' — -'-'■ ' ' ■'•'
by having bank-notes engraved by his method.
Through Baron Gerolt, Prussian Minister at Washing-
ton, he was introduced to a number of officials and
prominent men, who organized The Heliographic En-
graving and Printing Company, with a plant in New
York City. There the von Egloffstein process of en-
graving was carried on m a secret manner. Each
group of workmen was taught a part of the work, but
no one was permitted to see the whole process. The
United States Government refused to adopt von Eg-
loffstein's method of engraving, and the company
abandoned the project. The common method of en-
graving now is by means of ruled glass screens and
photography. Glass screens ruled with wavy lines,
such ss von Egloffstein adopted in 1861, are also being
used (1909). Von Egloffstein, as a member of the
United States engineering department, later per-
formed valuable services for the .Government in the
submarine work at Rock Island, Illinois, and in the
blasting operations at Hell Gate in New York Har-
Wer of At RebdUo*. Official Record*, Serin I, Vol. IX. A
Portrait and ipecimen of the von EOLorrBTKIH half-Cans
Bnentvine made in 1866 ifl given In Inland Printer (Chicago. Oct.,
1884). 38; AnlAimy'i Photographic Bullttin (Mew York, 1886-
87), IX, 201.
S. H. Horoan.
of the old-
est families of the
Low Countries;
his patrimonial
castle, near the ab-
bey of the same
name, was on the
coast of the North
Sea, about three
miles west of Alk-
maar, Holland.
In 1538 he went
to Spain with his
elder brother,
Charles, and both
took part in the
expedition to Al-
giers in 1541, in
which Charles was
injured. Charles
died the following
succeeded to the
title and estates,
which, beside those of H olland, comprised the principal-
ity of Gavre, seven or eight baronies, and a number of
seigniories. When, in 1 544, he married Sabina, Duch-
ess of Bavaria and Countess Palatine of the Rhine,
the emperor and the King of the Romans assisted at his
wedding. Egmont distinguished himself injrarious
campaigns during the reign of Charles V, who. when he
was onrytwenty-six years of age, invested him with
the Order of the Golden Fleece, and appointed him to
several confidential missions such as sending him to
England to seek the hand of Queen Mary for Philip II.
His principal titles to military glory are two battles
which he won against the French: the battle of St-
Quentin, which was fought through his vehement per-
suasion (1557), and that of Gravelines, the honour of
which is due to him exclusively. As a reward for his
services he was nominated by Philip II, in 1559, stadt-
holder of the province of Flanders, and a member of
the Council of State for the Low Countries.
But these honours did not satisfy Egmont. Though
handsome, brave, rich, generous, and popular, still he
viewed with jealousy the prominence given Cardinal
Granvella, who was m the confidence of the king. He
entered a vigorous protest against the proceedings of
this minister and clamoured for his removal, going so
far as to refuse to sit in the Council of State if Granvella
were allowed to remain. His hatred of the king's
favourite led him into the plots of William of Orange -
against the Spanish Government. Later, when relig-
ious troubles broke out in Flanders, it was eviden
Lahobal, Coc nt o
Cabinet ilea Eatampes. Brunali
EGOISM
328
IOOISM
that he did not rise to the occasion: he granted the
sectarians concessions emphatically disapproved of by
the king and assumed a quite equivocal attitude in the
matter of the iconoclasts. It is true that he alleged,
in excuse, that there were no troops at his disposal and
that he was therefore rendered powerless. On the
other hand, he refused to take part in the plots against
the Government, and when the Duke of Alva arrived
in the Netherlands, he would not follow the Prince of
Orange into exile, saying that his was a clear conscience.
This attitude cost him his life. With the Count of
Hoorn he was arrested by the orders of the duke and
condemned to death, despite his appeal to the privilege
of the Golden Fleece, both were declared guilty of
high treason by the Conseil des Troubles, a court es-
tablished by the Duke of Alva, and which was his
servile instrument. The two friends were beheaded
amid universal grief. Egmont met his death with dig-
nity and Christian resignation; he protested to the
last moment his devotion to his religion and his king,
and to the latter's compassion recommended his wife,
who, through the confiscation of his property, was left
penniless with the care of eleven children. Egmont
had been imprudent, but was guilty of no crime. His
death was thenceforth one of the principal grievances
of the Low Countries against the Spanish Government.
De Bavat, Flocks du eomte oVEamont et pieces iustifioatives
rBrusaeU, 1853); Devillerjb, Le Journal de Nicolas de Lan-
aes, procureur general du ConUe tT Egmont in Bulletin de la
Commission royale oVHistoire (1881), fourth series, IX; Juste,
Le eomte oV Egmont et le comie de Homes (Brussels. 1862k Pres-
oott, History of Philip 11 (1855-50).
GODEFROID KUBTH.
Egoism (Lat. ego, I, self), the designation given to
those ethical systems which hold self-love to be the
source of all rational action and the determinant of
moral conduct. In a broad use of the term any sys-
tem might be called egoistic which makes any good of
the ego the end and motive of action. The name,
however, has been appropriated by usage to those
systems which make" happiness, pleasure, or personal
advantage the sole end of conduct. In one form or
another and with various modifications, the principle
pervades the theories of the Cyrenaic, Epicurean,
Utilitarian, and Evolutionary Schools; and, slightly
disguised, it lurks at the bottom of utilitarian altru-
ism. Its typical expression is to be found in Hobbes
and Mandeville, while Jeremy Bentham, combining it
with the other cognate principle, that pleasure and pain
are the only good and evil, formulates it in its full
character as egoistic hedonism. Two of Bentham's
statements, when taken together, set forth concisely
the egoistic doctrine. " Pleasure is itself a good, nay,
setting aside immunity from pain, the only good.
Pain is in itself an evil, and indeed without exception,
the only evil, or else the words good and evil, have no
meaning.1' (Principles of Morals and Legislation,
chap, ix.) "The search after motives is one of the
prominent causes of man's bewilderment in the in-
vestigation of the question of morals. But this is a
pursuit in which every moment employed is a moment
wasted. All motives are absolutely good, no man has
ever had, can, or could have a motive different from
the pursuit of pleasure or shunning of pain." (Deon-
tology, vol. I, p. 126.) The undisputed fact that men
do experience sentiments of benevolence and perform
disinterested actions offers an obvious difficulty to the
egoist. Hobbes seeks to evade it by resolving altru-
istic impulses into personal hopes and fears. Later
hedonists, recurring to the principle of the association
of ideas, contend that virtue, which at first is pursued
only for the pleasure it brings, comes later on, through
a confusion of means and end, to be pursued for its
own sake. Innumerable analyses have shown that
pleasure and pain are not measurable, and still less
commensurable. The scheme devised by Bentham
for estimating the quantity of different pleasures by
considering their various dimensions — Intensity, dura-
tion, nearness, certainty, purity (freedom from pain),
fruitfulness — is commonly regarded as a piece of
absurdity.
This fundamental postulate of egoistic hedonism is,
therefore, fallacious. But a deeper and more perni-
cious vice of the system lies in its primary principle
that self-interest is the only motive of human action,
This doctrine reduces all virtue to mere selfish calcula-
tion, it outrages our liveliest moral feelings by resolv-
ing the highest and noblest impulses into a base
pursuit of personal pleasure. To say that man is
incapable of acting from any motive other than self-
interest is to degrade human nature. Mankind at
large understands very clearly that self-interest is one
thing and virtue quite another; that self-sacrifice and
heroic devotion do exist, and are not vice and immoral-
ity ; that a worthy action challenges our approbation in
proportion to the disinterestedness of the agent. Let
it become known that the hero of what we at first con-
sidered a brilliant act of self-sacrifice had after all no
other motive than to obtain some advantage for him-
self, and immediately he appears but a vulgar mer-
cenary. As Lecky says: "No Epicurean could avow
before a popular audience that the one end of his life
was the pursuit of his own happiness without an out-
burst of indignation and contempt, no man could
conscientiously make this— which according to the
selfish theory is the only rational and indeed possible
motive of action — the deliberate object of all his
undertakings without his character becoming despic-
able and degraded.1' (European Morals, vol. I,
p. 35.) Besides, if the egoistic impulse is made the
sole and unconquerable motive of action, it is idle to
speak of obligation and duty. Nor can the hedonist,
consistently with his theory, claim that he safeguards
the pre-eminent value of virtue by recognizing the
happiness derivable from it to be the highest form of
pleasure. For if one kind of conduct yields this
pleasure, while another does not, then evidently there
must be some essential difference, unaccounted for in
the egoistic and hedonistic theories, between right and
wrong conduct, in virtue of which they produce con-
trary results of happiness and pain for the agent. But
moral judgments are not resolvable into estimates of
self-interest; and if we commit ourselves to classifying
conduct purely by the advantages, in terms of the
pleasure and pain, to be reaped from it. we shall be
forced to appraise as virtuous actions which the rea-
sonable judgment of men condemns as immoral ; while,
on the other hand, we shall be compelled to brand as
wrong acts of self-sacrifice such as, in all life and litera-
ture, challenge the highest honour and reverence.
At the bottom of the errors of egoistic hedonism
there lies a truth which this system misinterprets and
perverts. However complete and disinterested we
may be, we can never strip ourselves of self. The
constitution of his nature compels man to seek his
good, however he may err in the deliberate choice that
he makes among the various goods that solicit his
efforts. The end constituted for him by God is to
reach that highest good which consists in realising the
moral perfection of his nature. This good is to be
sought for its own sake chiefly, and in its train follows
happiness as, if the expression may be permitted, an
automatic consequence. Hence in pursuing the
moral good, I am implicitly pursuing my own happi-
ness. This self-realization is not egoism: for egoism
makes self the centre, the beginning and the end of
action. On the other hand, the virtuous man sub-
ordinates himself to the moral good, which in the last
analysis is identified with God. In this sense, as
Aristotle points out, the good man may be said to be a
self-lover. "For he gives to himself what is most
honourable, and the greatest goods, and gratifies the
authoritative part of himself , and obeys it in every-
thing. Therefore, he must be a self-lover, after a dif-
kowin
329
IOYPT
ferent manner from the person who is reproached for
it, and differing in as great a degree as livmg in obedi-
ence to reason differs from living in obedience to pas-
sion, and as desiring the honourable differs from
desiring what seems to be advantageous.'1 (Nich.
Ethics., Bk. IX, ch. viii, §§ 6, 7.) When Kant declared
that duty must be fulfilled exclusively for duty's sake,
with disregard of all considerations of happiness or
welfare, he ignored the tact that by annexing happi-
ness as a concomitant of the good the Creator evi-
dently intends that we may legitimately aim at our
own happiness, provided we do not invert the order
which makes happiness subordinate to the good.
duty is not the be-all and the end-all. It is a means
to reach our supreme end and good.*
St. Thomas. Summa Theologica, I, QQ. i-adx; Aristotle,
Nichomachean Ethics, IX, viii; Faroes, La LUberti et le Devoir
(Paris, 1902), Part II; Meric, Du Droii et du Devoir (Paris,
1877), Part II, ch. i, ii; Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics (New
York, 1800), I, vi-vii; II, i-iii; Lkckt, History of European
Morale (New York, 1870). i; Muirhbad, The Elements of
Ethics (New York, 1892), II, i. — The authoritative presentation
of Egoism is to be found in the works of Hobbes, Paley, Ben-
tham, and J. S. Mill. James J. Fox.
Egwin, Saint, third Bishop of Worcester; date of
birth unknown; d. (according to Mabillon) 20 Decem-
ber, 720, though his death may have occurred three
years earlier. His fame as founder of the great Abbey
of Evesham no doubt tended to the growth of legends
which, though mainly founded on facts, render it diffi-
cult to reconcile all the details with those of the ascer-
tained history of the period. It appears that either in
692. or a little later, upon the death of Oftfor, second
Bisnop of Worcester, Egwin, a prince of the Mercian
blood royal, who had retired from the world and
sought only the seclusion of religious life, was forced
by popular acclaim to assume the vacant see. His
biographers say that king, clergy, and commonalty all
united in demanding his elevation; but the popularity
which forced on him this reluctant assumption of the
episcopal functions was soon wrecked by his apostolic
zeal in their discharge.
The Anglo-Saxon population of the then young dio-
cese had had less than a century in which to become
habituated to the restraints of Christian morality;
they as yet hardly appreciated the sanctity of Chris-
tian marriage, and the struggle of the English Bene-
dictines for the chastity of the priesthood had already
fairly begun. At the same time large sections of Eng-
land were more or less permanently occupied by pa-
gans closely allied in blood to the Anglo-Saxon Chris-
tians. Egwin displayed undaunted seal in his efforts
to evangelise the neathen and no less in the enforce-
ment of ecclesiastical discipline. His rigorous policy
towards his own flock created a bitter resentment
which, as King Ethelred was his friend, could only find
vent in accusations addressed to his ecclesiastical supe-
riors. Egwin undertook a pilgrimage to seek vindica-
tion from the Roman Pontiff himself. According to a
legend, he prepared for his journey by locking Bhackles
on his feet, and throwing the key into the River Avon.
While he prayed before the tomb of the Apostles,
at Rome, one of his servants brought him this very
key — found in the maw of a fish that had just been
caught in the Tiber. Egwin then released himself from
his self-imposed bonds and straightway obtained from
the pope an authoritative release from the load of oblo-
quy which his enemies had striven to fasten uponliim.
It was after Egwin's triumphant return from this
pilgrimage that the shepherd Eoves came to him with
the tale of a miraculous vision by which the Blessed
Virgin had signified her will that a new sanctuary
should be dedicated to her. Egwin himself went to
the spot pointed out by the shepherd (Eoves ham, or
"dwelling") and to him also we are told the same
vision was vouchsafed. King Ethelred granted him
the land thereabouts upon which the famous abbey
was founded. As to the precise date of the founda-
tion, although the monastic tradition of later genera-
tions set it in 714, recent research points to some year
previous to 709. At any rate it was most probably in
709 that Egwin made his second pilgrimage to Rome,
this time in the company of Coenred, the successor of
Ethelred, and Offa, King of the East Saxons, and it
was on this occasion that Pope Constantine granted
him the extraordinary privileges by which the Abbey
of fyesham was distinguished. One of the last im-
portant acts of his episcopate was his participation in
the first great Council of Clovesho.
Acta SS..J, 707 sqq.; Mabillon, Acta SS. O. 8. B., sec. Ill,
Pars I, 316 sqq.; M achat ed., Chronicles of Evesham in R. 8.
(1863), XIX, 1-394; Dugdale, Monasticon Analicanum, II,
1-40; Stubbs in Did. Christ. Bioar., s. v.: St. Egwin and his
Abbey (London, 1004); Butler, Lives of the Saints, I, 400.
E. Macpherson.
Egypt. — This subject will be treated under the
following main divisions: I. General Description;
II. Ancient Egyptian History; III. Ancient
Egyptian Religion; IV. Literary Monuments of
Ancient Egypt; V. The Coptic Church; VI. Cop-
tic Literature; VII. Copto-Arabic Literature.
I. General Description. — The name Egypt prop-
erly applies only to the rather narrow valley of the
Nile from the Mediterranean, 31° 35' N. latitude, to
the First Cataract, at Assuan (Syene), 24° 5' 30" N.
latitude, a stretch of about 680 miles by rail. How-
ever, from remote antiquity, as now, Egypt held sway
over Nubia, reaching by degrees as far as Napata
(J5ebel Barkal), 18° 30* N. latitude, which, under the
eighteenth dynasty, was the southernmost city of the
empire — another stretch of about 590 miles by rail.
Distances by water are somewhat greater owing to the
winding course of the river. From Napata the . Nile
continues for a while in the south-west direction which
it follows from Abu-Hamed, but soon assumes its
ordinary sinuous course to the north, describing two
feat principal curves— one to the west down to Wadi
alfa, just below the second cataract, Soleb being the
westernmost point, and then another to the east as far
as Assiut (Lycopolis), Assuan forming its apex, or
easternmost point. As far as Edfu (Appolhnopolis
Magna)' the valley is rather narrow, rarely as much
as two to three miles wide. Indeed in Lower
Nubia the cultivable land area is seldom more
than a few hundred yards in width and at not a
few points, especially on the west bank, the desert
advances clear up to the river brink" (Baedeker,
Egypt, 1908, p. 376). The general aspect of the Nu-
bian desert is that of a comparatively low table-land,
stony in the north, studded with sandy hills in the
south. At Assuan the course of the river is broken by
the first cataract, where its waters rush between num-
berless more or less diminutive islands, the most fa-
mous of which is the island of Philae above and Ele-
phantine in front of Assuan. The cataract, however,
has lost much of its grandeur since the building of the
great dam which now regulates the supply for the irri-
gation of the country in time of low water. From
Assuan to Edfu (about 48 miles) the banks are so high
that even in the annual inundation they are above the
level of high water, and consequently remain barren.
Near Edfu the valley widens out and becomes wider
still in the neighbourhood of Esneh (Latopolis).
At Luxor (part of Thebse) it again narrows for a
few miles, but after that it maintains a respectable
breadth, averaging between twelve and fifteen miles.
At Assuan begin the two high ranges of the Libyan
and Arabian deserts, between which the valley extends.
The range to the left is somewhat farther from the
river, so that most of the towns are built on the
western bank.
Near Girgeh (Abydos) begins the Bahr-Yusef,
Joseph's Canal. It was formerly a branch of the Nile;
it runs parallel to the main stream at a distance of
from 5 to 6 miles along the left bank, and empties
BGYPT £
Into the Fnyflm (nome of Arsinoe). One hundred
and ten miles above Memphis the Libyan mountains
bend to the north-west, and then, facing north-east,
they draw nearer again to the Nile, thus surrounding
a large extent of territory, which of old wan known
as Te-She, or Lakeland, from the great inland lake
frequently mentioned and described by the Greek
travellers and geographers under the name of Lake
Hceria: It is still called Fa yum, from the Coptic
piiom, "the sea". This lake once occupied almost
the entire basin of the Fayftm, but within the histori-
cal period its circumference does not seem to have
exceeded 140 miles. It lay 73 feet above the sea level,
0 IQYPT
Lake Borolos (Lacus Buto or Paralus) east and Lake
Edku west of the Rosetta mouth (Ostium Bolbitinum),
and Lake Mariflt (Mareotis Lacus) south of the nar-
row strip of land on which Alexandria stands. Between
Lake Menzaleh and the Red Sea, on a line running first
south and then south-south-east, are Lake Balah, Late
Tims&h, and the Bitter Lakes (Lacus Amari), now
traversed by the Suez Canal. Wadi TumilAt connects
Lake TimsAh with the Delta across the Arabian
Desert, and forms the natural entrance to Egypt from
the Asiatic side. West of the Delta, in a depression of
the Libyan Desert, lies the Wadi Natrun (Vallis
Nitria), famous in early Christian times, under the
_ a shown by its last vestige, the name of Desert of Scete, for its Coptic t
Birket-el-Karun, which lies 144 feet below the same four of which exist to this day.
level (Baedeker, op. cit., p. 186 eq.). Geology. — The low Nubian table-land through
A little before reaching Cairo, the Nile Sows along which the Nile meanders consists of a red sandstone,
the rocky and sandy plateau on which the three best- belonging to the upper cretaceous formation. It has
known pyramids stand. There, too, the two ranges of furnished the Egyptians with an excellent building
Arabian and Libyan mountains, which above this stonewhichtheynaveexploitodfromremotoantiquity,
point run for many miles close to the river, turn especially at Gebel Silsileh (Silsilis), 26 miles south of
sharply aside in the direction of the north-east and Edfu, where the sandstone beds, in sharp contrast
nortn-west, thus forming a triangle with the Mediter- with their former low level, rise in steep banks over-
rauean shore. The immense alluvial plain thus en- hanging the river, thus offering unusual facilities for
compassed was called by the Greeks the Delta, owing quarrying and transporting the stone. Near Edfu the
to its likeness to the fourth letter of their alphabet(A). sandstone is replaced by the nummulitic limestones
As soon as the river enters this plain its waters divide (Eocene) of the Tertiary period, which form the bulk
into several streams which separately wind their way of the Libyan Desert and of a considerable portion of
to the sea and make it a garden of incredible fertility, the Arabian Desert as well. The Libyan Desert is a
In ancient times there were seven of these branches, five level, or almost level, table-land, averaging 1000 feet
natural and two artificial. Only two are now of impor- above the sea. On the east it is fringed with craggy
tance for navigation, the Damietta (Tamiathis) and cliffs overhanging the valley, while its outward border,
the Rosetta branches, both named from the towns near running aslant to the north-west, offers here and
which they discharge into the sea. It is to be re- there deep bays in which lie the oases of KbArgeh
marked that, as a natural result of the incessant strug- and DAknleh (Great Oasis), Farafreh (Tringtheos
gle between sea and land, the outline of the Delta is Oasis), and Siweh (Jupiter Amnion). The oasis of
even now somewhat indefinite, and was probably Bahriyeh (Small Oasis), north-east of Farafreh, lies,
much more so in the remote past. The shore is always on the contrary, in a depression entirely surrounded
partly covered with lagoons which move from one by the higher plateau. The Fayum, in fact, is
place to another. The most extensive of these are nothing but such an oasis on a larger scale. The
now, from east to west. liike Menzaleh between the plateau itself is waterless and practically without
ancient Ostium Phatniticum and Ostium Pelusiacum, vegetation. Its strata are gently inclined to the
EGYPT 331 IOTPT
north-west, so that the highest level is in the south, which is precisely the same now as it was 5000 years
near Luxor, where the oldest (lower Eocene) strata ago, a pole to which is fastened a piece of wood bent
appear, and valleys (Biban-el-Moluk) take the place of inward at an acute angle and shod, at least in later
the cliffs, undoubtedly for the same reason as in the periods, with a three-pronged piece of iron. There is
Arabian Desert (see below). no trace of large forests similar to our own having ever
East of the Nile the limestone formation originally covered the valley proper of the Nile in quaternary
presented much the same appearance as in the Libyan times, much less the Libyan and Arabian ranges, but
counterpart. This appearance, however, was changed the Delta still has, and may have had in the past,
by a high (6000 to 7000 feet) range of crystalline rocks large groves of palm trees. So far as we can judge
(granite, gneiss, diorite, porphyry, etc.) which sprang from the paintings of the early tombs, the whole cul-
up along tne Red Sea, lifting and tilting both the lime- tivable land was laid out in fields, orchards, or gardens,
stone formation and the sandstone beds (which extend The fields gave rich crops of wheat, barley, millet
farther north on the eastern than on the western side (Sorghum vulgare), flax, lentils, peas, and beans. The
of the river), thus creating numerous deeply eroded orchards were stocked with trees which, as a rule, were
valleys. Some of these run north and south, but plan ted as much for the shade they afforded as for their
most of them slope down to the Nile. The Wadi refreshing fruit. There were palms of two species:
Hammamat (the Rehenu Valley of the Egyptians) runs the ordinary date-palm and the dum-palm, the latter
almost straight across the desert from Keft (Coptos) on growing in Upper Egypt only. Oranges and lemons
the Nile in the direction of Koseir (Leueos Limin of the were peculiar to Lower Egypt, while sycamores, tarn-
Greeks) on the Red Sea. In spite of this the Arabian arisks, acacias of various kinds, the vine, the pome-
Desert still preserves its general appearance of a table- granate, and the olive were common ; oleanders, roses,
land. The open plains, of course, are almost devoid of carnations, and geraniums were, as they still are, the
vegetation, but numerous plants can be seen in the principal decorative plants. In the kitchen gardens
valley after rain, and they thrive in the sheltered ra- grew cabbages, cucumbers, melons, leeks, onions, and
vines among the hills where springs occur. Near As- .garlic, which tne Israelites seem to have regretted no
suan a spur of the eruptive range just mentioned runs fees than the excellent fish (Num., xi, 5) and the fat
in a western direction to the Nile, extending clear fleshpots (Ex., xvi, 3) of the land of bondage Reeds
across the bed of the river and thus occasioning the of various kinds grew abundantly in the marshes in
so-called first cataract; Lower Egypt especially; the most important reed
The formation of the present Valley of the Nile, in was the papyrus; its stalks served to make boats (Is.,
Egypt proper, dates from the Pliocene times, when it xviii, 2), ropes, sandals, clothes, and baskets. It was
first appeared as a fiord into which the water of the Medi- in such a basket that Moses was put by his mother and
terranean Sea flowed at least as far asKeneh(Caenepolis) exposed in the flags by the river brink (Ex., ii, 3).
and perhaps even as far as Esneh (in the older Miocene But it was especially as a writing material that the
times, the valley did not exist at all, the Arabian and papyrus became famous. Its large, fibrous stalks,
Libyan Deserts forming one continuous table-land), being first stripped of their rind, were sliced length-
Intunately connected with the formation of the valley wise. Two layers of such slices were disposed at right
are the sands and loams occurring to the south of the angles on one another and fastened with a sort of glue
pyramids of Gizeh, as is shown by numerous Pliocene under some pressure, and the sheet of paper was ready
fossils they contain (Baedeker, Egypt, p. 1). The for use as soon as it dried. When written upon, the
silicified wood which abounds in the district of Mo- sheet was rolled up with the writing inside, and the
ghara, west of Wadi Natrun (see above), belongs to title of contents was then added on the back end of it.
the Miocene times, as do also the marine limestones of In ancient Egypt the tuft of papyrus was the coat of
the Plateau of Cyrenaica, north of the Oasis of Stweh, arms or symbol of the Northern Kingdom. This reed,
on the eastern edge of the Arabian Desert and on the so common in Egypt up to the first centuries of our
shore of the Gulf of Suez. The so-called petrified era, has now completely disappeared from that coun-
forests near Cairo consist of stems of trees silicified by try, very likely on account of the high tax which the
the action of the siliceous thermal springs which bub- Roman emperors imposed on its cultivation. It ex-
bled forth amid the network of lagoons existing in ists still, however, on the upper course of the Nile, and,
these parts in Oligocene times. Those forest trees are according to Bruce, the Abyssinians still make boats
still more common in the Fayum, where innumerable of its stalks. Among the many other aquatic plants
bones of extinct terrestrial and marine mammals and must be mentioned the lotus, a water-lily, of which
reptiles have been found in sands of the same geologi- two species, the Castalia acutifolia (Nymphaa casru-
cal age (Baedeker, loc. cit.). lea), with blue flowers, and the Castalia mystica
Deposits of alabaster are to be found in the neigh- (Nymph&a lotus), with white blossoms, are often
bourhood of El 'Amarna, where the alabaster quar- found figured on Egyptian monuments, particularly
ries of Hetnub were worked by the Egyptians from on columns. The flower of the lotus was the emblem
the time of the Fourth Dynasty. The cultivated of Upper Egypt, as the tuft of papyrus was of Lower
plains of the Delta and the Nile valley consist of recent Egypt.
alluvial deposits, ranging from fine sand to the finest The inundation of the Nile is of the utmost impor-
silt laid down by the water of the annual inundation, tance to Egypt ; it is no exaggeration to say that but for
Under these lie coarser yellowish sands and gravels of its annual recurrence the rich valley would soon become
Pleistocene age, which here and there reach the surface a desert similar to those of Libya and Arabia. The
in the Delta as islands of sandy waste among the rich overflow is due principally to the torrents of rain that
cultivation of the surrounding country" (Baedeker, fail almost uninterruptedly in Abyssinia during the four
Egypt, p. xlix). Gold-bearing quartz and iron ore are months of summer and swell the Blue Nile (Astapus),
plentiful in the eruptive range of the eastern desert which discharges into the Nile proper, or White Nile,
ooth in Nubia and in Egypt, and gold mines were ex- at Khartum. The rise of the Nile begins in Egypt a
ploited there by the pharaohs. No workings of iron few days before the summer solstice, that is between
ore have been found (Breasted, "History of the An- the 10th and 20th of June; but the inundation does
cient Egyptians", 122, 142, 154, 155). not begin until fully two months later. It reaches its
Flora and Agriculture. — Since the remotest antiq- maximum height about the autumnal equinox when
uity Egypt has been famous for its fertility. # The it begins gradually to subside until the vernal equinox,
black soil, really a gift of the Nile, annually enriched so that the whole process of inundation lasts about
by a fresh layer of silt, requires but little care in tilling nine months. The maximum height of the water
and ploughing. Hence the primitive character of the varies in different places, decreasing as the area cov-
agricultural implements — the plough, in particular, ered by the inundation increases. The mean differ-
1
EGYPT 332 IOYPT
ence between the highest and lowest stages of the surplus of the inundation waters were stored during
river is 21 feet at Khartum, 20 feet at Wadi Haifa, ' their highest rise, which allowed them to double the
23 feet at Assuan, 22 feet at Assiut, and 22 feet at volume of the river below the Fayum during the three
Minieh. Below the last-named point controlling months of low Nile. The immense waterworks neces-
works now prevent the normal rise of the river, sitated by this undertaking, at the point where the
(Baedeker, Egypt, p. xlvi.) At Cairo to-day the aver- lake was most commonly visited by foreigners, gave
age rise is 16 feet. Some twenty-five years ago it the impression that the lake itself was an artificial
used to be 25 feet at Cairo, 24 feet at Rosetta. When excavation, as reported by classic geographers and
stated generally the height of the inundation must travellers.
be understood as the height of the nilometre on the This great enterprise was not resumed until the
island of R6dah, near Cairo (close by the ancient close of the last century, when a series of gigantic
Babylon). Formerly a rise of 18 to 20 feet was poor, dams at different points on the Nile was planned by
20 to 24 insufficient, 24 to 27 good, 27 and above too the Egyptian Government; these, in part at least,
much. For seven years, a. h. 457-464 (a. d. 1065- have been completed. The Barrage cfu Nil (about
1072) the inundation failed altogether. The long twelve miles below Cairo) was completed in 1890. It
duration of the overflow is due to the fact that it is extends across the Rosetta and Damietta branches
controlled by artificial means without which it would and two of the principal canals of the Delta, thus en-
undoubtedly prove as detrimental as it is beneficial, suring constant navigation on the Rosetta branch and
The only part left to nature is the process of infiltra- perennial irrigation through most of the Delta. The
tion which is due to the pressure of the water on the dam of Assiut, constructed 1898-1902, regulates the
banks and is favoured by the porous nature of the soil, amount of water in the Ibrahtmfeh Canal and thus en-
also by the fact that the subsoil, like the surface of the sures the irrigation of the provinces of Assiut, Minieh,
valley, gently slopes down to the mountains. It is Beni-Suef (10 miles east of Heracleopolis Magna),
only when this natural process is completed that the and, through Bahr-Yusef, of the Fayum. Finally
river is ready to overflow its banks, and then begins the dam of Assuan, also completed in 1902, below
man's work. The sluices of the canals are opened, the island of Philae, maintains such a supply of
and the waters are led first to the higher level lands water in the canals of Lower and Middle Egypt that
nearer the banks, then to the lower lands, for in its upwards of 500,000 acres have been added to the
general configuration the soil to be submerged, as the area of cultivable land in the Summer. This dam, the
subsoil, is convex — not concave, as in the case of largest structure of the kind in the world, rises 130 feet
ordinary rivers. This is brought about by building above the foundation, and dams up the water of the
earthen dykes across the canals and the fields ; the Nile to a height of 83 feet, thus forming a lake of 234,-
dykes are removed when the preceding tract has been 000,000,000 gallons. Its length is 2150 yards; its
sufficiently irrigated. The reverse is done when the width 98 feet at the bottom, and 23 feet at the top.
river begins to fall, and the waters are kept in the re- The Egyptian Government has lately decided to raise
motest parts of the valley as high as possible above it 23 feet, which will more than'double the huge reser-
the level of the river, and they are let out slowly, so as voir's capacity and will afford irrigation for about
to secure irrigation for the low-water months, March 930,000 acres of land now lying waste in Upper Egypt
to June. This process, however, is not always possi- (Baedeker, Egypt, p. 365). In addition to these gi-
ble, either because the inundation is insufficient or gantic waterworks, the number and capacity of the
because the canals and sluices are not kept in good canals have been considerably increased, thus allow-
condition. The fellaheen (tillers of the soil) then have ing the inundation waters to reach farther on the out-
to raise the water from the river, the canals, or the skirts of the desert ; to this, probably, is due the fact
numerous wells fed by natural infiltration, so as to that the average level of high waters is lower than it
water their fields. used to be — 25 feet at Assuan instead of 40, although
Two machines chiefly are used for this purpose: the for the region below Minieh this change is also to be
sdkyeh and the shddHf. The sakyeh consists of two explained by the manipulation of the controlling
cog-wheels working at right angles to one another, waterworks (Baedeker, Egypt, p. xlvi).
The perpendicular wheel carries an endless chain to Reclus, NouvejU geography universelU (Paris, 1886), X;
whicfare att^hed leathern wooden, or clay buckets.- *£-££ l&^f&f S^^A^^Tr
As the wheel turns the buckets are dipped m the water VEgypte (2 vols., Paris, 1840); Brucb, Travels to Discover the
and filled, when they are lifted and emptied into a £<*f™ of the Nile in the Yean nes-ms (7 vols.. London and
channel which carries the water to the fields. These gSfc-fcESSi, ^SSTfkST^ ."! 8$Z2^2&
machines are worked by asses or buffaloes m Egypt 1826-1828); Drovetti, Voyage a V Oasis de Dakel (Paris,
and by camels in Nubia. The shaduf is a roughly 1821); Champollion, Lettres tcrius d'Eoypte et de Nubie
made pair of gigantic scales in which the trays are re- <*& "f^ I$Br»^8ff j,^.,^ g£
placed by a bucket at one end and a Stone On the coveries in Egypt, Ethiopia and the Peninsula of Sinai in
other, the stone being a little more than the weight of the Yean i8ta-i8U5 (London, 1852; 2d ed., 1863); Id., tr.
the bucket when filled. A man stand* on the bank f^fe^S?. ^fJS^S^S^A &°&
and, pulling on the rope to which the bucket IS at- 1857); Brown. The Fayum and Lake Moeris (London, 1802);
tached, submerges the latter, then letting go, the Lyons, The Physiography of the River Nile and iU Basin (Lon-
weight of the stone lifts the bucket out, when it can be ^SJS^^S^ *>-*"*+ "«*»*»/. /W«w
emptied into the proper channel. In the Lower
Delta, where the level of the water in the canals re- II. Ancient Egyptian History. -r-Chronology. —
mains nearly the same, they use a wooden wheel The ancient Egyptians practically had only one kind of
called tdbtit, which raises the water by means of nu- year: a vague year consisting of 12 months, each of 30
merous compartments in the hollow felloes. Such days,and 5 supplementary days which were intercalated
methods, however, while absorbing all the energies of between the 30th day of the last month of the year just
the population for most of the year, are far from ex- elapsed and the first day of the first month of the folio w-
hausting the irrigation power supplied by the Nile ingyear. Technically, those five days did not belong to
during inundation, nine-twelfths of the annual out- the year; the Egyptians always said the "vear and
pour being contributed during the three months of the five days to be found thereon". The five extra
maximum rise. It allows one crop only for the irri- year days were sacred to Osiris, Horus, Set, Isis, and
gated lands, and leaves many districts desert-like for Nephthys. They were days of bad omen. The year
lack of water. The pharaohs of the twelfth dynasty, was divided into three periods, or seasons, of four
it seems, tried partly to obviate these defects by using months each: the inundation (Egyptian Echut, or
the natural lake of the Fayum as a reservoir where the Echet), the sowing-time (Proyet), and the harvest
EGYPT 333 EGYPT
(Somu). In ancient times months had no special in different ways by various scholars, with slight vari-
names, they were simply designated by ordinal num- ations in the years of beginning of the several periods
bers in each season, as " the first month of the inunda- (see Ginzel, " Handbucn der mathematischen und
tion" and so on. Each month (as also the decades technischen Chronologic", 187 sqq.). According to
and hours), however, had as a patron one of the divini- E. Meyer (op. cit., 28), a new period began: —
ties whose feast occurred during that month, and the 19 July, a. d. 140-141
patrons, it seems, varied according to time and local- 19 July, 1321-20 b. c.
ity. At a rather late period the names of those pa- 19 July, 2781-80 b. c.
trons passed over to the months themselves, hence the 19 July, 4241-40 b. c.
names transmitted to us by the classical writers (see These dates have been adopted by Breasted in his
table below). Each month was divided into three chronology (Ancient Records of Egypt, I, sec. 44),
decades (the Egyptians do not seem to have ever used, which we shall follow in the chronological arrange-
or even known, the week of seven days) ; each day into ment of the Egyptian dynasties (see below).
24 hours, 12 hours of actual day time and 12 hours of We have no evidence of the Egyptians having ever
actual night time. The hours of day and night, con- become aware of the difference between the Sirius year
sequently, were not always of the same length. The and the solar year, which accounts for the shifting of
sixth hour of night corresponded to midnight, and the the summer solstice and, consequently, of the begin-
sixth hour of day to noon. There were further sub- nine of the inundation from 25 July, m 4236 B. c, to
divisions of time, but their relation to the hour is un- 21 June, in 139 a. d. (see Ginzel, op. cit., 190). This
known. The day most likely began with the first divergence, however, was too slow, and amounted to
day-time hour; some, however, think it began with so little, even in the course of several centuries, that
the first hour of night. , the Egyptian astronomers might well have over-
The year began with the first day of Thoth (Inun- looked, or at least ignored, it with regard to the calen-
dation I) which, of course, was supposed to coincide dar. It is still more remarkable that, after noting the
with the first rise of the river. The first of Thoth was retrocession of their vague year, they should not have
also supposed to coincide with the day of the heliacal tried to even it up with the Sirius year. But the as-
rising of Sirius, which was called New Year's Day and tronomers were also- priests and, as such, custodians of
celebrated as such each year with a great festival, the religious side of the calendar, which in their eyes
Isis, typified by Sirius, her star, was believed to bring could not have been the less important. The simple
with the inundation a promise of plenty for the new insertion of an intercalary day would have been
year; this takes us back into the first centuries of the sufficient when the two years agreed, but that hap-
fif th millennium, when the summer solstice, which pre- pened rarely ; and the need of a reform was not felt by
cedes by a few days only the inundation, actually co- the contemporary generation. When that need was
incided with the heliacal rising of Sirius. We know, most acute, as in the middle of a Sothic period, the in-
besides, from the classical writers that the latter phe- tercalation was not enough; the reform, to be satis-
nomenon occurred on the 19th or 20th of July (ac- factory, would have demanded the bringing back of
cording to the Julian Calendar), which points to Mem- the seasons to their right times (at least in the measure
phis as the home of the Egyptian Calendar. The allowed bv the shifting of the summer solstice), which
Egyptians, however, must have perceived in course of could not be done without passing over several months
time (if they had not foreseen it) that their calendar and days (cf . the Gregorian Reform), and conse-
of 365 days would not, as they evidently believed at quentlv almost as many feasts or popular festivals,
first, bring back the seasons every year at their re- Indeed, in Ptolemaic times, when, prompted by press-
spective natural times. Their vear being about one- ing politico-religious reasons, the priests finally under-
fourth of a day shorter than the Sirius year, on the took a reform, they were satisfied with the insertion of
fourth anniversary of its adoption, it had retroceded a a sixth epagomene day every four years. This fixed
whole day on the heliacal rising of Sirius; 486 years year, known as the Canopic or Tanitic year, began on
later, the retrocession was of about 120 days, so that 22 October, 238 B. c. (Julian), the first day of Thoth
the calendar indicated the opening of the inundation happening then to coincide with that date. It met
time when in fact the harvest was only beginning; and with but scant favour and was abandoned under
so on until, after 1461 revolutions of the civil vear and Ptolemy IV (Philopator) in honour of whose prede-
1460 only of Sirius, the first of Thoth fell agam on the cessor. Ptolemy III, the decree had been issued. A
same day as the heliacal rising of that star. This second attempt on the same limited scale, and prob-
period of 1460 Sirius years (1461 Egyptian years) re- ably in the same spirit of flattery ; was made in the
ceived later the name of Sothic period from SAta, a early years of Augustus, in connexion with the estab-
Greek form of Sopdet, the Egyptian name of Sirius. lishment of the era of Alexandria. The Egyptian
Long before the end of the first Sothic period it was year was then brought into harmony with the fixed
found necessary to consider the first of Thoth as a Julian year, inasmuch as it received every four years
New Year's Day also, the civil New Year's Day. As an intercalary day. That day was inserted after the
early as the Fourth Dynasty we find the two New 5th epagomene, preceding the Julian intercalary year.
Year's Days recorded side by side in the tombs. The first of Thoth, however, remained where it was
To the common people, who, as usual, were guided when the reform overtook it, viz., on 29 August, ex-
by the appearances, the calendar was steady while cept after an intercalary year, when it^fell on 30 Au-
Sirius and the natural seasons were moving around it. gust. The first year with an intercalary dayvit
Consequently Sinus's New Year's Day — which seems seems, was 23 B. c. (see Ginzel, op. cit., I, 224-28).
to be all they knew or ever cared to know of the Sirius This fixed year, which, is still in use in the Coptic
year — was a movable feast, the date of which was to Church, was first adopted by the Greek and Roman
be announced every year. The fact that they esti- portions of the population, while the Egyptians proper
mated its precession on the calendar at six hours ex- tor several centuries clung still to the old vague year,
actly, which was not correct except in 3231 b. c. (see As we have seen in the beginning of this section, the
E. Meyer, " Aegyptische Chronologic", p. 14), tends to whole arrangement of th$ Egyptian year and its rela-
show that the date was not obtained from astronomi- tion to the astronomical and climatic phenomena of
cal observation, but in a mechanical way on the sup- chief importance to the ancient Egyptians indicate
position that every four years it would fall one day that it must have been established at a tfpote when one
later, this rule havmg been ascertained astronomically of the heliacal risings of Sirius coincided with the be-
Qnce for all, and considered as correct (E. Meyer, op. ginning of the inundation, which takes place shortly
cit., p. 19). (according to the Coptic Calendar three days) after
The cycle of the Sothic periods has been established the summer solstice. This points clearly to the begin-
EGYPT
334
EGYPT
nine of that Sothio period the first year of which fell on
19 July, 4241 b. c, when the summer solstice was on
25 July, and the inundation on 28 July. At the be-
ginning of the preceding period, 19 July, 2781 b. c,
the summer solstice had already retroceded to 13 July,
so that the inundation (16 July) preceded the heliacal
rising of Sinus, while at the beginning of the following
period, 19 July, 5701 b. c, the summer solstice was
due only on 6 August, and the inundation on 9 August,
or 21 days after the heliacal rising of Sinus (cf. Ginzel,
op. cit., 190; £. Meyer, op. cit., 14 sqq.). The date
2781, as a possible date of the inauguration of the
Egyptian calendar, is also excluded by the fact that
the intercalary days (proving the use of the shifting
year of 360 plus 5 days) are mentioned in the so-called
Pyramid Texts, which are far older than the Fifth and
Sixth Dynasties, although they occur for the first time
on the monuments of these dynasties (E. Meyer, op.
cit., 40: Breasted, "Ancient Records of Egypt", 1,
30). The date of the heliacal rising of Sirius varies
according to the latitude from which it is observed.
The fact that most of the classical writers and the
Egyptian documents fix that date at 19 July shows
that the Egyptians observed it from the 30th degree
of N. latitude, which points to one of the ancient
cities of the Southern Delta as the home of the Egyp-
tian year, probably Memphis or Heliopolis (E. Meyer,
op. cit., 41; Ginzel, op. cit., 1, 186; Breasted, op. cit.,
I, sec. 45).
The following table exhibits the seasons and the 12
months of the Egyptian year with their Greek names
(still in use with slight changes of orthography in the
Coptic Calendar) and their respective dates of begin-
ning according to the Julian Calendar, when I Thoth
fell on the day of the heliacal rising of Sirius, i. e. at
the opening of Sothio periods: —
, fl Thoth 19 July
Inundation \™ ?**°Phi lflu?wt^
III Athyr..* 17 September
JV Choke 17 October
1 Tybi 16 November
II Mechir 16 December
III Phamenoth 15 January
~V Pharmouthi 14 February
Pachon 16 March
I Payni 15 April
II Epiphi 15 May
V Meson 14 June
The Five Epagomene days 14 July
The following table shows the correspondence of the
present Egyptian (and Coptic) calendar, as reformed
under Augustus, with our own calendar, both before
and after intercalation: —
Thoth 1 29 Aug. After Intercalation. . .30 Aug.
Sowing
Harvest
Phaophi 28 Sept.
Athyr 28 Oct.
Choiac. .... < . .27 Nov.
Sjrbi 27 Dec.
echir 26 Jan.
Phamenoth.. . .25. Feb.
Pharmouthi. . .27 Mar.
Pachon 26 Apr.
Payni 26 May
Epiphi 25 June
Mes6ri 25 July
Epagomene day24 Aug.
<<
it
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
u
tt
tt
u
a
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
...29 Sept.
...29 Oct.
...28 Nov.
...28 Dec.
...27 Jan.
...26 Feb.
...28 Mar.
• ..27 Apr.
...27 May
• • .26 June
• . .26 July
...25 Aug.
Although the Egyptians kept track of the Sirius
jar, in so far as its beginning was the official New
ear's day, they do not seem to have made use of it
for chronological purposes. The same must be said
of other methods of reckoning the year which may
have been in use among some classes of the popula-
tion, as, for instance, the natural year based on the
recurrence of the natural seasons. It is not uncom-
monly taken for granted or advanced that the Egyp-
tian vague year of 365 days was preceded by a round
year of 360 days, and that the former was obtained by
adding 5 days to the latter. Arguments in favour of
that view are few and not convincing. A year of 360
days neither lunar nor solar is hardly imaginable (ct
Ginzel, op. cit., 69; E. Meyer, op. cit., 10). It is
more likely that, even before the arrangement of 360
plus 5 days, the Egyptian year (originally a lunar year)
had become luni-solar, and increased to 365 days,
either as a fixed number for every year by means of
intercalary days distributed over the whole year (as
in the Julian year), or as an average number in a
series of years by process of embolism (as for instance
in the Hebrew year). Finally it was decided to adopt
the far simpler and more rational arrangement of 12
even months followed by 5 intercalary days; the dis-
tribution of the days was changed, not their number.
This recast of the calendar found expression at a
very early period, if not at the time when it took
place, in the following fable preserved by Plutarch
(De Iside et Osiride, xii), but undoubtedly very an-
cient, as we may judge from the fact that the divini-
ties mentioned in it belonged to the earliest stages of
the Egyptian Pantheon. Rhea (Egyptian N<U) hav-
ing had secret intercourse with Kronos (Geb), Helios
(He) cast a spell upon her to prevent her from bringing
forth during any month of any year. ' But Hermes
(Thoth), who loved her, played dice with the Moon and
won from her the 73d part (not 60th as Maspero,
"Histoire ancienne", p. 87; nor 70th as E. Meyer, op.
cit., p. 9; nor 72d, as Ginzel, op. cit.. p. 171) of her
courses (literally lien to, 4>6rvr)t which ne added to the
(remaining) 360 days. During these five days Nut
Drought forth her children (Osiris, Horus, Set, Isis, and
Nephthys).
The ancient Egyptians never had eras in the usual
sense of this word, i. e. epochs from which all succes-
sive years are counted regardless of political or other
changes in the life of the nation. Instead of eras,
during the first five dynasties, they used to name each
civil year from some great political or religious event
(a usage which had its parallel in Babylonia), as "the
Year of the Smiting of the Troglodytes ' ', "*the Year of
the Conquest of Nubia", "the Year of the Defeat of
Lower Egypt", "the Year of the Worship of Horus";
or from some fiscal process recurring periodically, as
"the Year of [or after] the Second Occurrence of the
Census of all Cattle, Gold", etc. which was often ab-
breviated to " the Year of the Second Occurrence of
the Census", or, still more briefly, "the Year of the
Second Occurrence". The census having become
annual, each year of any given reign came to be identi-
fied as the year of the first (or whatever might be the
proper ordinal) census of that reign, a new series thus
beginning with each reign. From the Eleventh Dy-
nasty on. the years were always numbered from the
first of the current reign, and the second year of the
reign was supposed to tegin with the first day of
Thoth next 'following the date of the king's acces-
sion, no matter how recent that date might De. The
absence of eras in ancient Egypt is all the more re-
markable as there were several periods which could
easily have been utilized for that purpose, the Sothic
period especially. (On other periods— Phoenix, Apis,
etc. — mentioned by the classical writers, but not
yet found on Egyptian monuments, as also on the
so-called Great and Small Years and the supposed
Nubti Era, see Ginzel, op. cit., I, sec. 38 and 45.)
In later times several eras were created or adopted
in Egypt, the principal of which was the Era of Alexan-
dria. Its epoch, or starting-point, has been conven-
tionally fixed at 30 (or 31) August of the first year of
Augustus (Julian, 30 b. a), although, as we have seen,
it did not acquire its intercalary character until 26, or
even 23, b. c, so that its first years were ordinary
Egyptian vague years (for further details see Ginzel,
op. cit., I, pp. 224-28). The Philippic, or Macedonian,
Era (more generally known as the Era of Alexander)
was introduced into Egypt in the third century b. c.
E&YPf
335
26YPT
after the death of Alexander the Great (323 b. a).
Up to Ptolemy Philadelphus (285^17 b. c), Egyptian
monuments were dated according to the old Egyptian
syBtem, but after that time the Macedonian dates are.
generally found together with the Egyptian. Mace-
onian dating was gradually superseded by the use of
the fixed eras, yet it is found, sporadically at least, as
late as the second century after Christ (Ginzel, op.
cit., I, p. 232). The Philippic Era begins on I Thoth,
425 (12 Nov., 324 b. c, Julian style) of the Era of
Nabonassar; like the latter it is based on a vague
year on the same pattern, months' names included, as
the old Egyptian year. The Era of Nabonassar be-
gins at noon, 26 February, 747 b. c. (Julian style). It
is the basis of the famous Canon of Ptolemy. It was
used in Egypt especially for astronomical purposes,
and it met with great favour with the chronographers
on account of the certainty of its starting-point and its
well established accuracy. The reduction of Nabon-
assar's years into the corresponding usual Christian
reckoning is rather complicated and requires the use
of special tables (see Ginzel, op. cit., I, p. 143 sqq.).
Only a very small portion of the colossal mass of
inscriptions, papyri, etc. so far discovered in Egypt
has any bearing on, or can be of any assistance in,
chronological questions. The astronomical knowl-
edge of the ancient Egyptians does not seem to have
gone very far, and, as every one knows, accurate
astronomical observations rightly recorded in con-
nexion with historical events are the basis of any true
chronology of ancient times. It is remarkable that
the Egyptian Claudius Ptolemy (second century after
Christ) took from the Babylonians and the Greeks all
the observations of eclipses he ever used and started
his canon (see above) with Babylonian, not with
Egyptian, kings. Evidently he held no records of sun
observations made in Egypt. Yet, for religious rea-
sons, the Egyptians noted the occurrences of the helia-
cal risings of Sirius on the various dates qf their mov-
able calendar. A few have reached us, and have been
of no small assistance in astronomically determining,
within four years at least, some of the most important
epochs of Egyptian history. The Egyptians also re-
corded the coincidence of new moons with the days of
their calendar. Such data in themselves have no
chronological value, as the phases of the moon return
to the same positions on the calendar every nineteen
years; taken, however, in conjunction with other
data, they can help us to determine more precisely the
chronology of some events -(Breasted, op. cit.. I, sec.
46). Moreover, ancient Egypt has bequeathed to us a
number of monuments of a more or less chronological
character: (1) The calendars of religious feasts [Cal-
endars of Dendera (Tentyris), Edfu, Esneh, all three of
which belong to the late period, Calendar of Papyrus
Sallier IV] are especially interesting because they illus-
trate the nature of the Egyptian year (see Ginzel, op.
cit., p. 200 sqq.). (2) Thelists of selected royal names
comprise: the so-called Tables of Sakkara. Nineteenth
Dynasty, forty-seven names beginning with the sixth of
the First Dynasty; Karnak (part of Thebae), Eigh-
teenth Dynasty, sixty-one names, unfortunately not
chronologically arranged; Abydos, Nineteenth Dy-
nasty, seventy-six names beginning with Menes. (3)
Two chronological compilations known as the Turin
Papyrus, Nineteenth Dynasty, and the Palermo Stone,
Fifth Dynasty, from the places where they are now
preserved. Unfortunately, the first of these last two
monuments is broken into many fragments and other-
wise mutilated, while the second is but a fragment
of a much larger stone. These two documents (cf. E
Meyer, op. cit., pp. 105-205, and Breasted, op. cit.,
I, pp. 51 sqq.) are, though fragmentary, of the great-
est importance, in particular Tor the early dynasties
and the predynastic times. The Turin Papyrus con-
tains, t)esides the names of the kings chronologically
arranged in groups or dynasties, the durations
both of the individual reigns and of the various
dynasties or groups of dynasties, in years, months,
and days. On the Palermo Stone each year of a
reign is entered separately and is often accompanied
with short historical notices. — All these documents
combined furnish the chronological frame for the
vast .amount of historical matter contained in
thousands of mural inscriptions and stelce collected
and worked out with almost incredible patience by
several generations of Egyptologists during the last
hundred years.
Of secondary importance are the data furnished by
the Greek and Latin writers. Still we must men-
tion here the Alywrrlaica 'Tropr^/uara of the Egyptian
priest Manetho of Sebennytus, third century b. c.
Of this work we have: (a) Some fragments which,
preserved by Josephus (Contra Apion., I, xiv, xv, xx),
were used by Eusebius in his "Praeparatio Evangel-
ica" and the first book of his "Chronicon"; (b) an
epitome which has reached us in two recensions: one
of these recensions (the better of the two) was used by
Julius Africanus, and the other by Eusebius in their
respective chronicles; both have been preserved by
Georgius Syncellus (eighth-ninth century) inhis'EfyAoT^
Xpovoypatplas. We have also a Latin translation by
St. Jerome and an Armenian version of the Eusebian
recension, while fragments of the recension of Julius
Africanus are to be found in the so-called "Excerpta
Barbara' \ Judging from that epitome, the work of
Manetho was divided into three parts, the first of
which contained the reigns of the gods and demi-gods
(omitted in the African recension) and eleven dynas-
ties of human kings; the second, eight dynasties of
such kings; the third, twelve (the last one added after
Manetho s death). Besides a few short notices, the
epitome contains nothing but names and figures
snowing the duration of each reign and each dynasty.
Those figures are summed up at the end of each book.
In the shape it has reached us Manetho 's work is of
comparatively little assistance, on account of its
chronology, which seems to be hopelessly mixed up,
besides being grossly exaggerated; and it must be
used with the greatest caution. (For further details
on Manetho and his work see the preface of C. Mailer
in the Didot edition of the second volume of " Frag-
ment* Historicorum Grsecorum", and E. Meyer, op.
cit., pp. 69-99.) In the next place should be men-
tioned a list of so-called Theban kings handed down
by Eratosthenes of Cyrene (third century b. c.) and
preserved by Syncellus. It seems to be a translation
of some Egyptian royal list similar to the Table of
Karnak [see C. Muller in the Didot edition of Herodo-
tus (Fragmenta chronographica, p. 182) and E. Meyer,
op. cit., pp. 99-103]. Lastly, Herodotus's *I<rrop/cu
(fifth century B. c.) and Diodorus Siculus's B<0Xio04rq
(first century B. c.) deserve at least a passing mention.
Although their interest lies chiefly in another direc-
tion, yet we may glean from them occasional chrono-
logical data for the times during which these two
writers lived.
We cannot enter here upon even a cursory analysis,
much less a discussion, of the various systems of
Egyptian chronology. The older systems of Cham-
poll ion, Lepsius, Lesueur, Brugsch, Mariette were, to a
considerable extent, based on theories which have
since been proved false, or on an imperfect study and
an erroneous interpretation of the chronological mate-
rial. These scholars, however, paved the way for the
present generation of Egyptologists, of the German
school especially, who have at last succeeded in plac-
ing the chronology of ancient Egypt on a firm basis.
The following chronological table up to the Twenty-
sixth Dynasty is condensed from the excellent work
of Professor J. H. Breasted, "Ancient Records of
Egypt", I, pp. 40-47. The other dynasties up to the
Thirtieth are taken from Professor G. Steindorff's
"Outline of the History of Egypt" in Baedeker's
EQTPT
336
EGYPT
•* Egypt" %(6th ed., 1908), with the exception of the
year 408, the last of the Twenty-seventh Dynasty and
first of the Twenty-eighth, which we copy from
Can
4241* B. o<
3400 b. o.
3400-2980 B. c.
2980-2900 b. c.
2900-2750 b. c.
t2750-2625 b. c.
12626-2475 B. c.
2475-2445 b. c.
2445-2160 b. c.
2160-2000 B. c.
1580-1350 B.C.
■ 1350-1205 b. c.
" 1205-1200 b. c.
■ 1200-1090 b. c.
1090-945 B.C.
$45-745 b. c.
' 745-718 b. c.
■ 718-712 b. c.
■ 712-663 b. c.
663-525 b. c.
525-408 b. c.
408-398 b. c.
398-378 b. c.
378-341 b. c.
Maspero, "Guide to the Cairo Museum" (Cairo, 1903),
p. 3:—
Introduction of Calen-
dar
Accession of Menes and
beginning of dynas-
ties*
First and Second Dy-
nasties
Third Dynasty
Fourth Dynasty
Fifth Dynasty
Sixth Dynasty
Seventh and Eighth Dy-
nasties
Ninth and Tenth Dynas-
ties
Eleventh Dynasty
2000*-1788* b. c. Twelfth Dynasty
J1788*-1580 b. c. Thirteenth to Seven-
teenth Dynasties (in-
cluding Hyksos times)
Eighteenth Dynasty
Nineteenth Dynasty
Interim
Twentieth Dynasty
Twenty-first Dynasty
Twenty-second Dynasty
Twenty-third Dynasty
Twenty-fourth Dynasty
Twenty-fifth Dynasty
Twenty-sixth Dynasty
Twenty-seventh Dy-
nasty
Twenty-eighth Dynasty
Twenty-ninth Dynasty
Thirtieth Dynasty
Dales marked vrith an asterisk in the above table are
astronomically computed and correct within three
years, while the date 525 is attested by the Canon of
Ptolemy. Several dates besides, within the period of
the Eighteenth Dynasty and the initial date of She-
bataka, second king of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty, are
also astronomically determined. The dagger sign (t)
indicates that the numerical difference between the
two following dates is the minimum of duration al-
lowed by the monuments for the corresponding dynas-
ties. Tne double-dagger (%) on the contrary, indicates
the maximum of duration. This is the case only for
the period from the Thirteenth to the Seventeenth
Dynasties. What this period may lose some day will
be the gain of the nine following dynasties, but the
extreme dates, 1788 and 663, will not be affected. The
duration of 285 years for the Ninth and Tenth Dynas-
ties, indicated by the two extreme dates 2445-2160, is
an estimate, in round numbers, based on an average of
16 years for each of their 18 kings. The uncertainty
which attaches to that period affects the dates of all
the preceding dynasties, which, consequently, may
some day have to be shifted as much as a century
either way.
Ginzdl, Handbuch der mathematischen und techniachen
Chronologic: I, Zeitrechnung der Babylonier, Aegypterx Moham-
medaner. Pener, etc. (Leipzig, 1006) — pp. 234 sqq. contains a com-
plete bibliography of Egyptian chronology — Lbhmann, Zwei
Hauptprobleme der aUorientaliechen Chronologie (Berlin, 1898);
yizTK&.Aegyptische Chronologie (publication of the Berl. Akad.,
1004): Nibbuhb, Die Chronologie der Oeechiehte Israels, Aegyp-
ten*. Babyloniena und Aet -•---"-*--*- -««-n- * »----
works cited
Beugabtbd,
BffVPtt I.
Ethnology. — Scholars are at variance as to the origin
of the Egyptians. Some, chiefly philologists, suppose
that the Egyptians of historical times had come from
Western Asia either directly, through the Isthmus of
Suez, or, as most will have it, through the Straits of
Bab-el-Mandeb and Ethiopia. Others, principally
naturalists, think they came from, or at least through,
Libya, while others still place the original home of the
Egyptians in Central Africa. The first hypothesis is
now the most commonly received. Several considera-
tions tend to make it plausible: the fact, for instance,
that wheat and barley, which have been found in the
most ancient tombs dating from before the First Dy-
nasty, are originally indigenous to Asia, as well as
linen, wine, and the produce of other cultivated plants
which are represented among the funeral offerings in
the tombs of the earliest dynasties. And the same
can be said of the two sacred trees of the Egyptian
pantheon, the sycamore and the persea. Finally, the
fact that the ancestor of the domesticated Egyptian
ass had its home in the wildernesses south ofEgypt
would show that the Asiatic invaders or settlers came
through Ethiopia. This theory tallies with the Bibli-
cal narrative, Gen., x, 6, which makes the ancestor of
the Egyptians, under the ethnic name of Misraim, the
brother of Cush the Ethiopian, of Phut (e. g. Puanit,
the Paeni of the Latins) ^ and Canaan, all three of
whom certainly had then* original homes in Asia.
What seems more certain is that the Egyptians of his-
torical times belong to the same stock as the Libyans
and other races, some of which were absorbed, while
others were totally or partly driven away by them.
Five at least of these are given in the Bible (Gen., x,
13, 14) under ethnic names as sons of Misraim, i. e.
Ludim (according to Maspdro, " Histoire Ancienne des
peuples de rOrient", Paris, 1908, p. 16, the Rotu or
Komitu of the hieroglyphics, i. e. the Egyptians
proper), Laabim (the Libyans), Naphtuchim [ine in-
habitants of No-Phtah, or Memphis), Patrusim (the
inhabitants of the To-r6si, i. e. Upper Egypt), Anamim
(the Anus, who, in prehistoric times, founded On of the
North, or Heliopolis, and On of the South, or Her-
monthis).
Predynasttc History. — At all events, in the predynas-
tic times, when the light of history begins to dawn on
Egypt, various races which at different periods had
settled in Egypt, had been blended under the mould-
ing influence of the climate of their new home, and
turned into a new race, well characterized and easily
distinguishable from any other race, Asiatic, Euro-
pean, or African — the Egyptian race. Naturally, a
difference of occupation created a certain variety of
types within that race. While the tiller of the soil
was short and thick-set, the men of the higher classes
and the women generally were rather tall and slender,
but all were broad-shouldered, erect, spare, flat-
footed. The head is rather large, the forehead square
and rather low, the nose short and fleshy, the lips
thick, but not turned up, the mouth rather large, with
an undefinable expression of. instinctive sadness.
This type perpetuated itself through thirty or forty
centuries of revolutions, invasions, or pacific immigra-
tions and survives to this day in the peasant class, the
fellaheen, who form the bulk of the population and the
sinews of the national strength. All agree that, even
before the Egyptian race had attained that remark-
able degree ofethnological permanence, Egypt, from a
merely pastoral region, had become an agricultural
country, as a result of the immigration (or invasion)
of Asiatic tribes, for, before the dawn of historical
times, they had learned to grow wheat and barley,
using the plough in their cultivation. Next came the
Solitical organization of the country. It was sub-
ivided into a number of small independent States,
which became the names of pharaonic times, each with
its own laws and religion. In course of time some of
these States were merged in one another until they
formed two large principalities, the Northern King-
dom (To-Mehi) and the Southern Kingdom (To-
R$8i)y an arrangement which must have lasted some
time, for when the final degree of centralization was
EGYPT 337 EGYPT
reached, and the two countries united under one rule, stance, for the first five dynasties, of which all we can
the king took the title of " Lord of Both Lands", or say is that they must have ruled successively over the
" King of Upper and Lower Egypt" (never " King of whole land of Egypt and that their kings must have
Kimit", i. e. of Egypt), ana often wore a double been conquerors as well as builders. We know little
crown consisting of the white crown of the South and or nothing of the peoples they battled with, nor can
the red crown of the North ; the arms of the United we detect the political reasons which brought about
Kingdom were formed by the union of the lotus and the rise and fall of the several dynasties. Evidently,
thepapyrus, the emblems of the two countries. in some cases the lack of information on some periods,
The capital of the Northern Kingdom was Buto, which must have been very momentous ones in the
under the protection of the serpent goddess of the political life of ancient Egypt, should be attributed to
same name (now Tell-el-Fera'in, 20 miles south-west the disappearance of monuments of an historical char-
from Rosetta). Nekheb (the modern el-Kab, a few acter, or to the fact that such monuments have
miles north of Edfu) was the capital of the Southern not yet been discovered ; it is very likely, however,
Kingdom; the vulture-goddess, Nekhabet, was its that in many cases no historical evidence was ever
protecting deity. But at both capitals the hawk- handed down to .posterity. In Egypt, as in Assyria
* god, Horus, was worshipped as the distinctive patron- and Babylonia, it was not customary for kings to
deity of both kings. That ancient population of place their defeats on record, nor did the chieftain or
Egypt, referred to in later texts as the " Horus-wor- the soldier of fortune who after a period'bf internal dis-
shippers", have recently emerged from the mythical sensions succeeded in establishing himself as the
obscurity to which their kings had been relegated be- founder of a new dynasty, care to take posterity into
fore the days of Manetho. who knows them as the his confidence as to his origin and previous political
rfo/ci, "the shades", i.e. tne deified ancestors. The career. Manetho, who, as a rule, does not seem to
Palermo Stone has revealed to us the names of six or have been much better informed than we are, resorts
seven rulers of the Northern Kingdom ; and in Upper in such cases to traditions, strongly tinted with legend,
Egypt, thousands of sepulchres (none of the kings, which were in the keeping of the priests and belonged.
Unfortunately) have recently been excavated. The very likely, to the same stock as most of those related
bodies, unembalmed, lie sidewise, in what is called the by Herodotus on matters that could not fall under his
"embryonic" posture, surrounded by pottery or stone personal observation. Such traditions, until con-
jars, where remains of food, drink, and ointment can firmed by the monuments, or at any rate purified of
still be discerned, with toilet utensils, flint weapons, their legendary elements by comparison with them,
and clay models of various objects which the deceased must of course "be kept in abeyance. For the present
might need in the life hereafter — boats especially, to the royal names are almost all that we can regard as
cross the waters that surround the Elysian Fields, certain for several of the dynasties. Such is the case
From those early times date, as to the essentials of for the first two dynasties, which until about a. d.
concept and expression, the Pyramid Texts alluded to 1888 were considered by most scholars as entirely
in a former section of this article. We have seen, mythical. Their tombs, however, have since been dis-
under Chronology, that the institution of the calendar covered at Umm-el-Ga'ab, near Abydos, in the territory
dates from prepynastic times (4241 b. c), and that its of the ancient This (Thinis). and the names of Menes,
original home was in the Northern Kingdom, probably Zer, Usaphais, and Miebis nave already been found,
at Memphis or at On (Heliopolis). The computations A good many other kings of Manetho's list cannot be
necessary for that calendar show clearly that we must identified with the owners of the tombs discovered,
trace to predynastic times the hieroglyphic system of owing to the fact that, while Manetho gives only the
writing which we find fully developed in the royal proper names of the kings, the monuments contained,
tombs of the first two dynasties (Breasted, "Ancient as a rule, nothing but their Horus names (MaspeYo,
History of the Egyptians", pp. 35-39). "Histoire Ancienne", 56 so.). Monuments of these
Dynastic History. — Since Manetho of Sebennytus kings have been discovered in Upper Egypt and at
(see above) it has been -customary to arrange the long Sakkarah, which shows that they musthave ruled
series of kings who ruled over ancient Egypt, from the over the whole land of Egypt. The various articles
beginning of history until the conquest of Alexander found in these early royal tombs point to a high de-
the Great, in thirty dynasties, each of which corre- gree of civilization by no means inferior to that of the
sponds, or as a rule, seems to correspond, to a break in immediately following dynasties. Religion in gen-
the succession of legitimate rulers, resulting from in- eral, and the funerary ritual in particular, were already
ternal dissensions or military reverses, the latter fixed, and the hieroglyphic system of writing had
almost invariably leading to an invasion and, eventu- reached its last stage of alphabetic development
ally, the establishment of a foreign dynasty. Mane- (Masp&o, loc. cit.; Breasted, "History of Ancient
tho's claim, that his history was compiled from lists of Egyptians", 40 sqq.).
royal ancestry and original documents, is fairly borne The history of Egypt can be divided into two large
out by the monuments — the so-called Tables (royal periods, the first of which comprises the first seventeen
lists) of Sakkarah, Abydos, Karnak, and especially the and the second the other thirteen dynasties. In cur-
famous, but much mutilated,- Turin Papyrus and rent literature Dynasties Three to Eleven are often
Palermo Stone, as well as annals of individual kings variously referred to as the Old Kingdom (ancien em-
recorded on the walls of temples, tombs, etc. pire), Dynasties Twelve to Seventeen as the Middle
These thirty dynasties are very unevenly known to Kingdom (moyen empire), Dynasties Eighteen to
us; of a good many we know next to nothing. This is Twenty as the Empire (nouvel empire). The simpler
in particular the case for the Seventh and Eighth dy- division which we propose here seems to us more ra-
nasties (Memphites), the Ninth and Tenth (Her- tional.
acleopolites), the Eleventh (Theban — contemporary First Period: First to Seventeenth Dynasty.—
with the Tenth), the Thirteenth (Theban) and the During this period Egypt and the Asiatic empires
Fourteenth (Xoite — in part simultaneous), the Fif- never, so far as we know, came into contact, except
teenth, and Sixteenth (Hyksos), and the Seventeenth possibly in a pacific and commercial way; their
Dynasty (Theban — partly contemporary with the armies never met in battle. Some of the ancient
Sixteenth). Other dynasties are known to us by their Babylonian and Chaldean kings, like Sargon I (third
monuments, especially their tombs, which are often millennium b. c), may have occasionally extended
extremely rich in information as to the institutions, their raids as far as the Mediterranean Sea, but it does
arts, manners, and customs of Egypt during the life- not seem that they ever established their rule in a
time of their occupants, but almost totally devoid of permanent way. They were fully occupied with the
historical evidence proper. Such is the case, for in- war waged among themselves, or with the Elamite*
V.— 22
the kings of Egypt had to secure their own borders
(principally the southern) against the neighbouring
tribes, a necessity which lea them, after many cen-
turies of warfare, to the conquest of Nubia. As early
as the reign of Pepi I (Sixth Dynasty) Nubia had been
brought under con-
""■" trol so far as to re-
ceive Egyptian
colonies. Under
the kings of the
Twelfth Dynasty,
chiefly under User-
taeenIII(theSesoe-
tris of the Greeks),
the conquest was
achieved, and the
valley of the Upper
Nile as far as the
Second Cataract
was organized into
an Egyptian prov-
ince. The Libyans,
also, and the tribes
settled between the
Nile and the Bed
Sea had to be re-
peatedly repelled
or conquered. The
brief records of such punitive expeditions, which
appear on the Palermo Stone, attribute them to dates
as early as the first two dynasties. Extensive com-
mercial relations were maintained with the Syrian
coast (whither King Snefru, of the Third Dynasty, sent
a fleet to procure cedar logs from Mount Leba
Roads were built for this commerce between Cop ton
and different points on the Red Sea. The chief of
these roads led through Wadi Hammamat (Kohanli or
Rehenu Valley), the rich quarries of which were oper-
ated by the Egyptians from the time of the Fifth
Dynasty; it furnished the niger, or Thebaicus, lapis, a
hard dark stone which was used for statues and coffins.
In Asia proper the pharaohs of that time sought no
extension of territory, with the exception of a few
points in the Peninsula of Sinai, where, as early as the
First Dynasty, but especially since the time of Snefru,
they operated mines of copper and turquoise. As a
rule on the north-west border they kept on the defen-
sive against the raids of the nomadic tribes estab-
lished in the Syrian desert and, like the modern
bedouins, always ready for plunder. On that side the
frontier was protected by a wall across the Wadi Tumi-
lat and a line of forts extending from the Nile to the
Red Sea. Occasionally the Egyptians resorted to
counter-raids on the Syrian territory, as in the case of
the Amus and Hirushaitus under Pepi I, but, the pun-
ishment inflicted, they invariably returned to their
line of defence.
The seat of government during that first period was
several times shifted from one city to another. Menes,
before the union of the two kingdoms, very likely
resided at This, in his native '
18 EOYPT
This radical change had the advantage of bringing
Nubia within closer range, and it may have contri-
buted substantially to the conquest of that province;
but it weakened the northern border, which was now
too far from the centre of political life.
The pharaohs of the Thirteenth Dynasty (most of
whom were called Sebek-hotep or Nofir-hotep), with-
out abandoning Thebes, seem to have paid more at-
tention than their predecessors to the cities of the
Delta, where — at Tan is in particular — they occasion-
ally resided, and it was from Xois (Sakha), a city of
Lower Egypt, that the next following (Fourteenth)
dynasty arose. It seems that the kings of that
dynasty never succeeded in establishing a firm and
lasting government. Their rapid succession on the
throne and the famous invasion of the Hyksos which '
Manetho registers at that time, point to internal dis-
sensions and a condition of affairs verging on anarchy.
"At this time there came to us a king Timieos by
name. Under this king, God, why I do not know,
sent an adverse wind to us, and against all likelihood
from the parts of the East people of ignoble i
ine how an invasion could result in a conquest unless it
took place gradually and consequently not " unex-
pectedly". The most probable interpretation of
Manetho's words seems to be: that the invaders came
in peaceful quest of new homes, and .not all in one
body, though in comparatively large numbers at a
time; that they first settled, with their flocks, in the
rich pasture lands of the Delta, then, little by little,
adapted themselves to the political life of the country,
some succeeding in occupying important situations in
the army or in the administration ; that finally one of
them, favoured by the rivalries of competitors for the
vacant throne, seized the reins of government and was
recognised as king not only by the men of his own
race, but also by quite a considerable party of the na-
Tho identity of the Hyksos has been the subject of
! of Abydos
Egypt under his rule, he appropriately selected
Memphis for the capital of the new kingdom, as being
more central. During the Ninth and Tenth Dynas-
ties. Heracleopolis, only a short distance south of
Memphis, became the official seat of government, for
no special known reason — perhaps simply because the
pharaohs of the reigning dynasties had originally been
natives and princes of these nomes. They were op-
posed by the princes of Thebes (Eleventh Dynasty)
who finally (Twelfth Dynasty) succeeded in over-
throwing them and selected their own city as capital.
SacoMO Pilon, Phi
long discussions. Some, with De Cara, think they
were the same as the Hittites, others (Baedeker,
"Eajypt",p. lxxix) see in them simple Syrian be-
douins. The opinion which seems most probable and
best agrees with the tradition preserved by Manetho,
identifies them with the large Canaanitic family once
settled in Lower Chaldea, along the Persian Gulf and
the Arabian coast. According to Professor Maspero
(op. cit., 194 sqq.), it was the invasion of the lower
Euphrates by the Elamites under Kudumakhunte
(2285 b. c.) that forced this family to migrate to the
West in search of a new home. The seafaring tribes
settled along the eastern shore of the Mediterranean
EGYPT 339 EGYPT
Sea to which they gave their name (Phoenicians, same opportunity to shake off the yoke of Egyptian
to/meet, Pctni; Egyptian Puanii, Punt; Bible, domination. The first point was achieved by Amen-
Phut). Others settled in the mountainous districts hotep I, the second by Thotmes I, whose two succes-
of Palestine (Canaan proper), where they resumed sive reigns lasted from 1557 to 1501 b. c. Not satis-
their nomadic life, and gradually developed into an fied with recovering and reorganizing the ancient
agricultural race* Others, finally, shepherds also, province of Nubia, Thotmes I pushed more than 400
probably prevented from taking a northern direction miles farther south to Napata, below the Fourth Cata-
by the powerful and well-organized nation of the Hit- ract, where the southern frontier of Egypt remained
tites, turned to Egypt, where they settled as ex- fixed for the next eight hundred years or so. Both
plained above. Manetho assigns to them three dy- Amenhotep I and Thotmes I, and perhaps Ahmosis,
nasties, the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Seventeenth, of too, had already undertaken the conquest of Syria,
which only the Sixteenth held sway over all Egypt. But it was reserved for Thotmes III (1501-1447 b. c.)
During the Fifteenth Dynasty the princes of the to complete it and to organize the conquered territory
southern homes, for a time at least, managed to retain as a permanent dependency of Egypt. Circum-
a certain independence. They regained it under the stances were favourable. Both Assyria and Babylo-
Third Hyksos Dynasty, with which they share the nia were in decline, and the powerful Hittites were
honour of being recognized as the Seventeenth Dy- restricted within their own borders beyond the Cilician
nasty. The last of them, Amosis, after a war of six Gates in Asia Minor. Nevertheless, the great confed-
years, finally succeeded in driving the intruders out of eration of the Canaanitic cities (perhaps to be identi-
Egypt, pursuing the remnant of their army as far as fied with the Hyksos), backed by the Phoenician cities,
Sharhuna (perhaps Sharukhen, Jos., xix, 6) in South- the State, or States, of Naharin (from the Mediterra-
ern Syria, where the last battle was fought and woo by nean to the bend of the Euphrates), and the Aryan
the Egyptians. From the monuments we know the kingdom of Mitanni (between the Euphrates and the
names of at least four of the Hyksos kings, three of the Belflc), was not an enemy to be despised, and it cost
name of Apophi and one Khian. An alabaster vase the army and fleet of the pharaoh no less than seven-
bearing the names of the last has been found under teen campaigns to achieve a permanent victory. The
a wall of the palace of Cnossos in Crete, and a lion in Kings of Assyria and Babylonia, and even the Hit-
Bagdad. Their capital seems to have been Avaris on tites, sent presents which Thotmes took for tribute;
the north-eastern border of the Delta. Some think but he does not seem to have invaded their territories;
that their rule extended over Palestine and Southern he probably never crossed the Belik nor the Cilician
Sjnria, which would explain the location of their capi- Gates, which mark the limits of the greatest extension
tal. The usage of carrying on official correspondence of Egyptian control in Asia. The whole region con-
with the local princes of Syria and Palestine in the quered was organized as a simple tributary territory
Babylonian language and script possibly dates from under the supervision of a governor general backed by
the period of the Hyksos. Eew of the monuments of Egyptian garrisons in the chief cities. The local rulers
the Hyksos have been preserved, enough of them, were otherwise left unmolested except in case of rebel-
however, to show us that as a rule the Shepherd kings lion, when the punishment was prompt and severe in
conformed to the ancient culture of Egypt, adopting the extreme. Their sons were educated in Egypt, and
its language, art, religion (cf. however, Maspero, op. were generally appointed to succeed them at their
cit., 203). and political institutions. But they op- death. The administration of this territory, which in-
pressed tneir Egyptian subjects, and posterity held eluded also the island of Cyprus, and was, like Nubia,
their memory in abomination. the source of immense wealth to Egypt, gave rise to a
It is in the Hyksos period that we must place the considerable correspondence between suzerain and
arrival of the Israelites in Egypt. The migrationof vassals. On the part of the latter it was written on
the Terachltes from Ur in Chaldea may have coin- clay tablets in the Babylonian language and characters
cided with, or at all events was posterior to, that — at that time the official language and characters of
of the great Canaanitic family. Although of differ- Western Asia. From that correspondence (so-called
ent stock, the two families had long been thrown to- Tell-Amarna tablets) we learn that under Amenhotep
gether in their former common home and spoke the IV (1375-1358 b. c.) the vigilance of the Egyptian
same language; and this may partly explain the fa- court had considerably relaxed; Hie local dynasties
your which the children of Israel found at the hands of were constantly and vainly asking for Egyptian troops
an Egyptian ruler, himself of Canaanitic, or possibly against the encroachments of the Hittites and the
of Semitic, origin. "The scarabs of a Pharaoh who Knabiri. This led, towards the end of the dynasty, to
evidently belonged to the Hyksos time give his name a complete loss of the Asiatic territory conquered by
as Jacob-her or possibly Jacob-El, and it is not impos- Thotmes III.
sible", remarks Professor Breasted, "that some chief The Eighteenth Dynasty was an era of great inter-
of the Jacob-tribes of Israel for a time gained the lead- national prosperity. With the single exception of
ership in this obscure age" (Hist, of Anc. Egypt, Amenhotep IV. who allowed himself to be drawn into
181). a scheme to reform the Egyptian religion, all its kings
Second Period: Eighteenth to Thirtieth Dynasty, were wise and just rulers. They were also* great
— The second period is chiefly characterized by the builders, and devoted their vast resources in men —
Asiatic victories of the pharaohs with which it opens, chiefly captives taken in war — in gold, and silver, de-
and by the repeated invasions of Egyptian territory rived from tribute, to the erection of magnificent tern-
by Asiatic powers, which was the reaction of those pies and temple-like mortuary chapels, all of which
victories. During the first period Egypt could be they richly endowed. The reform attempted by Amen-
great at home, within her natural borders along the hotep IV consisted in proclaiming Aton (an old form
Nile valley; every page of her history is her own. of Re, or Ra, the sun-god of Heliopolis) the sole god,
During the second period her greatness is in propor- and in enforcing his worship at the expense of others,
tion to her conquests abroad on another continent; particularly that of Amon for which the priesthood
almost every page of her history belongs to the history of Thebes claimed precedence over the others. He
of the world. ordered the word god, as applied to the other dei-
The first ambition of the kings of the Eighteenth ties, to be chiselled out wherever it could be found on
Dynasty, inaugurated by Ahmosis (1580-1557 b. a), the temples and other monuments. He changed his
was to secure their own borders against the Libyans, own name to Ikhnaton, " Spirit of Aton", in honour of
who had encroached upon the Delta during the period the new god, to whom he erected a temple at Thebes
of confusion preceding the expulsion of the Hyksos, and, called Gem- Aton. Lastly, he changed his residence
against the Nubians, who had availed themselves of the from Thebes to Akhetaton, " Horizon of Aton " (now
ECtYPT 3
El 'Amarnul, a city which he founded in a like spirit,
and be also founded two other cities of the same name,
each with a Gem-Aton temple, one in Nubia, at the
foot of the Third Cataract (where it was discovered in
1907 by Professor Breasted), and another in Syria, the
site of which is still unknown. This reform was vio-
lently opposed by the established priesthood, and the
land was soon thrown into a state of general confusion
verging on anarchy. The temples and cities dedi-
cated to Aton were destroyed and abandoned soon
after the royal reformer's death.
Harmhab (1350-1315 B. a), the founder of the
Nineteenth Dynasty, was principally engaged in
bringing the land out of the confusion into which it
had fallen during the last years of the preceding
dynasty, and restoring the temples of the ancient
gods to their former splendour. Seti I (1313-1292) at-
tempted to recover the Asiatic provinces lost by
COLOSSU. FlQDBS AT AflU BlHBBL
Amenhotep IV, but he does not seem to have pushed
his advance farther than the Hauran and the southern
slopes of Mount Lebanon. He probably did no more
than skirmish with the Hittites, who were now in pos-
quest of Palestine does not appear to have been per-
manent. At all events Seti's son, Ramses II (1292-
1225), had to begin all over again. After three years
spent in recovering Palestine, Ramses finally suc-
ceeded in dislodging the Hittites from the valley of
theOrontes. The war nevertheless continued some ten
or eleven years longer without great results, the Hit-
tites apparently returning to their former positions as
eoon as Ramses had retired to Egypt for the winter
season; when the Hittites proposed to him a treaty of
permanent peace and alliance, he gladly accepted it
(1272 B.C.). This treatv, of which we have two Egyp-
tian transcripts and a Hittite copy in the Babylonian
language and character, does not stipulate anything
with regard to the boundary between the two coun-
tries, which was, very likely, about the same as under
presence of three stela: carved there on the rocks by
t0 IOTPT
Ramses. Thirteen years later the Hittite king vis-
ited Egypt on the occasion of the marriage of his eldest
daughter with the pharaoh. Diplomatic unions of
that kind had already taken place during the preceding
dynasty. The treaty was faithfully observed by both
parties, at least until the second year of Hemeptah
(1225-1215), the son and successor of Ramses II,
when the Hittites seem to have taken part in an inva-
sion of the Delta by the Libyans and various peoples
of the northern Mediterranean, their allies.
Neither this, however, nor the disaffection which at
the same time was rampant among his Asiatic vassals
spurred Memeptah to new conquests. The Hittite
war of Ramses II, it seems, had completely exhausted
the military enterprise of Egypt. Her armies from
that time keep to the defensive. Memeptah was sat-
isfied to bring back Palestine to submission and defeat
and drive out the Libyans — among whom the Tehenu
tribe was prominent apparently Decause they were
settled on the Egyptian border — and their allies, the
Sherden (Sardinians), the Shekelesh (Sicilians?), the
Ekwesh (Acha^ansT), and the Lycians. But even
these were considered great achievements, and the
people sang: —
The Kings are overthrown, saying; "Salami"
Not one nolds up his head among the nine nations of
the bow.
Wasted is Tehenu,
The Hittite land is pacified,
Plundered is the Canaan, with every evil.
Carried off is Askalon,
Seized upon is Gezer,
Yenoam is made as a thing not existing,
Israel is desolated, her seed is not,
Palestine has become a [defenceless] widow for Egypt-
All lands are united, they are pacified,
Every one that is turbulent is bound by King Memep-
tah.
(Breasted, op. cit., 330; "Ancient Records of Egypt",
III, 603 sqq.) The situation at home was no
brighter, and it became worse under Memeptah 's suc-
cessors, Amenmeses, Memeptah-Siptah, and Seti II,
until complete anarchy prevailed. Thrusting aside a
host of less daring pretenders, a Syrian named Irisu
(or Yerseu), who held,an important position as head of
one of the nomes, seized the power and for five years
ruled the land in tyranny and violence. (Breasted.
" Ancient Records of Egypt", IV, } 398.) Thus ended
the Nineteenth Dynasty.
Of Setnakht (1200-1198 b. a), the founder of the
following dynasty, we know little except that he was a
strong man who succeeded in restoring order. His
son, Ramses III (1198-1167) was confronted by very
much the same situation as Memeptah some twenty-
five years before, only a great deal more serious. The
allies of the Libyans defeated by Memeptah were only
the vanguard of a far more dreadful army of invasion.
This was now approaching. It was followed at close
range by motley hordes of immigrants from the islands
ana the northern shores of the Mediterranean, the
"peoples of the sea", as the Egyptians called them.
Besides those already mentioned we find now the
Pelesct (Philistines) and the Denyen (Danaoi). Some
of the invaders were coming by sea, along the coast,
others by land. Ramses III showed himself equal to
the occasion. Having defeated a first contingent who
had already landed in the Delta and joined the Lib-
yans, he sent a strong fleet to check the advance of the
main body of the invaders' ships and hastened by
land, with his army, to Syria, where he expected to
find the enemy. Both the land and the naval battles
were fought in about the same region, for Ramses,
having routed the land forces of the enemy, was in
time to co-operate with the Egyptian fleet in defeating
that of the invaders. This brilliant campaign stayed
the advance of the immigrants who now came strag-
gling along, settling here and there as vassals of
EGYPT 3'
Egypt, in Syria and in Palestine, where, later, one of
their tribes, the Peleset, or Philistines, offered a stub-
born resistance to the invasion of the Hebrews. On
the other hand the great Hittite confederation had
been very much weakened, if not entirely disinte-
grated, as a result
of the invasion.
Ramses III had to
repel another in-
vasion of the Lib-
yans, impelled this
time by the Mesh-
wesh (the Maxyes
of Herodotus), and
shortly after he
found it necessary
to appear again
with his army in
Northern Pales-
tine, where rebel-
lion had broken
out among some
of his vassals. The
boundary remain-
ed, probably,
where it was under
the Nineteenth Dy-
nasty, including
the whole course
of the River Leon-
tes (or Litany) and
possibly a small
portion of the up-
per Orontes, ex-
cluding Kadesh.
Ramses III had no
further trouble
with his Asiatic
vassals.
With the
during that time enjoyed complete independence, and
still more rarely rulea over the whole country. Her
relations to the Delta were usually those of a vassal to
.a suzerain. Her influence was particularly felt in
Nubia, whither descendants of Hrihor seem to have
retired at an. early period, eventually founding an in-
dependent kingdom at Napata. Confusion and dis-
order still prevailed all over the land. To save them
from further desecration, the royal mummies had to
be concealed in an old, and probably unused, tomb of
Amenhotep I, near the temple of Deir el-Bahri, where
they remained hidden until they were rifled some
thirty-live years ago by the Arabs. Most of them are
now at the Museum of Cairo. The capital of this dy-
nasty was at Tunis. Its last king, Psibkhenno II,
may be the pharaoh mentioned in III Kings, xi, 18;
iti, 1 ; ix, 16 (see below). Assyria was then on the
decline and we can best represent to ourselves David
and Solomon as at least nominal vassals of Egypt.
Sheshonk (945-924), founder of the Twenty-second
Dynasty, was a powerful mercenary prince, or chief
of hired troops, of Heracleopolis, where his ancestors,
of Libyan origin had settled early in the Twenty-
first Dynasty. In 945 b. c. he proclaimed himself
king, establishing his residence at Bubastis, in the
Delta. Sheshonk seems to have been an ambitious
and energetic ruler. He certainly led a successful
campaign in Palestine, perhaps the same mentioned
in III Kings, xiv, 25 (cf. II Paralip., xii, 2 sqq.),
where it is said that he come to Jerusalem in the
fifth year of Roboam, and took away the treasures
of the house of the _
Lord, although
Jerusalem is not
among the one
hundred and fifty-
six Palestinian
cities recorded
his in
Solor
. In
's time
nk had
pharaohs of the
(Bulsk Miueum) ^ IV_XII)j nft_
tional decay sets in. Egypt entirely loses her prestige
abroad, particularly in Asia, where Assyria is expand-
ing under Tiglath-Pileser I; at home everything is
confusion. Priests, officials, and mercenaries, whose
wealth and prerogatives have been steadily growing at
the expense of both pharaoh and his people, now fight
among themselves for the controlling political influence,
the pharaoh being reduced to a mere puppet. Such
a state of disorganisation prevails everywhere that,
in the necropolis of Thebes, in sight of the temple of
Amon, where the high-priest is so powerful, the tombs
of the pharaohs are desecrated and plundered by a
gang of robbers, and the royal mummies despoiled of
all their most costly ornaments.
At some period during the Nineteenth Dynasty the
pharaohs had their capital at Tanis (SAn-el-Hagar) in
the Delta, Thebes remaining the religious capitalof the
empire. There Ramses XII resided when a local noble,
Nesubenebded, seized the power (1113 B. C.) and es-
tablished himself as king over the Delta. The weak
pharaoh retired to Thebes, where he was soon over-
shadowed by Hrihor, the high-priest of Amon, who,
when Ramses XII died as ingloriously as he had lived,
was finally proclaimed supreme ruler of Egypt by an
oracle of Khonsu followed by the approval of Amon
(1090). Hrihor s rule, in fact, never extended over
Lower Egypt, and his independence was not even sus-
pected by Manethowho, after Ramses XII, introduces
the Twenty-first Dynasty, with Nesubenebded as its
founder. The division between the two countries was
to continue, save for short intervals, for about four
hundred and fifty years. Thebes, however, rarely
to Jeroboam (III
Kings, xi, 40). Ac-
cording to Profes-
sor Breasted (An-
cient Egyptians,
362), Sheshonk is
also to be identi-
fied with the phar-
aoh who gave his
daughter as a wife
to Solomon (III
Kings, iii, 1) and
later on conquered
Cezer and turned
daughter, Solo-
mon's wife, as a
dowry (III Kings,
ix, 16) while Pro-
fessor Maspdro
(Hist. Anc, 416)
refers these epi-
sodes and that of
Hadad (III Kings,
xi, 14 sqq.) to
Psibkhenno II, the
last king of the
Twenty-first Dy-
sty.
Duri
the following reigns of this dynasty history records
nothing but endless eivil wars between the two prin-
cipalities of Thebes and Heracleopolis, and feuds be-
tween the mercenary lords of the Delta. On the other
hand, Assyria was more powerful than ever. Shal-
maneaer defeated, at Karkar on the Orontes, a Syrian
EGYPT 342
coalition to which one of Sheshonk's successors — struggle in which his protector, Assurbanipal, tad
probably Takelot II — had contributed one thousand now Become involved with Babylonia to free himself
men (854 b. c). Under such circumstances Egypt's from the Assyrian allegiance. He succeeded in sup-
influence in Palestine must have dwindled to nothing, pressing practically all of the mercenary lords and
One of the Delta lords, Pedibast, at the death of local dynasties, repaired the long-neglected irrigation
Sheshonk IV, the last king of the Twenty-second system, and gave a strong impulse to commerce. The
Dynasty, succeeded in establishing a new dynasty, Twenty-sixth Dynasty, which he introduces, was, as a
wnich Manetho places at Tanis, although Pedibast whole, a period of restoration and great internal pros-
was of Bubastite origin. But neither he himself nor perity. It was also a period of renascence in art, re-
his successors could control the situation. Under his ligion, and literature, marked by a return to archaic
successor. Osorkon III, a dynast of Sais, Tefnakhte traditions. Industrial art flourished as never before,
undertook to supplant him and the many other dy- The army was reorganized and strengthened with
nasts, several of whom were claiming the title and large contingents of Greek mercenaries, the Libyans
prerogatives of royalty. He had partly succeeded having lost their efficiency in becoming Egyptiamzed.
when Piankhi, ruler of the independent kingdom of Psamtik does not seem to have made much use of the
Napata (see above), overran Egypt as far as the Med- army, but Necho and his successors could not refrain
iterranean, obliging all the pretenders, Osorkon and from interfering with the affairs of Asia. The tempta-
Tefnakhte included, to recognize his suzerainty. But tion was great. During the long reign of Psamtik I
as soon as the invaders had withdrawn, Tefnakhte re- Assyria had been constantly declining. In 600 he was
sumed his designs and was eventually successful in sub- succeeded by his son Necho, and three years later
duing Osorkon, who acknowledged himself his vassal. Nineveh was finally captured, and Assyria had come
(We must refer to this period the King of Egypt to an end forever. Necho thought this a favourable
mentioned in IV Kings, xvii, 4, as inciting Osee ofSa- chance to recover the old Asiatic possessions of
maria to rebel against Shalmanaser IV.) Tefnakhte's Egypt, and marched on Carchemish (cf . II Paralip.,
son Bochoris, however, was regarded as the founder of xxxv, 20: Jerem., xlvi. 7-9). At Magiddo the King
a new dynasty, his father, probably, having died be- of Juda, Josias, who foolishly persisted m disputing his
fore Osorkon. Scarcely had he reigned six years passage, was routed and mortally wounded (II Para-
when Shabaka, Piankhi's brother, invaded Egypt in lip., xxxv, 22). This incident brought Necho to Jeru-
his turn, and so firmly did he intrench himself there salem, where he deposed Joahaz, the successor of Josias,
that he became the founder of the Twenty-fifth, or and put in his place his brother Eliakim, changing his
Ethiopian, Dynasty. Unfortunately for him and his name to Jehoiakim. As for Joahaz, he took him to
successors, Assyria, having absorbed all the principal Egypt (II Paralip., xxxvi, 1-4; cf. IV Kings, xxiii,
states of Syria and Palestine, and holding the others 29-34). Hearing of Necho 's conquest, Nabopolassar.
well under control, was now threatening to invade the to whom that country had fallen in the division of
territory of Egypt. Shabaka, alive to the danger, Assyria's possessions, sent his «on Nebuchadnezzar
formed an alliance with Philistia, Juda, Moab, Edom, (Nabuchodonosor) to check his advance. Necho was
and Tyre, against Sennacherib, and sent to Syria an so completely defeated at Carchemish (605 b. c> that
army under the command of his nephew Taharka (cf . he did not dare to make another stand, and retreated
IV Kings, xix, 9, where Taharka is called King of to Egypt; "And the king of Egypt came not again any
Ethiopia). The allies were completely defeated, and more out of his own country: for the king of Babylon
Sennacherib was beleaguering Jerusalem, which alone, had taken all that had belonged to the king of Egypt, •
so far, with Tyre, had resisted him, when, to use the from the river of Egypt, unto the river Euphrates1'
words of the Bible, "an angel of the Lord came, and (IV Kings, xxiv, 7). Apries (588-569 b. c), Necho 'a
slew in the camp of the Assyrians a hundred and second successor, was not more fortunate in a similar
eighty-five thousand. And when he arose early in attempt. Zedekiah had sent to him for assistance
the morning, he saw all the bodies of the dead. And against Nebuchadnezzar (Ezech., xvii, 15), but Apries
Sennacherib king of the Assyrians departing went either retired without fighting (Jerem., xxxvii, 6) or
away, and he returned and abode in Ninive" (IV was defeated (Josephus, Antiq. Jud., X, vii, §3), and
Kings, xix, 35, 36). But the power of Assyria was not Jerusalem was captured, and her temple destroyed
broken for all that, although Taharka, who was now (587 b. a). When, however, the remnant of the Jews
reigning, might have believed it when, twenty-seven fled to Egypt, taking Jeremiah with them, Apries re-
years later, he succeeded in repelling Esar-haddon, of ceived them and allowed them to settle in different
which repulse he made great display on the pedestal of cities of the Delta, at Memphis, and in Upper Egypt
a statue of his, drawing on the lists left by Ramses II (Jer., xli, 17-18; xliv, 1).— -Such, very likely, was tne
of Asiatic captured cities to swell his own victory. In origin of the Jewish colony established in the island of
670 the Assyrians appeared again, more formidable Elephantine "before Cambyses"{ as related in the
than ever, defeated Taharka, captured Memphis, and Juaaeo- Aramaic papyri recently discovered there (see
withdrew after having organized at least Lower Egypt below, under Twenty-seventh Dynasty). Later,
into an Assyrian dependency. Among the princes probably after Tyre had finally surrendered to the
who hastened to do homage to the King of Assyria the Chaldeans (574), Apries successfully carried out a
first place is given to Necho of Sais, a descendant of naval expedition against Phoenicia (Masp., Hist, anc,
Tefnakhte through Bochoris. Taharka had fled to 639; Breasted, Hist, of the Anc. Egypt., 409, places.
the south, where he raised fresh troops, and marched that expedition in 587 b. c).
on Lower Egypt hoping to recover the lost provinces, The reverses of Necho and Apries in Asia did not
but with no other result than to bring back the Assy- affect the prosperity of Egypt during the reign of these
rians, who routed him again and pursued him almost two pharaohs, any more than did the rivalry of one of
as far as Thebes (668 b. c). The reigning family of his officials, Amasis, whom Apries had sent to repress a
the Delta, who had sided with him, were sent to Nine- mutiny of the Egyptian native troops, and who was
veh in chains. Necho was one of them, but he knew proclaimed king by them. Apries ana Amasis reigned
how to ingratiate himself with Assurbanipal, who re- together for some time, and when, a conflict having
stored him to his Kingdom of Sais. Tanutamon, arisen between the two, Apries was defeated and slain,
having succeeded his father Taharka (663 B. c), Amasis gave him an honourable burial. Strange to
undertook in his turn the recovery of Lower Egypt, say, Amasis, who had been the champion of the native
but with no better success. This time Assurbanipal 's element as against the Greeks, now favoured the latter
army pursued the enemy to Thebes, which was sacked far more than any of his predecessors. He founded
and plundered. for them the city of Naucratis, in the Delta, as a home
Psamtik, son of Necho, took advantage of the and market, and they soon made it the most impo*»
343 EGYPT
tant commercial centre of Egypt. The foreign policy active part in the wars of Greece against Artaxerxes
of Amasis, as a rule, was one of prudence; nis only II, lasted twenty years. The Thirtieth Dynasty
conquest was Cyprus, over which, since the days of (Sebennytic) began with Nectanebo I (378-361), who
Thotmes III, Egypt had often exercised suzerainty, successfully repelled the Persians. Tachos (360-359),
He made, however, one fatal mistake: he joined the his successor, attempted to invade the Syrian terri-
abortive league formed by Croesus, King of Lydia, tory, but, as a result of rivalries and dissensions be-
against Cyrus, and, although he afterwards carefully tween himself and his namesake Tachos, whom he had
avoided crossing the path of the Persian conqueror, appointed as regent, he was supplanted by Nectanebo
the latter 's son, Cambyses, taking the will for the deed, II (358-342), a cousin of Tachos the regent, and took
did not fail to resent nis past inclinations. refuge with Artaxerxes II, at whose court he died.
Cambyses invaded Egypt in 525 b. c, shortly after Nectanebo II was at first successful in repelling the
Psamtik III had succeeded his father. The pharaoh attack of Artaxerxes III (Ochua — 362-338) ; later,
was put to death under cruel circumstances, the however, he was defeated, and the Persians once more
tomb of Amasis was violated, his mummy burnt to became masters of Egypt (341). The king fled to
ashes, and a Persian governor was appointed. ^ Other- Ethiopia, and the temples were plundered. It was
wise Cambyses did all he could to conciliate his Egyp- then that Egypt lost forever the right of being gov-
tian subjects. He assumed the traditional pharaonic erned by niters of her own.
titles and ceremonial, and caused himself to be initiated Masp<:ro, Histoire anciennc des peuples de V Orient dassique
m the mysteries of the goddess Neit. He made good K^cl2,ffitt,,tett(5
the damages sustained by the temples during the con- the Nations (Egypt, Syria and Assyria) (3rd ed., 2 vols., London,
quest, led an unsuccessful expedition against the oases 1897): Mabjȣro. //istotre ancienne des peupUa de VOrient (7th
of the Libyan desert and was not much happier in a ■& ffijtfifl^^
campaign against the mdependent Kingdom of Na- the earliest times to the Persian Conquest— 5 vols., Chicago,
pata. Embittered by these reverses, he departed, in 190677); Brbastbd, A History of Egypt (New York, 1905); Id.,
Gter years, from his former conciliatory policy and &*X&1P^2tt&Y^Wj£^
committed sacrilegious acts which exasperated the Aegyptische Oeschichte (Gotha, 1884-1885); Bibsinq, Ge-
people against him. Darius I (521-486) completed schuJUe A egyptens (Berlin, 1904): Budob, History of Egypt (7
^ecan^WunbyNechobetweentheWleandtheRed J& JSSJ^gEFnSSk S2Ett<&&£i£&
Sea. He reopened the road from Keft (Coptos) to (3 vols., London, 1897 ): Mahafft, History of Egypt under
the Red Sea, garrisoned the Oases, and Otherwise fur- the Ptolemaic Dynasty (London, 1899); Milnb, History of Egypt
thered the prosperity and security of Egypt In his g*J £E"jS& ^t^^^^SSS^ISSA
reorganization of the Persian Empire, which he di- vols. IY-VI in Petrie's series.
vided into a number of governments under a central Eqtpt and this Bible. — Viaotraotnc, La Bible et les decou-
administration, Egypt, with Cyrene, Barca, and V^Tt^{iZ^iVw^^^)'9U%:^^l^hn^
BuuimioviuMuii, *-p&t7^rv, t» 1 ^ J »*-***/, *^»*v«., «***v* ten und ihre Nachbarstamme; Steindorff in Recent Research m
Lower Nubia, formed the Sixth government, Or sa- Bible Lands, ed. Hilprbcht (Philadelphia, 1906); GRirriTH in
trapy. This, however, affected only the garrisoned Authority and Archeology, ed. Hogarth (New York, 1899);
cities and their respective territories. Elsewhere the Poller, As£n und Europa nach aUo^yptischen Denkmalern
1 1 # j 1 mjwa^w.T*, VVIIiHVI **»• " j j , (Leipzig, 1893); Spibqelberg, Aegyptische Randglossen rum
old feudal organization was left untouched, and from Alton Testament (Strasburg, 1904); Idem, AufenthaU Israels in
time to time the local princes availed themselves of Aegypten (Strasburg, 1904).
their semi-independence to rebel.
After the battle of Marathon (487) the Egyptians III. Ancient Egyptian Religion. — God and man,
revolted and expelled the Persians. But in the fol- those two essential terms of every religion, are but fal-
lowing year Achemenes, who had just been appointed perfectly reflected in the Egyptian religious monu-
satrap by his brother Xerxes I (486-465), brought ments. A book similar in scope to our Bible certainly
them back to submission. Of a far more serious char- never existed in Egypt, and if their different theologi-
' acter was the insurrection which broke out in 463 cal schools, or the priests of some particular theological
under Artaxerxes I (465-425), and which was not school, ever agreed on certain truths about God and
quelled until its leader, Inaros (of the house of Psam- man, which they consigned to official didactic writings,
tik), aided by the Athenians, had routed two succes- such writings have not reached us. Nor is the vast
sive Persian armies (454). Under Darius II the power body of religious monuments bequeathed to us by
of the Persians began to decline. a The weakness of ancient Egypt of such a nature as to compensate for
their administration at that time is attested by the this lack of positive and systematic information. The
Judseo-Aramaic papyri recently discovered at Ele- figured and inscribed monuments discovered in the
phantine. From these documents we learn that, while temples, and especially in the tombs, acquaint us with
the provincial governor was absent, the commander the names and external aspects of numerous deities,
of the garrison of Syene had been bribed by the Egyp- with the material side of the funerary rites, from
tian priests of Chnub (Chnum) to plunder and destroy which we may safely conclude that they admitted the
the temple of the Jewish colony or Elephantine. The dependency of man on superior beings, and a certain
culprits, it seems, were put to death I>y the Persian survival of man after deatn. But as to the essence of
authorities, yet, when the victims applied for a per- Ihose gods, their relation to the world and man as ex-
mission to rebuild their temple, their request was pressed by the worship of which they were the objects,
granted only on the condition that they should not in the significance and symbolism of the rites of the dead,
future offer up bloody sacrifices — a concession, evi- the nature of the surviving principle in man, the na-
dently, to the priests of Chnub, who probably ob- ture and modes of the survival itself as depending on
jected to the slaughtering of the ram, an animal sacred earthly life, and the like, the monuments are either
to their god. The little colony, we may well suppose, silent about or offer us such contradictory and incon-
did not long enjoy its curtailed privileges; it very gruous notions that we are forced to conclude that the
probably succumbed to Egyptian fanaticism during Egyptians never evolved a clear and complete system
the two following dynasties (Stahelin, " Israel in of religious views. What light can be brought out of
Aegypten nach neugefundenen Urkunden", 14 sqq.). this chaos we shall concentrate on two chief points:
Finally, in 404 b. c, the last year of Darius II (424- (a) The Pantheon, corresponding to the term God; and
404) and first year of Artaxerxes II (404-362), a cer- (b) The Future Life, as best representing the term
tain Amyrtseos of Saitic birth succeeded in proclaim- Man.
ing Egypt's independence. His six years of reign con- (a) The Egyptian Pantheon. — By this word we un-
stitute the Twenty-eighth Dynasty. The Twenty- derstand such gods as were officially worshipped in one
ninth Dynasty (Mendesian), comprising the reigns of or more of the various nomes, or in the country at
Nepherites, Achoris, and Psammuthis, who took an large. We exclude, therefore, the multitude of
demons or spirits which a
d almost everything
idedov
and the lesser deities which presided over every stage
of human life — birth, naming, etc. The worship they
received was of an entirety local and private nature,
and we know almost nothing of it.
Each nome had its own chief deity or divine lord,
mile or female, apparently inherited from the ancient
tribes. With each deity an animal, as a rule, but
sometimes also a tree or mineral, was associated.
Thus Osiris of Busiris was -associated with a pillar,
or the trunk of a tree ; Hathor of Denderah, with a
sycamore; Osiris of Mendes, with a goat ; SetofTanis,
with an ass; Buto of the city of the same name, with
a serpent; Bast of Bubastis, with a cat; At urn, or
Turn, of Heliopolis, with a serpent, a lion, or possibly,
later the bull Mnevis; Ptah ot Memphis, with the bull
Apis; Sovek, in the Fay urn and at Ombos (K6m
Ombo),withacrocodile; Anubisof Assiut, with a jackal;
Relirf fi
Thoth of Hermopolis, with an ibis or a baboon; Amon
of Thebes, and Chnum, at the Cataract, with a ram ;
Horus of el-Kab and Edfu, with a hawk. According
to some scholars, this association at first was merely
symbolical ; it was not till the Nineteenth Dynasty
that sacred animals, having gradually come to be con-
sidered as incarnations, or at least as dwelling-places,
of the various gods, began to be worshipped as gods
(Breasted, "Hist. Anc. Egypt.", 59, 324). But this
view, once quite common, is now generally abandoned,
and fetishistic animal -worship is now considered as the
true basis of the Egyptian religion [cf. Chantepie de
la Saussaye, "Lehrbuch der Rehgionsgeschichte"
(1905), I, 194 sqq.]. In any case the origin of the
association of certain animals with certain gods,
whether symbolical or not, is unknown ; as a rule, the
same may be said of the various attributes of the vari-
ous gods or goddesses. We understand that Thoth,
being a lunar god, could have been considered the god
of time, computation, letters, and science (although
we do not know how, being associated with the ibis or
a baboon, he became a lunar god) ; but we do not see
why the ram-god Chnum should have been repre-
sented as a potter, nor why the cow-goddess, Hathor,
and the cat-goddess, Bast, were identified with beauty,
joy, and love, while the lioness-deity, Sekhmet, was the
goddess of war, and Neithwas identified both with war
and with weaving. The names of the gods, as a rule, give
no clue. At an early date the crude primitive fetish-
ism was somewhat mitigated, when the deities were
supposed to reside in statues combining human fig-
tires with animal heads.
Triads. — In other respects gods and goddesses were
Imagined to be very much like men and women; they
ate, drank, married, begat children, and died. Each
Dome, besides its chief god or goddess, had at least
two secondary deities, the one playing the part of a
wife or husband to the chief deity, the other that of a
son. Thus, in Thebes the group of Amon, Mut (or
4 KGYPT
Ament), and Chons; in Memphis the group of Ptah.
Sekhmet, and Nefertem; etc. Sometimes the triad
consisted of one god and two goddesses, as at Ele-
phantine, or even of three male deities. Those groups
were probably first obtained by the fusion of several
religious centres into one, the number three being sug-
gested by the human family, or possibly by the family
triad Osiris, Isis, and Horus, of the Osiris cycle. In
some cases the second element was a mere grammati-
cal duplicate of the first, as Ament, wife of Amen
(Amon), and was considered as one with it; it was
then natural to identify the son with his parents, and
so arose the concept of one god in three forms. There
was in this a germ of monotheism. It is doubtful,
however, whether it would ever have developed be-
yond the limits of henotheism but for the solar religion
which seems to have sprung into existence towards
the dawn of the dynastic times, very likely under the
influence of the school of Heliopolis. But before we
turn to this new phase of the Egyptian religion, we
must consider another aspect of the ancient gods
which may have furnished the first basis of unification
of the various local worships.
The Gods of the Dead.— Gods, being fancied like
men, were, like them, subject to death, the great lev-
eller. Each community had the mummy of its god.
But in the case of gods, as in that of men, death was
not the cessation of all life. With the assistance of
magical devices the dead god was simply transferred
to another world, where he was still the god of the de-
parted who had been his devotees on earth. Hence
two forms of the same god, frequently under two dif-
ferent names which eventually led to the conception
of distinct gods of the dead. Such were Chent-Ament,
the first of the Westerners (the dead) at Abydos,
Sokar (or Seker), probably a form of Ptah, at Mem-
phis. Sometimes, however, the god of the dead re-
tained the name he had before, as Anubis at AssiQt,
Khonyu at Thebes, and Osiris, wherever he began to
be known as such.
Legend of Osiris. — Each of these gods had his own
legend. Osiris was the last god who reigned upon the
earth, and he was a wise and good king. But his
brother Set was a wicked god ami killed Osiris, cutting
his body into fragments, which he scattered all over the
land. Isis, sister and wife of Osiris, collected the
fragments, put them together, and embalmed them,
" e assistance of her son Horus, Anubis (here,
i, a substitute for Set. who does not seem to
been originally conceived as his brother's slayer),
and Nephthys, Set's wife. Isis then, through her
magical art, revives her husband who becomes king of
the dead, while Horus defeats Set and reigns on the
earth in his father's place. According to another ver-
sion, Qeb, father of Osiris, and Set put an end to the
strife by dividing the land between the two competi-
tors, giving the South to Horus and the North to Set.
Sidereal and Elemental Gods. — It is generally con-
ceded that some of the local gods had a sidereal or ele-
mental character, Horus, of Edfu and el-Kab (Ili-
thyaspolis) , and Anher, of This, represented one or other
aspect of the sun. Thoth of Hermopolis and Khonsu
of Thebes wore lunar gods. Min.of Akhmim(t'hemmis)
and Coptos, represented the cultivable land and Set,
of Ombos (near Nakadeh), the desert. Hapi was
the Nile, Hathor the vault of heaven. In some cases
this sidereal or elemental aspect of the local gods
may be primitive, especially among the tribes of
Asiatic origin; but in other cases it may be of later
date and due to the influence of the solar religion of
Re, which, as we have already said, came into promt
nence, if not into existence, during the early dynastic
Solar Gods, Re or Ila. — That Re was such a local
god representing the sun, is generally taken for
granted although by no means proven. We cannot
assign him to any locality not furnished with another
perhaps,
EGYPT
345
IGYPT
god of its own. We never find him, like the vast ma-
jority of the local gods, associated with a sacred ani-
mal, nor is he ever represented with a human figure,
except as a substitute for Atum, or as identified with
Horns or some other god. His only representative
among men is the pharaoh, who in the earliest dynas-
tic monuments appears as his son. Finally, it is diffi-
cult to understand how the kings of the southern
kingdom, after having extended their rule to the north,
should have given up their own patron god, Horus, for
a local deity of the conquered land. It looks as if the
worship of Re had been inaugurated some time after
the reunion of the two lands, and possibly for political
reasons. At all events, the solar religion soon became
very popular, and it may be said that to the end it re-
mained the state religion of Egypt. Re, like the other
gods, had his legend — or rather myth — excogitated by
the theological school of Heliopolis in connexion with
the cosmogonic system of the same school. He had
created the world and was king over the earth. In
course of time the mortals rebelled against him be-
cause he was too old, whereupon he ordered their
destruction by the goddess of war, but on the presen-
tation of 7000 jars of human blood he was satisfied and
decided to spare men. Tired of living among them,
he took his flight to heaven, where, standing in his
sacred bark, he sails on the celestial ocean. The fixed
stars and the planets are so many gods who play the
parts of pilot, steersman, and oarsmen. Re rises in
the east, conauers the old foe (darkness), spreads
light, life, wealth, and joy on all sides, and receives
everywhere the applause of gods and men; but now
he comes to the western horizon, where, behind
Abydos, through an enormous crevice, the celestial
waters rush down to the lower hemisphere. The
sacred bark follows the eternal river and, unretarded,
the god passes slowly through the kingdom of night,
conquering his foes, solacing his faithful worshippers,
only ? however, to renew his course over the upper
hemisphere, as bright, as vivifying, as beautiful as
ever. Soon each phase of the sun's course received a
special name and gradually developed into a distinct
god ; thus we find Harpochrates (Horus's Child) repre-
senting morning sun ; Atum, the evening sun ; Re, the
noon sun; while Harmakhuti (Horus on the two hori-
zons— Harmachis, supposed to be represented by the
great Sphinx) is both the rising and tne setting sun.
Cosmogony and Enneads. — Different cosmogonic
systems were excogitated at a very early date (some,
of them, possibly, Defore the dynastic tunes) by the
various theological schools, principally by the School
of Heliopolis. Unfortunately, none of these systems
seem to have been handed down in the primitive form.
According to one of the versions of the Heliopolitan
cosmogony, the principle of all things is the god Nun,
the primordial ocean, in which Atum, the god of light,
lay hidden and alone until he decided to create 'the
world. He begat all by himself Shu, the atmosphere,
and Tefnut, the dew. In their turn Shu and Tefnut
begat Qeb, the earth, and Nut, the vault of heaven.
These two were lying asleep in mutual embrace in the
Nun, when Shu. stealing between them, raised Nut on
high. The world was formed, and the sun could begin
its daily course across the heavens. Qeb and Nut be-
gat Osiris, the cultivable land and the Nile united in
one concept, Set the desert, and the two sisters Isis
and Nephthys. To this first ennead, of which Turn
(later supplanted by Re) appears as the head, two
others were added, the first of which began with
Horus, as son of Osiris and Isis. The three enneads
constituted as many dynasties of gods, or demi-gods,
who reigned on the earth in predynastic times. We
have seen above that the third of these dynasties,
called "the shades" (yAcvts) by Manetho, represents
the predynastic kings mentioned on the Palermo
Stone. The Heliopolitan Ennead became very popu-
lar, and every religious centre was now ambitious to
have a similar one, the same sods and order being gen-
erally retained, except that the local deity invariably
appeared at the head of the combination.
It has long been customary to assert that in Egypt
human life was compared to the course of the sun, and
that Osiris was nothing but the sun considered as dead.
It is far more correct, nowever, to say, with Professor
Maspero [Revue de lliistoire des religions (1887), XV,
307 sqq.], that the course of the sun was compared to
that of human life. Osiris is not a sun that has set,
but the sun that has set is an Osiris; this is so true
that when the sun reappears on the eastern horizon, he
is represented as the youth, Horus, son of Osiris.
The great prominence given to Re and Osiris by the
Heliopolitan School of theology not only raised the
Egyptian belief to a higher plane, but brought about a
certain unification of it — a consolidation, so to speak,
of the local worships. Naturally, the local goas re-
tained their original external appearance, but they
were now clothed with the attributions of the new
Heliopolitan deity, Re, and were slowly identified
with him. Every god became now a sun-god under
some aspect; and in some cases the name of the Helio-
politangod was added to the name of the local god, as
Sobek-Re, Chnum-Re, Ammon-Re. It was a step
towards monotheism, or at any rate towards a na-
tional henotheism. This tendency must have been
encouraged by the pharaohs in their capacity rather
of political than of religious rulers of the nation.
There could be no perfect and lasting political unity
as long as the various nomes retained their individual
gods.
It is significant that in the only two periods when
the pharaohs seem to have had absolute political con-
trol of Egypt — viz. from the Fourth to tne Fifth and
from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Dynasty — the
systems of Re, in the former period, and his Theban
form, Ammon-Re, in the latter period, come clearly to
the front, while the local religious systems fall into the
background. These, however, though they were no
more than tolerated, seemed to constitute a menace to
political unity. The effort of Amenhotep IV to intro-
duce the cult of his only god, A ton (see above, in Dynastic
History; Second Period), was perhaps not prompted
exclusively by a religious ideal, as is generally be-
lieved. A similar attempt in favour of Re and his
ennead was perhaps made by the Memphite kings.
From Khafre, second king of the fourth dynasty, to
the end of the sixth dynasty, the word Ae is a part of
the name of almost every one of those kings, and the
monuments show that during that period numerous
temples were erected to the chief of the Heliopolitan
Ennead in the neighbouring nomes. Such encroach-
ments of the official religion on the local forms of
worship may have caused the disturbances which
marked the passage from the fifth to the sixth dy-
nasty and the end of the latter. That such disturb-
ances were not of a merely political nature is clear in
the light of the well-known tacts that the royal tombs
and the temples of that period were violated and pil-
laged, if not destroyed, and that the mortuary statues
of several kings, those of Khafre in particular, were
found, shattered into fragments, at the bottom of a
pit near these pyramids. Evidently, those devout
'sons of Re" were not in the odour of sanctity with
some of the Egyptian priests, and the imputation of
impiety brought against them, as recorded by Hero-
dotus (II, 127, 128; cf. Diodorus Siculus, 1, 14), may
not have been quite as baseless as is assumed by some
modern scholars (Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, pp. 76
sq.).
If the foregoing sketch of the Egyptian religion is
somewhat obscure, or even produces a self-contra-
dictory effect, this may perhaps be attributed to the
fact that the extremely remote periods considered
(mostly, in fact, prehistoric) are known to us from
monuments of later date, where they are reflected in
BOTPT 3
superimposed outlines, comparable to a series of pic-
tures of one person at different stages of life, and ill
different attitudes and garbs, taken successively on
the same photographic plate. The Egyptians were a
most conservative people; like other peoples, they
were open to new religious concepts, and accepted
them, but they never got rid of the older ones, no
matter how much the older might conflict with the
newer. However, if the writer is not mistaken, two
prominent features of their, religion are sufficiently
clear: first, animal fetishism from beginning to end
in a more or less mitigated form ; secondly, superpo-
sition, during the early Mem phi te dynasties, of the sun-
worship, the sun being considered not as creator, but
as organizer of the world, from an eternally pre-exist-
ing matter, perhaps the forerunner of the demiurge of
the Alexandrine School.
(b) The Future Lije. — As early as the predynastic
times the Egyptians believed that man was survived
in death by a certain principle of life corresponding to
our soul. The nature of this principle, and the condi-
tions on which its survival depended, are illustrated by
the monuments of the early dynasties. It was called
the ka of the departed, and was imagined as a counter-
part of the body it had animated, oeing of the same
sex, remaining throughout its existence of the same age
as at the time of death, and having the same needs
and wants as the departed had in his lifetime. It
endured as long as the body, hence the paramount
importance the Egyptians attached to the preserva-
tion of the bodies of their dead. They generally
buried them in ordinary graves, but always in the dry
sand of the desert, where moisture could not affect
them; among the higher classes, to whom the priv-
ilege of being embalmed was at first restricted, the
mummy was sealed in a stone coffin and deposited in a
carefully concealed rock-excavation over which a tomb
was built. Hence, also, the presence in the tombs of
lifelike statues of the deceased to which the ka might
cling, should the mummy happen to meet destruction.
But the ka could also die of hunger or thirst, and for
this reason food and drink were left with the body at
the time of the burial, fresh supplies being deposited
from time to time on the top of the grave, or at the
entrance of the tomb. The ka, or "double", as this
word is generally interpreted, is confined to the grave
or tomb, often called the house of the ka". There
near the body, it now lives alone in darkness as once, in
union with the body, it lived in the sunny world.
Toilet articles, weapons against possible enemies,
amulets against serpents, are also left in the tomb,
together with magic texts and a magic wand which
enable it to make use of these necessaries.
Along with the ka, the earliest texts mention other
surviving principles of a lees material nature, the ba
and the Mu. Like the ka, the ba resides in the body
during man's life, but after death it is free to wander
where it pleases. It was conceived as a bird, and is
often represented as such, with a human head. The
khu is luminous; it is a spark of the divine intelligence.
According to some Egyptologists, it is a mere trans-
formation which the ba undergoes when, in the here-
after, it is found to have been pure and just during
lifetime; it is then admitted to the society of the
gods; according to others, it is a distinct element
residing in the ba. Simultaneously with the concepts
of the ba and the khu, the Egyptians developed the
concept of a common abode for the departed souls, not
unlike the Hades of the Greeks. But their views
varied very much, both as to the location of that
Hades and as to its nature. It is very likely that,
originally, every god of the dead had a Hades of his
infernal deities, the various local concepts of the region
of the dead were ultimately merged into the Osirian
concept. According to Professor Maspero, the king-
dom of Osiris was first thought to be located in one of
the islands of the Northern Delta whither cultivation
had not yet extended. But when the sun in its course
through the night had become identified with Osiris,
the realm of the dead was shifted to the region tra-
versed by the sun during the night, wherever that re-
gion might be, whether under the earth, as more com-
monly accepted, or in the far west, in the desert, on
the same plane with the world of the living, or in the
north-eastern heavens beyond the great sea that sur-
rounds the earth.
As the location, so does the nature of the Osirian
Hades seem to have varied with the different schools;
and here, unfortunately, as in the case of the Egyptian
pantheon, the monuments exhibit different views
superimposed on one another. We seem, however, to
discern two traditions which we might call the pure
Osiris and the Re-Osiris traditions. According to the
former tradition the aspiration of all the departed is to
be identified with Osiris, and live with him in his
kingdom of the En.ni, or Yalu, fields— such a paradise
as the 'Egyptian peasant could fancy. There plough-
ing and reaping are carried on as upon the earth, but
with hardly any labour, and the land is so well irri-
gated by the many branches of another Nile that
wheat grows seven ells. All men are eq ual ; all have
to answer the call for work without distinction of
former rank. Kings and grandees, however, can be
spared that light burden by having whebtis (respond-
ents) placed with them in their tombs. These uzhrhtit
were small statuettes with a magic text which enabled
them to impersonate the deceased and answer the call
To procure the admission of the deceased into this
realm of happiness his family and friends had to per-
form over him the same rites as were performed over
Osiris by Isis, Nephthys, Horus, and Anubis. Those
rites consisted mostly of magical formula* and incan-
tations. The mummification of the body was con-
sidered an important condition, as Osiris was supposed
to have been mummified. It seems, also, that m the
beginning at least, tbe Osirian doctrine demanded a
certain dismemberment of the body previous to all
further rites, as the body of Osiris had been
ttttp*
347
carat
bered by Set. Possibly, also, this took place in the pre-
dynastic times, when the bodies of the dead appear to
have been intentionally dismembered and then put to-
gether again for burial (Chantepie de la Saussaye, op.
cit.f I, 214). At all events Diodorus narrates that the
surgeon who made the first incision on the body pre-
vious to the removal of the viscera had to take to
flight immediately after having accomplished his duty,
while the mob pretended to drive him away with
stones (Diodorus Siculus, I, 91), as though he imper-
sonated Set. This custom, however, of dismembering
bodies may be older than the Osirian doctrine, and
may explain it rather than be explained from it
(Chantepie de la Saussaye, op. cit., I, 220). When
all the rites had been duly performed the deceased
was pronounced Osiris so-and-so — he had been identi-
fied with the god Osiris. He could now proceed to the
edge of the great river beyond which are the Earu
fields. Turn-face, the ferryman, would carry him
across, unless the four sons of Horus would bring him
a craft to float over, or the hawk of Horus, or the ibis
of Thoth, would condescend to transport him on its
Billions to his destination. Such were, during the
lemphite dynasties, the conditions on which the de-
parted soul obtained eternal felicity; they were based
on ritual rather than on moral purity. It seems,
however, that already at that time some texts show
the deceased declaring himself, or being pronounced,
free of certain sins. In any case, under the twelfth
dynasty the deceased was regularly tried before being
allowed to pass across the waters. He is represented
appearing Defore Osiris, surrounded by forty-two
judges. His heart is weighed on scales by Horus and
Anubis, over against a feather, a symbol of justice,
while Thoth registers the result of the operation. In
the meantime the deceased recites a catalogue of
forty-two sins (so-called "negative confession") of
which he is innocent. Between the scales and Osiris
there is what seems to be a female hippopotamus,
appearing ready to devour the guilty souls; but there
was no great danger of falling into her jaws, as the
embalmers had been careful to remove the heart and
replace it by a stone scarab inscribed with a magical
spell which prevented the heart from testifying against
the deceased. The concept of retribution implied by
the judgment very likely originated with the School
of Abydos [see Maspe'ro, "Revue de l'histoire dee
religions" (-1887), XV, 308 sqq.].
According to another tradition, which is repre-
sented along with the foregoing in the Pyramid Texts,
the deceased is ultimately identified not with Osiris
himself, but with Re identified with Osiris and his son
Horus. His destination is the bark of Re on the
eastern horizon, whither he is transported by the same
ferryman Turn-face. Once on the sacred bark, the
deceased may bid defiance to all dangers and ene/nies,
he enjoys absolute and perfect felicity, leaves the
kingdom of Re-Osiris, and follows Re-Horus across the
heavens into the region of the living gods. The same
concept was resumed by the Theban School. An im-
portant variant of this Re-Osiris tradition is to be
found in two books due to the Theban Ammon-Re
School of theology, the " Book of what there is in the
Duat" (Hades) and the "Book of the Gates". In
both compositions the course of Re in the region of
darkness is divided into twelve sections corresponding
to the twelve hours of night, but in the latter book
each section is separated by a gate guarded by gigantic
serpents. Some of these sections are presided over
by the old gods of the dead, Sokar ana Osiris, with
their faithful subjects. The principal features of
these two books is the concept of a retribution which
we now meet clearly expressed for the first time.
While the innocent soul, after a series of transforma-
tions, reaches at last, on the extreme limit of the
lower world, the bark of Re, where it joins the happy
crowd of the gods, the criminal one is submitted to
various tortures and finally annihilated (see, however,
below under IV).
IV. Literary Monuments of Ancient Egypt. —
The earliest specimens of Egyptian literature are
the so-called Pyramid Texts engraved on the walls
of the halls and rooms of the pyramids of Unis
(Fifth Dynasty) and Teti II, Pepi I, Meniere, and
Pepi II (Sixth Dynasty). They represent two
ancient rituals of the dead, the older of which, as
is generally conceded, antedates the dynastic times.
The texts corresponding to this one are mostly incan-
tations and magic prayers supposed to protect the
deceased against serpents and scorpions, hunger and
thirst, and old age. The gods are made to transmit
to the deceased the offerings deposited in the tomb;
nay, these offerings are so placed in his power that he
positively eats and digests them, thus assimilating
their strength and other desirable qualities. In these
last two features Professor Maspero sees an indica-
tion that although the concept of the ba had already
been superposed on that of the ka, when that ritual
first came into existence, yet anthropophagical sacri-
fices, if no longer in use, were still fresh m the memory
of the Egyptians. This high, probably predynastic,
antiquity is confirmed by peculiarities of language
and orthography, which in more than one case
seem to have puzzled the copyists of the Fifth and
Sixth Dynasties. [Maspero, in "Revue de lliist. des
religions'', XII (1885), pp. 125 sqq.]. The other ritual
represented in the Pyramid Texts is the Book of
Funerals, known already in several recensions and pub-
lished by Professor E. Schiaparelli (II libro de' f unerali
degli Antichi Egiziani, Rome, 1881-2). It is sup-
posed to be the repetition of the rites by which Isis
and Horus had animated the mummy of Osiris with
the life he had as god of the dead. The principal cere-
mony consisted in the opening of the mouth and eyes
of the mummy, so that the deceased, in his second life,
could enjoy the mortuary offerings and guide and ex-
press himself in the next world. For the details of
this exceedingly interesting ritual we refer the reader
to the excellent analysis of Professor Maspero in the
"Revue de l'Histoire des Religions" [XV (1887), 158
sqq.]. These two books were very popular with the
Egyptians down to the end of the Ptolemaic times,
especially the second one, which is profusely illus-
trated in the tomb of Seti I.
The Book of the Dead. — Next in antiquity comes the
Book of the Dead, the most widely known monument
of Egyptian literature. Numerous copies of it are to
be found in all the principal museums of Europe. It
may be best described as a general illustrated guide-
book of the departed soul in Amenti (the Region of the
W.est). There, whatever his belief as to the survival
of man in the hereafter, or the location and nature of
the region of the dead, the deceased found what he had
to do to be admitted, what ordeals he would have to
undergo before reaching his destination, what spirits
and genii he would have to propitiate, and how to
come out of all this victorious. Broadly speaking, the
book can be divided into three sections: (1) "Book of
-the Going Out by Daytime" (cc. i-xvi), a title gener-
ally, though wrongly, extended to the whole book ; (2)
Chapters xvii-cxxiv: fitting the deceased for admission
(xvii-xci) to the kingdom of Osiris, his itinerary there-
to, whether by water or overland (xciii-cii, cxii-cxix),
and his settlement therein (ciii-cx), without further
formality than conciliating the ferryman or the guar-
dian genii with certain incantations and magical
prayers recited with the right intonation; in case
the deceased believed in retribution, before gain-
ing admission he had to repair to the Hall of
Justice, there to be tried by Osiris (cxxiii-cxxv) ; (3)
Chapter cxxv to the end: practically another guide-
book for the special profit of the followers of the School
of Abydos. It begins* with the trial, after which it
goes over pretty much the same ground as the com-
EGYPT
348
EGYPT
mon guide, with variations peculiar to the doctrine of
the school. For further details see the masterly re-
view by Maspero of Naville's edition of the Book of the
Dead during the Eighteenth to Twentieth Dynasties,
in "Revue de lTiistoire des religions", XV (1887), pp.
263-315. The most important chapters, from a theo-
logical viewpoint, are perhaps the seventeenth, -a
compendious summary of what the deceased was sup-
posed to know on the nature of the gods with whom
he was to identify himself, and the one hundred and
twenty-fifth, where, along with the disclaimer off orty-
two offences, we find also an enumeration of several
good works, as feeding the hungry, clothing the naked,
making offerings to the dead, and sacrificing to the
gods. The Book of the Dead naturally received many
additions in the course of centuries, as new concepts
evolved from the older ones. It would not be correct,
however, to conclude that all the chapters not to be
found in the older copies are of recent date. Com-
parison between various copies of known dates shows
that, as a rule, they were mere abstracts from the
standard copies preserved by the corporations of era-
balmers, or undertakers, the deceased individual hav-
ing, as a rule, ordered during his lifetime a copy to be
prepared according to his own belief and means.
The fact that certain chapters, like lxiv, were assigned
by the manuscripts to what seem to us remote dates,
such as the reigns of King Khufu .(Cheops), of the
fourth, or King Usaphais, of the first, dynasty, does
not prove that these chapters were thought to be
older than the others; the reverse is more likely to be
the correct view. The bulk of the chapters were be-
lieved by the Egyptians to antedate the human dy-
nastic times, and| as Professor Maspero remarks, the
discovery of the Pyramid Texts, to which the Book of
the Dead is closely related, shows that this idea was
not altogether futile (op. cit., XV, 299). The Book of
the Dead contains several passages in common with
the ritual of the dead represented by the Pyramid
Texts, and its first fifteen chapters were likewise read
at burials, but otherwise it constitutes a distinct type.
The Book of the Dead occurs in two recensions: the
Theban (Eighteenth to Twentieth Dynasty) and the
Saitic (Twenty-sixth Dynasty). The latter, which,
naturally, is the longer (165 chapters), was published
by Lepsius (Das Todtenbuch der Aegypter, Leipzig,
1842), from a Turin papyrus. The first two trans-
lations of the Book of the Dead by Birch (in Bunsen,
"Egypt's Place in Universal History", V, 66-333) and
Pierret (Le Livre des Morts des Anciens Egyptiens,
Paris, 1882) are based on that edition. In 1886 E.
Naville published a critical edition of the Theban re-
cension, " Das agyptische Todtenbuch der XVIII. bis
XX. Dynastie" Berlin, 1886. In 1901 Dr. E. A.W.
Budge published a translation of that same recension,
but augmented with a considerable number of chap-
ters (in all, 160) from new Theban manuscripts and 16
chapters from the Saitic recension (The Book of the
Dead, London, 1901). For further bibliographical
details see Budge, "The Papyrus of Ani" (London,
1895, 371 sqq.).
Substitutes for the Book of the Dead. — Other books
similar in scope to the Book of the Dead, and often
substituted for it in tombs, are: (1) "The Book of the
Respirations communicated by Isis to her brother
Osiris to restore a new life to his soul and body and
renew all his limbs, so that he may reach the horizon
with his father Re, and his soul may rise to the
heavens in the disk of the moon, and his body shine in
the stars of Orion on the bosom of Nut; in order that
this may also happen to the Osiris N." This book has
so far been found only with the mummies of the priests
and priestesses of Ammon-Re. It not only makes
allusion to the formulas and acts by means of which
the resurrection is effected, but also treats of the life
after death (tr. by P. J. Hornfck in "Records of the
Past", IV, 119 sqq.). A variation of this book under
the title of "Another Chapter of Coming Forth by
Day, in order not to let him [the deceased] absorb im-
purities in the necropolis, but to let him drink truth,
eat truth, accomplish all transformations he may
please, to restore a new life" etc. (as above) was pub-
lished by Wiedemann, "Hieratische Texte aus den
Museen zu Berlin u. Paris" (Leipzig, 1879). . (2) "The
Lamentations of. Isis and Nephthys" (tr. by Horrack,
op. cit., II, 117 sqq.). (3) *The Book of the Glorifi-
cation of Osiris", a variation of the preceding, pub-
lished by Pierret from a Louvre papyrus. (4) The
"Book of the Wandering of Eternity", published by
Bergmann, " Das Buch vom Durchwandel der Ewig-
keit*' in " Sitzungsber. d. K.K. Ak. d. Wiss. in Wienf\
1877.
Mythological Compositions. — A different group of
funeral books is represented by certain mythological
compositions. They consist principally of figures re-
lating to the various diurnal and nocturnal phases of
the sun, accompanied with explanatory legends. The
oldest of such compositions can be assigned to the
Eighteenth Dynasty, and refers to both the daily and
nightly courses of the sun, the two being often com-
bined in one picture in two sections. In later times
the nocturnal aspect of the sun prevails, and the com-
position becomes more and more funereal in character
and scope, until the diurnal solar symbols disappear
almost entirely (see Deveria, "Catalogue" etc., pp.
1-15). Several of the figures are borrowed from the
Book of the Dead.
Book of the Dual. — Closely related to these mytho-
logical compositions is the "Book of what there is in
the Duat" (or Lower Hemisphere, as commonly,
though perhaps wrongly, understood. See below,
under Astronomy). It consists of a hieroglyphic text
with numerous mythological or symbolical illustra-
tions describing the nocturnal navigation of the sun
(represented as the ram-headed god Chnum) on the
river Uernes (cf. the Otpaw6s of the Greeks) during
the twelve hours of night, through as many halls.
To each hall corresponds one of the successive modifi-
cations through which every being was supposed to be
brought back from death to a new life. Such modifi-
cations are effected by the deities in charge of the
various halls, who, in addition, contribute, either by
towing or in some other mysterious way, to the prog-
ress of the solar bark on the Uernes, typifying that of
the regeneration. However, this process of regenera-
tion is not accomplished in Chnum himself but in the
god Sokari, who plays the part of the dead sun. The
deceased, who is never mentioned by his name, ap-
pears as a mere figurant, or rather an onlooker. All
those who take part in the action seem to be per-
manently settled in the Duat, with no other apparent
purpose than to play their own parts on the passage
of the, solar bark. This is the case even with the
damned, who, when the time of retribution comes at
the end of the tenth, and during the eleventh, hour, im-
personate the enemies of Osiris, and for the time being
are submitted to atrocious torments and even anni-
hilated. Whether one is justified, as generally granted,
in seeing in this last point a proof that the Egyp-
tians as a people believed in eternal retribution,
does not appear quite certain if we consider the highly
mystical character of that book, the understanding of
which was the privilege of a few initiated. For Fur-
ther details see the introduction to and the analysis of
that book by Deveria ("Catalogue" etc., pp. 15-39.
See also Jequier, " Livre de ce quYil y a dans PHades",
Paris, 1894).
Ritual of the Embalming. — To close the above re-
marks on the funereal literature we must mention
the Ritual of Embalming, published by Professor
Maspero (Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits etc., t.
XXIV, Paris, 1882).
Liturgies. — The religion of the living, if we may so
express ourselves, is far from being as largely repre-
EGYPT
349
EGYPT
sented in Egyptian literature as that of the dead
Yet we have a lew important works such as the ritual,
or rather the liturgy, of Osiris in his temple at Abydos,
of which an illustrated edition has been preserved on
the walls of that temple (published by Moret, "Le
Rituel du culte divin journalier en Egypte", 1902),
and the liturgy of the Amon-worship contained in
a Berlin papyrus (O. v. Lemm, Ritualbuch des Amon-
dienstes, 1882). The Litany of the Sun has been
translated by Naville, in " Records of the Past",
VIII, 103 sqa . ; also a fragment of the Legend of Re
to which we hare already alluded (op. cit., VI, 103
sq.) and several hymns to Osiris (op. cit., New Series,
IV, 17 sq.), the Nile (op. cit., New Series, III, 46
sqq.), and Amon-Re (in Maspero, "Histoire an-
cienne,,l pp. 328 sqq.; Gr^baut, "Hymne a Ammon-
Ra", Pans, 1875; cf. Stern in "Zeitschrift fur agyp-
tische Sprache", 1877, and Brugsch, "Religion u.
Mythologie der alten Aegypter", Leipzig, 1885, pp.
690 sqa.). From the point of view of composition
and style these hymns are the most remarkable liter-
ary products of ancient Egypt, as they are the most
striking specimens of the monotheistic tendencies
which developed under the Eighteenth-Twentieth
Dynasties as a result of the political supremacy of
Thebes. Not less noteworthy are the hvmns com-
posed by Amenophis IV in honour of his sole god A ton
(see the specimen published by Breasted, " History of
the Ancient Egyptians", pp. 273 sqq.).
Moral, — Several Egyptian literary compositions of
a moral nature have reached us. The two oldest are
attributed to Kagemme, vizier of King Snefru, and
Ptahhotep, vizier and chief judge under King Isesi,
last but one of the fifth dynasty. Both composi-
tions, preserved in a manuscript of the Twelfth Dy-
nasty, consist of apophthegms and proverbs of a
rather positive and practical nature, as "A slight fail-
ure is enough to make vile a great man" (Kagemme),
or "A docile son shall be happy on account of his
obedience; he shall grow old and get favour", or "If
you are a wise man, fix your house pleasantly, love
your wife, do not quarrel with her, give her food and
jewels, because this makes her comely, give her per-
fumes and pleasures during your life. She is a treas-
ure which must be worthy of its owner" (Ptahhotep).
Under the Twelfth Dynasty we have the teaching of
Amenemhet I, where the old king warns his son and
successor, Usertesen; against placing too much con-
fidence in, and being too intimate with, those around
him, exemplifying his teaching from his own experi-
ence (translated m "Records of the Past", II, p. 9
sqq.). Of a much higher order and wider scope are
the counsels that Ani, a scribe of the Nineteenth Dy-
nasty, gives to his son Khons-Hotep: "Let thine eye
observe the deeds of God; it is he that strikes whatso-
ever is stricken. Piety to the gods is the highest
virtue"; "It is I who gave thee to thy mother, but it
is she that bore thee and while she was carrying thee
she suffered many pains. When the time of her de-
livery arrived thou wert born and she carried thee like
the veriest yoke, her pap in thy mouth, for three
years. Thou didst grow, and thy filthiness never so
far disgusted her as to make her cry out: 'Oh! what
am I doing?' Thou wert sent to school. She was
anxious about thee every day, bringing thee meat and
drink from home. Thou didst take a house and wife
of thine own, but never forget the pains of childbed
thou didst cost to thy mother; give her not cause to
complain of thee, lest perchance she lift up her hands
to the divinity, and he give ear to her will"; "Keep
this in mind whenever thou hast to make a decision:
Even as the most aged die thou also shalt lie down
among them. There is no exception; even for him
whose life is without blame, the same lot awaits him
as well. Thy death-messenger will come to thee too,
to carry thee away. Discourses will avail thee noth-
ing, for he is coming, yea, he is ready even now. Do
not begin to say: 'I am still but a child, I whom thou
takest off.' Thou knowest not how thou shalt die.
Death comes to the suckling babe; yea, to him who
is yet in the womb, as well as to the old, old man.
See, I tell thee things for thy good, which thou shalt
ponder in thy heart before acting. In them thou shalt
find happiness and all evil shall beput far from thee "
(tr. of Chabas, "L'Egyptologie", Paris, 1875-8).
History. — Egyptian historical literature is some-
what illustrated from what we have said of the sources
of chronology (see above, II., subsection Chronology).
In sharp contrast with the aridity which generally char-
acterizes such documents, the so-called prose-poem of
Pentaur stands alone so far. Pentaur is the name of the
copyist, not of the author, as was long believed. Its
subject is an episode of the famous campaign of
Ramses II against the Hittites. When taken by sur-
prise he, with only the household troops and a few
officers who happened to be there, bravely charged
the van of the enemy who were in pursuit of his de-
feated army, and so brilliantly successful was he that
the rout was turned into a victory. The work dis-
plays a good deal of literary skill and is the nearest
approach to an epic to be found in Egyptian litera-
ture (Breasted, "Hist, of the Anc. Egyptians", 320;
cf . Maspero, " Hist. Anc. ", 272 sq.). Not less remark-
able, perhaps, although less pretentious in point of
style are: (1) the long autobiography of Uni, under
three successive kings (Teti II, Pepi I, and Meniere)
of the sixth dynasty, the longest funerary inscription
and the most important historical document of that
time (Breasted, "Anc. Rec. of Egypt", I, 134 sq.);
(2) the famous stele of Piankhi (see above, II. under
Dynastic History; Second Period) which Professor
Breasted calls the clearest and most rational account of
a military expedition which has survived from ancient
Egypt (Hist, of the Anc. Egyptians, 370); (3) the
great Papyrus Harris, a huge roll one hundred and
thirty feet long, the longest document from the Early
Orient . It contains an enormous inventory of the gifts
of Ramses III to the three chief divinities of Egypt,
a statement of his achievements abroad, and his bene-
factions to his people at home (op. cit., 347).
Fiction. — If history proper is not more largely rep-
resented in Egyptian literature, it is because its natu-
rally positive and dry character, which the structure of
the Egyptian language made it difficult to disguise,
was not in harmony with the highly imaginative
Egyptian mind. No doubt the Egyptians were proud
oftheir kings ; but from one end of trie country to the
other the waters of the Nile reflected temples and
mortuary chapels without number, on the walls of
which the achievements of the pharaohs were spread
in gorgeous inscriptions and reliefs. That was all the
history they needed. It furnished them with histori-
cal outlines which their fertile imaginations filled out
with stories or tales after their own taste, tales in the
style of the "Arabian Nights", where animals and mum-
mies spoke like ordinary folks, as for instance in the
tale of "The Two Brothers", from the Nineteenth
Dynasty (Records of the Past, II, 137 sqq.), and the
story of Satni-Khamois from Ptolemaic times (op. cit.,
IV, 131 sq.). In "The Doomed Prince", Twentieth
Dynasty (op. cit., II, 153 sq.), men fly like birds; in
"The Shipwrecked", Twelfth Dynasty (translated,
with all the others, in MaspeVo, " Lies contes populaires
de TEgypte ancienne", 3d ed., Paris, 1905), the hero
is shipwrecked on the Island of the Ka (one of the
popular concepts of the Land of the Dead), where a
gigantic serpent addresses him with a human voice
and treats him with the utmost kindness. In "The
Daughter of the Prince of Bakhtan", Twentieth Dy-
nasty, the prince's younger daughter is delivered from
a demon or spirit by the statue of the god Khonsu for
which he had sent to Thebes. Sometimes, however,
the action remains within the limits of the natural
order, and the interest consists in some extraordinary
IOYPT
350
EGYPT
change of fortune, as in the case of Sinuhit, Twelfth
Dynasty, or in some clever stratagem, as in "How
Thutiy captured Joppa", Twentieth Dynasty, and in
the story of Rampsinitos (Herod., II, 121), Saitic times.
The dramatis persona of such tales and stories are often -
persons of royal blood, the pharaoh himself not infre-
quently playing the principal part ; and the names which
they bear, as a rule, are real historic names, so that in
some cases it is not clear, at first sight, whether one has
to deal with history or with fiction. More frequently,
however, the names have been selected at random,
sometimes from proper names, sometimes from the
pramomina, or even from popular nicknames. More-
over, chronology, as is usual in popular fiction, is grossly
disregarded. In the story of "Satni-Khamois", for
instance, Menephtah, instead of appearing as the
brother of the hero, is alluded to as a remote prede-
cessor of Ramses II (Usirmari of the tale, a pramomen
of Ramses II in his youth). This literature of histori-
cal fiction was evidently very popular in Egypt at all
times and in all classes of society. That it was chiefly
from this source that Herodotus collected most of his
notices concerning the ancient kings of Egypt is evi-
dent from the chronological confusion and the great
mixture of names, prcenomina, and nicknames which
prevail in his writings. See on this all-important
point the very interesting introduction of Prof. Maspero
to his "Contes populaires de l'ancienne Egypte (3d
ed., Paris, 1905).
Astronomy. — We have no special treatise on astron-
omy written by ancient Egyptians in book form. The
monuments, however, the temples and tombs especially,
§'ve us a fair idea of their astronomical knowledge,
n the whole, their notions were rather elementary.
They knew the zodiac and the principal constellations,
and had special names for Orion {Sahu) and Sirius
(Sopdit), the former being sacred to Osiris and the
latter to Isis, and for the thirty-six decani which
presided over the thirty-six decades of the year.
They had compiled tables of the risings and settings
of a great many, if not all, of the stars visible to the
naked eye. They knew the difference between fixed
stars and planets, and the apparently retrograde mo-
tion of Mars at certain periods of the year had not
escaped their attention. Beyond this they knew
probably little or nothing (see Ginzel, " Handbuch der
mathematischen u. technischen Chronologic", 1, 153).
We have seen above (II., subsection Chronology) how
the Egyptians used what they knew of astronomy for
the division of time and its computation . They fancied
the earth round and flat, surrounded with mountains
beyond which flowed a large river which they called
Uernes (cf. the O&pavto of the<lreeks). At the four
cardinal points the mountains rose higher and sup-
ported the celestial vaults, which they imagined as
solid, although transparent. Over this vault flowed
the celestial waters on which the sun, and the moon,
and the stars floated in barks. The sun at the end of
every day went out through the western mountains,
and sailed on the Uernes first northward, then south-
ward to the mountain of the east, where he entered
our world again through a large gate. Egyptian my-
thology saw in the celestial vault an immense cow
(Hathor), or a woman, the goddess Nut, whom Shu
(the atmosphere) had separated from her husband
Qeb, or Sib (the earth), and who brought forth the
sun every morning, and swallowed it every evening
(Maspe'ro in "Revue de lliistoire des religions", Xv,
269 sqq.). The many representations of the celestial
vault in tombs and on the inner sides of the lids of
sarcophagi are purely mythological (op. cit., I, 151).
Mathematics. — Our earliest Egyptian treatise on
mathematics is the Rhind Papyrus of the British
Museum [ed. Eisenlohr, Ein mathematisches Hand-
buch der aiten Aegypter, 1877; L. Rodet in Jour, de
la Soc. Math, de France, VI (1878), 139 sqq.]; it dates
back to the Nineteenth Dynasty. It contains:. (a)
several theorems of plane geometry with rules for
measuring solids; (b) a manual of the calculator on a
purely arithmetical basis, not algebraic. [Rodet in
Jour. Asiatique (1881), XVIII, 184 sq., 390 sq.l. The
numerical system was decimal, and contained figures
for one and for each power of ten; these figures were
repeated as many times as contained in the number to
be expressed. With the exception of two-thirds, the
only fractions which they could write with one sign
were those having 1 as numerator.
Astroloay. — Among the documents belonging to this
science the most important is a fragmentary astro-
logical calendar (British Museum) written during the
Nineteenth Dynasty. It contains a list of the things
which it is proper to do or to avoid on each day of the
year. The reason why such a day was fas or nefas
was ordinarily taken from some mythological tradi-
tion. The Greeks and Romans were not ignorant of
this science, but the name "Egyptian days" (dies
JSgyptioci), by which they designated it, shows clearly
that they borrowed it from Egypt.
Medicine. — The Museum of Berlin preserves a copy
of an Egyptian treatise on medicine, said to have been
completed by, or at least under, kings of the First and
Second Dynasties. There is besides, in the Univer-
sity Library of Leipzig, a papyrus commonly known
as the Ebers Papyrus containing a copy (Eighteenth
Dynasty) of another treatise attributed to King
Cheops of the Fourth Dynasty. From these two
documents and others of less importance we may infer
that the Egyptians knew little about theoretical medi-
cine, as, for religious reasons, they were not allowed
to study anatomy. Practical medicine on the other
hand, was so far developed among them that the
Egyptian physicians were those most highly esteemed
by the Greeks and Romans. The names given to
diseases are not always clear, but the description of
symptoms is often sufficiently detailed to enable a
physician to identify them. Pharmaceutical science
was still more advanced. Four kinds of remedies are
to be found in the recipes: ointments, potions, plasters,
clysters; they were usually taken from vegetables,
sometimes from minerals (as sulphate of copper, salt,
nitre, memphitic stone) ; the raw flesh, blood (fresh or
dried up), nair, and horn of animals were also used,
especially to reduce inflammations. The elements of
such remedies were first mashed, boiled, and strained,
then diluted in water, beer, infusions of oats, milk, oil.
and even human urine. But the Egyptians believed
that not all diseases were of natural origin; some
were caused by evil spirits who obsessed the patients.
For Egyptian Art see Temple.
Dsveria, Catalogue des manuscrits tgyptiens etc. qui aont con-
serve's au musie igyptien du Louvre (Paris, 1872); Maspero,
Lett inscriptions des pyramides de Saqgarah (Paris, 1894) — re-
print from Recueti de travaux etc., vols. III-V, VII-XII, XIV;
Naville, Das agyptische Todtenbuch der 18-tO. Dynastie (Ber-
lin, 1886); Budge, The Book of the Dead (3 vols., London, 1898;
London and Chicago, 1901); Lepsjus, Das Todtenbuch der
Aegypter nach dem hieroglyphxschen Papyrus in Turin (Leipzig,
1842); Lefebure, Hypogics royaux in Mem. de la Mission arch*
iolog. francaise, II-III, 1-2; Jequier, Livre de cequ'il y a dans
V Hades (Paris, 1894); Ebman, A Handbook of Egyptian Reli-
gion, tr. by Griffith (London, 1907): Steindorff, The Reli-
gion of the Ancient Egyptians (New York and London, 1905);
Wiedemann, Die Reltgum der alien Aegypter (Munster, 1890) —
also to be had in English; Maspero, Etudes de Mythdogie et
(TarchSologie igyptiennes (3 vols., Paris. 1893-98); Lanoe, Die
Aegypter in db la Saubbaye, Lehrbuch der ReligionsgeschichU
(Tubingen, 1905), I, 172-245; Erman, tr. Tirard, Life in
Ancient Egypt (London, 1895 — chapter xv is a general sketch
of Egyptian literature proper); Maspero, Les contes popu-
laires de V Egypte ancienne (3rd ed., Paris. 1905); Griffith,
Stories of the High Priests of Memphis (London, 1900); Petrie,
Egyptian Tales (London — after Griffith and Maspero).
V. The Coptic Church, the Church of the Copts or
Egyptians, the usual modern name for the Church of
Alexandria, though very often arbitrarily restricted to
the period beginning with its secession (451) from the
Catholic Church under its patriarch Dioscurus (q. v.)
when it became a distinctly national church. The
word Copt is an adaptation of the Arabic Qibt or Quid
EOYPT
351
EOYPT
(a corruption of Gr. Aly&rrias). The Arab conquerors
thus designated the old inhabitants of Egypt (in vast
majority followers of Dioscurus) in contradistinction
both to themselves and to the Melchites of Greek origin
and language who were still in communion with the
Catholic Church, but have since drifted within the
orbit of the so-called Orthodox, i. e. schismatic Greek,
Church. A general article on the Coptic Church will
be found under Alexandria, The Church op. Special
features of importance are treated under the titles
Alexandria, Councils op; Gnosticism; Monasti-
cibm; Persecution; Sacraments; Versions op the
Bible. See also Athan asius ; Cyril op Alexandria ;
Dionysius op Alexandria; Mark; Theophilus,
Patriarch op Alexandria; Clement op Alexan-
dria; Origen; Dioscurus; Melchites; Missions.
In the present article we shall treat in particular of the
origins and constitution of the Coptic Church, espe-
cially the question of its episcopate, to the Council of
Nicsea (325). We shall close with a short sketch of
the present condition of both the Jacobite and the
Uniat branches of the Coptic Church, chiefly from
the point of view of their organisation.
1. Early Christianity in Egypt. — Vfe have no direct
evidence of Christianity having existed in Egypt until
Clement of Alexandria (a. d. 150-220) when it had
already spread over the land. What we know of the
Church of Egypt before that time is exclusively
through inferences or unconfirmed traditions pre-
servea principally by Eusebius (see below). Thus we
may inter the existence of Christianity in Egypt dur-
ing the second century from the fact that under Trajan
a Greek version /of the " Gospel according to the He-
brews" was being circulated there (Duchesne*, Histoire
Ancienne de l'Eglise, I, 126). We know that this
Gospel was the oook of the Judseo-Christians. Its
very name points to the existence at the same date of
another Christian community, recruited from among
the Gentiles. This, presumably, followed another
Gospel which Clement of Alexandria calls " the Gospel
according to the Egyptians". (On the Gospel of the
Egyptians, see Harnack, Chronologie der altchrist-
lichen Litteratur, I. 1, pp. 612-22; on the Gospel
of the Hebrews^ ibid., pp. 631-49.) This writer
quotes it along with the " Gospel according to the He-
brews ". However, he clearly distinguishes both from
the canonical Gospels, which shows that those two
apocrypha were then mere relics of the past, or at least
were old enough to be entitled to some consideration
in spite of their uncanonical character. Some writers,
as Bardenhewer (Geschichte der altchristlichen Liter-
atur, 1, 387), think that the " Gospel according to the
Egyptians" owed its name to its diffusion among the
Egyptians throughout the land, in contradistinction
to some other Gospel, canonical or uncanonical, in use
in Alexandria. In this case we might conclude fur-
thermore to the existence of a third Christian com-
munity, consisting of native Egyptians, as it is diffi-
cult to suppose that two Hellenistic communities
would have used two different Gospels. But we have
no evidence of a native Church having existed at as
early a period as suggested by the elimination of the
Gospel of the Egyptians from the canon at the time of
Clement of Alexandria.
Again, organized Christianity at an early date in
Egypt is, indirectly at least, attested by the activity
of the Gnostic schools in that country in the third and
fourth decades of the second century. Eusebius is
authority that " Basilides the heresiarch", founder of
one of these schools^ came into prominence in the year
134. Other Egyptian founders of such schools, Val-
entinus and Carpocrates, belong to the same period.
Valentinus had already moved to Rome in 140, under
the pontificate of Pope Hyginus (Irenseus, Adv.
Haw., HI, iv, 3), after having preached his doctrines in
Egypt, bis native country. As Duchesne (op. cit., lf
931) well remarks, one cannot believe that these hereto
ical manifestations represent all the Alexandrine
Christianity. These schools, precisely because they
are nothing but schools, suppose a Church, "the Great
Church", as Celsus calls it; such aberrations, pre-
cisely because labelled with their authors' names, tes-
tify to the existence of the orthodox tradition in the
country where they originated. This tradition, from
which heresies of such a power of diffusion could sepa-
rate themselves without putting its very existence in
jeopardy, must have been endowed with a vitality
which cannot be accounted for without at least half a
century of normal growth and an organization under
the guidance of strong and vigilant bishops. We
may. therefore, safely conclude that as early as tLe
middle decades of the first century there were in Alex-
andria, and probably in the neighbouring nomes, or
provinces, Christian communities consisting princi-
pally of Hellenistic Jews and of those pious men
(ipoPotfteptH rbv Oc6v) who had embraced the tenets
and practices of Judaism without becoming regular
proselytes. These communities must have had some
numerical importance, for on the one hand the Jews
were exceedingly numerous (over one million) in
Egypt, and particularly in Alexandria, where they
constituted two-fifths of the whole population; and on
the other hand the philosophical eclecticism that gen-
erally prevailed in Alexandria at that time co-oper-
ated in favour of Christian ideas with the great doc-
trinal tolerance then obtaining throughout Judaism,
to the extent, indeed, as Duchesne tersely puts it, that
one might think like Philo or like Akiba, believe in the
resurrection of the flesh or its final annihilation, expect
the Messias or ridicule that hope, philosophise like
Ecclesiastes or like the Wisdom of Solomon (op.
cit., 1, 122) . Along with this judaizing Church, whose
hopes and expectations were centred in Jerusalem
and the Temple, whp accepted Christianity and yet
continued to observe the Law, there was another
Church, decidedly Gentile — we might say, Christian —
in its character and aspirations, as well as in its prac-
tices. It is difficult to surmise what the relations of
those two Churches to one another were in their de-
tails. It is very probable that the destruction of Jeru-
salem and the Temple by Titus, by putting an end to
the hopes of many among the judaizing Church,
brought thetn over to the Great Church, which hence-
forth gained rapidly in numbers and prestige and soon
became the only orthodox Christian Church.
2. Chronology of Early Episcopate. — Eusebius, both
in his " Chronicle " and his " Ecclesiastical History "
(cf . Harnack, " Chronologie der altchristlichen Litter-
atur", I, 1, pp. 70-208), registers the names and years
of pontificate of ten bishops supposed to have occupied
in succession the See of Alexandria prior to the acces-
sion of Demetrius (188-9). Those names he took
from the now lost " Chronography " of Julius Afri-
canus, who visited Egypt in the early portion of the
third century. They are as follows: Anianus, 23
years; Abilius, 13; Cerdo, 11; Primus, 12; Justus,
11; Eumenes, 13; Marcus, 10; Celadion, 14; Agrip-
pinus, 12; Julianus, 10. Dates are also given, each
bishop being entered under the year of reign of the
Roman Emperor in which his accession took place.
Thus Anianus is entered under the eighth year of Nero
(a. d. 62-3). It seems certain, however, that these syn-
chronistic indications do not belong to the list as found
by Julius Africanus, but were computed by himself,
from Demetrius down, on the years of pontificate of
the several bishops. The same writer (Harnack,
"Chronologie", I, 1, p. 706) is authority for another
tradition preserved also by Eusebius, to the effect that
Christianity was first introduced in Egypt by St. Mark
the Evangelist in the third year of Claudius (a. d. 43),
only one year after St. Peter established his see in
Rome, and one year before Evodius had been raised to
the See of Antioch. He preached there his Gospel and
founded Churches in Alexandria. Little is added by
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352
EGYPT
Kusebius, viz. that, according to Clement of Alexan-
dria, Mark had come to Rome with St. Peter (probably
after Agrippa's death in 44). and that, according to
Papias, after Peter's death (probably 64), Mark nad
written there the Gospel that bears his name (see Har-
nack, "Chronologie^, I, 1, pp. 652-3). This latter
point is confirmed by Irenseus, op. cit., Ill, i, 2: " Post
vero horum [Petri et Pauli] excessum, Marcus, dis-
cipulus et interpres Petri, et ipse quse a retro nuntiata
erant per scripta nobis tradidit.
Other chronological traditions, often mere varia-
tions of those just related, concerning the apostolate
and death of St. Mark, have been handed down mostly
by the Oriental compilers of chronicles. They are
strongly legendary and often conflict with one another
and with the Eusebian traditions. In more than one
instance they seem to have originated from a misun-
derstanding of Eusebius'stext,of which we know there
was a Coptic translation, or from an effort to harmon-
ize or supplement the traditions reported (but not
confirmed) by that writer. Until these Oriental
sources have been critically edited and their chronol-
ogy brought out of its chaotic state, it is impossible to
make use of them to any considerable extent. It
seems, however, certain (1) that St. Mark died a mar-
tyr, though the constant tradition that his martyrdom
was on Easter Day and on the 24th or 25th of April
seems to be worthless, seeing that from the year 45 to
the end of the first century Easter never fell on either
of those dates; (2) that, having temporarily left
Egypt to go (or to return) to the Pentapolis, St. Mark
had appointed Anianus his successor several years
prior to his own death. Severus of Nesteraweh, a
bishop of the ninth century, says that it was seven
years before his martyrdom. It is remarkable that
Eusebius, while stating that Anianus succeeded St.
Mark in the eighth year of Nero.(A.D. 62-3), does not
mention Marks death (as in the case of St. Peter).
Probably he had found no tradition on that point.
The fact, however, that he gives Anianus as the first
Bishop of Alexandria shows that, in his mind, the two
events were not contemporaneous. For if Anianus had
taken possession of the see on St. Mark's death he
would have been the second, and not the first, bishop.
There is some reason to suspect the correctness of the
traditions transmitted by Julius Africanus through
Eusebius. The round number of ten bishops for a
period of which we otherwise know nothing, the fact
that in every case the pontificate consisted of complete
years only without extra months and days, the further
fact that we find in that short list two pontificates of
ten years, two of eleven, two of twelve, two of thirteen,
which seems to indicate that the other two originally
were fourteen years each — all this might suggest that
the list of Julius Africanus is to some extent at least
artificial, and based on a uniform number of twelve
years for each pontificate, giving a sum total of one
hundred and twenty years for the list. One might
surmise that the list was originally supposed to start
from St. Mark's death, and that later on the enthrone-
ment of Anianus was taken as its beginning, his pon-
tificate being, as a consequence, increased by from four
to eight years. Nor is it, perhaps, entirely fortuitous
that the different recensions of the " Chronicon " of
Eusebius (the Armenian recension, for instance) count
so very near 144 years (12 X 12) from St. Mark's arrival
in Egypt to Demetrius. It would not be difficult to
find other instances of chronologies of predocumentary
times thus artificially rounded out on the basis of the
numbers ten and twelve.
We have, perhaps, a relic of an entirely different
tradition in a remark to be found in the " Chronicon
Orientate" of Peter Ibn Rahib, namely, that after the
pontificate of Abilius there was a vacancy of three
years, owing to the destruction of the Temple of Jeru-
salem under Titus. If we had not the list of Julius
Africanus, such a statement might not seem devoid of
plausibility. As we have seen before, the first Chris-
tian community of Alexandria consisted chiefly of
Jews, and we should naturally suppose that its first
pastors were chosen from among the Jews. At any
rate they were regarded as Jews by the Government.
Now it is known that, after the destruction of the
Temple of Jerusalem, Vespasian adopted measures of
extreme rigour against the Jewish population of
Egypt, lest they should try to make then" temple of
Leontopolis the national centre of their race, ana thus
defeat his very purpose in wiping out of existence the
Temple of Jerusalem. It was not until a. d. 73, when
this obnoxious temple was, in its turn, destroyed, that
the persecution ceased, and the Jews were restored to
their former privilege of free worship. Supposing that
the predecessor of Abilius died a. d. 70, it would ap-
pear likely enough that the see should have remained
vacant during the time of the persecution.
3. Nature of Early Episcopate. — There is much discus-
sion as to the nature of the early episcopate of Egypt.
Tradition seems to point to a collective episcopate con-
sisting of twelve presbyters with a bishop at their head.
St. Jerome, in a letter to Evan eel us (P. L., XXII,
1194), insisting on the dignity of the priesthood, says:
" At Alexandria, from the time of St. Mark the Evan-
gelist to that of the Bishops Heraclas and Dionysius
[middle of the third century] the presbyters of Alex-
andria used to call bishop one they elected from among
themselves and raised to a higher standing, mst as the
army makes an emperor, or the deacons call archdea-
con, one from their own body whom they know to be of
active habits." This is confirmed by: (1) A passage
of a letter of Severus of Antioch, written from Egypt
between 518 and 538. Speaking of a certain Isaias
who adduced an ancient canon to prove the validity of
his episcopal ordination although performed by a
single bishop, Severus says: "It was also customary
for the bishop of the city famous for the orthodoxy of
its faith, the city of the Alexandrines, to be appointed
by priests. Later, however, in agreement with a
canon which obtained everywhere, the sacramental
institution of their bishop took place by the hands of
the bishops." (2) A passage of the annals of Euty-
chius, Melchite Patriarch of Alexandria who flourished
in the early decades of the tenth century: "St. Mark
along with Ananias [Anianus] made twelve priests to be
with the patriarch ; so that when this should be wanting
they might elect one out of the twelve priests and the
remaining eleven should lay their hands upon his head
and bless him and appoint him patriarch; and
should after this choose a man of note and make him
priest with them in the place of the one who had been
made patriarch from among the twelve priests, in such
sort that they should always be twelve. This custom,
that the priests of Alexandria should appoint the
patriarch from the twelve priests, did not come to an
end till the time of Alexander Patriarch of Alexandria,
one of the three hundred and eighteen [the Fathers of
Nicaea] who forbade the presbyters [in the future] to
appoint the patriarch, but decreed that on the death
of the patriarch the bishops should convene and appoint
the patriarch, and he furthermore decreed that on the
death of the patriarch they should elect a man of note
from whichsoever place, from among those twelve
priests or not . . . and appoint hinv' (tr. from the
Arabic text ed. Cheikho, in "Corpus Script. Christ.
Orientalium; Scriptores Arabioi", Ser. Ilia, torn. VI,
95, 96). Finally, we read in the apophthegms of the
Egyptian monk Pcemen (Butler, "Lausiac History of
Palladius") that certain heretics came to Pcemen and
began to scoff at the Archbishop of Alexandria as ha vine
ordination (x*yxrrovlay) from priests. The old man did
not answer, but he said to the brothers: " Prepare the
table, make them eat, and dismiss them in peace." It
is generally supposed that the heretics in question were
Arians and really intended to make Pcemen believe
that the then Archbishop of Alexandria had been
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EGYPT
353
EGYPT
ordained by priests, and St. Athanasius is supposed to
have been that archbishop. Now, as it is a well-
known fact that St. Athanasius was consecrated by
bishops, that accusation is considered one of the many
calumnies the Arians used to spread against him. If
this interpretation be true, the Lausiac text proves
nothing for the nature of tne early Alexandrian epis-
copate. But it seems highly improbable that the
Anans should have dared to assert what everyone in
Egypt in the least familiar with contemporary events,
must have known to be false. In fact the Lausiac
text is susceptible of a more plausible interpretation,
to wit, that the episcopal character of the Archbishop
of Alexandria was to oe traced to simple presbyters,
while in other Churches the Apostolic succession had
been transmitted from the very beginning through an
uninterrupted line of bishops. In this case the Lau-
siac would be the oldest witness of the tradition trans-
mitted by Jerome, Severus, and Eutychius, for Pot-
men flourished in the first half of the fifth century
(Diet. Christ. Biogr., s. v.), or even as early as the
latter half of the fourth century, if Charles Gore is
right in his argument that Rufinus visited that holy
hermit in 375 (Journal of Theological Studies, III,
280). Moreover, that the bishops of Alexandria were
originally not only elected, but also appointed, by
presbyters is, indirectly at least, confirmed by an-
other tradition for which Eutychius is authority, to
wit, that, till Demetrius there was no other bishop in
Egypt tnan the Bishop of Alexandria. This was
denied by Sollerius (Hist. Chron. Patr. Alex.. 8*=
10*) and others, but we shall see in the following
section that their reasons are not conclusive (cf . Har-
nack, "Miss. u. Ausbreitune", 2d ed., II, 133, n. 3}.
The tradition that the early Bishops of Alexandria
were elected and appointed by a college of presbyters,
is therefore, if not certain, at least highly probable.
On the other hand it seems almost certain that that
custom came to an end much earlier than Eutychius,
or even Jerome, would have it. Significant is the fact
that they disagree on the terminus adouem; still more
significant that Severus of Antioch is silent on that
point. Besides, several passages of the works of Ori-
gen and Clement of Alexandria can hardly be under-
stood without supposing that the mode of episcopal
election and ordination was then the same as tnrough-
out the rest of the Christian world (see Cabrol in his
"Diet, d'archeologie chrlt.", s. v. Alexandrie: Elec-
tion du Patriarche).
We may not dismiss the question without recalling
the use which Presbyterians, since Selden, have made
of that tradition to uphold their views on the early
organisation of the Cnurch. It suffices to say that
their theory rests, after all, on the gratuitous assump-
tion (to put it as mildly as possible) that the presby-
ters who used to elect the Bishop of Alexandria, were
priests as understood in the now current meaning of
this word. Such is not the tradition; according to
Eutychius himself, Selden's chief authority, the priv-
ilege of patriarchal election was vested not in the
priests in general, but in a college of twelve priests on
whom that power had been conferred by St. Mark.
They were in that sense an episcopal college. Later
on, when it became necessary 'to establish resident
bishops in the provinces, the appointees may have
been selected from the college of presbyters, while still
retaining their former quality of members of the epis-
copal college. So that, little by little, the power of
patriarchal election passed into the hands of regular
bishops. The transfer would have been gradual and
natural; which would explain the incertitude of the
witnesses of the tradition as to the time when the old
order of things disappeared. Eutychius may have
been influenced in his statement by the fourth Nicene
canon. As for St. Jerome, he may have meant Deme-
trius and Heraclas, instead of Heraclas and Dionysius,
for he may have been aware of the other tradition
V.— 23
handed down by Eutychius, to the effect that those
two patriarchs were the first to ordain bishops since St.
Mark (see below).
4. The Episcopate in the Provinces. — Delegated
Bishops or Itinerant Bishops. — We have said that
according to an ancient tradition handed down by
Eutychius, the Bishop of Alexandria was for a long
time the only bishop in Egypt. Eutychius's words are
as follows: " From Annianus, who was appointed Pa-
triarch of Alexandria by Mark the Evangelist, until
Demetrius, Patriarch of Alexandria (and he was the
eleventhpatriarch of Alexandria) , there was no bishop in
the province \sic — read provinces — see below] of Egypt
[Arabic, Misr\ and the patriarchs his predecessors had
appointed no bishop. And when Demetrius became
patriarch he appointed three bishops, and he is the
first Patriarch of Alexandria who set the bishops
over provinces. And when he died Heraclas was
made Patriarch of Alexandria, and he appointed
twenty bishops" (translated from the edition of L.
Cheikho, in Corp. Script. Christ. Orient.: Script.
Arabici", ser. IIIr torn. VI, I, p. 96). It has been ob-
jected against this tradition that the Emperor Ha-
drian, writing to Servianus on the religious conditions
of Egypt (Vopiscus, "Vita Saturnini , 8), speaks of
Christian bishops; but this letter is now generally con-
sidered as a forgery of the third century (cf . Harnack,
" Mission u. Ausbreitung des Christen turns ", 2d ed., II,
133, n. 3), and even if it were genuine it would be neces-
sary to know exactly what Hadrian meant by the word
bishop; we shall see that it could be used in a sense
rather different from the current meaning. A stronger
objection is taken from the " Lives of the Patriarchs of
Alexandria " by Severus of Ashmunein, where we read
that three of the early patriarchs — Cerdo, Celadion, and
Julian — were elected by bishops as well as by the people.
It is far from certain, however, that the word bishop in
these three cases has its ordinary meaning. In the case
of Cerdo the text reads: " When the priests and the
bishops, who were representing the patriarch in the
towns, heard of his death they were grieved, and they
all went to Alexandria and, having taken counsel with
the orthodox people", etc. It seems evident that
these " bishops" were nothing but delegated bishops
acting in virtue of a special and temporary, not an
ordinary and permanent, delegation of powers as
ordinary bishops (see below) ; for in this case delega-
tion, being a matter of course, would not be men-
tioned. Tney were not bishops in the ordinary can-
onical sense of the word. In Celadion's case the text
says: "The bishops who were in Alexandria in those
dave " — i. e., probably, who were stationed there, re-
dded there, wnich certainly cannot be understood of
ordinary bishops, whose residence would have been
in their respective dioceses. There was room for
but one such bishop in Alexandria. Still clearer
is the passage concerning Julian: "A party of bish-
ops from the synod assembled with the people of
Alexandria", etc. What was that synod? Evi-
dently not a council which happened to be in session,
for in that case all certainly would have taken part in
the election. Besides, if Celadion's predecessor had
called a synod or council, Severus, or the author from
whom he borrowed that meagre biography, would not
have failed to swell it with this important event.
There seems to be no other solution than to see in that
synod a body of presbyters or delegated bishops who
were habitually in residence in Alexandria, but some
of whom, being on the mission, were not able to take
part in the election. There was, therefore, under the
early Bishop of Alexandria, a body of men who could
be called bishops, and yet had no ordinary jurisdic-
tion, as is evidenced, first, by the express statement in
Cerdo's case and, secondly, by the fact that they usu-
ally resided in Alexandria, as stated or implied in the
other two cases. Such a body of men the twelve
presbyters of Eutychius must have been; so that
EGYPT 354 EGYPT
those three passages, far from contradicting Euty- same number (twelve) and does not speak of deacons,
chius's testimony, rather confirm it. We find, how- Severus's second biography of St. Mark, Al-Makln, and
ever, a more direct confirmation of Eutychius's state- the "Chronicon Orientale" say three presbyters and
meat in another, so far equally misinterpreted, passage seven deacons. According to Severus of Nesteraweh,
of Severus. In the biography of Julian, the im- St. Mark "ordained priests the sons of Anianus, who
mediate predecessor of Demetrius, we read: "After were but few, and eleven deacons". It is impossible
this patriarch, the Bishop of Alexandria did not re- to reconcile these data. If Eutychius's figure, as is
main always there, but he used to go out secretly and very likely, has no historical foundation, it might be
organise the hierarchy [yausim kahanat j literally, " or- based on Mark, iii, 14. The number three in the other
dam clergy"], as St. Mark the Evangelist had done." sources, if fictitious, might reflect the fourth canon of
The same remark is to be found in the " Chronicon Nicsea. Although we have no means of determining.
Orientale" of Peter Ibn R&hib, with the variation, even approximately, to what extent Christianity had
"No bishop always remained in Alexandria"; and the spread over Egyptian territory during the first two
omission of the Last words " as St. Mark " etc. We centuries of our era, there is hardly any doubt that the
know that the words yausim kahanat have been so number of communities, as well as the area over which
far rendered " ordinationee saoerdotum faciebant" they were scattered, very much exceeded the propor-
(Renaudot. Hist. Patr. Alexandr., p. 18), "ordained tions of an ordinary diocese of the primitive Church,
priests" (Evetts. "Hist, of the Patriarchs of the Cop- Christianity, says Clement of Alexandria (Strom., VI,
tic Church of Alexandria" in Graffin-Nau's "Patro- xviii, 167), has spread Kara (Bvos kclI k^mp ml r6\u>
logia Orientalis", I, 154). There is no doubt, how- r&rar,i.e. whole nouses and families have embraced
ever, that the word kahanat (plur. of kdhin) as a rule the faith, which has found adherents in all classes of
stands for bishops and deacons as well as for priests, society. And this statement is borne out by Eusebius
That it really is so in this case is made clear from a com- (Hist. Eccl., VI, i) , who says that in the year 202, dur-
parison among three versions of the same episode of ing the Severian persecution, Christians were dragged
the life of St. Mark. The author of the second biog- to Alexandria, tor trial dr Alyfarov xal O^/fiwo*
raphv in Severus's work says that the Evangelist, see- d>d*jp . It would seem that under ordinary circum-
ing that the people of Alexandria were plotting against stances there must have been a call for an ordinary
his life, went out from their city (secretly, adds Sev- resident bishop at least in each of the three great
erus of Nesteraweh, Barges, op. cit., p. 66) and re- provinces of Heptanomis (Middle Egypt), Thebais
turned to the Pentapolis{ where ne remained two years, (Upper Egypt), and Arsinoe (the Fayum).
appointing bishops, priests, and deacons in all its But in Egypt, as elsewhere, the Church in its in-
provinces. The Melcnite Martyrology of Alexandria, fancy naturally copied the political organisation of the
under 25 April, sayB that St. Mark went from Alexan- country, and Egypt, in that respect, was entirely dif-
dria to Barca (Pentapolis) and beautified the churches ferent from the rest of the Roman Empire. Rome, or
of Christ, " instituting bishops and the rest of the rather Augustus, in taking possession of Egypt as his
clergy [kahanafl of that country". (It is evident that personal spoil, took in almost bodily the old political
in the mind of the author of the latter passage kahanat, organisation created by the Pharaohs and developed
on the one hand, and u bishops, priests, and deacons", and strengthened by the Ptolemies, simply replacing
on the other, are interchangeable.) Finally, in the the king by a prefect in whom, as his representative, all
"Chronicon Orientale", where the same episode of St. authority, judicial and military, was vested. That
Mark's life is related, we find simply: appointing organisation was characterised by the total absence of
clergy [kahanat] for them", without special mention municipal institutions; no organised cities, as in the
of the bishops. And the argument will appear all the rest of the Roman Empire, no magistrates elected by a
more convincing if we notice that the remark of Ju- senate and governing m its name. The country was
lian's biography must have had in view the labours of divided, as of old, into nomes, each of which was ad-
St. Mark in the Pentapolis, when he added "as St. ministered by a strategos (formerly, nomarch) under
Mark the Evangelist had done", for neither the Ori- the prefect, though occasionally two nomes were tem-
ental nor any other sources record a further instance of porarily united under one strategos^or one nome was
ordinations performed by St. Mark outside of Alexan- divided between two strategoi. The strategos ap-
dria. t pointed all subaltern officials throughout the nome.
Before we dismiss this interesting passage of Juli- subject to approval from the prefect, and transmitted
an's biography, let us call attention to another detail to them his orders. In judicial matters they could
of it. The patriarch is styled simply the Bishop of initiate proceedings, but could deliver judgment only
Alexandria, which shows that the source from which when specially empowered as delegates by the prefect,
the remark was borrowed must belong to a time when In each village there was a council of elders who
the expressions archbishop and patriarch had not yet acted as intermediaries for the payment of taxes, and
come into use. It may, therefore, be considered as were held responsible to the authorities of the nome
absolutely certain that, according to all the Oriental for the good order of their fellow villagers; they had,
sources, there was from the times of St. Mark to Ju- however, no authority except by way of delegation,
lian's death only one diocese in the whole territory of Alexandria was no exception to that rule; it was not
Egypt proper, namely, the Diocese of Alexandria, and until the reign of Septimius Severus that the city was
omy one oisnop, the Bishop of Alexandria. That granted a senate, and even then the citizens were not
bishop was assisted by a college of presbyters. These permitted to elect their own magistrates. The situa-
were mshops to all intents and purposes, excepting tion was probably the same in other cities which at a
jurisdiction, which they had by delegation only. If still later period secured the privilege of a senate. For
Eutychius calls them presbyters, it is because he found convenience' sake the Ptolemies had grouped the
that word in the source he was using, possibly the very nomes of Upper Egypt into one province governed by
same in which the author of Julianas biography found an epistrategos; the Romans at first did the same for
the word bishop used to designate the patriarch. In the the nomes of Middle Egypt (including the Areinoite
" Lives of the Patriarchs " oy Severus of Ashmunein, nome, the modern Fayfim) and the Delta, or Lower
they are called bishops, in agreement with the current Egypt. But this and other later arrangements of the
use of the time when those biographies were first writ- nomes into provinces never affected the political or-
ten down. On so much the Oriental sources agree, and ganisation of the country. The epistrategoi were the
substantially they confirm the traditions preserved by usual delegates for many of the powers nominally ex-
St. Jerome and Severus of Antioch. They disagree as ercised by the prefect. They appointed the strategoi
to the number of presbyters created by St. Mark; and other local officials, subject to confirmation by the
Makrisi, who probably copied Eutychius, gives the prefect. In a general way they acted as intermedin
EGYPT
355
EGYPT
aries for the transmission to the authorities of the
nome of the orders issued by the prefect (Milne, p. 4-6).
In each nome there was a metropolis which was the
residence of the strategos and, as such, the political
centre of the nome. It was a religious centre as well,
as it contained the chief sanctuary of the special god
of the whole nome. The chief priest in charge of that
sanctuary naturally ruled in religious matters over all
the secondary temples scattered throughout the terri-
tory of the nome. There was in Alexandria a " High-
Priest of Alexandria and all Egypt ", appointed by the
emperor, and probably a Roman, like the prefect upon
whom he depended and whose substitute he was in
religious matters. He had supreme authority over
the priests and control of the temple treasures all over
Egypt. In course of time, particularly under Diocle-
tian, several changes took place in that organization:
but these changes affected m no way the workings of
the administration of the country, which, through a
chain extending from the prefect to the last and least
subaltern of the smallest village, brought every inhab-
itant under the control of the imperial prefect.
A more striking example of centralised power can
hardly be imagined: one master, supreme in all
branches of administration; between him and the
people, intermediaries who transmit his orders, but
never act except on his behalf, and refer to him all
cases of any importance. Such, also, was the organ-
ization of the Coptic Church in the first one hundred
and twenty years of its existence: one master only,
one seat and source of jurisdiction, one judge — the
Bishop of Alexandria. It is, therefore, this fullness of
j urisdiction rather than the fullness of the priesthood —
vlenitudo eacerdotii — that is understood by the title of
bishop. The presbyters who elect the Bishop of Alex-
andria, also have the fullness of the priesthood, but
they have no jurisdiction of their own. We found
them temporarily in charge in the provinces, but they
were acting in behalf of tne bishop; and for that rea-
son, in the older sources, they are not called bishops.
With Demetrius (188-232) a new era opens. The
bishops of Alexandria, we have seen, began to leave
the city secretly, and ordained bishops, priests, and
deacons everywhere, as St. Mark himself had done
when he went to the Pentapolis. The word secretly is
suggestive of times of persecution (cf. Abraham
Ecchellensis, "Eutychius vrndicatus", 126: Renaudot.
" Hist. Patnarcharum Alexandrinorum ", I). It would
seem that this new departure of Demetrius took place
in the very first years of the third century, when the
Severian persecution broke out. The dangers then
threatening the Christian communities — which by
this time had greatly increased in all parts of Egypt-
may have been the chief consideration that prompted
the bishop to come to the assistance of his flock by
giving it permanent pastors (see, however, Harnack,
"Mission , II, 137, note 2, quoting Schwartz). Ac-
cording to the tradition of Eutychius, Demetrius
created three bishops; Heraclas (232-48), as many as
twenty. The number of bishops so increased, under
Dionysius (248-65), Maximus (265-82), Theonas (282-
300), Peter Martyr (300-11), Achillas (312), and Alex-
ander (313-326), that the last of these could, in 320,
muster nearly one hundred bishops against Alius
(Socrates, Hist. EccL, I, vi), from Egypt, Libya, and
the Pentapolis. The Egyptian hierarchy was then fully
organised (cf. Harnack, op. cit., II, 142), a fact which
explains, and is explained by, the wholesale Christian-
ization of Egypt during the third century. In spite,
however, of that astonishing development of the
hierarchy, the old institution of itinerant bishops had
not yet entirely disappeared. It happened often dur-
ing the persecutions that bishops were incarcerated
pending trial, and therefore were unable to hold ordina-
tions. Their places were then filled by irtptodtvral.
or itinerant bishops ordained for that purpose, and
resident in Alexandria when not actively engaged in
their sacred functions. It was for having presumed
to usurp the functions of such vepiofevral, that Mele-
tius, Bishop of Lycopohs (in Upper Egypt) was cen-
sured by the Patriarch Alexander, and finally con-
demned and deprived of his jurisdiction by the Council
of Nicaea (see Hefele-Leclercq, Hist, des Conciles,
Paris, 1907, I, 488-503, where all the sources are in-
dicated). a
The existence of metropolitans (in the canonical
sense of the word) in the Church of Egypt is a matter
of considerable doubt (see Harnack, op. cit., II, 150,
note 3, where reference is made to Schwartz, " Athana-
aiana", I, in " Nachricht. d. K. Gesellschaft d. Wiss.
zu Gottingen", 1904, p. 180, and LQbeck, "Reichsein-
theilung u. kirchliche Hierarchie", pp. 109 sq., 116
sqq.). If some bishops (which is very likely; see
Hefele, "Conciliengeschichte", I, pp. 391, 392) bore
that title, they could not have differed from the ordi-
nary Egyptian bishops in their relations to the Bishop
of Alexandria. It is a well-known fact that the
Bishop of Alexandria was wont to ordain not only his
metropolitans, as did the other patriarchs, but also
their suffragans, with the sole proviso that their elec-
tion should have been sanctioned by their respective
metropolitans (Hefele. op. cit., I, p. 393). St. Epi-
phanius, writing of Meietius. whom he calls dpx***"**-
jcoxof (Hares., Erix, c. iii), fcy which he means really
metropolitan .(Hefele, ibid.), says: "Hie auidem ceteris
jEgypti episcopis antecellens, secundum a Petro
[Alexandrino} dignitatis locum obtinebat, utpote illius
adjutor sed eidem tamen subjectus et ad ipsum de re-
bus ecclesiasticis referens" (He indeed, being pre-
eminent over all the other bishops of Egypt, held the
position next in dignity to that of Peter (of Alexan-
dria), as being his helper, yet subject to him and de-
pendent on him in ecclesiastical affairs]. In what
concerns Meletianism St. Epiphanius is not to be im-
plicitly trusted. In this case, however, his testimony
is probably correct; his words depict just such a con-
dition of affairs as we should naturally expect from the
general analogy of the church-organization with the
civil government. The existence of the epistrategoi
and the nature of their relations to the prefect of
Egypt might well have suggested the appointment
ofmetropolitans with just as limited an independ-
ence of the Bishop of Alexandria as St. Epiphanius at-
tributes to Meietius.
Present State of the Coptic Church. — The
Jacobite Church has thirteen dioceses in Egypt : Cairo
under the Patriarch of Alexandria, with 23 churches
and 35 priests: Alexandria, with a metropolitan,
having charge also of the Provinces of Bohaireh and
Menufjyeh, 48 churches, 60 priests; the three provin-
ces of Dakalieh, Sharkieh, and Gharbieh, 70 churches,
95 priests; Gizeh and the Fayum, 25 churches, 40
priests; Beni-Suef, 24 churches, 70 priests; Minieh,
40 churches, 90 priests; Sanabu, 32 churches, 65
priests; Manfalut. 28 churches, 55 priests; Assiut
(metropolitan see), 25 churches, 66 priests; Abutig
(metropolitan see), 45 churches, 105 priests; Akhmim
and Girgeh (metropolitan see), 50 churches, 101
priests; Keneh, 24 churches, 48 priests; Luxor
and Esneh (metropolitan see); 24 churches, 4?
priests. By way of summary it may be said that
the Jacobite Coptic Church has 1 patriarch, 6 met-
ropolitans, 6 bishops, 856 priests, 449 churches, and
about 600,000 souls. There are in addition, out-
side of Egypt, a metropolitan in Jerusalem, a bishop
for Nubia and Khartum, a metropolitan and two
bishops in Abyssinia. Some ten years ago the abbots
of the monasteries of Moharrak (province of Assiut),
St. Anthony, St. Paul (both in the Arabian Desert),
and Baramus (in the desert of Nitria) were raised to
the dignity of bishops.
There are three categories of schools, (a) Church
schools, under the patriarch (conservative) : 1 ecclesias-
tical college, 50 pupils; 6 boys' schools, 1100 pupils;
EGYPT 356 EGYPT
2 girls' schools, 350 pupils, (b) Tewfik schools, under souls, 31 priests (15 married) , 35 churches or chapels, 18
the society of the same name (rather liberal and in stations, 1 theological seminary (for all three dioceses),
opposition to the patriarch): 1 boys' school, 290 pu- with 17 pupils, 21 schools for boys, with 240 pupils,
pus; 1 girls' school, 140 pupils, (c) Private schools: and 5 schools for girls, with 253 pupils. In addition to
5 boys' schools, 300 pupils; 1 girls' school, 5 pupils. — the above-mentioned clergy and institutions, there are
In all 2235 pupils attend these Jacobite schools. several houses of Latin religious (both men,and women)
With Rome, granted to Amba AthanasiUS, Coptic Encyclopadie der Wiaaenachaflen u. Kunste, s. v. Kopten, Kop-
Bishop of Jerusalem, jurisdiction over all Christians of t^8P!^^l%T%r^^^ £#: c)^'E*Zv
a\ r%r .» tj., • ttj j. ji i- i.i • arum Alex, in Acta ao., V or (new ed.) VIJ; Deb. Marco &v-
the Coptic Rite in Egypt and elsewhere. AthanasiUS angdida in Ada S.S., April, III (25 April); Macairi (Cyril
Continued to reside in Jerusalem, whence he ministered H), Hi*tojre de Vtglise tTAlexandrie depuia St. Marc juaqu'a not
to his charge in Egypt throng Ins vicar-general, Jus- fSSI^^JSSb^
tU8 Maraghl. Durmg his admmistration flourished talium Collectio, I; Rbhxopf, Vita Potriarcharum Alexandrine
Raphael Tuki, a native of Girgeh and an alumnus of rum Quinque, Specimen I(Leiprig, 1758): Spec. II (Leipiig,
the Urban (Propaganda) College at Rome. After a l7,59); A*™**™™*" hu^nca^u^ ad vu^ P^rduzrum
v s, v/t^cu* r/wr?8",7*/ v/v**cbw av xwtuc. <n^«*» a Alex, sac. prxmx d secundt. Spec. Ill (Leipiig, 1759); Rbnau-
few years Of fruitful labours m his native land he was dot, Hidoria potriarcharum Alexandnnorum Jacobitarum, etc.
recalled to Rome (where he received the title Of (Paris, 1713); Lxquixn, Orient Chrislianus, II; De patriarchatu
Bishop of Arsmoe)to superintend I the printing of the $&JS£E f^ Jra^&L^MiSfi^
Coptic hturgical books (Missal, 1746; Psalter, 1749; Alexandria(London,l&*7);BvTi*R,The Ancient Coptic Churches
Breviary, 1750; Pontifical, 1761; Ritual. 1763; <& Egypt (Oxford, ,1884);
Theotoki*, 1764). Athai^wassucceedeci (1781) W&t^^Zond
by John t arargl a8 Vicar Apostolic Of the Coptic Na- Original Sources.— Zotenbbrg, tr.. Chronique de Jean tvtqu*
tion, with the title of Bishop of Hypsopolis; but he de Nikiou,texteeViiopien in Noticeadextraitadeamanuacritade la
never received episcopal conation, tjere being no ^^^^^^.^^^^^^j^i
Catholic bishop of the Coptic Rite to perform it. The iveque de Nikiou, extract from Journal Aaiatique (Parte. 1879);
same can be said
pointed in 1788
t\_ j. , 7 . VftVwT' ; — , r*\ r* ~ r — r- — » ,' and ^ °y Uvotts in URAFriN-WAu, fatrotogta unenUUxs, 1, 11,
he died m 1822, and was succeeded by Maximus Joed, IV; alao text only, for the same period, by Suybold in Corpus
also made Bishop of Uthina in 1824. and a few months Script. Christ. Orxenlalium: Scriptorea Arabici, «er. 3, torn. IX;
decided to restore the Cathohc Patriarchate of Alex- PWnarcAa Orthodoxorum Alexandrxnt, etc., ecclesux sua ongxnes
jmHrifl. That cImm-aa hnvPVPr npvpr wpnt intn (London, 1642); Abraham Ecchkixbnsis, Eutychiue Patriarcha
anana. inat aecree, nowever, neve/ went into t^ie^u, (Rome, 1661); Euttchius (Sa'id Ibn Batrik.
effect, owing, apparently, to the opposition of Abra- Melchite Patriarch of Alexandria), Annals, Arabic text ed.
ham Cashoor, then at Rome, where he had been con- S™*?? m c> £ czP-: 5cri**- arabici, eer. 3, VI; earlier edi-
secrated Archbishop of Memphis by the pope himself. g»-[ %,"BS£ ISSSVlSXt'fo i^LV.^rS
Maximus died m 1831. His successor was Theodore Oriental*, Arabic text and Latin tr. by Chbikho in C. S. C. 0.%
Abu-Karim, made Bishop of Alia in 1832. and ap- Scriptorea Arabici, net. 3, II (1903): there is also a Latin tr. by
pointed Delegate ^V&tator Apostolic of Abvs- $S?iZSESS?&SE!®fc. 'ffii^JlSSSSS^fij
Sinia m 1840. He died m 1854, and Was succeeded m Mahommedan writer), Oeachichle der Copten. ed. WCsTENrKLD
1856 by AthanasiUS Khuzam, Bishop of Maronia, who (Gdttingen, 1845); Vanslbb, Histoire de VEgliae <T Alexandria
in turn vm «ioy»aaHaH in 1»fifi Kv Amnina RqKoi* fondie par St Marc, chiefly from AbCVBarakat (Pans, 1677);
m turn was SUCCeeclea in 18b6 by A^piUS Bsnai, ABt gj{^Hf The Churches and Monaderiea of Egypt, text and tr.
Bishop of CanopollS, representative of his nation at by Butler (Oxford, 1895); Barges, HomHte sur St Mare,
the Vatican Council in 1869-70. Owing to regretta- Apdtre d Evanodide (Paris, 1877) [by Skverus of Nes-
ble differences with his flock, this bishop, more learned ™AW ,* , T . «• . # ^. . « «• ,
and pious than tactful was recalled to Rome in, or oj^^^tu^Z^X&F^&Z,
SOOn after, 1878, and did not return to Egypt until Arab Conquest of Egypt etc. (London, 1902): Poole. Hid. of
1887, forty days before his death. During his ab- ?J^infyJ&^™lw York*i%1); Lax*, Modern Egyptian*
sence an/ after his death, the Church was^adminia- '^^^i^^^f.f^^^'^S:'1-
tered by an Apostolic visitator. Monsignor Anthony
Morcos (not a Copt nor a bishop) with the title of pro- VI. Coptic Literature, tiie literature of Chris-
vicar Apostolic. His successor was also a simple tian Egypt, at first written in the Coptic language
Apostolic visitator and governed the Uniat Copts and later translated into, or written outright in,
until 1895, when the Patriarchate of Alexandria was Arabic. That literature is almost exclusively reli-
dence at Minieh) and Thebes (residence at Tartah), etc.) or as to its purpose (grammars and vocabularies
which were entrusted respectively to Bishops Max- composed with reference to the ecclesiastical books),
imus Sedfaoui and Ignatius Berzi, both consecrated in Thus denned, however, Coptic literature is by no
1896. In 1899 Bishop Cvril Macaire was promoted means the equivalent of literature of the Egyptian
to the title and rank of Patriarch of Alexandria. Church, as this would include as well the Greek writ-
with residence at Cairo, taking the name of Cyril ings of the Fathers of the Church, and other Greek
II; he resigned in 1908, and Bishop Sedfaoui was monuments of Egyptian origin. They will be found
named administrator. The Uniat Coptic Diocese of under the headings of their respective authors; see for
Alexandria counts (Lower Egypt and Cairo) 2500 instance Alexander; Athanasius; Clement of Al-
souls, 4 churches or chapels, 14 priests (2 married), a exandria; Cyril of Alexandria; Origen; Theo-
petit s&minaire with 8 pupils (under the direction of philus, Patriarch of Alexandria, etc.
the Jesuits), and 1 school for boys (under the Christian The CojAic Language is an offspring of the Egyptian,
Brothers). In the Diocese of Hermopolis (Middle or rather it is that very same language in the various
Egypt) there are 2500 Catholics, 10 priests (4 married), popular forms it had evolved when Egypt as a whole
7 churches or chapels, 12 stations, 9 schools for boys, became Christian (third and fourth centuries). Con-
with 240 pupils, and 1 for girls, with 50 pupils. The sequently it appears in several dialects: the Sahidic
Diocese of Thebes (part of Upper Egypt) has 15,250 (formerly called Theban), or dialect of Upper Egypt
EGYPT
357
EGYPT
(Arab. Eaaa'td, "the high"); the Akhmimic, origi-
nally in use in the province of Akhmim, afterwards su-
perseded by Sahidic; the Fayumic, or dialect of the
Fayum; the Middle Egyptian; and the Bohairic (for-
merly Memphitic), i. e. the dialect of Bohaireh or
the Region of the Lake (Mariut?), a name now ap-
plied to the north- western province of the Delta, of
which Damanhur is the seat of government. From
the literary point of view the Sahidic and the Bohairic
are by far the most important, although, as we shall
see, the most ancient, and in some respects most valu-
able, Coptic manuscripts are in the Akhmimic dialect.
The question of priority between these dialects — if
understood of the greater or lesser similarity which
they bear to the respective dialects of the ancient
Egyptian from which they are derived, or of the time
when they first came into use as Christian dialects —
cannot, in the opinion of the present writer, be safely
decided. All we can say is that we have no Bohairic
manuscript or literary monument as old as some
Sahidic manuscripts or literary monuments. The
Coptic alphabet, some letters of which are peculiar to
the one or the other of the dialects, is the Greek alpha-
bet increased by six or seven signs borrowed from the
Demotic to express sounds or combinations of sounds
unknown to the Greeks. On the other hand, some of
the Greek letters, like 2 and *, never occur except in
Greek words. In all Coptic dialects Greek words are
of frequent occurrence. Some of these undoubtedly
had crept into the popular language even before the
introduction of Christianity, but a good many must
have been introduced by trie translators to express
ideas not familiar to the ancient Egyptians, or, as in
the case of the particles, to give more suppleness or
roundness to the sentence. Almost any Greek verb of
common occurrence could be used in Coptic by prefix-
ing to its infinitive auxiliaries, which alone were in-
flected. Thus, also, abstract substantives could be
obtained by joining a Greek adjective to certain Coptic
abstract prefixes, as, met-agathos, goodness, kindness.
Frequently a Greek word is used along with its Coptic
equivalent. Greek words which had, so to speak, ac-
quired a right of citizenship, were often used to trans-
late other Greek words such as jiAXis for fi^yu, rfkti
for Mpa. The relation of Coptic to Greek, from that
E)int of view, is about the same as that of French or
nglish to Latin, although in lesser proportion.
Scripture and Apocrypha.—- Greek being the original
language of the Church of Egypt, the first Coptic lit-
erary productions were naturally translations from the
Greek. Undoubtedly the most important of such
translations was that of the Bible into the several dia-
lects spoken by the various native Egyptian commu-
nities. For these see Versions of the Bible. The
Apocrypha were also translated and widely diffused,
judging from the many fragments of manuscripts, es-
pecially in Sahidic, which have reached us. Such
translations, however, unlike the versions of the Bible,
are far from being faithful. The native imagination
of the translators invariably leads them to amplify and
embellish the Greek original. Among the Apocrypha
of the Old Testament we must mention, first, the
"Testament of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob", in Bo-
hairic, published by Prof. I. Guidi in the "Rendiconti
della Reale Accademia dei Lincei". 18 March, 1900:
" II testo copto del Testamento di Abramo"; and 22
Apr., 1900: "II Testamento d'Isaaco e il Testamento
di Giacobbe (testo Copto)"; then three Apocalypses
of late Jewish origin: one anonymous (in Akhmimic)
and the other two attributed to Elias (Akhmimic and
Sahidic) and Sophonias (Sahidic). They have been
published by G. Steindorff in Gebhardt and Harnack's
"Texte u. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der alt-
christlichen Literatur", N. S., II; "Die Apokalypse
des Elias: Eine unbekannte Apokalypse und Bruch-
stucke der Sophonias- Apokalypse" (text and transla-
tion, Leipzig, 1899). Part of the same texts had
already been published and translated by Bouriant,
"Les Papyrus d'Akhmlm" in " M&noirefl ipublies par
les membres de la Mission Archeologique Francaise au
Caire", I (1881-4), pp. 261 sqq. and by Stern, "Die
koptische Apokalypse des Sophonias" in "Zeit-
schrift fttr agyptische Sprache", etc., XXIV (1886),
pp. 115 sqq. There is also a Sahidic fragment of an
Apocalypse of Moses- Adam published by G. Schmidt
and Harnack (" Sitzungsberichte d. Kgl. Pre use.
Akad.d. Wiss.", 1891, p. 1045) and one in Sahidic, too,
of the Fourth Book of Esdras, published by Leipoldt
and Violet ("Ein sahidisches Bruchstuck d. vierten
Esrabuches" in "Texte u. Untersuchungen", N. S.
XI, I 6.).
The New Testament class is of course much more
largely represented. Several apocryphal writings of
the Gospel class have been published by F. Robinson,
"Coptic Apocryphal Gospels, Translations together
with the texts of some of them" etc., Cambridge,
1896 (Texts and Studies, IV. 2). The chief docu-
ments reproduced in this work are the " Life of the
Virgin" (Sahidic), the " FallingAsleep of Mary"(Bo-
hairic and Sahidic). and the "Death of St. Joseph"
(Bohairic and Sahidic). The " Life of the Virgin* is
somewhat similar to the " Prote vangelium Jacobi".
The "Falling Asleep of Mary" exists also in Greek,
Latin, Syriac, and Arabic, and the Coptic texts may
serve to throw light on the relations of these various
recensions and on the origin of the tradition. The
only other known text of the " Death of St. Joseph " is
an Arabic one, more closely related to the Bohairic
than to the Sahidic text. There is also among the
papyri preserved at Turin a Sahidic version of the
*' Acta Pilati" published by Fr. Rossi, "I PapiriCopti
del Museo Egizio di Torino" (2 vols., Turin, 1887-92),
I,fasc. 1, "IlVangelo di Nicodemo". Some Sahidic
fragments published by Jacoby (" Ein neues E vangel-
ium fragment". Strasburg,'190O), and assigned by him
to the Gospel of the Egyptians, are thought by Zann to
belong to the Gospel of the Twelve [Neue kirchliche
Zeitschrift, XI (1900), pp. 361-70]. To the Gospel of
the Twelve Revillout assigns not only the Strasburg
fragments and several of those published both by him-
self ("Apocryphes coptes du Nouveau Testament,
Textes", Pans, 1876) and Guidi (see below), but also a
good many more Paris fragments which he publishes
and translates. Other Paris fragments Revillout
thinks belong to the Gospel of St. Bartholomew (Les
Apocryphes coptes; I, Les Evangiles des douze Apd-
tres et de S. Barthelemy" in Graffin-Nau, "Patro-
logia OrientaJis", II, 1, Paris, 1907). However, be-
fore the publication of Revillout appeared, the Paris
texts had been published by Lacau, who found them
to belong to five different codices corresponding to as
many different writings all referring to the ministry or
Passion and Resurrection of Christ. One would be
the Gospel of Bartholomew and another the Apoca-
lypse of the same Apostle ("Fragments d 'Apocryphes
de la Bibliotheque Nationale" in "M&noires de la
Mission francaise d'archeologie orientale", Cairo,
1904). According to Leipoldt we have the first evi-
dence of a Coptic recension of the " Prote vangelium
Jacobi" in a Sahidic folio published by him [Zeit-
schrift fdr Neutestamentliche Wissenschaf t, VI (1905),
pp. 106, 107].
The apocryphal legends of the Apostles are still
more numerous in the Coptic literature, where they
constitute a group quite distinct and proper to Egypt,
which seems to be their original home, although in vast
majority translated from Greek originals into the Sahi-
dic dialect. They were always popular, and long
before Coptic ceased to be universally understood,
some time between the eleventh and fourteenth cen-
tury, they were translated into Arabic and then from
Arabic into Ethiopic. Among the principal are the
Preachings of St. James, son of Zebedee, St. Andrew.
St. Philip, Sts. Andrew and Paul, and Sts. Andrew and
EGYPT 358 EGYPT
Bartholomew: the Martyrdoms of St. James, son of zen^ Theophilus of Alexandria, and St. Ephraem the
Zebedee. St. James the Less, St. Peter, St. Paul; also Syrian, while in Sahidic we find a few complete writ-
the life by the Pseudo-Prochoros and the fUT&vraffis ings and a very large number of fragments, some quite
of St. John and a Martyrdom of St. Simon (different considerable, of the homiletical works of the same
from the documents generally known under the names Fathers and of many others, like St. Athanasius, St.
of " Preaching " and "Martyrdom" of that Apostle. Basilt Proclus of Cyzicus, Theodotus of Ancyra, Epi-
and of which short fragments only have been preserved: phamus of Cyprus, Amphilochius of Iconium, Seven-
in Coptic). The texts of all these have been pub- anus of Gabala, Cyril of Jerusalem, Eusebius of Csesa-
lished by Professor I. Guidi in his " Frammenti Copti " rea, and the pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. Libe-
(Rendiconti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei, III and rius of Rome and St. Ephraem are also represented by
IV, 1887-88), and "Di alcune pergamene Saidiche" several fragments of sermons. We need not say that
(Rendiconti della R. Ace. dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze these writings are not infrequently spurious, and that
morali, storiche e filologiche, II, fasc. 7, 1893), and the they can in no case be held up as models of translation,
translations in the same author's " Gli atti apocrifi The Bohairic part of this great mass of literature is
degli Apostoli" (Giornale della Societa Asiatica Ital- still almost entirely unedited, we might say unexplored,
iana, vol. II, pp. 1-66, 1888), and in his "Di alcune Two sermons of St. Ephraem have been published,
Pergamene", just mentioned. The same documents one, on the adulterous woman of the Gospel, by Guidi
have been to no small extent supplemented from St. fBessarione, Ann. VII, vol. IV, Rome, 1903), the other
Petersburg manuscripts by Oscar v. Lemm, in his (fragment) on the Transfiguration by Budge (Proceed-
" Koptische apocryphe Apostelacten" in " Melanges ings of the Soc. of Bibl. Archaeology, IX , 1887, pp. 317
Asiatiques tir£s du Bulletin de T Academic impe'riale sqq.). Budge published also a large fragment of an
de St P6tersbourg,\ X. 1 and 2 [Bulletin, N. S., I and encomium on Elijah the Tishbite attributed to St.
Ill (XXXIII and XXXV), 1890-92]. JohnChrysostom (Transactions of the Soc. Bibl. Arch.,
We close this section with the mention of two docu- IX, 1893, pp. 355 ff.), and Amelineau, a sermon of St.
ments of more than usual interest: first, seven leaves Cyril of Alexandria on death (" Monuments pour servir
of papyrus (Berlin P. 8502) of the irpa£ts Utrpov and & rHistoire du Christianisme en Eeypte aux IVe et Ve
a considerable portion of the Acta Pauli (Heidelberg siecles — Memoires publies par les Membree de la Mis-
Copt. Papyrus I), in their original form (i. e. including sion Archeologique Franchise au Caire, TV, 1888).
the so-called "Acta Pauli ,et Theclae"). Both of these As for the Sahidic portion, two homilies of St. John
documents have been published, translated into Ger- Chrysostom, of doubtful genuineness if not altogether
man, and thoroughly discussed t>y C. Schmidt V' Die spurious, and all the homiletical fragments of the
alten Petrusakten", etc. in "Texte u. Unters.", N. S., Turin museum, were published and translated into
IX (1903) ; " Acta Pauli ", Leipzig, 1904, 2 vols. (vol. II, Italian by Fr. Rossi in his " Papiri Coptici del Museo
photographic reproduction of the Coptic text) ; 2d edit. Egizio di Torino " (2 vols.. Turin, 1887-92), and quite
a number of fragments, often unidentified, were pub-
lished in the catalogues of the various collections of
Coptic manuscripts, principally in the catalogue of the
Borgian collection by Zoega ("Catalogue codicum
Berlin, 1903, pp. 261-68), and Delaporte [Revue de
TOrient Chretien, X (1905), pp. 424-33; XI (1906),
pp. 31-41], and, what is more, two papyrus codices in
Axhmimic dialect, one (Berlin) of the fourth, and the
(without photographic plates), Leipzig, 1905, 1 vol.J.
Petrology. — Ante-Nicene Fathers. — But few Coptic
translations from the Ante-Nicene Fathers have been
preserved. As Dr. Leipoldt justly remarks, when the
native Church of Egypt began to form its literature, coptioorum inanuscriptorum", etc., * Some, 1810;
the literary productions of the early Church had lost Latin translations generally accompany the texts),
much of their interest. We have, however, two frag- Among the Sahidic versions of Greek writings of
ments of the letters of Ignatius of Antio^h, published this class and period we must mention, in view of
by Pitra (Anal, sacra, 255 sqq.) and Lightfoot (Apost. their importance, first, a fragment of the'Ayxvpvrh
Fathers, II, III, London, 1889, 277 sqq.) and several of St. Epiphanius (J. Leipoldt, " ' Epiphanies ' von
of the "Shepherd" of Hennas, published by Leipoldt Salamis ' Ancoratus'. in Saldischer Uebersetzung" in
(Sitsungsberichte der K. Gesellsch. d. Wissenscn. in " Bench te d. philol.-nist. Klasse d. Gesellsch. d. Wiss.
iu Leipzig", 1902); secondly, several fragments of the
lost Festal Letters of S. Athanasius (C. Schmidt, "Der
Osterbrief des Athanasius vom Jahre 367 " in " Nach-
richte d. K. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. zu G&ttingen, Philol.-
other (Strasburg) of the seventh or eighth century, Hist. Kl.", 1898; "Ein Neues Fragment des Oster-
both containing the first epistle of Clement to the Cor- briefes des Athanasius vom Jahre 367", Gdttingen,
inthians under its primitive title (Epistle to the 1901; O. v. Lemm, "Zwei koptische Fragmente aus
Romans). The Berlin codex, which is almost com- den Festbriefen des heiligen Athanasius"' in "Re-
plete, has just been published, with a German transla- cueil des travaux rgdiges en memoire du jubil6 scien-
tion and an exhaustive commentary, by C. Schmidt tifique de M. Daniel Cnwolson", Berlin, 1899).
(Der 1. Clemensbrief in altkoptischer Ueberlieferung Post-Chalcedon Fathers.— Only a few of these had
untersucht u. herausgegeben, Leipzig, 1908). Ex- the honour of a place in Coptic literature. Thesepara-
tracts from the commentaries of Hippolytus of Rome, tion of the Church of Egypt from the Catholic world
IrensBUS, and Clement of Alexandria are to be found in was complete after the deposition of her patriarch
the famous Bohairic caf°na (dated a. d. 888) of Lord Dioscurus (451), and, in spite of the efforts of the
Zouche's collection (Parham; 102; published by de Byzantine Court to bring back Egypt to unity by for-
Lagarde. " Catenas in Evangelia iEgyptiaca qua super- cing orthodox pontiffs on her and by other means of
sunt", Gdttingen, 18S6). But it is very likely that coercion, the native Egyptians stubbornly refused
this manuscript was translated from a Greek catena, their allegiance to the " intruders ", and from that time
and consequently it does not show that the writings of on would nave nothing to do with the Greek world, the
those Fathers existed independently in the Coptic liter- very name of which became an abomination to them,
ature. Clement of Alexandria, in any case, and also Or- The chief exception was in favour of the works of
ieen, were considered as heretics, which would explain Severus, the expelled Monophysite Patriarch of Anti-
tneir absence from the repertory of the Coptic Church, och, who had taken refuge and died in Egypt. We
Post-Nicene Fathers. — The homilies, sermons, etc., have a complete encomium of his on St. Michael, in
of the Greek Fathers from the Council of Nicaea to that Bohairic, published by E. A. Wallis Budge (St,
of Chalcedon were well represented in the Coptic litera- Michael the Archangel: Three Encomiums" etc.,
ture, as we may judge from what has come down to us London. 1894), several fragments of homilies in Sahi-
in the various dialects. In Bohairic we have over forty die, ana a letter in Bohairic to the Deaconess Anasta-
complete homilies or sermons of St. John Chrysostom, sia (cf. Wright, "Catalogue of Syriac manuscripts in
several of St. Cyril of Alexandria, St. Gregory Nazian- the British Museum", No. DCCCCL, 10). We may
l&YM
m
BCOTf
also mention here a panegyric of St. George, Martyr,
by Theodosius, Monophysite Bishop, of Jerusalem
(d. after 453), published and translated into English
by £. A. Walks Budge, "The Martyrdom and Miracles
of St. George of Cappadocia" (Oriental Text Series, I,
London. 1888). The constant political agitation in
which the Monophysite successors of Dioscurus were
involved accounts probably for the almost complete
absence of their works from Coptic literature in gen-
eral and in particular from this section. The only
homilies or sermons we can record are, first, a sermon
on the Assumption of the Virgin (already mentioned
among the Apocrypha) and an encomium on St. Mich-
ael by Theodosius (the latter published by Budge,
"Three Encomiums", mentioned above), both in
Bohairic and probably spurious: also a Sanidic frag-
ment of a discourse pronounced by the same on the
11th of Thoth; secondly, a Bermon on the Marriage at
Cana, by Benjamin, in Bohairic; thirdly, the first ser-
mon of Mark II on Christ's Burial, also in Bohairic.
Rarer still are the sermons or homilies by other bish-
ops of Egypt. The only two names worthy of mention
are those of John, Bishop of Parallou (Buries), and
Ruf us of Shotep, both of unknown date; of the former
we have one short Sahidic fragment of a discourse on
" St. Michael and the blasphematory books of the
heretics that are read in the orthodox churches"; of
the latter, several important fragments of homilies on
the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, also in
Sahidic. (See Martyrs; Monasticism.)
Church Discipline. — Among the various early col-
lections of Apostolic precepts and church regulations
which the Copts incorporated from the Greek into
their native literature, we shall mention: —
(1) The Didache. — It is true that up to the present
this document is not known to be extant in Coptic
except in so far as chapters iv-xiv of the Apostolic
Church Ordinance (see below) are but a paraphrase of
the first four chapters of the Didache as revealed to us
by Bryennios. Towards the end of the last century,
however, the first part of the Didache (chapters i-x,
the so-called " Due Vise ") was discovered imbedded in
Shenute's Arabic life published by Am61ineau (Monu-
ments pour servir a 1 histoire de l'Egypte cnre* tienne
aux IV* et V* siecles. Vie de Schnoudi , pp. 289 sqq.,
in " Memoires publics par les membres de la Mission
archeologique trancaise au Caire", IV, Paris, 1888);
and although that insertion is in Arabic, like the rest of
the Life, its grammar is so thoroughly Coptic that
there can be no doubt that it, also, was translated from
a Coptic original. For further detail see Iselin and
Heusler, who were first to make the discovery (" Eine
bisher unbekannte Version des ersten Teiles der Apos-
tellehre" in "Texte u. Untersuchungen11, XIII, I,
1895), and U. Benigni, who, three years later, quite
independently from Iselin and Heusler, had reached
the same conclusions [Didache Coptica: 'Duarum
viarum ' recensio Coptica monastica per arabicam ver-
sionem superstes, 2d ed., Rome, 1899 (Reprint from
"Bessarione", 1898)].
(2) The so-called Apostolic Church Ordinance, con-
sisting of thirty canons, and extant both in Bonairic
and in Sahidic. The former text was published and
translated into English by H. Tattam (The Apostoli-
cal Constitutions or Canons of the Apostles, London,
1848j pp. 1-30), and re-translated into Greek by P.
Bdtticner (later P. de Lagarde) in Chr. C. Bunsen's
" Analecta Ante-Nicama " (London, 1864, II, 451-460) ;
the latter text was edited, without translation, both by
P. de Lagarde, in his "jEgyptiaca" (Gottingen, 1883,
8 p. 239-248, Canons 0-30), and U. Bouriant, in "Les
anons Apostoliques de Clement de Rome; traduction
en dialecte th6bain d'apres un manuscrit de la biblio-
theque du Patriarche Jacobite du Caire " [in " Recueil
de travaux relatifs a la philologie et a l'arche'ologie
egyptienne et assyrienne", V (1884), pp. 202-206].
(3) The Egyptian Church Ordinance, consisting of
thirty-two canons and extant, likewise, both in
Bohairic and in Sahidic. The Bohairic was published
and translated into English by H. Tattam (op. cit.,
pp. 31-92), and re- translated into Greek by P. Botti-
cher (in Bunsen's "Analecta", pp. 461-477). The
Sahidic was published by de Lagarde, "jEgyptiaca"
(pp. 248-266, can. 31-62) and Bouriant (op. et toe. cit.,
§p. 206-216) . A translation into German by G. Stein-
orff, from the edition of de Lagarde, is found in
Achelis, "Die Kanones Hippolyti' (Leipzig, 1891, in
"Texte u. Untersuchungen", VI. 4, pp. 39 sqq.).
(4) An epitomised recension of sections 1-46 of the
Eighth Book of the Apostolic Constitutions: also both
in Bohairic (published and translated into English by
H. Tattam, op. cit., pp. 93-172) and in Sahidic (pub-
lished by de Lagarde, "JSgyptiaca", pp. 266-291,
canons 63-78, and Bouriant, op. cit., VI. pp. 97-109;
examined and translated into German from the La-
garde edition, by Leipoldt, "Saldische Auszttge", etc.,
in "Texte u. Untersuchungen", new series, 16, Leip-
sig, 1894). According to Leipoldt (op. cit., pp. 6-9),
this abstract, in which the litureical sections are either
curtailed or entirely omitted, nas much in common
with the "Constitutiones per Hippolytum" not only
in the choice of the selection, as already shown by
Achelis, but also in point of style; the Coptic docu-
ment is beyond doubt of Egyptian origin. Besides the
above Bohairic and Sahidic texts, there is a frag-
ment (de Lagarde, can. 72-78, 24) of another Sahidic
text which, according to Leipoldt (who first published
it and translated it into German, op. cit.), belongs to
an older recension. a The text published by de Lagarde
and Bouriant is derived from an older recension, with
corrections from the Greek Apostolic Constitutions as
they were when the " Constitutiones per Hippolytum "
were taken from them. On this theory of Leipoldt's,
however, see Funk, "Das achte Bucn der apostoli-
schen Konstitutionen in der Koptischen Ueberliefer-
ung" in "Theologische Quartalschrift ", 1904. pp.
42S-447).
The above three documents, (2). (3), (4), form one
collection of 78 canons, under tne following title:
"These are the Canons of our holy Fathers the Apos-
tles of Our Lord Jesus Christ, which they established
in the Churches". ( As a whole they are Known, since
de Lagarde 's edition, as "Canones Ecclesiastici".
The Bonairic manuscript (Berlin, or. 4° 519) used by
Tattam was translated, and the Sahidic one (library of
the Jacobite Coptic patriarch) used by Bouriant was
copied on the manuscript (British Museum or. 1320
dated a. d. 1006) reproduced by de Lagarde. Bouri-
ant's edition is faulty. A complete edition of the
Canones Ecclesiastici and Canons of the Apostles (see
below), with the Ethiopic and Arabic parallel texts
and an English translation, is due to G. Horner (The
Statutes of the Apostles or Canones Ecclesiastici, Lon- .
don, 1904). The author gives variant readings from
several manuscripts for each version, and in a Ions
introduction he examines the mutual relationships of
the various texts.
(5) Canones Apostolorum. — A recension of Book
VIII, 47, of the Apostolic Constitutions entitled:
"The Canons of the Church which the Apostles gave
through CI ernes [Clement]". These canons are usu-
ally called Canones Apostolorum, with de Lagarde, by
whom a Sahidic recension was first published (op. cit.,
pp. 201-238; published also by Bouriant, op. cit., VI,
pp. 109-115). This recension contains 71 canons. A
Bohairic recension of 85 canons, as in the Greek, was
published and translated into English by H. Tattam
(op. cit., pp. 173-214) ; published also by de Lagarde
alone witn the Sahidic text (op. et loc. cit.).
(6) Canones Hippolyti. — A Sahidic fragment of the
Paris collection (B. N. Copte 129 14 ff. 71-78) con-
tains a series of canons under the title of "Canons of
the Church which Hippolytus, Bishop of Rome,
wrote". So far as the present writer knows, these
feOYPf
360
EGYPT
canons have hot yet been the object of a critical study;
nor does it seem that they were ever published.
(7) The Canons of Athanasius, or rather the Coptic
writing which underlies the Copto- Arabic collection of
107 canons bearing that name, are undoubtedly one of
the oldest collections of church regulations and very
likely rightly attributed by the tradition to St. Athana-
sius of Alexandria, and, in that case, perhaps to be
identified with the "Commandments of Christ" which
the Chronicle of John of Nikiu attributes to this
Father of the Church and the " Canons of Apa Athana-
rius" mentioned in the catalogue of the library of a
Theban monastery, which catalogue dates from about
a. d. 600. The Sahidic text, unfortunately not com-
plete, was published and translated (along with the
Arabic text by Riedel) by Crum from a British Mu-
seum papyrus (sixth or seventh century) and two
fragments of a manuscript on parchment (tenth cen-
tury) preserved in the Borgian Collection (Naples) and
the Rainer collection (Vienna), in Riedel and Crum 'a
" Canons of Athanasius of Alexandria", London, 1904.
To this work we are indebted for the information con-
tained in this brief notice. Although this interesting
document is a pure Egyptian production, there is but
little doubt that it was originally written in Greek.
(8) The Canons of St. Basil, preserved in a Turin
papyrus broken into many hopelessly disconnected
fragments, which Fr. Rossi published and translated
although he could not determine to what writing they
belonged (I Papiri Copti del Museo Egizio di Torino.
II, fasc. IV). Of late those fragments were identified
by Crum, who, despairing of establishing their original
order, arranged them for convenience according to the
Arabic recension published by Riedel (Die Kirchen-
rechtsquellen des Patriarchate Alexandrien, Leipzig,
1900, p. 231) and translated them into English ["Cop-
tic Version of the Canons of St. Basil" in "Proceed-
ings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology", XXVI
(1904), pp. 81-92].
^ History. — Among the historical productions of Cop-
tic literature, none of which can be highly commended,
we shall mention: —
(1) An Ecclesiastical History in twelve books, ex-
tending from a period we cannot determine, to the
re-establishment of Timothy iElurus as patriarch of
Egypt. If we suppose that in this, as often in similar
works, the author continued his narrative until his
own tunes, it would seem almost certain that he wrote
it in Greek. At all events the prominence given to the
affairs of the Church of Alexandria shows him an
Egyptian, as from his tone it is clear that he pro-
fessed Monophysitism. Like so many other Coptic
literary productions, the Ecclesiastical History
reached us in the shape of fragments only. They are
all in Sahidic, and once belonged to two different
copies of the same work{ or perhaps to two copies of
two works very similar m scope and method. Both
copies (or works) contain a number of passages trans-
lated (more frequently paraphrased, sometimes
abridged) from the "Ecclesiastical History" of Euse-
bius. On the other side the Coptic work was heavily
laid under contribution by Severus of Ashmunein in
his " History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria ' \ Some
of the fragments were published by Zoega in "Cata-
logus Codicum Copticorum", with a Latin transla-
tion, some by O. v. Lemm, " Koptische Fragmente zur
Patriarchengeschichte Alexandriens" ("Mimoires de
l'Acad. Imp. deS. PStersb.", VII6 ser., XXXVL 11, St.
Petersburg, 1888; and "Bulletin de l'Acad. Imp. de
S. PStersb.", 1896, IV, p. 237, in both cases with Ger-
man translation; the others by Crum, " Eusebius and
Coptic Church Histories" in "Proceedings of the Soc.
of Bibl. ArchflBology", XXIV, 1902, with English
translation).
(2) The Acts and Canons of the Council of Nicsea,
preserved in Sahidic fragments in the Turin and Bor-
gian collections. They have been published, trans-
lated into French, and discussed at length by E. Revil-
lout. " Le Concile de Nicee d'apres les textes coptes et
les aiverses collections canoniques, I, textes, traduc-
tions et dissertation critique", Paris, 1881 (Journal
Asiatique, 1873-75); vol. II, "Dissertation critique
(suite et fin) ", Paris, 1899. The author believes in the
genuineness of this collection; see, however, the two
excellent reviews of Vol. II by Batiffol (Revue de
lliistoire des religions, XII, 1900, pp. 248-252) and
Duchesne (Bulletin critique, 1900, I, pp. 330-335).
(3) The Acts of the Council of Ephesus, of which we
have considerable fragments of a Sahidic text in the
Borgian and Paris collections. The fragments of the
former collection were published by Zoega, " Cata-
logue", pp. 272-280, with a Latin translation; those
of the latter collection by Bouriant, " Actes du concile
d'Ephese: texte Copte publie" et traduit" ("Memoires
publies par la Mission archeol. francaise au Caire",
VIII, Paris, 1892). The Paris fragments have also
been translated into German ana thoroughly dis-
cussed by Kraaz, with the help of C. Schmidt, " Kop-
tische Acten sum Ephesiniscner Konzil vom Jahre
431" (Texte u. Untersuchungen, new series, XI, 2,
Leipzig, 1904). Kraaz thinks that this recension is
the work of an Egyptian and, in substance, a good
representative of the Greek documents already known.
These fragments contain^ however, additional infor-
mation not entirely devoid of historical value.
(4) The so-called "Memoirs of Dioscurus", a Mono-
physitical counterpart of the Acts of the Council of
Chaloedon. It is m the shape of a Bohairic panegyric
of Macarius, Bishop of Tkhou, delivered by Dioscurus
during his exile at Gangrae in presence of the Egyptian
delegates who had come to announce to him the death
of Macarius. The publication of that curious docu-
ment with French translation and commentary was
begun by Revillout under the title of " Recits de Dio-
score exile* a Gangres sur le concile de Chalce'doine "
(Revue Egyptologique, I, pp. 187-189, and II, pp.
21-25, JPans, 1880. 1882), published and translated
into French by E. Amelineau, "Monuments pour
servir" (M&noires publies, etc., IV, Paris, 1888), pp.
92-164. As against Revillout, Amelineau asserts the
spuriousness of these Acts. Almost immediately
alter the latter's publication, Krall published and
translated some Sahidic fragments which exhibited a
better recension of the same document, and show that
in this, as in other cases, the Bohairic text was trans-
lated from the Sahidic. In disagreement with Ame-
lineau, Krall thinks it more probaole that the Memoirs
of Dioscurus were originally written in Greek, and sees
no reason to doubt their genuineness (" Koptische
Beitrage zur agyptischen Kirchengeschichte " in " Mit-
theilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog
Rainer*, IV, p. 67, Vienna, 1888). In 1903 Crum
published copies by A. des Rivieres of ten leaves of a
papyrus codex, once a part of the Harris collection,
now lost. Three of those leaves belonged to the
panegyric of Macarius, while the others were Dart of a
life of Dioscurus, of which a Syriac recension was
Published by Nau (" Histoire de Dioscore, patriarche
'Alexandria ecrite par son disciple Theophiste" in
"Journal Asiatique , S4rie X, t. I, pp. 5-108, 241-
310). Nau thinks that the Syriac ana Coptic recen-
sions of the life are independent of each other,
which points to a Greek original for that document
and probably also for the panegyric (Notes sur
quelques fragments coptes relatifs a Dioscore, ibid.,
t. II, pp. 181-4).
(5) A correspondence in Bohairic between Peter
Mongus, Patriarch of Alexandria, and Acacius, Patri-
arch of Constantinople. It includes the Henoticon
which Zeno issued at the suggestion of Acacius. It
was published in a French translation by E. Revillout,
"Le premier schisme de Constantinople" [Revue des
Questions historic ues, XXII (1877), Paris, pp. 83-
34], and by Amelineau, " Lettres de Pierre Monge et
EGYPT 361 EGYPT
d'Acaoe" (Monuments pour servir, etc.; Memoirea The Euchologium was edited by Raphael Tuki in
publics par les Membres de la Mission Archeologique three books under both Coptic and Arabic titles, which
francaise au Caire, IV, pp. 196-228). This correspon- we translate as follows: (1) "Book of the three Ana-
dence b obviously spurious. phoras, namely, those of St. Basil. St. Gregory the
(6) On another document possibly of greater histor- Theologian, and St. Cyril, with the other holy prayers ",
ical interest, but too short or too badly preserved to Rome, Propaganda, 1736, pp. 282, 389— Contents:
be of any practical use, see Crum. " A Coptic Palimp- Evening Incense, and Morning Incense with the pro-
Best" in "Proceed, of the Soc. of Bibl. Arch.", XIX prium temporis thereto; Mass, including the three
(1897), pp. 310-22 (Justinian times; name of Zoilus Anaphoras; Prayers Before and After Meals, Blessing
occurs). Two Sahidic fragments of the lives of a cer- of tne Water, and the Ordo Renovationis Calicis.
tain Samuel, superior of a monastery, and Patriarch (2) "Book containing all the holy prayers", ibid.,
Benjamin, both of whom lived at the time of the 1761-2, 2 vols. — Contents: I, Ordinations, Blessing of
Arabic conquest, furnished E. Amelineau with the Religious Habit, Enthronization of Bishops, Consecra-
basis of a new solution of the problem as to the iden- tion of myron (Holy Chrism) and Churches (676
tity of the Makaukas [" Fragments coptes pour servir pages) ; II, Consecration of Altars and Sacred Vessels,
a rhiflt. de la conquete de l'Egypte par les Arabes" in Blessing of Church Vestments, Sacred Pictures, Relics.
"Journal Asiatique1', VIIIe Serie., t. XII, pp. 361- Consecration of Churches (if rebuilt) and Baptkmal
410. Cf . A. J. Butler, " On the Identity of Al Mukau- Fonts ; Blessing of the Boards used for the Heikel (Holy
kis" in "Proceedings Soc. of Bibl. Arch.", XXIII of holies); Reconciliation of the same if replaced be-
(1901), pp. 275 sqq.J. cause decayed or if desecrated ; Special Services for the
There is also quite a number of Sahidic fragments of Epiphany, Maundy Thursday, Pentecost, the Feast of
lives or encomiums of patriarchs and bishops, etc. St. Peter and St. Paul; Reconciliation of persons guilty
which either have not yet been examined or have of apostasy and other special crimes; Blessing of the
proved to contain none of the historical information Oil, Water, and Loaf for one bitten by a mad dog, etc.,
often to be found in documents of their nature. etc. (515 pages). (3) "Book of the Service of the Holy
Liturgy. — The Coptic liturgy was derived from the Mysteries, Funerals of the Dead, Canticles, and one
ancient Alexandrine liturgy dv the simple way of month of the Katameros" (this last item, a reduction
translation. The fact that m all the principal Coptic of the work of the same name described hereunder, is
liturgical books most of the parts recited by the deacon printed here for convenience). The three books just
(Diakonika), the responses by the people, and several described are generally referred to as "Missale Copto-
prayers by the priest appear in Greek, even to this Arab ice", "Pontificate Copto-Arabice", and "Rituale
day, bears sufficient witness to the correctness of this Copto-Arabice "? although these designations do not
statement. The change of language did not take place appear on the title pages nor elsewhere in the books,
everywhere at the same time. At any rate it was Neither does the name of the editor (Tuki) appear,
gradual. The vernacular Coptic appeared first in the The Missale has been edited anew with a slightly
side column, or on the opposite page, as an explana- different arrangement, both in Coptic and Arabic, un-
tion of the Greek text, which was no longer sufficiently der the title: "Euchologium of the Alexandrine
intelligible to the people. In course of time the Greek Church ", Cairo, Catholic Press of St. Mark, Era of the
disappeared entirely, with exception of the Diakonika Martyrs 1614 (a. d. 1898). Another Egyptian edition
and corresponding responses, which, on account of (Jacobite?) of the Missale (Cairo, 1887) is mentioned
their shortness and frequent recurrence, continued to by Brightman (Liturgies Eastern and Western, I, p.
be familiar to the people. The most ancient relics of lxvii), and a Jacobite "genuine" edition of the "Eu-
Coptic liturgy are all in the Sahidic dialect, a fact chologium [complete?] from manuscript sources"
which by itself, perhaps, would not be a sufficient (Cairo, 1902), by Crum (Realencyklopadie fur protes-
reason for asserting that in the north of Egypt Bohai- tantische Theologie, 3d edition, XIl, p. 810). The
ric was not used as a liturgical language as early as the Missal edited by Tuki does not differ from the oldest
Sahidic in Upper Egypt ; although, for reasons which manuscript of the Vatican Library (thirteenth cent.),
time and space do not allow us to discuss, this seems except that the names of Dioscurus, Severus of Anti-
quite probable. For several centuries Bohairic, which och, and Jacobus Baradsus have been expunged from
was the liturgical language adopted by the Jacobite the diptychs, and that of. the pope added to them, the
patriarchs when they cave up Greek, has been the sole mention of Chalcedon introduced after that of Ephe-
sacred idiom all over Egypt. The substitution of the sus, and the Filioque inserted in the Creed. As for his
Northern dialect for the Southern one probably took Pontifical and Ritual, they certainly contain every-
place by degrees and was not completed until about thine that is essential and common to the majority of
the fourteenth century, when Sahidic ceased to be gen- good codices. Naturally the latter vary both in the
erally understood by the faithful. It was not a mere arrangement and in the selection of prayers according
substitution of language, but one of recension as well, to then* origin and date of compilation. Tuki's Ordo
as evidenced by the remains of the Sahidic liturgy. Communis, and St. Basil's Anaphora, with rubrics
The literature of the Coptic liturgy, as now in force, in Latin only, were reprinted by J. A. Assemani,
comprises the folio wine books : — " Missale Alexandrinum , pars II, pp. 1-90, in " Codex
Euchologium' (Arabic. KhulOgf). — Like the E6%o\6~ Liturgicus", VII (Rome, 1754). John, Marquess of
yu>p rb itiya of the Greeks, it is a combination of the Bute, published also an edition of the Morning Incense,
Efixo\6yio* with the \urovpyuc6p. It includes, therefore, Ordo Communis (from Tuki's text with some addi-
not only the Liturgy proper, or Mass, with the Diacon- tions), and St. Basil's Anaphora (from Tuki's?) : " The
icum (which contains the part of the deacon and re- Coptic Morning Service for the Lord's Day" (London,
spouses of the people), but also all the various liturgi- 1882), pp. 35 sqq. (See Brightman, op. et loc. cit.)
cal matter pertaining to the Pontifical and Ritual. There has been no complete translation. The Ordo
It contains in addition the services of the morning and Communis and the three Anaphoras have been trans-
of the eveningincense, performed at Vespers, Matins, lated into (1) Latin, (a) from an Arabic (Vienna?)
and Prime. The Mass consists of (1) the Ordo Com- manuscript by Victor Scialach/'LitureiaeBasiliiMagni,
munis (Prothesis and Mass of the Catechumens), which Gregorii Theologi, Cyrilli Alexandrim ex Arabico con-
never varies; (2) the Mass of the Faithful or Ana- versa?" (Vienna, 1604 — reprinted in "Magna Biblio-
phora, of which there are three varieties: St. Basil's theca Patrum", Paris, 1654, t. VI); (b) from a Paris
for ordinary days; St. Cyril's (a recension of the Alex- Coptic manuscript by Renaudot, " Liturgiarum Orien-
andrine Anaphora of St. Mark) for the month of Choiac tahum Collectio " (2 vols., Paris ; Frankfort. 1847), I ;
(Advent) and Lent, and St. Gregory Nazianzen's (or (2) English, (a) from "an old manuscript", by Malan,
feast days.- " Original Documents of the Coptic Church ; V, the
SOTPT 362
0
Divine Wxokhtop" (London, 1875): (b) from a manu- the Bohairic recension. The most interesting of those
script now in the library of Lord Crawford, by Rod- relics belong to the Liturgy proper or Mass, to the
weLL "The Liturgies of St. Basil, St. Gregory and St. Anaphoras principally. Of these the Churches of
Cyril from a Coptic manuscript of the thirteenth cen- Upper Egypt apparently had a large number, for we
tury" (London, 1870). The Ordo Communis and St. have portions of those of St. Cyril, St. Gregory, St.
Basil's Anaphora in Latin, by Assemani, from Tuki's Matthew, St. James, St. John of JBosra, and of several
Arabic (op. et loc. cit.) ; in English from Renaudot's others not yet identified. Some have been published
Latin, by Neale, "History of the Eastern Church" and translated by Giorgi (Lat. tr.), Krall (Ger. tr.),
(London, 1850), introduction, pp. 381 sqa., 532 sqq. and Hyyernat (Lat. tr. only}. For the titles of the
The Ordo Communis and St. Cyril's Anaphora (from publications and further information on nature of
Bodleian manuscripts of the thirteenth and fourteenth fragments published, see Brightman, " Liturgies East-
centuries), by Brightman (op. cit., pp. 144-188). era and Western" (Oxford, 1896), I, pp. lxviii-brix.
Morning Incense, Ordo Communis, ana St. Basil's There are also important relics of the Diaconicum,
Anaphora, by John, Marquess of Bute (op. cit.). probably enough to reconstruct that book entirely
Horarium (Arab. Aabiah, Egbiek), corresponding to (one fragment published by Giorgi, " Fragmentum
our Breviary, edited by R. Tuki under the following Evangem Sti. Joannis" etc., Rome, 1789, a very
title (Coptic and Arabic) : " A Book of the seven pray- large number of fragments of the Katameros, lection-
ers of the day and of the night" (Rome. 1750), gener- aries, and not a few hymns (some of them popular
ally referred to as " Diurnum Alexanarinum Copto- rather than liturgical) which of late have aroused the
Arabicum" [Morning (Prime), Terce, Sext, None, interest of students of Coptic poetry [see Junker,
Evening (Vespers), Sleep (Complin), Prayer of the "Koptische Poesie des 10. Jahrhunderts" in "Orient
veil (extra-canonical ?); Midnight (Matins)]. This Christianus" (1906), VI, pp. 319-410; with literature
book is intended for private recitation and gives but on the subject complete and up-to-date]. The frag-
an imperfect idea of the office as performed in the ments in British Museum and Leiden Collections have
monasteries or even in the churches where a numerous been published in full in the catalogues of Crum (pp.
clergy is in attendance. 144-161, 969-978) and Pleyte-Boeser. A complete
Katameros (Gr. Kar& /ilpot, Arab. Kutm&rus) con- edition and translation of the Sahidic liturgy is being
tains the portions of the Psalms, Acts, Catholic Epis- prepared (1909) by the writer of this article for the
ties, St. Paul's Epistles, and the Gospels which are "Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalimn".
read at the canonical Hours and Mass. It is divided VIi. Copto- Arabic Literature. — Long before Cop*
into three volumes: (I) from Thoth to Mechir; (II) tic became extinct as a spoken idiom it hacL ceased to be
from the beginning of Lent to Pentecost inclusive; a literary language. The change seems to have taken
(III) from Pachon to the Epagomene days which the place about the tenth century. The old Coptic litera-
Copts called the " little month or in Arabic, the " for- lure continued for some centuries to be copied for the
?>tten days". The Katameros for the two weeks from benefit of a few, but at the same time the work of
aim Sunday to Easter Sunday has been published translating it into Arabic was being carried on on a
under the Coptic and Arabic title of " Book of the large scale and must have been completed early in the
Holy Pasch according to the rite of the Alexandrine thirteenth century, at the latest. John of Semenud,
Church" (Catholic Press of St. Mark, Cairo, 1899). who about 1240 composed a Coptic lexicon of the
This portion of the Katameros contains numerous les- liturgical language, is highly praised by one of his suc-
sons from the Old Testament (see Versions of the cessors, Abu Ishaq Ibn al- Assal, for having realized
Bible). Its arrangement is attributed to Gabriel Ibn the uselessness of composing, as used to be done be-
Tureik, seventieth patriarch (d. 1145). Mai (Scripto- fore, dictionaries extending to the whole literature,
rum veterum nova collectio, IV, Rome, 1831, pp. This remark would hardly be intelligible if the trans-
15-34) gives a table of the Gospels for feasts and fasts lating of the non-liturgical part of Coptic literature
and for Saturdays, Sundays, Wednesdays, and Fri- had not then been completed, much less if it had not
days of the year. Malan (Original Documents of the yet begun. Those early translations include not only
Coptic Church, IV, London, 1§74) gives the Sunday the works already reviewed in the preceding section of
Gospels and versicles for Vespers, Matins, and Mass for this article, but a good many more now Tost in the
the year. De Lagarde tabulated all the lessons and Coptic version or translated anew from the Greek or
Psalms from Athyr to Mechir, and from Epiphi to the the Syriac originals. Among the latter are. quite a
"little month", also those for Lent and the Ninevites' number of Nestorian writers, expurgated when neces-
fast, for the Sundays of Eastertide, and for the principal sary. But the glory of the Copto- Arabic literature
feasts (Abhandlungen d. histor-philol. Klasse d. Kgl. lies in its original writings. We have already men-
Gesellsch. d. Wiss. zu Gottingen, XXIV, 1879). ( tioned (see above, V.) the three historians of the Cop-
The Psalmodia. — This is a collection of poetical tic Church, Severus of Ashmunein, Eutychius, and
compositions in honour of Our Lord and the Blessed Al-Makln. The authors of new Canons are: Christo-
Virgin, the saints and the angels, sung during the vari- duloe, sixty-sixth patriarch, 1047-77; Cyrillus II,
ous services, especially at Vespers, Matins, and Prime, sixty-seventh patriarch, 1078-92 ; Macanus, sixty-
They form two distinct systems, one of which, called ninth patriarch, 1103-29; Gabriel Ibn Tureik, Be ven-
Theotokia, is most elaborate, and, as its name indi- tieth patriarch, 1131-45; Cyrillus III Ibn Laqlaq,
cates, deals exclusively with the Mother of God. The seventy-fifth patriarch, 1235-43, and Michael, Metro-
other, the Doxologia. extends to all saints. A com- politan of Damietta, twelfth century.— Collectors of
pendium of this book has been published by Tuki, Canons: Abu Solh Ibn Bana, eleventh cent., Maca-
under the Coptic and Arabic title " Book of the Theo- rius, fourteenth cent, (if not to be identified with the
tokia and Katataxis of the month of Choiac" (Rome, Simeon Ibn Maqara, mentioned by Abu 'l-Barak&t). —
1746), 344 pp. The book is the subject of an interest- Compilers of Nomo-Canons: Michael of Damietta,
The Antiphonarium (Arab. AndifnAH, Difnart), a graphers are represented by Peter, Bishop of Meltg,
collection of anthems in honour of the saints. The twelfth and thirteenth cent., credited by Adu 1-Bara-
composition or the arrangement of this book is attrib- kat with the composition of the Sinaksari or martyr-
uted to Gabriel Ibn Tureik. (See Monasttcism.) ology, and Michael, also Bishop of Meltg, fifteenth
Of the Sahidic recension (or recensions) of the cent., to whom the same book is also attributed (prob-
Egyptian Liturgy we have fragments from the various ably because he revised and completed the work of his
boois, which books seem to have been the same as in predecessor).— Severus of Ashmunein, Peter of Mellg,
EGYPTIAN 363 IIOHEKDOBFF
Abulsb&qlbn al-'Assal and his brother Abu 1-Fadail Octateuch in the form in which it was current in
Ibn dt-'Assal are the chief representatives of theology, Egypt. In Hauler's Latin " Fragmenta Veronenaia "
as Severus of Ashmunein and Abu 1-Farag Ibn al- (Leipzig, 1900) the order is: Didascalia, Apostolic
'Assal, thirteenth cent., are of Scriptural studies, and Church Order, Egyptian Church Order, book VIII
John Abu Zakariah Ibn Saba and Gabriel V, eighty- of the Apost. Constit.; in the Syrian Octateuch,
eighth patriarch (fifteenth centurv), of liturgy; John's "The Testament of the Lord", Apostolic Church
treatise "Gauharat an-naftsah" (Precious Gem) Order, "On "Ordinations" (by Hippolytus), Book
has been published (Cairo, 1902). — For the gram- VIII of the Apostolic Constitutions, Apostolic Can-
marians and lexicographers, several of whom have ons; in the Egyptian Heptateuch, Apostolic Church
already been mentioned in one connexion or another, Order, Egyptian Church Order (or Ordinance),
see the excellent study of A. Mallon, S.J., "Une Book VIII Apost. Constit., Apostolic Canons. The
ecole de savants Egyptiens au moyen age" in "Me- Egyptian Church Order is one of a chain of parallel
langes de La faculte* Orientate de 1 'university Saint and interdependent documents, vis. (1) the Canons
OI ine lyOpxiC ^nurcn, tne UBunu ui uar&iiess aim ajjubi;. vuubuu jc ur buiuo time a Buuuiuriy uuci uao
Illumination of the Church Service" of Shams al- been fought between two eminent men as to the rela-
Ri'asah Abu 1-Barakat Ibn Kibr (1273-1363). This tion between these documents. Document No. 3,
stupendous work sums up, so to speak, the four cen- " The Testament of the Lord " only came into con-
tunes of .literary activity we have just reviewed. (See sideration after its discovery and publication by Rah-
Riedel, op. cit., pp. 15-380.) mani in 1899. H. Achelis strenuously maintained
KopLxacheSproche in Ersch and Gruber, XJQCJX; Bbnioki, Eighth Book of the Apostolic Constitutions being the
^ » ,« , v « .i k^est development. Von Funk maintained the same
every year from 1893Tlotolot, Geach. der koptiachen Lit. in order of documents as Achelis, onlv inverting their
LiUeraturen dee Oetena in Einteldaratellungen, VII, 131-183; sequence, beginning with Book VIIl of the Apostolic
Zo»oa, Catalogs g^^^^w;i^2^?^5,S^2 Constitutions, and ending with the " Canons of Hippo-
Musojo Borgtane Vdxtru aeaervantur (Rome. 1810); Minoab- , n -, \ n , » „ - , , . rr.
■lli, Mgyptiorum Codicum rdiouia Venetiia in bibliothoca lytus". Gradually, however, Funk s thesis seems to
Naniana asservata (Bologna, 1785): Chum, Catalogue ofthe be winning almost universal acceptance, namely that
Coptic ManuBcript* of the British Muieum (London, iM5); Book VIII of the Apostolic Constitutions was written
Plbttb-Bobsbr, ManuscrUs Copies du Muaie dAntxquiUs dm *™ . Ar^T *"«"P^«W"V w*«w*vwv*v»»» "«""«wu
Pays-Bos (Leyden, 1897). about 400, and the other documents are modifications
Copto-Arabic Litbratubb. — Vanslbb, Histoire de VEgliee and developments of the same, the Egyptian Church
i2^J&k&Pk22^i2ttJS& £*& gS** > ^CU«S ^^ «*** i^onophysite
tr. in Nochrichten von d. Kgi. QeeseUsch. d. Wiaa. tu Gwinaen, Egyptian circles between the years 400 and 500.
Philolog.-hiat. Kinase (1902), 5; Mallon, Ibin oU 'Audi* Lea Coopsr and Maclban. 7*A« Testament of the Lord (Edin burgh,
troia ecrivains de ce nom in Journal Asialique, X Ser.f VI 1902): Wordsworth, The Ministry of Grace (London, 1901);
(1905), pp. 609 sq.; Mai, Script. Vet. Nova Collectio, IV Codices von Funk, Dae Testament uneeree Uerrn und die verwandten
Arabici, etc (Rome, 1831). Bee also other catalogue* of Chris- SchriHen (Mains, 1901); Baumstarx, Nichtariech. ParalUMcxte
tian Arabic MSS. (Paris, London, Oxford, etc.). rum VIIL Buche der Ap. Const, in Oriene Chr. (Rome, 1901);
Egypt in General. — Among the older works on Efevpt the Baroknhxwbs, tr. Shahan, Patrology (Freiburg lm Br., 1908),
following still possess value: Bunsen, Egypt* s Place in Unxveraal 363-57.
History (London, 1848-67); Wilkinson, Manners and Customs J. p. AllENDZEN.
of the Ancient Egyptians (Boston, 1883).
For further bibliographical information see the bibliographies — ■ .. n~.™ . ,«,«„,*«„, -^ — «. a~* a~~«
in Buastid. History of the Ancient Egyptians, 446 sqq., and BgyptUUlg, GOSPEL ACCORDING TO THE. See APOO
Basdxkxr, Egypt, clxxxi sqq. The most complete bibliography RYPHA.
of Egypt is: Hjlmt, The Literature of Egypt and the Soudan
(London, 1886). Eichendortf, Josef Karl Benedxkt, Freiherr
H. Hyvernat. VON> «the [^ champion of romanticism", b. 10
March, 1788, in the Upper-Silesian castle of Lubowitz,
Egyptian Church Ordinance, an early Christian near Ratibor; d. at Neisse, 26 Nov., 1857. Till his
collection of thirty-one canons regulating ordinations, thirteenth year he remained on the parental estate un-
the liturgy, and other main features of church life. It der a clerical tutor; then he was sent with his brother
is called Egyptian because it first became known to the William to Bre&lau where he attended the Maria*
Western world in languages connected with Egypt. Magdalenen gymnasium, at that time still Catholic.
In 1677 the Dominican Wansleben first gave a brief During those student years (1804) were written the
account of these canons, which were found in the first of Eichendorff's extant poems; no doubt his
"Synodos", or what may be called the Ethiopio poetical talent had already been awakened in his
"Corpus Juris". In 1691 Ludolf published a frag- romantic home. In the spring of 1805 he matricu-
ment of this Ethiopic collection and added a Latin lated at the University of Halle. Here, under the
translation. In 1895 a further fragment, i. e. to the influence of Professor Steffens, he became a follower of
end of the ordination prayer for deacons, was pub- the Romantic School of poetry, and at the same time
lished in German by Franz Aaver von Funk. In 1848 became acquainted witn Calderon, some of whose
H. Tattam published all the canons in Bohairic (Lower plays were performed by the ducal company of Wei-
Egyptian) with English translation. In 1883 Lagarde mar in the neighbouring town of Lauchstadt. In
published the same canons in Sahidic (Upper Egvp- later years he translated several autos sacramentalesm
tian) from an excellent manuscript of a. d. 1006. This truly poetical language. Eichendorff's development
text was translated into German by G. Steindorff and was even more strongly influenced by his sojourn in
this translation was published by H. Achelis (Harnack, Heidelberg (1807), where the triumvirate of roman-
"Texte und Untersuchungen", VI, 4). In 1900 E. ticism, Gorres, Arnim, and Brentano, had, in the " Ein-
Hauler discovered a very ancient Latin translation in siedler Zeitung", taken the field against pedantry and
a manuscript of the fifth or sixth century. Thistransla- philistinism. With the two last-named the young
tion is of great value because it apparently is slavishly" poet did not then cultivate a closer acquaintance — he
literal, and it contains the liturgical prayers, which certainly did so in 1809 at Berlin — but the lectures of
are omitted in the Bohairic and Sahidic. The original the great Gorres made a deep impression on him.
wchstILtt 3(
first of his larger works, the novel "A timing und
Gegenwart", was written partly at home, in Lubowits,
where he spent several years after the completion of
his studies, partly in Vienna, where he had gone to
Qualify himself for the Austrian civil service; his
riendiy relations with Fr. Schlegel and his adopted
son, the painter Veit, kept awake the poet's romantic
enthusiasm.
In 1813, when Prussia and Austria were preparing
for the War of Liberation, Eichendorff abandoned
his poetry, his professional studies, and his prep-
aration for the civil service, and joined the famous
volunteers of Liltzow at Breslau. Again, in 1815,
when Napoleon had returned from Elba, he followed
the call to arms, although he had just married (Oct.,
1814) Luise von Larisch, and entered Paris with the
conquerors. It
was only in 1816
that the chi valrio
baron left the
army and enter-
ed the Prussian
civil service as a
lawyer at Bres-
lau. The next
passed in quiet
seclusion; their
prin c I pal literary
production is the
story " Das Mar-
morbild". He
received his first
appointment in
1820 on the Cath-
olic board of edu-
cation at Dan-
zig ; there be took
a lively interest
in the restoration
of the Marienburg, a house of the Teutonic Order;
later (1844) he wrote its history at the request of
the Government. His tragedy " Der letite Held
von Marienburg" was suggested bv this circum-
stance. At the same time appeared his most popular
S reduction, " Aus dem Leben eines Taugenichts".
a the year 1831 he was called to Berlin as councillor
in the ministry of public worship. In this high office
he found many opportunities to be useful to the
Church ; but be also met with difficulties under a gov-
ernment which did not shrink from, imprisoning the
Archbishop of Cologne, Clemens August. When
Eichendorff, who was a stanch Catholic, was asked to
granted till 1S44. The succeeding years were passed
mostly in Berlin, where the poet was occupied more
with literary and historical than with poetical work;
after the death of his wife (1855) he lived with his
family at Neisse. Two years later, having finished his
swan-song, the epic "Lucius", he died.
What has established the fame of Eichendorff as a
poet and has given him a place not only in literature,
but also in the heart of the people, are his simple but
heartfelt songs. Many of them have become Volka-
liaier (popular songs) in the truest sense of the word;
almost all are fitted for singingo wing to their spirit and
their melodious language. There is hardly another
German poet who has found so many composers for
his songs. The great lyrical talent which made Ei-
chendorff the masterof the short story ("Aus dem Leben
eines Taugenichts", "Das Marmorbild", "Schloss
Diirande"). was prejudicial to the novel " Ahnungund
Gegenwart", and to the longer story "Dichter und
ihre Gesellen", inasmuch as the action is neglected for
discursive discussions. I<ack of compression and of
action has also been censured in the two dramas,
'Eselin i
i Romano" and "Der letste Held von
-jming pnde ruined through the very a _. ...
gigantic strength, no less than "Der letite Held",
in which Plauen fails on account of his exceed-
ing magnanimity and bravery, amply testify to the
dramatic talent of the poet. His best comedy "Die
Fieier" has been found verywell adapted to the stage.
In his later years Eichendorff devoted his genius more
to the history of literature. His history of the poetical
literature of Germany (Kempten, 1907), especially the
description of romanticism, outlined as it is by one of
its best representatives, is of lasting value, also the
sketch of the German novel in the eighteenth century.
want of truth to which the earlier romanticism hac
succumbed.
Godekf (Gotce). Gnmdrut tvr Getch. der deuUch- Difhluno.
VIII, 176-196. whem avarylbini pnrlaiiuait to his bibliography
apt»ie05c»Bbefound. Irciw,: utter 1905sre:—
Nawicx, LubowiUer Taetbue/AUlUr (Grow Stnhliti, 1G07); &
critical edition of EicHSHDoarr's complete works In bean
N. SCKEID.
lichstttt (Eystamum), Diocese of (Eybtetten-
bis or Aystettensis), in Bavaria, lies north of the
Danube, and is suffragan to Bamberg. The diocese
was founded by St. Boniface, who consecrated his
nephew St. WilLbald (born TOO of an Anglo-Saxon royal
family) first as abbot- and regional bishop (741), and
then (745) circumscribed and organised the diocese.
Willibald called to his aid his brother Wunibald, who,
together with St. Boniface, had been active on the
German mission of Thuringia, and also his sister St.
Walburga. He erected for them the monastery of
Heidenheim on the Hahnenkamm, where the saintly
pair laboured most effectively and found their resting-
Elaee (Wunibald d. 761, Walburga d. 779). Wilfi-
ald, well known for his knowledge of the Christian
Orient and as a pilgrim to Palestine, founded in Eich-
st&tt a flourishing school over which he presided as
magister. He died in 781. The unbroken series of
his successors down to the present time (1909) counts
seventy-five names. Bishop Erchanbold (882-912) of
the Carlovingian line laid the foundation for the secular
power of the see. Gradually this increased, especially
through the inheritance of the Counts of Hirschberg
(extinct in 1305), under Bishop Johann von Dirpheim
(1305-1306), who was also chancellor of Emperor
Albreeht I. Like other German princes, the bishops of
Eiehstatt acquired sovereignty (under Bishop Hart-
wig in 1220), and after various struggles became, from
the fourteenth century, independent rulers over a ter-
ritory which at one time comprised 437 square miles
with 56,000 subjects. In the ''secularisation " of 1803
these domains were made over to Bavaria.
There were many illustrious incumbents of the See
of Eiehstatt. Bishop Reginold (065-989) was ad-
mired asapoet, musician, scholar, and orator. Bishop
Heribert (1022-1042) was a patron of the cathedral
school. Gundekar II (1057-1075) rebuilt the cathe-
dra^ composed the " Pontificale ", in which the lives
of his predecessors, the "Vita? Pontificum Eystetten-
sium", and many other subjects, especially liturgical,
are treated. This work, still preserved in the original
(Codex M), is of great value for the history of the dio-
cese. Gundekar is venerated an a saint. ■ His prede-
cessor was Gebhard I (1042-1057), the chancellor and
friend of Henry III. Hildebrand, afterwards Gregory
VII, did not rest until this emperor allowed the reluc-
tant Gebhard to assume the papal dignity. He was
the first pope whom in a long time the clergy and peo-
ple of Rome had chosen freely. As Victor II (1055-
EIOHSTATT 365 EIOHSTATT
1057) he was friendly to reforms, an extremely ener- was for years imperial plenipotentiary at the diets and
Setic man, and saintly in his life. Had he lived longer eminent as a diplomat,
e would have taken rank among the greatest of the The eighteenth century brought peace and pros-
gjpes; he died in 1057 at the age of thirty-nine, perity, and many a magnificent structure in city and
ishops Eberhard I (1099-1112), Ulrich II (1112- diocese rose under the gifted prince-bishops of those
1125), Gebhard II (1125-1149), and Otto (1182-1195) days (residence and garden, the fountains called
vigorously inaugurated reforms that were perfected Marienbrunnen and Willibaldsbrunnen, castle of
and confirmed in the diocesan synod of 1186. A aim- Hirschberg, monastery of Notre-Dame). Bishop
ilar activity was displayed by Bishops Henry IV Raymund Anton, Count of Strassoldo (1757-1781),
(1246-1259), Reimboto (1279-1297), and Philipp von prepared for his clergy the well-known "Instructio
Rathsamshausen (1306-1322). The last-named was a Pastoralis", a book ofjpastoral direction, which in its
prolific writer, patron of the cathedral school, and by latest (fifth) edition (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1902) is
synods tried to raise clergy and people to a higher even yet much admired. The "secularization"
level. Berthold (1354-1365), a Hohenzoller by birth, (1803) robbed the Bishop of Eichstatt of his ancient
built the Willibaldsburg, provided for the material secular authority, but the diocese remained and was
welfare of the clergy, and protected them against the reorganised by the Bull of circumscription of 1821.
•attacks of laity, nobility, and princes fConstitutio Ber- Cardinal Karl August von Reisach (Bishop of Eich-
tholdiana). On all sides we meet with evidence of his statt, 1835-1846) renewed its ecclesiastical and relig-
regulating and stimulating zeal (Synodal statutes of ious life, opened the seminary for boys (1838) and the
1354). lyceum (1844), with a philosophical ana a theological
The Western Schism left its traces on the diocese, faculty, and in union with Joseph Ernst (d.l869),presi-
Bishop Johann III von Eich (1446-1464), a saintly dent (Regens) of the latter institution, breathed into it
man, did all in his power to efface them. He reformed the true spirit of the Church, a spirit which since then
the monasteries, organized the instruction of the has never failed. Bishop Georg von Oettl (1847-
clergy, issued pastoral directions, protected vigor- 1866) and his successor, Franz Leopold von Leonrod
ously the property of the Church, and attracted to (1867-1905), faithfully continued and completed the
Eichstatt a number of scholars (among them the work begun by Reisach. The conditions of the dio-
Humanist Albert' of Eyb). Having been, before his cese are as well regulated as is possible; its people are
election, chancellor of the emperor and his representa- solidly grounded in the Faith, while the learning, life,
tive at the Council of Basle, he continued as bishop to and labours of the clergy are considered exemplary
serve the State on diplomatic missions of great impor- throughout Germany. ^
tance. Thus, he represented the emperor in the con- The diocese is rich in monuments of ecclesiastical
Kress of princes which Pius II called at Mantua. His architecture and art. The Gothic cathedral exhibits
friend and successor, Wilhelm von Reichenau (1464- many excellent works of art from the fourteenth to the
1496), the tutor of Maximilian I, was a statesman, dip- eighteenth century; especially noteworthy is its mor-
lomat, and natron of the fine arts, but also a bishop tuarium. The Gothic church of Our Lady in Ingol-
who walked in the footsteps of his predecessor and left stadt and the conventual churches of Kaste (Roman-
after him the memory of a brilliant administration, esque) and Freystadt (Renaissance) are important
In 1480 Jie made a visitation of the whole diocese, monuments. Among ecclesiastical artists may be
The original records of this visitation, the oldest thus mentioned: Hans Paur (fifteenth century), Hans rild-
far known, are still extant, and give us an interesting schnitzer (fifteenth century), Loy Hering (sixteenth
picture of religious life in the Middle Aces, in which, century), Gabriel de Gabrielis (seventeenth-eighteenth
however, there are not lacking deep shadows. His century), Ignaz Breitenauer (eighteenth century). In
successors, the cultured Gabriel von Eyb (1496-1535) the Middle Ages Eichstatt possessed a flourishjngcathe-
and the noble Moritz von Hutten (1539-1552), were dral school dating from the time of St. Willibald.
men who fully understood the critical situation and set Mostly with ecclesiastical funds and through the zeal
themselves against the perilous innovations of their of Wilhelm von Reichenau, the University of Ingol-
time, but they could not prevent the imperial cities of stadt was founded in 1472. Many of its professors
Nuremberg and Weissenourg, the margraves of Ans- became famous. Among its theologians are Johann
bach and the palgraves of the Rhine, from annexing a Eck, P. Canisius, Gregory of Valencia, Salmeron,
large part of the territory of the diocese in order to re- Jacob Gretser; among its canonists: Reiffenstuel, Pir-
store their finances by means of church property, and hing, Schmalzgrueber; among its jurists, Wiguleus
from forcing the people to apostatize. Bishop Moritz Kreittmayr, Ad. Ickstatt; among its philosophers,
gathered about him men of ability (Vitus von Ammer- scientists, and mathematicians: Johann Reuchlin,
bach, Cochlseus), and convoked (1548) a diocesan sy- Conrad Celtes, Christoph Scheiner, Caspar Scioppius.
nod whose records exhibit the spreading spiritual Philipp and Petrus Apian, Fuchs Leonhard, ana
desolation. others. Early in the nineteenth century the univer-
Bishop Martin von Schaumberg (1560-1590) sity was transf erred to Landshut, thence to Munich,
founded the first Tridentine seminary (1564) one The most important monastery of the diocese in
year after the close of the council, and secured for olden times was the Benedictine abbey founded by St.
it excellent teachers (Robert Turner, Peter Stewart, Willibald in 740 and out of which grew the diocese.
Frederick Staphylus). Bishop Konrad von Gemmin- At the end of the tenth century it became the cathe-
gen (1593-1612) rebuilt the Willibaldsburg, founded dral chapter with secular canons. Heidenheim was at
the " Hortus Eystettensis", a garden well known to all first a double monastery, founded by St. Willibald: it
European botanists, ordered frequent visitations of was changed (800) to a chapter of canons; later it be-
the diocese, and embellished the cathedral with pre- came again a Benedictine monastery. Before the
cious jewels. Bishop Christoph Johann von Westerstet- change the monks moved to Herrieden and erected
ten (1612-1636) invited the Jesuits to Eichstatt, built there, under Abbot Dietker and through the benevo-
a magnificent (Renaissance) church for them, and lence of Charlemagne, a new monastery, which was
committed the episcopal seminary to their care. In changed to a chapter of canons in 888 and secularized
1634 the Swedes reduced almost the whole episcopal in 1804. The nuns moved from Heidenheim to Mon-
city to ashes, but it soon rose to new splendour under heim, taking with them some of the relics of St. Wal-
the long and prosperous reign of Bishop Marquard II burga, which were lost in the " secularization " of the
(1636-1685), a scion of the family of Schenk von Cas- sixteenth century. St. Walburg (Benedictine nuns)
tell. He reorganized the ecclesiastical and secular in Eichstatt (founded 870) was endowed in 1035 by
administration of the diocese, won part of its territory Count Leodegar and reorganized by Bishop Heribert.
(in the Upper Palatinate) back to Catholicism, and It is yet flourishing despite its temporary seculariza-
i
366 SINHARD
tion (1802-1835), and possesses some relics of St. Wal- PastcnMau, the omn of the diocese (Eichst&tt, 1864—%
burgi. Kastel in the t^pPalatinate, founded 1098 S£r&SBSf ?73^r^^£W
(Benedictines from the Cluniac congregation), took a oavientea, 2 parts, and Codex diplomatic** (Frankfort, 1733);
prominent Dart in the reforms of thetaelfth century; J*p*. AnaUcta Nordaavienria (SchT
it was secularized in 1556, and in 1636, during the q£^w „ n_ , x / _
Counter-Reformation, its domains were transferred to 9tau (Eichat£ti7T859)V 'Uoi^weckJ GeieSkl dee'neuek "bischtfl.
the Jesuit college in Amberg, and after the suppression Seminar* g&chst&tt, 1888): . Hb^Mamr.'Tbubnhoper-
~**u~ t~,.,;+„ /ittq\ +* +V.J ruv»;»k+a *f WoHo . ;„ iQnA Schlbcht, EichstatU Kunat (Eichst&tt, 1902): Schwertsch-
pf the Jesuits (1773) to the Kmj^ts of Malta, m 1806 LAOISBf ^ Eieh9UUter ootaniaehe Oaken (Eichstatt, 1890);
it was Secularized once more. Plankstetten (BenedlO- RomstOcx, Statistik dee bischfifl. Lyzeume in Eichst&tt (Eichstatt,
tines, founded 1129) was also secularized in 1802. J894); GwtHxtDer]d. Richard und seine Kinder (Berlin, 1908).
Heilsbronn (Cistercians, founded 1132) also **lous 2KL£M^^
for ecclesiastical reforms, was secularized m 1530 by v. Adelmantfelden; Haemmbrle, Pappenheimer Altar; Idem, Dm
the margraves of Ansbach. Rebdorf (AugUStinian £»«*2 *» Bergen. Qte Got*, Die GhubeneepaUung tmfijWeto
canon^unded 1159 through the powerful help of ^f^dS^ffi£?2£t ££if?a£S2Zt
Fredenck Barbarossa) was the home of Prior KlUan UaU d. hist. Vereins Eichstatt (Eichstatt, 1886—); Sax, Geech.
Leib (1471-1552), linguist and historian: the abbey ^J?*^^? Jivi1!!! S1'"1' ^iTlSJ? /^"iJ^^^io^84^ J?*M'
v^ i . ^ j {' tQAo -qam«», /n*« Jj^mft mino Gesch. der FUretinscMfe v. EtchstAU (Eichstatt, 1882); Suttner
was secularized m 1802. Bergen (Benedictine nuns, in Kirehenlex., s. v. Eichsum.
founded 976} was suppressed in 1552 by the Protestant " Josef Hollwbck.
Erinces of Neuburg; its estates passed later into the
ands of the Jesuits, who used them to found the semi- Eimhin, Saint, Abbot and Bishop of Ros-mic-
nary and gymnasium in Neuburg on the Danube Truin (Ireland), probably in the sixth century. He
(1664). The " Schottenkloster sum heiligen Kreuz " came of the royal race of Munster, and was brother of
(The Irish Monastery of the Holy Cross), an Irish foun- two other saints, Culain and Dairmid. Of the early
dation of 1140 in Eichstatt, passed over to the Capu- part of his religious life little is known. When he
chins in 1623, lived through the " secularization" of the became abbot of the monastery of Ros-mic-Truin, in
early nineteenth century, and is still flourishing. In succession to its founder, St. Abban, he had been ap-
the thirteenth century arose the monasteries of Engel- parently connected with one of the religious houses of
thai (suppressed in 1550 by the people of Nuremberg) ; the south of Ireland, since it is recorded that a num-
Seligenporten (Cistercian nuns), secularized in 1556, ber of monks "followed the man of God from his own
after the re-Catholicizing of the Upper Palatinate given country of Munster". Ros-mic-Truin lies in South
to the Salesian nuns of Ambere and Munich, and again Leinster on the bank of the River Barrow, and is dis-
secularized in 1802; Gnadenthal in In^olstadt (Fran- tant only eight miles, by water, from the confines of
ciscannuns, founded in 1276), still flourishing. In the Munster, at the point where the Suir and Barrow
fifteenth century were founded: Gnadenberg (Brigit- meet, and in confluence enter the Atlantic. Although
tines), Mariastein near Rebdorf (Augustinian nuns), the Abbey of Ros-mic-Truin was founded by St.
Kttnigshofen, Marienburg near Abenberg, all of which Abban, it is said to have been colonized by St. Eim-
disappeared during the last secularization (1802- hin, and from the number of religious and students
1806). Eichstatt had still other monasteries m the belonging to the south of Ireland who dwelt there the
Midole Ages: thus the Dominicans had a monastery place came to be called " Ros-glas of the Munster-
in the city (founded 1279, secularized in 1802); the men". St. Eimhin is said by some to have been the
Carmelites in Weissenburg, the Franciscans in Ingol- author of the life of St. Patrick, called the " Vita Tri-
stadt (1275). From the seventeenth century the partita" (ed. Whitley Stokes in R. S.), originally pub-
Jesuits had flourishing colleges in Eichstatt and Ingol- ashed by Father John Colgan, O.S.F. It contains a
stadt, the Capuchins in Eichstatt and Wemcung greater variety of details concerning the mission of the
(1669) . The Teutonic Knights had a flourishing com- Apostle of Ireland than any other of the lives extant,
mandery in Ellingen which was secularized in 1802. St. Eimhin was famous for many and great miracles.
At present (1909) the diocese numbers one monas- The date of his death has not been recorded ; however
tery of the Benedictines (Plankstetten), four of the competent authorities assign it to the earlier half of
Franciscans (Ingolstadt, Dietfurt, Berching, Frey- the sixth century. After St. Eimhin's death, it is
stadt), two ot the Capuchins (Eichstatt, Wemding), said, his consecrated bell was held in great veneration,
two convents of nuns (St. Walburg and Gnadenthal), and was used as a swearing relic down to the four-
and about forty-six houses of female congregations, teenth century, oaths and promises made upon it
among them the flourishing institute of the English being deemed inviolable. Among the MSS. of the
Ladies in Eichstatt. The seminary, restored by library of the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, is a prose
Reisach, was enlarged in 1844 by the addition of a tract entitled "Caine Emine" (i. cthe tribute or rule
philosophico-theological academy (lyceum), and un- 0f Eimhin). also a poem of several stanzas relating to
der eminent scholars has attained a high degree of the saint's Dell. St. Eimhin is given in the Irish cal-
prosperity and scientific fame. (Professors: Johann endars on 22 December.
Pruner, d. 1907: G. Suttner, d. 1888; Franz Morgott, Colgan, Ada SS. Hibernioi (Louvain, 1645); Booh oj Bally
1895; Math. Schneid, d. 1893; Phil. Hergenrtther, d. Lectmson the MS. Materials of Ancient Irish History (Dublin.
1890; Mich. Lefflad, d. 1900.) Since about 1898 i860).
bishops of the United States have been sending stu- J. B. Cullen.
dents to the Lyceum for training in philosophy and _, . . „ x, _ x ,. * . i_
theology. During the nineteenth century the Die- Einhard (less correctly Eginhard), historian, born
cese ofEichstatt also contributed several prominent C 770 in the district watered by the River Mam in the
men to the Church in the United States, among them eastern part of the Frankish Empire; d. 14 March, 840,
Archbishop Michael Heiss of Milwaukee. Founda- at Seligenstadt. His earliest training he received at
tions of Benedictine nuns were also made in the United the monastery of Fulda, where he showed such un-
States from the convent of St. Walburg. In 1908 the usual mental powers that Abbot Baugulf sent him to
diocese had about 185,000 Catholics, 206 parishes, 63 the court of Charlemagne. His education was com-
benefices, 79 assistances, 373 secular and 39 regular pleted at the Palace School, where he was fortunate
priests enough to count among his masters the great Alcuin,
The sources of the diocesan hurtonj we« eomoiled by Burr- whobears witness to his remarkable talent in mathe-
nsr, Btbliotheca Eyateu. diocesana (Eichst&tt, 1866-67); ong- matics and architecture, and also to the fact that, m
inal records may be found in Lbftlad, ^otstender Biachdfe gpj^e Qf his unattractive person, he was among the
^^r^^Una^^U^Sr-^u^SiS'tK 2njWB moet touted JvLers. Charlemagne gave
d charge of his great public buildings, e. g. the
construction of the Aachen cathedral and the palaces
of Aachen and Ingelheim, for which reason he was
known in court circles as Beseleel, after the builder of
the tabernacle (Ex., xxi). Charlemagne also availed
himself of Einhard's tact and prudence to send him on
various diplomatic missions. Thus, in 802 he placed in
his hands the negotiations for the exchange of distin-
guished Saxon hostages, and in 806 he was dispatched
to Rome to obtain papal approbation for the partition
of the empire, which the emperor had just decided
During the reign of Louis the Pious he retained his
position of trust, and proved a faithful counsellor to
Louis's son, Lothair. Unsuccessful, however, in his
attempts to settle the contests for the crown which
had been stirred up by Empress Judith, and unable to
bring about a lasting reconciliation between Louis and
his sons, Einhard, in 830, withdrew to Milhlheim
(Mulinheim) on the Main, which he had been granted
as early as 815, together with other estates, as a mark
of imperial favour. He transferred thither the relics
of Sts. Marcellinus and Peter, and called the place
Seligenstadt. Moreover, between 831 and 834 he
established here a Benedictine abbey, where, after the
death of his wife, Emma (or Imma), sister of Bishop
Bemhar of Worms (not daughter of Charlemagne), he
spent the rest of his life as abbot. It is not certain
whether he was ordained priest. His epitaph was
written by Rabanus Maurus.
The most important of Einhard's works is the
"VitaCaroliMagni" (in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.",
Germ. tr. by Abel, 3rd ed., Berlin, 1893, in " Geschichts-
schreiber der deutschen Voneit"). This, the best
biography of the whole period of the Middle Ages,
written in close imitation of Suetonius, particularly
his "Vita Ainrusti", shows the emperor from the
standpoint of the most intimate personal acquaintance
with all sides of his character, and with a genuine
attempt at truth of portrayal. The diction is in
general elegant, though not polished. The annals of
the Carlovingian Empire, which have been handed
down as Einhard's (ed. Kurie, 1895), are, in then-
present form, older materials worked over. Those for
the years between 796 and 820 may date back to Ein-
hard. In addition, we have from his hand the
"Translatio et Miracula SS. Marcellini et Petri"
(Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script. XV), containing data
which are important for the history of culture. The
seventy-one letters, written by Einhard between 825
and 830 (ed. Jaffe, "Bibb'otheca", Berlin, 1867, IV) in
a clear, simple style, constitute an important source
for the history of Louis the Pious. A collective edi-
tion of Einhard's works was published by Teulet
(Paris, 1840-43), with French translation.
Kuui, Einhard (Berlin, 1890); Wat-tin men, DtuUcUandt
Qachicktiqutitm, 1. e. v.; QuurTBB, tr., Lilt of Charirmam*
(LondonTlsm
Patriciub Schlaoer.
of robbers who coveted the treasures offered at the.
shrine by devout pilgrims, but during the next
eighty years the place was never without one or
mors hermits emulating St. Meinrad's example.
One of them, named Eberhard, previously Provost of
Strasburg, erected a monastery and church there, of
which he became first abbot. The church was miracu-
lously consecrated, so the legend runs, in 948, by
Christ Himself assisted by the Four Evangelists,
St. Peter, and St. Gregory the Great. This event
was investigated and confirmed by Pope Leo VIII
and subsequently ratified by many of his successors,
the last ratification being by Pius VI in 1793, who
confirmed the acta of all his predecessors. In 965
Gregory, the third Abbot of Einsiedeln, was made a
prince of the empire by Otto I, and his successors
continued to enjoy the same dignity up to the cessa-
tion of the empire in the beginning of the nineteenth
century. In 1274 the abbey, with its dependencies,
was created an independent principality by Rudolf
of Hapeburg, over which the abbot exercised tem-
poral as. well as spiritual jurisdiction. It continued
independent until the French Revolution. The
abbey is now what is termed nuUius diacesis, the
abbot having quasi-episcopal authority over ten
parishes served by the monks and comprising nearly
twenty thousand souls. For the learning and piety
of its monks Einsiedeln has been famous for a thou-
sand years, and many saints and scholars have lived
within its walls. The study of letters, printing, and
music have greatly flourished there, and the abbey
has contributed largely to the glory of the Bene-
dictine Order. It is true that discipline declined
somewhat in the fifteenth century and the rule be-
came relaxed, but Ludovicus II, a monk of St. Gall
who was Abbot of Einsiedeln 1526-44, succeeded in
restoring the stricter observance. In the sixteenth
century the religious disturbances caused by the
spread of the Protestant Reformation in Switzerland
Einsiedeln, Abb by or, a Benedictine monastery
In the Canton of Schwyz, Switzerland, dedicated to
Our Lady of the Hermits, that title being derived
from the circumstances of its foundation, from which
the name EintUdeln is also said to have originated.
St. Meinrad, of the family of the Counts of Hohen-
sollera, was educated at the abbey school of Reiche-
nau, an island in Lake Constance, under his kinsmen
Abbots Hat to and Erlebald, where he became a monk
and was ordained. After some years at Reichenau,
and the dependent priory of Bollingen, on Lake
Zurich, he embraced an eremitical life and estab-
lished his hermitage on the slopes of Mt. Etzel,
taking with him a wonder-working statue of Our
Lady which had been given him by the Abbess
Hildegarde of Zurich. He died in 861 at the hands
opportunity for protesting against the famous pil-
grimages, but the storm passed over and the abbey
was left in peace. Abbot Augustine I (1600-29)
was the leader of the movement which resulted in
the erection of the Swiss Congregation of the Order
of St. Benedict in 1602, and he also did much for the
establishment of unrelaxed observance in the abbey
and for the promotion of a high standard of scholar-
ship and learning amongst his monks.
The pilgrimages, just mentioned, which have never
ceased since the days of St. Meinrad, have tended to
make Einsiedeln the rival even of Rome, Loreto, and
Compostela, and constitute one of the features for
parts of Catholic Europe. The miraculous statue of
Our Lady, originally set up by St. Meinrad, and later
enthroned in the little chape! erected by Eber-
hard, is the object of their devotion. This chapel
stands within the great abbey church, in much the
same way as the Holy House at Lore to, encased in
marbles and precious woodwork, elaborately deco-
rated, though it has been bo often restored, rebuilt,
and adorned with the offerings of pilgrims, that it
may be doubted whether much of the original
sanctuary still remains. The fourteenth of Sep-
tember and the thirteenth of October are the chief
pilgrimage days, the former being the anniversary of
the miraculous consecration of Eberhard's basilica,
and the latter that of the translation of St. Heinrad 's
relics from Reicheuau to Emsiedeln in 1039. The
millenary of St. Meinrad was kept there with great
(uih< (P»n«, 1866); FUoniek, C/trmifue •TStmiediin (Pmri.,
lt£iV); /Wei) IlitloriQue ill I' Abba,,, -I ih. fHerinaot di Hotre-
Damt-da-BrmUa IF.Jiinie-ltlu, 1*7(1); Moril, Die Rtoutinx dir
Abtii Sintiedfin (Chur, IS4SJ; BsoNNEB. Sin
., „n EinnidcU (Einaicd^ln.
1904), the moot important work on the biatory md imiquitieu
o( the ibbey.
O. Cyprian Albtok.
Eis, Frederick. See Marquette, Diocese or.
Eisengrein, Martin, a learned Catholic theologian
and polemical writer, b. of Protestant parents at Stutt-
gart, 28 December, 1535; d. at Ingplstadt, 4 May, 1578.
He studied the humanities at the Latin school of
Stuttgart, and the liberal arts and philosophy at the
Univorsity of Tubingen. To please his father, who was
T^ T** *'■
r
- (
v
splendour in 1861. The great church has been
many times rebuilt, the last time by Abbot Maurus
between the years 1704 and 1719, and one of its
chief treasures now is a magnificent corona presented
by Napoleon III when he made a pilgrimage there in
1865. The library, which dates from 946, contains
nearly fifty thousand volumes and many priceless
MSS. The work of the monks is divided chiefly
between prayer, the confessional, and study. At
pilgrimage times the number of confessions heard is
very large. The community numbers about one
hundred priests and forty lay brothers, and attached
to the abbey are a seminary and a college for about
two hundred and sixty boys, both of which are
taught by the monks, who also direct six convents
of nuns. In 1854 a colony was sent to America from
Einsiedeln to work amongst the native Indian tribes.
From St. Meinrad 's Abbey, Indiana, which was the
first settlement, daughter-houses were founded, and
these In 1881 were formed into the Swiss-American
Congregation, which comprised (in 1906) seven
monasteries and nearly four hundred religious.
Dom Thomas Bossart, the fifty-third Abbot of Ein-
siedeln and formerly dean of the monastery, was
elected in 1905.
if jurisprudence at the University o
stadt, 25 May, 1553, but before a year had passed" he
. . . iversity of Vienna, where he took the
degree of Master of Arts in May, 1554. During the
tolerant rule of Ferdinand I, Eisengrein, though still a
Protestant, became in 1555 professor of oratory and,
two years later, of physics at the University of Vienna,
a Catholic institution. Though his Catholic surround-
ings and " ' ' ' ...
Jesuits o
still his conversion was one of conviction, as is appar-
ent from his numerous controversial writings and his
scrupulous solicitude for the integrity of Catholic
Faith and morals at the University of Ingolstadt. His
conversion took place about 1558. In 1558 he received
a canonry at St. Stephen's in Vienna, and a year later
he was ordained priest. In 1562 he went to the Univer-
sity of Ingolstadt whither he had been invited by the
superintendent of the university, Frederick Staphylus.
He was appointed pastor of the church of St. Maurice,
which was incorporated with the university, and in
April of the same year he was elected rector of the
university. Besides being professor, he devoted much
of his time to the study of theology and, after receiv-
ing the degree of licentiate in this science on II No-
BITHENE
369
EITHNE
vember, 1563, he began to teach it in January, 1564.
Duke Albert V of Bavaria chose him as councillor,
appointed him provost of the collegiate church of
Moosburg, and shortly afterwards of the collegiate
church of Aitdtting and the cathedral church of Pas-
sau. In 1563 and 1564 he took part in the politico-
religious conferences at the imperial court of Vienna;
in 1566 Duke Albert sent him to Pope Pius V to advo-
cate the appointment of Prince Ernest as Prince-
Bishop of Freising, and in 1568-9 he was imperial
court chaplain at Vienna. In 1570 he was appointed
superintendent of the University of Ingolstadt, and
henceforth he turned his whole attention to the ad-
vancement of the university.
Just at this time the friction between the lay pro-
fessors and the Jesuits, which dated from the time
when the latter began to hold professorial chairs at the
university in 1556, threatened to become serious. In
1568 Eisengrein and Peter Canisius had peacefully
settled certain differences between the two factions,
but when in 1571 Duke Albert decided to put the
mdagogium and the philosophical course into the
hands of the Jesuits, the other professors loudly pro-
tested. By his tact Eisengrein succeeded in tempo-
rarily reconciling the non-Jesuit professors to the new
arrangement. Soon, however, hostilities began anew,
and in order to put an end to these quarrels, the
Jesuits transferred the Pcedagogium and philosophical
course to Munich in 1573. It seems that the Jesuits
were indispensable to the University of Ingolstadt,
for two years later they were urgently requested by
the university to return; and in 1576 they again went
to Ingolstadt. In the settlement of the differences
between the Jesuit and non-Jesuit professors, Eisen-
grein always had the welfare of the university at
heart. He publicly acknowledged the great efficiency
of the Jesuits as educators in an oration which he de-
livered before the professors and students of the uni-
versity on 19 February, 1571, and he was pleased to
see their influence gradually increase at Ingolstadt.
There were indeed, some differences between Eisen-
grein and the Jesuits in 1572, but the estrangement
was only temporary, as is apparent from the fact that
he bequeathed 100 florins to the Jesuit library.
The greatest service which Eisengrein rendered the
University of Ingolstadt was his organization of its
library. It was owing to his efforts that the valuable
private libraries of John Egolph, Bishop of Augsburg,
Thaddeus Eck, chancellor of Duke Albert, and Ru-
dolph Clenek, professor of theology at Ingolstadt,
were added to the university library. Eisengrein's
activities were not confined to the university. By
numerous controversial sermons, some of which are
masterpieces oi oratory, he contributed not a little to
the suppression of Lutneranism in Bavaria. Many of
his sermons were published separately and collectively
in German and Latin during his lifetime. Some have
been edited by Brischar in "Die kath. Kanzelredner
Deutschlands* (Schaffhausen, 1867-70), I, 434-545.
He is also the author of a frequently reprinted history
of the shrine of the Blessed virgin at Altotting (In-
golstadt, 1571) and a few other works of minor im-
portance.
Ptlxqur, Martin Eieengrein in Erlauterungen und Ergon-
tungen zu Janaaena Oeach. dea deutachen Volkea (Freiburg im
Br., 1908), VI, fasc. 2 and 3; Idem, Martin Eieengrein una die
Vhiveraitat IngoUtadt in Historiach-politische Blotter (Munich,
1904), CXXXIV, 705-23, 785-811: Kobolt, Bayeriachea Qe-
Uhrten-Lexikon (Landshut, 1795), I, 195-201; Rass, Die Von-
vcrtiten aeit der Reformation (Freiburg im Br., 1866), I, 364-412.
Michael Ott.
Eithene, Saint, styled "daughter of Baite", with
her sister Sodelbia, are commemorated in the Irish
calendars under 20 March. They were daughters of
Aidh, son of Caibre, King of Leinster, who nourished
about the middle of the sixth century. The desig-
nation "daughters of Baite" usually coupled with
V.— 24
their names would seem not to refer to any title of
their father, but might be more correctly interpreted
as the "children of Divine or ardent love". This
interpretation is' further strengthened by an account
of a vision, accorded the two virgins, in which it is
related that Christ in the form of an infant rested
in their arms. In one of the legends contained in
the "Acts" of St. Moling, Bishop of Ferns, it is told
that Eithene and her sister were visited by this
venerable saint. The abode of St. Eithene, called
Tech-Ingen-Baithe, or the "House of the daughters
of Baite" lay near Swords, in the present Barony of
Nethercross, County Dublin. This saint is also
venerated at Killnais, the former name of a townland
in the same locality.
Colo an. Acta Sanctorum Hibernia (Lou vain, 1646); Leabhar
Breach; O'Donovan, Annate of the Four Masters; O'Curry,
Lectures (Dublin, 1860); Todd, St. Patrick (Celtic Scotland)
(London, 1864): Skene. Ordnance Survey Letters; Martyrology
of Donegal; /Calendar of Drummond.
J. B. CtJLLEN.
Eithne, Saint, styled "of the golden hair", is
commemorated in the Irish martvroiogies under the
11th of January. She was daughter of Leoghaire,
Ard-Righ, or Hy-Sovereign of Ireland at the time
of St. Patrick's first visit, as a missionary, to the
court of Tara (433). According to the prevailing
custom of those days the children of kings ana
princes were frequently placed, at an early age, in
charge of the family of some of the chieftains who
coveted the honour of guardianship of the royal
offspring. Hence it is assumed that Eithne and
her younger sister were fostered close to Cruachan
Magn Ai, the dwelling-place, or royal residence, of
the Gaelic kings of Connaught. However the brief
story of the saint's life centres in the one scene, which
took place beside the brook of Clebach, County Ros-
common, and is described in the "Acts" of the
national apostle of Ireland.
On his way to the royal abode, during his mission
to the western province, it is told that St. Patrick
and his disciples camped one evening close to the
Well of Clebach. On the following day the clerics
rose at dawn to chant the Divine Office, and prepare
for the mystic sacrifice. It would appear that the
two royal princesses were accustomed to visit the
same fountain in the early morn, and on this occasion
were surprised at the appearance of the strange com-
pany who were in possession of the place. They
were not, however, dismayed, and Eithne, the elder
of the sisters, accosted Patrick and his companions,
asking who they were and whence they came.
Whereupon the apostle said — "It were better for
you to confess your faith in our true God than ask
about our race. Then, at their request, St. Patrick
unfolded to them the doctrines of Christianity,
which, under the influence of Divine grace, they
accepted with heart and soul. Having baptised
them, the saint placed on their brows the veil of
virginity.
Then, it is related, Eithne and her sister asked "to
see the face of Christ, the Son of the true God", but
Patrick said: "You cannot see the face of Christ
unless you taste death, and receive the Sacrifice".
Whereupon they besought him to give them the
Sacrifice that they might see their Spouse, the Son of
God. So, by the brink of the fountain, the Sacrifice
was offered, and having received their First Com-
munion, Eithne and her sister, in an ecstasy of rap-
ture, swooned away and died. When the days of
mourning were ended both were laid side by side,
close by the scene of their death, where afterwards a
church was raised over the grave.
Co loan, Acta Sanctorum Hxbmxice (Lou vain, 1645):' Tripar-
tite Life of St. Patrick; Book of Armagh; Manners ana Cuatoma
of the Ancient Iriah; He alt, Life of St. Patrick (Dublin, 1896).
J. B. Ctjllen.
KXKEHASD
370
>hard, name of five monks of the (Swiss) Ab-
bey of St. Gall from the tenth to the thirteenth century.
(1) Ekkehard I (Major, "the Elder"), d. 14 Jan.,
973. He was of noble birth, of the Jbnschwyl family
in Toggenburg, and was educated in the monastery
of St. Gall; after joining the Benedictine Order, he
was appointed director of the inner school there.
Later, under Abbot Kralo, who trusted him impli-
citly, he was elected dean of the monastery, and for a
while directed all the affairs of the abbey. Ekkehard
made a pilgrimage to Rome, where he was retained for
a time by Pope John XII, who presented him with
various relics of St. John the Baptist. After Kralo's
death Ekkehard refused the abbatial succession, be-
cause of lameness resulting from a fractured leg.
However, he directed the choice of Burkard, son of
Count Ulrich of Buchhorn, who governed St. Gall
with the advice and co-operation of Ekkehard. The
latter erected a hospice in front of the monastery for
the sick and strangers, and was in many other ways a
model of charity. He was also distinguished as a
poet, and wrote a Latin epic "Waltharius", basing
his version on an original German text. He dedi-
cated this poem to Bishop Erkanbald of Strasburg
(965-991). It describes the elopement of Walter of
Aquitaine with the Burgundian princess Hildegunde,
from the land of the Huns, followed by the battle of
Wasgenstein between V alter and the followers of
Gunther and Hagen (ed. Pciper, Berlin, 1873). He
also composed various ecclesi stical hymns and se-
quences, e. g. in honour of the Blessed Trinity, St.
John the Baptist, St. Benedict, t. Columbanus, St.
Stephen (Meyer, "Philologische Bemerkungen zum
Waltharius" in "Abhandl. der bayr Akad. d. Wis-
senschaften", Munich, 1873;Strecker, " Ekkehard und
Virgil" in "Zeitschrift f. deutsches Altertum", 1898,
XLH, 338-366).
(2) Ekkehard II (Palatintjs. "the Courtier"), d.
23 April, 990. He and Ekkehard III were nephews of
the preceding, who educated also at St. Gall his other
nephews, Notker the physician and Burkard, later
abbot of the monastery. Ekkehard II was taught by
his uncle and the monk Geraldus, and was Later a
teacher in the monastery school. A number of his
pupils joined the order; others became bishops. Ac-
cording to the "Casus Sancti Galli " he was called later
to Hohentwiel. the seat of the Duchess Hadwig of Swa-
bia, widow of Burkard II. The duchess was wont
occasionally to visit St. Gall, and eventually (973)
asked for and obtained the services of Ekkehard as her
tutor in the reading of the Latin classics. Neverthe-
less, he continued to render great services to his mon-
astery, especially on the occasion of the differences
between St. Gall and Reichenau (Abbot Ruodmann);
in many other ways also he proved himself useful to
the monks by the influence he had obtained as tutor
of the duchess. Ekkehard was also prominent at the
imperial court of Otto I. Later he became provost of
the cathedral of Mainz, where he died 23 April. 990.
He was buried in the church of St. Alban, outside the
city gates. He was the author of various ecclesiasti-
cal hymns, known as sequences, all of which are lost,
except one in honour of St. Desiderius.
(3) Ekkehard III, also a nephew of Ekkehard I and
a cousin of the preceding. He shared the educational
advantages of his cousin and, at his invitation, accom-
panied him to Hohentwiel to superintend and direct
the studies of the local clergy. On his return to St.
Gall he was made dean of the abbey, and is reported
to have filled this office for thirty years. He died
early in the eleventh century.
(4) Ekkehard IV. — According to the testimony in
his "Chronicle" (especially in view of his statement
that he had heard from eyewitnesses of the great con-
flagration at St. Gall in 937), the date of his birth is
usually placed about 980; he died 21 Oct., but the
year of his death is unknown (1036?-1060?). The
same "Chronicle" indicates Alsace as his birthplace,
though we do not know with certainty either the
place of his birth, or his family origin. His boyhood
was spent at St. Gall where he had for tutor Notker
Labeo the German, one of the most learned scholars
of his time. From him Ekkehard acquired a pro-
found knowledge of the Latin and Greek classics; he
also studied mathematics, astronomy, and music,
and was acknowledged while living as a scholar of
note even outside the monastery. After the death
of Notker Labeo (1022) Ekkehard was called to Maine
by Archbishop Aribo. where he became director and
teacher in the cathedral school, and held both offices
until the death of his patron (1031). distinguishing
himself as head of the school; indeed, he was noted
as a successful teacher and promoter of learning. A
treatise on the " Jube me, Domine, benedicere , in-
scriptions, and benediction prayers remain as evi-
dences of his literary activity. Emperor Conrad II,
when at Ingelheim near Mainz, distinguished him by
marks of personal favour (Easter, 1030). Shortly
after his return to St. Gall Abbot Tietbald died (1034)
and Norbert of Stavelot, who introduced the reforms
of Cluny, was elected to succeed him. A dissension,
therefore, arose among the monks, the seniors being
dissatisfied with the new reforms. Ekkehard; mean-
while, began work on the ancient abbey chronicle, the
famous "Casus S. Galli", begun by Ratpert and con-
tinued to Abbot Salomon (883), and carried it on
from that date to Notker (972). This work is a most
important document for the contemporary history of
St. Gall (ed. von Arx in " Mon. Germ. Historical Scrip-
tores" II, Hanover, 1829; ed. Meyer von Knonau m
"St. Gallische Geschichtsquellen *' in "Mitteil. zur
vaterland. Geschichte " (new series, nn. 5 and 6, St.
Gall, 1877); it is also the main source of our knowl-
edge concerning the Ekkehards. The "Casus" is
mostly a compilation of anecdotes and traditions
concerning distinguished monks. They contain,
however, many historical errors and misrepresenta-
tions, and the Latin diction is often barbarous.
Nevertheless, owing to the excellence and simplicity
of the narrative, they are a valuable source of contem-
porary history, especially of its culture. The second
important literary work of Ekkehard is his " Liber
Benedictionum". It comprises metrical inscriptions
for the walls of the Mainz cathedral, and benedictions
(also in verse) for use in choir-service and at meals,
also poems in honour of the festivals of various saints,
partly from his own pen and partly by Notker Labeo.
In poetical merit these works are inferior enough;
nevertheless they betray a very fair knowledge of
Latin. The glosses from his pen, both on his own
manuscripts and others belonging to the abbey, re-
main as proof of his lifelong zeal in pursuit of knowl-
. edge. He was also skilled m music, especially ecclesi-
astical music, always diligently and successfully culti-
vated at St. Gall.
(5) Ekkehard V (Minimus), d. about 1220. He is
the last of the St. Gall Ekkehards, and flourished
towards the end of the twelfth, and the beginning of
the thirteenth, century. No particulars are known
concerning his life, and tradition is silent as to his
origin, the year of his birth and of his death. He was
dean of the abbey in the reign of Innocent III. About
1214 he wrote a life of St. Notker Balbulus, a learned
monk of St. Gall, who lived towards the end of the
ninth, and the beginning of the, tenth, century (Acta
SS., April, I, 579), from which work we gather that its
author was versed in ecclesiastical music.
Meter von Knonau, Die Ekkeharte von St. Gotten in OeffenU.
Vortraqe* etc. (Basle, 1876), III, 10 aq.; Wattsnbach,
DeuUchlande GeechichUguellen (9th ed., Berlin); DOmmixb,
Ekkehard IV. von St. Gotten in ZeiUehrift f. deuteehee AlteHum
(1867), II, 1-73; von Arx, Qeech. dee Kloetere 8t. Gotten, I, 278
sq.; Fabricius, Bibliotheca media et infima UUinitatie (Florence,
" " " Biographle (Leipzig, 1877), V, 790
1858), I, 491; AUg. deufche
aqq
J. P. KlBBCH.
hud of Aura, Bk. V, US. at
■kkohard of Aura (Ukaogiensis), Benedictine
monk and chronicler, b. about 1050; d. after 1125.
Very little is known of his life. About 1101 be went
on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and in 1106 took
part in the Council of Guastalla. Apparently he be-
longed at first to the monastery of St. Michael at Bam-
berg, and later (1108 or 1113) was abbot of the monas-
tery of Aura, founded by Bishop Otto of Bamberg, on
the Franconian
Saale, near Kis-
singen, Bavaria;
this monastery
followed the Rule
of Hirsrft.au. Tb*
"Chronicon uni-
Fmvili veraale",
™J™J called after
?v* -Ekkehard.
'W'tWie the chief
source for the his-
tory of Germany
during the years
1080-1126. In its
present form it is
divided into five
books: the first
contains ancient
history from the
Creation to the
building of the
city of Rome ; the
second extends to
the birth of Christ;
the third reaches
the time of Charle-
magne; the fourth
goes to the open-
ins; of the reign of Emperor Henry V; the fifth con-
tains an account of the reign of this ruler. No other
medieval general chronicle covers so much around ; in
the manuscripts now extant it is evidently not the
work of one man but represents rather a fusion of
various recensions and continuations. Bresslau, in
his acute investigation of the subject (Neues Archiv
fflr filters deutsche Geschichtskunde, VII), traces
these changes, for the most part, to Frutolf, prior of
St MichaePe (d. 17 Feb., 1103). It is now believed
that Ekkehard simply rewrote the greater part of the
chronicle, and that his original contribution ia the ac-
count of the reign of Emperor Henry V. The chronicle
taken as a whole, is a very skilful compilation, and
shows in the selection and arrangement of the matter
a sound understanding and mastery of the material
at hand. The language is good and simple, and the
presentation clear and well summarised. Continua-
tions were written by various chroniclers, among
whom may be mentioned Conrad of Lichtenau
and Albert of Stade. Ekkehard's chronicle has been
published several times (Mon. Germ. Hist., Script.,
VI, 13-26o^MigM, P. L..CLIV, 459-1060). AGerman
translation was issued by Pfillger (Leipzig, 1893), as
vol. LI of the series " Geechichtsschreiber der deut-
schen Vorzeit".
BveaSMU ,f*khra »> Aura (Lalrxic. 1888); Watts*.
ba.ch, Dtuttchlandt QttductdtquiiUm (Berlin. 1893), II, 18S.
Patbicius Schlaobb.
■has., a titular see of Asia Minor. Ehea, said to
have been founded by Menestheus, was situated at a
distance of twelve stadia from the mouth of the
Calais, one hundred and twenty stadia from Perga-
mus. It appears in history about 450 8. c, at tee
time of the Athenian naval league. It belonged to
Alexander, then to the kings of Pergamus, and was
the port of the latter. In 100 b. c, it was besieged by
Antiochus of Syria, in 156 by Prusias, who ravaged all
the country. It was partly destroyed in a. n. 90 by an
earthquake. In its Roman period it struck coins.
As a suffragan of Ephesus Ehea is mentioned by most
"Notitiss episcopatuum" as late as the twelfth or the
thirteenth century. We know only three of its
bishops: Isaias in 451, Olbianus in 787, Theodulus in
the twelfth century (Lequien, Or. Christ., 1, 699). In
the tenth century St. Paul the Younger, a monk of
Mount Latros, waa bora there (Analeeta Bollandiana,
XI, 1-74, 136-182). The city must have been de-
stroyed either by the Mongols or by the Turks. The
ruins stand about three kilometres south of Kilisse
Keui in the vilayet of Smyrna. The Greek Church
also gives the title of Ehea to auxiliary bishops.
8. P£TRU>ts.
Elba, the largest island of the Tuscan Archipelago,
is to-day a part of the Italian province of Leghorn and
is separated from the mainland by the Channel of
Piombino. The island is traversed throughout by tree-
less mountain ranges, the highest peak being Monte
Capanne (about 3343 feet) : its area is 86 square miles ;
according to the census of 1901 it had 25,556 inhabi-
tants, mostly Catholics. Politically the island forms
the district of Porto Ferrajo; the chief town is
Porto Ferrajo on the north coast, a place with
3940 inhabitants; the commune contains 6701 in-
habitants. Outside of Porto Ferrajo the principal
towns of the island are Orte Rio, with 2478 in-
habitants, and the strongly fortified Porto Longone,
which has a good harbour and a population of 4761.
Ecclesiastically Elba belongs to the Diocese of Massa
Marittima (see Massa Makittima) and contains eleven
parishes; Porto Ferrajo, Porto Loncone, Marciana,
Marciana Marina, Pocgio, Capoliveri, Rio, Rio Marina,
Marina Campo, SantTlario in Campo, and San Pietro
in Campo. The Sisters of Mercy of St. Vincent de
Paul have a house at Porto Longone, and the Sisters of
St. Vincent, or Ladies of Christian Love, founded by
the Venerable Cottolengo, have one at Porto Ferrajo;
these are the only houses of religious on the island
The chief industry of Elba is the mining of the rich
iron ore which was famous even in antiquity, but
which, on account of lack of fuel, is generally smelted
on the opposite coast of the mainland (the Maremma).
The agricultural products are wheat, maize, wine, and
semi-tropical fruits, and there are very profitable
tunny and anchovy fisheries. The commerce is car-
ried on through five ports, which were visited in 1901:
by 2549 merchant vessels with a total of 492,418 tons
burden. The smaller surrounding islands of Capraja,
Pianosa, Palmaola. and Monte Cnsto are connected in
Everament with the island of Elba. Concerning the
nous monastery of San Mamiliano now in ruins, on
the island of Monte Cristo, see Angelli, "L'Abbazia e
riBoladiMontecristo" (Florence, 1903), and for other
information Kehr, " Regesta Pontificum Romanorum;
Italia Pontificia" (Berlin. 1908), III, 276-78.
Ia the tenth century Elba came into the power
of Pisa, from which it was wrested in 1290 by the
city of Genoa. In 1399 Gian Galeaszo Visconti
gave the island and the principality of Piombinn
to Gherardo Appiano in exchange for the lord-
ship of Pisa. After that the island belonged az a
Spanish fief to the Dukes of Sora and the Princes ol
Piombino. The Emperor Charles V gave a part ot
Elba to the Grand Duke Cosimo I of Tuscany, who
built the citadel of Cosmopoli and thus laid the
foundation of the later Porto Ferrajo, the chief town
of the island; another district including Porto Long-
one came into the power of the Kingdom of the Two
Sicilies. In 1736 the whole of Elba with the principal-
ity of Piombino passed under the jurisdiction of the
Kingdom of Naples; in 1801 the Peace of Luneville
gave it to the Kingdom of Etruria, and in the following
year, by the Peace of Amiens, it was transferred to
France. After the first abdication of Napoleon Elba
was made over to him as a sovereign principality. He
ELOESAITES
372
ELDER
landed on the island, 4 May, 1814, but left it on 26
February, 1815; during his short administration
Napoleon did much for the benefit of the island, espe-
cially in the improvement of the roads. The Con-
gress of Vienna, in 1815, restored the island to Tuscany,
with which it was finally incorporated into the united
Kingdom of Italy.
SxifONiN, La Toscane 4 la mar Tyrrhenienne (Paris, 1868);
Pulle, Monografia agraria del circondario delT Elba (Porto
Ferrajo, 1879): Fatichi, TsolacTElba (Florence, 1885); Gbuyer,
Napolton roi de Vile cTEtba (Paris, 1005, tr. London, 1008);
Qrboorovius, Wanderjahre in Italian (0th ed., Leipzig, 1005).
1, 1-50: Hobstbl, Die NapoleonHntdn Kortika una Elba (2nd
ed., Berlin, 1908); Annuario BccUsiastico (Rome, 1000), s. v.
Maaea Marittima. GREGOR Reinhold.
Elcesaites (or Helkesaitbs), a sect of Gnostic
Ebionites, whose religion was a wild medley of
heathen superstitions and Christian doctrines with
Judaism. Hippolytus (Philosophumena, IX, 13-17)
tells us that under Callistus (217-222) a cunning in-
dividual called Alcibiades, a native of Apamea in
Syria, came to Rome, bringing a book which he said
had been received from Parthia by a just man named
Elchasai ('HXxcwal; but Epiphanius has *HX£a( and
'EXxeraubt; Methodius, 'EXxaraibs, and Origen,
'EXjcwcu'raf). The contents of the book had been re-
vealed by an angel ninety-six miles high, sixteen
miles broad, and twenty-four across the shoulders,
whose footprints were fourteen miles long and four
miles wide Dy two miles deep. This was the Son of
God, and He was accompanied by His Sister, the Holy
Ghost, of the same dimensions. Alcibiades an-
nounced that a new remission of sins had been pro-
claimed in the third year of Trajan (a. d. 1100), and he
described a baptism which should impart this forgive-
ness even to the grossest sinners. Harnack makes
him say "was proclaimed" instead of "has been pro-
claimed" (as if €tfa77eXar0$mi and not etonry«Ai*ftu),
and thus infers that a special year of remission is
spoken of as past once for all — that Alcibiades had
no reason for inventing this, so that Hilgenfeld was
right in holding that Elchasai really lived under Tra-
t'an, as Epiphanius supposed. If we put aside this
>lunder of Harnack's (and also his earlier odd conjec-
ture that the remission in the third year of Trajan
meant that the first two books of the Pastor of Her-
mas were published in that year), we see that the re-
mission offered is by the new baptism. Hippolytus
represents this doctrine as an improvement invented
by Alcibiades on the lax teaching of his enemy Cal-
listus. He does not perhaps expect us to take this
seriously — it is most likely ironical — but he seems to
regard Alcibiades as the author of the book. Origen,
writing somewhat later (c. 246-0), says the heresy
was quite new; he seems to have met with Alcibi-
ades, though he does not give his name. There is no
reason why we should dissent from these contempo-
rary witnesses, and we must place the first appearance
of the book of Elchasai c. 220. A century and a half
later, St. Epiphanius found it in use among the Samp-
sseans, descendants of the^earlier Elcesaites, and also
among the Ossseans, and many of the other Ebionite
communities. En-hedim, an Arabic writer, c. 987,
found a sect of Sabseans in the desert who counted El-
Chasaiach as their founder (Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier,
1856, 1, 112; II, 543, cited by Salmon).
According to Hippolytus the teaching of Alcibi-
ades was borrowed from various heresies. He taught
circumcision, that Christ was a man like others, that
he had many times been born on earth of a virgin,
that he devoted himself to astrology, magic, and in-
cantations. For all sins of impurity, even against
nature, a second baptism is enjoined " in the name of
the great and most nigh God and in the name of His
Son the great King", with an adjuration of the seven
witnesses written in the book, sky, water, the holy
spirits, the Angels of prayer, oil, salt, and earth. One
who has been bitten by a mad dog is to run to the
nearest water and jump in with all his clothes on, using
the foregoing formula, and promisingthe seven wit-
nesses that he will abstain from sin. The same treat-
ment— forty days consecutively of baptism in cold
water — is recommended for consumption and for the
possessed. Other Ebionites in Epiphanius's time
practised this treatment. That saint tells us that
mention was made in the book of Elchasai's brother,
Iexai, and that the heresiarch was a Jew of the time of
Trajan. Two of his descendants, two sisters, Mar- s
thus and Marthana, lived till the days of Epiphanius.
They were reverenced as goddesses and the dust of
their feet and their spittle were used to cure diseases.
This suggests that Elchasai was not a fictitious per-
sonage. He was presumably a primitive leader of an
Ebionite community, to whom Alcibiades ascribed his
own book. We learn further from Epiphanius that
the book condemned virginity and continence, and
made marriage obligatory. It permitted the worship
of idols to escape persecution, provided the act was
merely an external one, disowned in the heart.
Prayer was to be made not to the East, but always to- ,
wards Jerusalem. Yet all sacrifice was condemned,
with a denial that it had been offered by the patriarchs
or under the Law. The Prophets as well as the Apos-
tles were rejected, and of course St. Paul and all his
writings. It has been customary to find Elcesaite
doctrine in the Clementine " Homilies " and " Recogni-
tions", especially in the former. On the groundless-
ness of this see Clementines.
Hippolytus, Philosophumena, IX, 13-17; X, 29; Orxgen in
EuazBius, H. E.t VI, 38; Methodius, Conviv., VIIL 10;
Epiphanius, Hot., XIX and LIII, also XXX, 3, 17, 18. Thbo-
doret has simply used Epiphanius. See Hilgenfeld. N. T.,
extra canonem receptum (Leipiig, 1881), fasc. Ill: cf. also Id.,
Judentum und Christ entum (Leipzig, 1886) and the various
writers on the Pseudo-Clementine* , esp. Uhlhorn. A good ar-
ticle by Salmon is in Did. Christ. Biog., a. v. Elkeaoi; more re-
cent are Harnack, Oesch. der aUchr. Lit., I, 207; II, i, 267; II,
ii, 167; Bardenhewer. Oesch. der altkirchl. Lit., I, 300; Idem,
Shahan tr., Petrology (Freiburg im Br., 1908), 81.
John Chapman.
Elder, George, educator, b. 11 August, 1793, in
Kentucky, U. S. A.; d. 28 Sept.. 1838, at Bardstown.
His parents, James Elder and Ann Richards (a con-
vert), natives of Maryland, emigrated shortly after
their marriage to Hardin's Creek, in the present
Marion County, Kentucky, where George, the second
of their seven children was born. The Elaers enjoyed
a moderate competency and were full of zeal for their
Catholic Faith. George's early education devolved
mainly upon his father, who was well versed in the
Scriptures and thoroughly acquainted with the teach-
ing of the Church, which he frequently defended in
discussion and explained to converts who were pre-
paring for baptism. George Elder imbibed a love for
serious study, and in his sixteenth year he entered
Mount St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg, Maryland, to
pursue classical studies. Here he became the friend
of William Byrne (q. v.), afterwards founder of St.
Mary's College, Kentucky. Both studied theology in
St. Mary's Seminary. Baltimore, and were ordained
priests at Bardstown by Bishop David, 18 Sept., 1819.
In addition to the duties of an assistant at the cathe-
dral there, Father Elder was entrusted by Bishop
Flaget with the founding of a high-grade school or
college for lay students. This was, at first, a day
school and was taught in the basement of the theo-
logical seminary (erected in 1818). A separate build-
ing was erected in 1820-23. The college was then one
of the largest and best appointed educational struc-
tures in the entire West. The arrival, in 1825, of fifty
southern students was the beginning of the extensive
patronage the college received from the Southern
States, notably Louisiana and Mississippi, and which
continued down to the Civil War. In 1827 the Rev.
Ignatius A. Reynolds (afterwards Bishop of Charles-
ton) was appointed president and Father Elder was -
given charge of the congregation of St. Pius, in Scott
ELDXtt 3
County. Dr. Reynolds was transferred in 1830 to
pastoral work, and Father Elder again became presi-
dent, a position which he held until his death. He
frequently did duty in the cathedral and was one of the
editors of the Louisville " Catholic Advocate " news-
paper (founded in 1836), to which he contributed a
series of well-written articles on the education of chil-
dren and the obligations of parents in such matters.
"Letters to Brother Jonathan", half satirical, half
controversial, were also the product of his pen. His
sense of justice forced him, in spite of his characteris-
tic amiability, to prosecute a bigoted preacher,
Nathan L. Rice, for libelling, after the manner of
"MariaMonk",a worthy Kentucky priest, then absent
in Europe. Father Elder's last illness was brought on
by over-exertion and fatigue at the burning down (26
Jan., 1838) of the main college building.
Saldino, SktUKa of Early Calk. Mitnoni in Kentwku
(Louiavilla, 1844); Webb, Tne Centenary of Cnlhnliatu HI Km-
Iwtu (Louisville, 18S4': Shea, Ihtlory of Vis Cnthotie ChurrJi in
V. 8. {New York, 18901; J. L SilDIMO. L,le of ArcMnthop
Spalding (New York. 1873); Catholic Advocate (Loiiu villa, 1830-
7-8}. files.
P. M. J. Rock.
Wder, William Henry, third Bishop of Nat-
chez, Mississippi, U. S. A., and second Archbishop of
Cincinnati, b. in Baltimore, Maryland, 22 March, 1819;
J in Cincinnati,
ant of William
Elder, who had
England to Amer-
times; his mother,
Elisabeth Miles
(Snowden) Elder.
In 1831 he entered
Ht. St. Mary'* Col-
lege, Emmitsburg,
Maryland, then
presided over by
the Rev. John
Baptist Purcell,
who afterwards
became the second
Bishop, and later
the first Archbish-
op, of Cincinnati.
In 1842 he went
to Rome, to complete his theological studies at the
College of the Propaganda, where he received the
degree of Doctor of Divinity. He was ordained
firiest in Rome, 29 March, 1846, Returning to Mary-
arid, he became professor at Emmitsburg, which posi-
tion he held until he was appointed Bishop of Natchez,
for which he was consecrated in the cathedral of Balti-
more, by Archbishop Kenrick, 3 May, 1857. In 1864
he was brought into prominence by his refusal to obey
the order of the Federal troops at Natchez, to have cer-
tain prayers for the President of the United States
recited publicly in the churches of his diocese. He was
arrested, tried, and convicted; but the decision of the
military court was reversed at Washington. His de-
11 " ' ' ' " »-fever
lura, besides the building of numerous other religious
institutions, show how well Archbishop Elder over-
these difficulties. (See Cincinnati.)
Tcltaraph (Cinemas
Timothy J. Dkast.
W ihhm Bust Eldbd
ary, 1880, he was made titular Bishop of A vara and
transferred to Cincinnati, as coadjutor with the right
of succession to Archbishop Purcell, whom he suc-
ceeded 4 July, 18S3. Great financial difficulties
clouded the last years of Archbishop Purcell's life and
made the task of his successor a trying one. But the
reopening of the theological seminary, Ht. St. Mary's
rftheW - " ' " '"' "
_. (Heb. inbtt, God's help).— I. Elisabeth,
daughter of Aminadab and sister of Nahaeon, bore to
Aaron four sons, Nadab, Abiu, Eleazar, and Ithamar
(Ex., vi, 23), all of whom, with their father, "were
anointed . . . and consecrated, to do the functions
of priesthood" (Num., Hi, 2-3; Lev., viii, 1-13). As
Nadab and Abiu died without children, punished for
offering strange fire before the Lord (Lev., x, 1-7; I
Par., xriv, 1-2), "Eleazar and Ithamar performed the
priestly office^ in the presence of Aaron" (Num., iii, 4).
Thus entitled to succeed his father in the office of high-
priest, " Eleazar . . . took a wife of the daughters
of.Phutiel", and so became the father of Phinees (Ex.,
vi, 25). Prince of the princes of the Levites "that
watch for the guard of the sanctuary" (Num., iii, 32),
directing the sons of Caath when wrapping up "the
sanctuary and the vessels thereof at the removing of
the camp" (Num., iv 15-16), Eleazar was selected as
the suitable official, to whose charge pertaineth the
oil to dress the lamps, and the sweet incense, and the
sacrifice , . , and the oil of unction, and whatsoever
pertaineth to the service of the tabernacle, and of all
the vessels that are in the sanctuary" (Num., iv, 16).
At the very moment when his brothers were punished
"by fire coming out from the Lord", Eleazar, though
deeply affected by mental anguish, obeyed the order
of Hoses, and completed their unfinished sacrifice
S.ev., x, 1-20). Alter the terrible punishment in-
cted on the daring usurpers. Core, Dathan, and
Abiron, as if to make more evident his right to become
the high-priest, Eleazar, complying with orders, beat
into plates the still smoking censers used by these un-
fortunate rebels, and for a sign and a memorial, fas-
tened this metal to the altar (Num., xvi 1-40). Ap-
pointed to preside over the immolation of the red cow
(Num., xix, 1-10), Eleazar next appears, clothed with
the vesture of Aaron, and exercising the office of high-
priest (Num., xx, 22-29). Hence it is that we find
Eleazar associated with Moses, in numbering the chil-
dren of Israel after the slaughter of the twenty-four
thousand (Num., xxvi, 1-4), in settling the inheritance
ease presented by the daughters of Salphaad (Num.,
xxvii, 1-3), in distributing the spoils taken from the
Madianites (Num., up, 1-54), and, finally, in con-
sidering the request of Ruben and Gad for land east
of the Jordan (Num., xxxii, 1-5). To Eleazar, Josue,
the successor of Moses, is presented by the Jewish law-
giver himself (Num., xxvii, 12-23). On the list of
those appointed to divide among the Israelites the
lands west of the Jordan, the very first name is that
of Eleazar (Num., xxxiv, 16-19; Jos., xiv, 1-2; xix,
51), who was buried "in Gabaath, that belonged to
Phinees his son, which was given him in mount
Ephraim" (Jos., xxiv, 33). If we except the period
from Hell to Solomon, during which the descendants
of Ithamar exercised the office of high-priest (I Kings,
li, 30-36; III Kings, ii, 26-27), those holding this most
sacred calling, down to the time of the Machabeee, be-
longed to the family of Eleazar (Ex., vi, 25).
II. Eleazar, sumamed Aharon, was the fourth son
ofMatbathias(IMach.,ii,l-5). With some probability,
he is identified with the Esdras who before the battle
with Nicanor read the Holy Book to the Jewish
rriors (II Mach., viii, 22-24). In the engagement
Bethsacharam, he displayed marvellous courage
in attacking and killing the elephant, on which it
seemed to aim that the king [Antiochus Eupator]
was". Crushed to death beneath the dying ele-
phant, Eleazar " exposed himself to deliver his people
ELECT 374 KLEOTIOH
■
and to get himself an everlasting name". (IMach.,vi, to mere membership, or to a more exalted degree.
17-46.) This distinction is important ; if the word implies mere
III. Eleazar, a scribe and doctor of the law, membership in the Church Triumphant, then the
though ninety years of age, bravely preferred to die chosen ones, or those who will be saved, are few, and
a most glorious death than to purchase a hateful life the non-members in the Church Triumphant are many ;
by violating the law which forbade to the Israelite the if the word denotes a special degree ol glory, then few
use of swine's flesh. His friends, " moved with wicked will attain this rank, and many will fail to do so,
pity'*, were willing to substitute lawful flesh, that though many are called to it. The sentence "many
Eleazar, feigning to have eaten the forbidden meat, are called, but few chosen" does not, therefore, settle
might be delivered from death. But, considering "the the auestion as to the relative number of the elect and
dignity of his age . • . and the inbred honour of his the lost; theologians are divided on this point, and
grey head", Eleazar spurned this well-meant proposal, while Christ in the Gospels urges the importance of
which if accepted, though securing his deliverance saving one's soul (Luke, xiii, 23, 24), he alternately so
from punishment, might scandalize many young per- strengthens our hope and excites our fear as not to
sons, and could not deliver from the hand of the Al- leave us any solid ground for either presumption or
mighty. Having thus changed into rage the rejected despair.
rpathy of his friends, the holy man bravely en- LB»irai i in Did. de la Bible (Paris. 1899), II, 1708 sqq.;
rfhis ^eltorture Probably at AntioA, during &™£j^iJ&B^Zj^^JiJ&™
the reign of AntlOChus IV Epiphanes. (II Mach., VI, 178, 247: Monbabr*. Conferences de Notre-Dame (1899), Con
18-31 ; I Mach., i, 57-63.) formoe VI.
Palis and Levesque in Via., Diet, de la BibU (Paria, 1898); A. J. MAA8.
Allen in Hast., Diet, of the BxbU (New Y»rk, 1898); Gxoot,
Outlines of Jewish History (New York, 1905). waj/Tx»^* i • Ai_ # %,
D. P. Duffy. Election (Lat. electio, from eligere, to choose from).
— This subject will be treated under the following
Elect denotes in general one chosen or taken by heads: I. Juridical Concept; II. Electors: IIL
preference from among two or more; as a theological Persons Eligible: IV. The Act of Electing: Forms
term it is equivalent to " chosen as the object of mercy and Methods; V. After Election; VI. Elections
or Divine favour, as set apart for eternal life11. In Now in Use.
order to determine the meaning of the word more accu- I. Juridical Concept. — In its broadest sense elec-
rateiy, we shall have to study its usage both in the Old tion means a choice among many persons, things, or
Testament and the New. sides to be taken. In the stricter juridical sense it
I. The Old Testament applies the term elect, or means the choice of one person among many for a
chosen, only to the Israelites in as far as they are called definite charge or function. If we confine ourselves to
to be the people of God, or are faithful to their Divine ecclesiastical law, canonical election, in a broad sense,
call. The idea of such an election is common in the would be any designation of a person to an ecclesias-
Book of Deuteronomy and in Is., xMxvi. In Ps. civ, tfcal charge or function ; thus understood it includes
6 and 43, and cv, 5, the chosen ones are the Hebrew various modes: postulation, presentation, nomination,
people in as far as it is the recipient of God's temporal recommendation, request or petition, and, finally, free
and spiritual blessings; in Is., lxv, 9, 15, and 23, they collation. In a narrower sense, election is the canoni-
are the repentant Israelites, as few in number " as if a cal appointment, bv legitimate electors, of a fit person
grain be found in a cluster" (ibid., 8) ; in Tob., xiii, 10, to an ecclesiastical office. Its effect is to confer on
they are the Israelites remaining faithful during their the person thus elected an actual right to the benefice
captivity; in Wisd., iii, 9, and iv, 15, they are God's or cnarge, independently of the confirmation or colla-
true servants; in Ecclus., xxiv, 4, 13, and xlvi, 2, these tion ulteriorly necessary. Hence it is easily distin-
servants of God belong to the chosen people. guished from the aforesaid modes that only in a broad
II. The New Testament transfers (excepting per- sense can be termed election.
haps in Acts, xiii, 17) the meaning of the term from its (a) Postulation differs canonically from election,
connexion with the people of Israel to the members of not as regards the electors, but as regards the person
the Church of Christ, either militant on earth or trium- elected, the latter being juridically ineligible on ac-
phant in heaven. Thus I Pet., i, 1, speaks of the elect count of an impediment from which the superior is
among the " strangers dispersed ' ' through the various asked to dispense him. For instance, if in an episcopal
parts of the world ; I Pet., ii, 9, represents them as " a election the canons designate the bishop of another
chosen generation, a kingly priesthood, a holy nation, see, or a priest under thirty years of age, or one of
a purchased people", called from darkness into God's illegitimate birth, etc., no actual right would be con-
marvellous light. St. Paul, too, speaks of the elect ferred on such a person, and the ecclesiastical superior
(Rom., viii, 33) and describes the five degrees of their would be in no wise bound to recognize such action;
election: they are foreknown, predestined, called, hence the electors are then said to postulate their can-
justified, and glorified (loc. cit., 29, 30). He returns to didate, this postulation being a matter of favour
the idea again and again: II These., ii, 12 sq. ; Col., iii, (gratia), not of justice, (b) Presentation, on the con-
12 ; Tit., i, 1, 2 ; II Tim., ii, 10. St. John gives the title trary, differs from election not in respect to the person
of elect to those who fight on the side of the Lamb elected but to the electors ; it is the exercise of the right
against the powers of darkness (Apoc, xvii, 14). t Ac- of patronage, and the patron may be a layman, where-
cording to St. Luke (xviii, 7), God hears the cries of as the electors to ecclesiastical dignities must be clerics,
his elect for vengeance; according to the first two In both cases the right of the candidate is the same
Evangelists he will shorten the last days for the sake of (jus ad rem) ; but while an election calls for canonical
the elect (Matt., xxiv, 22, 24, 31 ; Mark, xiii, 20, 22, 27). confirmation, presentation by a patron leads to canon-
If it be asked why the name elect was given to the ical institution by a competent prelate. Moreover,
members of the Church Militant, we may assign a when the right of patronage belongs to a moral body,
double reason: first, they were freely chosen by God's e. g. a chapter or an entire congregation, presentation
goodness (Rom., xi, 5-7, 28); secondly, they must may have to follow along the lines of election. Though
snow in their conduct that they are choice men (Ephes., frequently called nomination, the designation of
iv, 17). In the sentence "many are called, but few bishops and beneficed clergy by the civil authority in
are chosen", the latter expression renders a word in the virtue of concordats is in reality presentation, and
Greek and Latin text which is elsewhere translated by results in canonical institution, (c) Correctly speak-
elect (Matt., xx, 16 ; xxii, 14). It is agreed on all sides ing, nomination is the canonical act by which the eleo-
that the term refers to members of the Church Trium- tors propose several fit persons to the free choice of
phant, but there is some doubt as to whether it refers the superior. The role of electors in nomination is
BLEOTIOH 375 ELECTION
the same as in election properly bo called; as election, election, but exception may be taken to them, and
however, can fall only on one person, so nomination their exclusion must follow; if, after such exception,
cannot confer on several a real right to a benefice — they cast a vote, it must be considered null. Apart
rather, their right is real inasmuch as it excludes third from censures incurred, privation of an active share
parties, though none of them possesses the jus ad rem m elections occurs frequently in the ecclesiastical law
(c. Quod sicut, xxviii, De elect., lib. I, tit. vi). (d) affecting regulars; in common law and for the secular
Recommendation is the name applied to the desig- clergy, it exists in only three cases: Electors lose the
nation
nor
chiefly ,% _m , ^
differs from election and nomination in that the bishop of an abusive intervention of the civil authority (c.
or members of the clergy do not act as electors : hence xliii, h. t.) ; finally, when it has not been made within
the persons designateddo not acquire any real right, the required time. In all these cases the election de-
the Holy See remaining perfectly free to make a choice volves upon the superior (c. xli, h. t.).
outside of the list proposed, (e) Still further removed in. Persons Eligible. — Those persons are eli-
from election is simple request, or petition, by which g^ble who meet the requirements of common ecclesias-
the clergy or people of a diocese beg the pope to grant tical law, or special statutes, for the charge or function
them the prelate they desire. The authors of this in question; hence, for each election it is necessary to
petition, not being properly qualified; as in the case of ascertain what is required of the candidate. In gen-
recommendation, to make known then* appreciation of eral, for all kinds of elections, the necessary qualifica-
the candidate, it is needless to say the latter acquires tions are mature age, moral integrity, and adequate
no right whatsoever from the fact of this request. (0 knowledge (c. vii, h. t.) ; for each charge or function de-
Finauy, free collation is the choice of the person by the pendent on an election these conditions are defined with
superior who confers canonical institution; it is the more precision and fullness. Thus, neither a layman
method most in use for appointment to inferior bene- nor an ecclesiastic who is not yet a subdeacon can be
fices, and the practical rule for the filling of episcopal elected bishop; and no regular can be elected superior,
sees, apart from some well-known exceptions. Evi- etc., unless he has made his final profession. Some
dently, where free collation obtains, election, properly of the aforesaid requirements are easily verified, e. g.
so called, is excluded. the proper age, adequate knowledge, the latter being
II. Electors. — Electors are those who are called by presumable when the law formally exacts an academic
ecclesiastical law or statute to constitute an electoral degree (Council of Trent, Sess. XXII, c. ii. De ref .) :
college, i. e. to designate the person of their choice, others, especially an upright life, must usually depend
and who have the qualifications required for the on negative evidence, i. e. on the absence of proof to
exercise of their right to vote. The law appoints the contrary, such proof being positive offences, par-
competent electors for each kind of election: cardinals ticularly when they have seriously impaired the rep-
for the election of a pope; the cathedral chapter for utation of the person in question or called for canoni-
the election of a bishop or a vicar capitular: and the cal punishment. It is principally candidates of cen-
various chapters of their order, etc. for the election of surable morality who are termed unworthy; the sacred
regular prelates. In general, election belongs, strictly canons constantly repeat that the unworthy must be
speaking, to the college, i. e. the body, of which the set aside. Such unworthy persons are: (1) all out-
person elected will become the superior or prelate: side the Church, viz. infidels, heretics, and schis-
li this college have a legal existence, like a cathedral matics; (2) all who have been guilty of great crimes
chapter, it can exercise its right as long as it exists, (crimina majora)t viz. the sacrilegious, forgers, per-
even if reduced to a single member, though, of course, iurers. sodomites, and simoniacs: (3) all whom law or
such a one could not elect himself. Electors called fact, tor whatever reason, has branded as infamous
upon to give a prelate to the Church must be ecclesias- (infamid juris aui fadi) ; (4) all under censure (ex-
tics. Hence laymen are excluded from all partici- communication, suspension, interdict), unless said
pation in a canonical election; it would be invalid, not censure be occult; (5) all whom an irregularity, par-
only if made by them exclusively (c. iii, h. t.), but ticularly a penal one (ex crimine), debars from receiv-
even if they only co-operate with ecclesiastics, every ing or exercising Holy orders. Those also are ex-
This is well exemplified in the cathedral chapter, all of already been rejected as unworthy (c. xii, h. t.), and
whose canons, and they alone, are episcopal electors, all who have consented to be elected through the
Other ecclesiastics have no right to associate with the abusive intervention of lay authority (c. xliii, h. t.).
chapter in the election of a bishop, unless (a) they are There are other cases in which regulars cease to be
in full possession of this right and it is proved by long eligible. The legislation here described was meant
prescription; (b) hold a pontifical privilege, or (c) can for the episcopal elections of the thirteenth century
show a right resultant from the foundation of the and aims at abuses now impossible,
chapter or the church in question. To exercise their IV. The Act of Election: Forms and Methods.
right, the electors, whoever they may be, must be full — In this matter, even more than in the preceding par-
members of the body to which they belong, and must, agraphs, we must consider special laws and statutes.
moreover, be in a condition to perform a juridical. Strictly speaking, the common ecclesiastical law,
human act. Hence natural law excludes the demented which dates from the thirteenth-century Decretals,
and those who have not reached the age of puberty; considers only episcopal elections (lib. I, tit. vi, De
ecclesiastical law debars (1) canons who have not electione et electi potest ate; and in VI°). Since an
attained full membership in the chapter, i. e. who are election is held to appoint to a church or an eccle-
not yet subdeacons (Council of Trent, Sess. XXII, civ, siatical charge or office that is vacant, it is obvious
De ref.), and (2) religious who have not made their pro- that the first condition requisite for an election is
fession. Moreover, in punishment of certain offences, precisely the vacancy of said church, charge, or of-
some electors may have forfeited their right to elect, nee, in consequence of death, transfer, resignation, or
either for once or permanently, e. g. those excom- deposition; any election made with a view to filling
municated by name, those suspended, or those placed an office not yet vacant is a canonical offence. When
under interdict. The Constitution of Martin V, "Ad an election becomes necessary, the first step is to con-
evitanda scandala", permits the excommunicated voke the electoral assembly in some specified place,
known as tolerati (tolerated) to take part in an and for a certain day within the legal time-limit. The
ELECTION
376
ELECTION
place is ordinarily the vacant church or, if it be ques-
tion of an election in a chapter, wherever the delibera-
tions of the chapter are usually held. The time-limit
set by common ecclesiastical law is three months,
after the lapse of which the election devolves upon
the immediate superior (c. xli, h. t.). In an electoral
college, the duty of convoking the members belongs
to the superior or president ; m a chapter this would
be the highest dignitary. He must issue an effectual
summons, for which no special form is prescribed, to
all the electors without exception, whetner present in
the locality or absent, unless, however, they be too far
away. The distance considered as constituting a
legitimate excuse for absence (see c. xviii, h. t.) should
be more narrowly interpreted to-day than in the thii*
teenth century. It is unnecessary to convoke electors
publicly known to be incompetent to exercise their
electoral right, e. g. canons excommunicated by name
or not yet subdeacons. So binding is this convocation
that if even one elector be not summoned he can, in
all justice, enter a complaint against the election,
though the latter is not ipso facto null by reason of
such absence. Such an election will stand provided
the unsummoned elector abides by the choice of his
colleagues or abandons his complaint. As no one is
bound to use a right, common law does not oblige an
elector to attend the assembly and take part in the
voting; the absent are not taken into consideration.
As a general rule the absent cannot be represented or
vote l>y proxy unless, according to the chapter
"Quia propter" (xlii, h. t., Lateran Council, 1215),
they are at a great distance and can prove a legitimate
hindrance. Moreover, they can choose as proxy only
a member of the assembly, but they can commission
him to vote either for a particular person or for whom-
soever he himself may deem most worthy.
On the appointed day the president opens the elec-
toral assembly. Though the common law requires no
preliminary solemnities, such are frequently imposed
by special statute, e. g. the Mass of the Holy Ghost,
which should be attended by all the assembled electors
and those not prevented from assisting; also the re-
cital of certain prayers. Moreover, the electors are
often obliged previously to promise under oath that
they will conscientiously vote for the most worthy.
However, apart from such oath, their obligation is
none the less absolute and serious. These prelimi-
naries over, the electoral assembly proceeds, if neces-
sary, to verify the credentials of certain electors, e. g.
those who act as delegates, as happens in the general
chapters of religious congregations. Then follows
the discussion of the merits (txtuli) of the candidates.
The latter need not have previously made known
their candidacy, though they may do so. The elec-
tors, nevertheless, have all freedom to propose and
sustain the candidates of their choice. Frank and
fair discussion of the merits of candidates, far from
being forbidden, is perfectly conformable to the law,
because it tends to enlighten the electors; indeed,
some maintain that an election made without such a
discussion would be null or could be annulled (Mat-
thseucci, in Ferraris, "Bibliotheca", s. v. "Electio",
art. iv, n. 5). It is more accurate to say that the elec-
tion would be vitiated if the presiding officer were to
oppose this discussion for the purpose of influencing
votes. However, though the law strictly prohibits
cabals and secret negotiations in the interest of cer-
tain candidates, the line between illicit manoeuvring
and permissible negotiating is in practice not always
easily recognizable. [See the Constitution "Eccfe-
sue''of Innocent XII (22 Sept., 1695), on the elec-
tions of regulars (in Ferraris, art. iii, no. 26), also the
regulations that govern a conclave (q.v.) J
The discussion concluded, voting begins. Actually
there is only one customary method, i. e. secret voting
(scrutinium secretum) by written ballots. The com-
mon ecclesiastical law (c. Quia propter, xlii, h. t.,
Lateran Council, 1215) admits only three1 modes of
election: the normal or regular method by ballot, and
two exceptional modes, namely, compromise and
quasi-inspiration. Recourse to lots is especially
prohibited ; nevertheless, the Sacred Congregation of
the Council (Romana, Electionis, 2 May, 1857) rati-
fied an election where the chapter, equally divided
between two candidates in other respects fit, had
drawn lots; just about as was done for the Apostolic
election of St. Matthias. As to the two exceptional
methods: (1) Election by a uasi- inspiration takes
place when the electors greet the name of a candidate
with enthusiasm and acclamation, in which event the
ballot is omitted as useless since its result is known in
advance, and the candidate in question is proclaimed
elected. However, modern custom in this matter
differs from ancient habits, and it is wiser, even in the
case of such apparent unanimity, to proceed by bal-
lot. (2) Compromise occurs when all the electors
confide the election to one or several specified persons,
either members of the electoral college or strangers,
and ratify in advance the choice. made by such arbi-
trator or arbitrators. Formerly this exceptional
method was often resorted to, either to terminate long
and fruitless sessions, or when there was a lack of ex-
act information concerning the candidates; it is mi-
nutely regulated by the law of the Decretals. The com-
promise must be agreed to by all the electors without
exception, and can be confided to ecclesiastics only.
It may be absolute, i. e. leaving the arbitrators quite
free, or conditional, i. e. accompanied by certain
reservations concerning the manner of election, the
persons to be elected, the time-limit within which the
election should be held, and so on.
The normal or regular method by ballot, according
to the law of the Decretals was necessarily neither
secret nor written. The law "Quia propter" (see
above) merely calls for the choice of three trust-
worthy scrutineers from among the electors. These
were charged with collecting secretly (in a whisper)
and in succession the votes of ail : the result was then
drawn up in writing and made public. The candidate
who had obtained the votes of the more numerous or
sounder party (major vel sanior pars) of the chapter
was declared elected. However, this appreciation,
not only of the number but also of the value of the
votes, led to endless discussions, it being necessary to
compare not only the number of votes obtained, but
also the merits of the electors and their zeal, i. e. the
honesty of their intentions. It was presumed, of
course, that the majority was also the sounder party,
but proof to the contrary was admitted (c. lvii, n. t.).
The use of the secret ana written ballot has long since
remedied these difficulties. If the Council of Trent
did not modify on this point the existing law, at least
it exacted the secret ballot for the elections of regu-
lars (Sess. XXV, c. vi, De regul.). According to this
method the scrutineers silently collect the ballots of
the electors present; when occasion requires it, certain
members are delegated to collect the votes of sick
electors beneath the same roof (e. g. at a conclave or
at one of the regular chapters) or even in the city (for
cathedral chapters), if the statutes so prescribe. This
accomplished, the scrutineers count the number of
ballots collected, and if, as should be, they tally with
the number of electors, the same officers proceed to
declare the result. Each ballot is in turn opened, and
one of the scrutineers proclaims the name inscribed
thereon, then passes it to the second scrutineer for
registration, while the third, or secretary, adds up the
total number of votes obtained by each candidate.
As a general rule, election is assured to the candidate
who obtains the majority of votes, i. e. an absolute,
not merely a relative, majority; however, certain
statutes require, e. g. in a conclave, a majority.of two-
thirds. Wnen the electors are odd in number, a gain
of one vote ensures the majority; if the number be
ELECTION
377
ELECTION
even, it reauires two votes. In calculating the ma-
jority, neither absent electors nor blank ballots are
taken into account; whoever casts a blank vote is
held to have forfeited his electoral right for that bal-
lot. If no candidate obtains an absolute majority,
balloting is recommenced, and so on until a definitive
vote is reached. However, not to prolong useless
balloting, special statutes can prescribe, and in fact
have provided, various solutions, e. g. that after three
round* of fruitless balloting the election shall devolve
upon the superior; or again, that in the third round
the electors can vote only between the two most fa-
voured candidates; or, finally, that in the fourth round
a relative majority shall suffice (Rules of the Sacred
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars for congrega-
tions of women under simple vows, art. ccxxxiii sq.).
Other special regulations provide ior the case of two
candidates receiving the same number of votes (the
voters being of even number), in which event the elec-
tion is decided in favour of the senior (by age, ordina-
tion, or religious profession) ; sometimes the deciding <
vote is assigned to the presiding officer. For all these
details it is necessary to know and observe the special
legislation that covers them.
yVhen the final vote is obtained, whatever its char-
acter, it should be made public, i. e. officially com-
municated to the electoral assembly by the presiding
officer. The decree of election is then drawn up; in
other words, the document which verifies the voting
and the election. The role of the electoral college
thus fulfilled, the election is closed.
The principal duty of an elector is to vote according
to his conscience, without allowing himself to be actu-
ated by human or selfish motives, i. e., he must vote
for him whom he deems the most worthy and best
qualified among the persons fit for the office in ques-
tion. External law can scarcely go farther, but mor-
alists rightly declare guilty of mortal sin the elector
who, against his conscience, casts his vote for one who
is unworthy. In order, however, to fulfil his duty,
the elector has a right to be entirely free and uninflu-
enced by the dread of any unjust annoyance (vexatio)
which might affect his vote, whether such annoyance
be in its source civil or ecclesiastical (cc. xiv ana xliii,
h. t.).
V. After Election. — We are confronted here by-
two hypotheses: either an election is or is not dis-
puted. An election may be disputed by whoever is
interested in it, in which case the question of its valid-
ity is referred to the superior, in accordance with the
same rule as for judicial appeals. Now, an election
may be defective in three ways, i. e. as to the electors,
the person elected, or the mode of election. The de-
fect concerns the electors if, through culpable neglect,
one or more of those who have a right to participate in
the election are not summoned; or if laymen, excom-
municates vitandi, or unauthorized ecclesiastics are
admitted as electors. The defect lies with the person
elected if it can be proved that he was not fit (idoncwt),
in which case he may be postulated, or that he was
positively unworthy, in which event the election is
invalid. Finally, the defect concerns the form or
mode of election when the legal prescriptions relative
to balloting or compromise have not been observed.
The challenged election, with proofs of its imperfec-
tion, is judged canonicallv by the proper ecclesiastical
superior. If the alleged defect is not proven, the elec-
tion is sustained ; if it be proven, the judge declares it,
whereupon the law provides the following sanctions:
An election made by laymen, or with their assistance,
is invalid (c. lvi, h. t.); the one at which an excom-
municated person has been admitted to vote, as also
that to which an elector has not been invited, must be
closely investigated, but is not to be annulled unless
the absence of the excommunicated person, or the
presence of the unsummoned elector might have given
a different turn to the vote. The election of a person
who is not unworthy, but simply the victim of an im-
pediment, may be treated ind ulgently ; that of an un-
worthy person is to be annulled, while the electors
who, knowing him to be such, nevertheless elected
him, are deprived for that time of the right to vote and
are suspended for three years from the benefices they
hold in the vacant church in question. Finally, the
election wherein the prescribed form has not been ob-
served must be annulled. In all of these cases the
right to elect (bishops) devolves upon the Holy See
(Boniface VIII. c. xviii,4i. t., in VI°) ; the only case in
which it devolves upon the immediate superior is
when the election has not been made within the pre-
scribed time-limit.
If, on the contrary, the election meets with no oppo-
sition the first duty of the presiding officer of the elec-
toral college is to notify the person elected that choice
is made of his person. If he be present, e. g. in the
elections of regulars, the notification takes place im-
mediately: if he be absent, the decree of election must
be forwarded to him within eight days, barring legiti-
mate hindrance. On his side, the person elected is
allowed a month within which to make known his ac-
ceptance or refusal, the month dating from the time of
receiving the decree of election or the permission of the
superior when such is obligatory. If the person
elected refuses the honour conferred upon him, the
electoral college is summoned to proceed with a new
election, under the same conditions as the first time
and within a month. If he accepts, it is his right as
well as his duty to demand from the superior the con-
firmation of his election within the peremptory limit
of three months (c. vi, h. t., in VI0); but if, without
legitimate hindrance, he allows this time to pass un-
used, the election has lapsed. From the moment of
his acceptance, the person elected acquires a real,
though still incomplete, right to the benefice or charge,
the jus ad rem to be completed and transformed into
full right (jus in re) by the confirmation of the election;
it is his privilege to exact this confirmation from the
superior, just as it is the latter 's duty to give it, except
in the event of unworthiness, of which fact the supe-
rior remains judge. However, until the person elected
has received this confirmation, he cannot take advan-
tage of his still incomplete right to interfere in any
way whatever in the administration of his benefice,
the punishment being the invalidity of all administra-
tive acts thus accomplished and privation of the bene-
fice itself. The ecclesiastical legislation on this point
is very severe, but it concerns episcopal sees only. In
the time of Innocent III (1198-1216) those elected to
an ordinary episcopal see had to seek the confirmation
of their election from the metropolitan only. Bishops
outside of Italy who had to obtain from Rome the con-
firmation of their election (metropolitans, or bishops
immediately subject to the Holy See) were authorized
(c. xliv, h. t.), in cases of necessity, to enter at once on
the administration of their churches, provided their
election had aroused no opposition; meanwhile the
confirmation proceedings went their ordinary course
at Rome.
At the Second Council of Lyons, in 1274 (c. Avari-
tise, v, h. t., in VI0), elected persons were forbidden,
under penalty of deprivation of their dignity, to med-
dle in tne administration of their benefice by assuming
the title of administrator, procurator, or tne like. A
little later, Boniface VIII (Extrav., Injuncts, i, h. t.)
established the rule still in force for entering on pos-
session of major benefices and episcopal sees, accord-
ins to which the person elected must not be received
unless he present to the provisional administrators the
Apostolical Letters of nis election, promotion, and
confirmation. The Council of Trent having estab-
lished the vicar capitular as provisional administrator
of the diocese during the vacancy of the see, it became
necessary to prohibit elected persons from entering on
the administration of their future dioceses in the ca-
tLECTlON gfr tLtUTHKMtfS
pacity of vicars capitular. This was done by Pius IX Sess. XXIII, c. xviii, De ref .), or in bestowing on some
in the Constitution "Romanus Pontifex" (28 August, of its members various capitulary offices, or inalr^g
1873), which recalls and renews the measure taken by other such designations. The same is true of other
Boniface VIII. In this Constitution the pope de- ecclesiastical groups, e. g. the chapters of collegiate
clares that the law " Avaritise" of the aforesaid Coun- churches, etc., also 01 confraternities and other associa-
cil of Lyons applies not only to bishops elected by tions recognized by ecclesiastical authority. In the
chapters, but also to candidates named and presented latter cases, however, there is no election in the
by heads of states in virtue of concordats. He rules strictly canonical sense .of the term.
that chapters can neither appoint temporarily vicars _ See Commentaries on the Corpus Juris Canonxci at the title
caoitular nor revoke their appointment. He also for- &£*"#£* JS?^(&&£ *&& 1S2J5S2"
bids them to designate as suctt persons nominated by Prompta Bibliothem, a. v. Electio) Pammini, De dJtiontcS^
the civil power, or otherwise elected to a vacant »«** (Cologne, 1661).
church. Offences against this law are severely pun- A. Boudinhon.
ished, by excommunication specially reserved to the Election, CAPrnTLAiroNa of. See Capitulations,
pope and by privation of the revenues of their bene- Episcopal and Pontifical.
fices for those dignitaries and canons who turn oyer Election, Papal. See Papal Election.
the administration of their church to a person elected w\^imM a ^ -r.
or nominated. The same penalties are pronounced 5fii0/L See Kyrie Eleison.
Xinst said elected or nominated persons, and against Eleutheriui (Eleuthebos), Saint, Pope (c. 174-
who give them aid, counsel, or countenance. IS9). The Liber Pontificalis sayB that he was a.na-
Moreover, the person elected or nominated forfeits all t*ve °f Nicopolis, Greece. From his contemporary
acquired right to the benefice, while all acts performed Hegesippus we learn that he was a deacon of the
during his illegitimate administration are declared Roman Church under Pope Anicetus(c. 164-164), and
invalid. evidently remained so under St. Soter, the following
We may now return to the confirmation of the elec- pope, whom he succeeded about 174. While the
tion according to the law of the Decretals. It be- condition of Christians under Marcus Aurelius Was
longed to the immediate superior. It was his duty to distressing in various parts of the empire, the perse-
extinguish all opposition by summoning the elected cution in Rome itself a does not seem to have been
person to defend himself. Even if there were no op- violent. De Rossi, it is true, dates the martyrdom of
position the superior was bound to summon, by a gen- St. Cecilia towards the end of this emperor'B reign;
eral edict posted on the door of the vacant church, all this date, however, is by no means certain. During
who might possibly dispute the election to appear the reign of Commodus (180-192) the Christians en-
within a fixed period; all this under penalty of the joyed a practically unbroken peace, although the mar-
nullity of subsequent confirmation (c. xlvii, h. t., in tyrdom of St. Appollonius at Home took place at this
VI°). The superior had to examine carefully both time (18CM85). The Montanist movement, that
the election and the person of the one elected, in order originated in Asia Minor, made its wav to Rome and
to satisfy himself that everything was conformable to Gaul in the second half of the second century, more
law; if his investigation proved favourable he gave particularly about the reign of Eleutherius; its pecu-
the requisite confirmation whereby the elected person liar nature made it difficult to take from the outset a
became definitively prelate of his church and received decisive stand against it (see Montanism). During
full jurisdiction. While the law did not bind the su- the violent persecution at Lyons, in 177. local confes-
gerior to any strict time-limit for the granting of con- sors wrote'from their prison concerning tne new move-
rmation, it authorized the elected person to complain ment to the Asiatic and Phrygian brethren, also to
if the delay were excessive. All this legislation, espe- Pope Eleutherius. The bearer of their letter to the
cially elaborated for episcopal elections, is now no P°pe was the presbyter Irenssus, soon afterwards
longer applicable to them; however, it is still in force Bishop of Lyons. It appears from statements of
for inferior benefices, e. g. canonries, when they are Eusebius concerning these letters that the faithful of
conferred by way of election. Lyons, though opposed to the Montanist movement,
VI. Elections Now in Use. — Election, considered advocated forbearance and pleaded for the preserva-
as the choice made by a college of its future prelate, is tion of ecclesiastical unity.
verified first of all in the designation of a pope by the Just when the Roman Church took its definite
cardinals (see Conclave). The election of bishops by stand against Montanism is not certainly known. It
chapters is still, theoretically, the common rule, but would seem from Tertullian's account (Adv. Praxeam,
the general reservation formulated in the second rule I) that a Roman bishop did at one time address to the
of the Apostolic Chancery has suppressed in practice Montanists some conciliatory letters, but these letters,
the application of this law; episcopal elections, in the says Tertullian, were recalled. He probably refers to
strict sense of the word, occur now in only a small Pope Eleutherius, who long hesitated, but, after a con-
number of sees (see Bishop). Finally, the prelates of scientious and thorough study of the situation, is sup
regulars are normally appointed by election; the same posed to have declared against the Montanists. At
is true of abbesses. (See the Council of Trent, Sess. Home heretical Gnostics and Marcionites continued to
XXV, c. vi, De regul.) The common ecclesiastical propagate their false teachings. The " Liber Pontifi-
law provides for no other elections. There are, how- calis " ascribes to Pope Eleutherius a decree that no
ever, other ecclesiastical elections that do not concern kind of food should be despised by Christians (Et
real prelates. Religious communities of men and hoc iterum firmavit ut nulla esca a Christianis repudi-
women under simple vows proceed by election in the aretur, maxime fidelibus, quod Deus creavit, qu»
choice of superiors, superiors general, assistants gen- tamen rationalis et humana est). Possibly he did
eral, and usually the members of the general councils, issue such an edict against the Gnostics and Montan-
In cathedral churches it is by election that, on occa- ists; it is also possible that on his own responsibility
sion of the vacancy of a see, the chapter appoints the the writer of tne "Liber Pontificalis'1 attributed to
vicar capitular (Council of Trent, Sess. XXlV, c. xvi, this pope a similar decree current about the year 500.
De ref.). It is also according to the canonical form of The same writer is responsible for a curious and inter-
election that colleges, especially chapters, proceed in eating assertion concerning the early missionary ac-
appointing persons, e. g., to dignities and canonries, tivity of the Roman Church; indeed, the "Liber ron-
when such appointment belongs to the chapter; to in- tificalis" contains no other statement equally remark-
ferior benefices to which the chapter has a right to able. Pope Eleutherius, says this writer, received from
nominate or present; again in tne appointment of Lucius, a British king, a letter in which the latter de-
delegates on seminary commissions (Council of Trent, clared that by his behest he wishes to become a Chris-
ELEUTHERIUS
379
ELEUTHEBIUS
tian (Hie accepit epistula a Lucio Brittanio rege, ut
Christianus efficeretur per ejus mandatum). Whence
the author of the first part of the " Liber Pontificalia "
drew this information, it is now impossible to say.
Historically speaking, the fact is quite improbable,
and is rejected by all recent critics.
As at the end of the second century the Roman
administration was so securely established in Britain,
there could no longer have Deen in the island any
real native kings. That some tribal chief, known as
king, should have applied to the Roman bishop for
instruction in the Christian faith seems improbable
enough at that period. The unsupported assertion of
the "Liber Pontificalis", a compilation of papal biog-
raphies that in its earliest form cannot antedate the
first auarter of the sixth century, is not a sufficient
basis for the acceptance of this statement. By some
it is considered a story intended to demonstrate the
Roman origin of the British Church, and consequently
the latter's natural subjection to Rome. To make
this clearer they locate the origin of the legend in the
course of the seventh century, during the dissensions
between the primitive British Church and the Anglo-
Saxon Church recently established from Rome. But
for this hypothesis all proof is lacking. It falls before
the simple fact that the first part of the " Liber Ponti-
ficalis" was compiled long before these dissensions,
most probably (Duchesne) by a Roman cleric in the
reign of Pope Boniface II (530-532), or (Waits and
Mommsen) early in the seventh century. Moreover,
during the entire conflict that centred around the
peculiar customs of the Early British Church no refer-
ence is ever made to this alleged King Lucius. Saint
Bede is the first English writer (673-735) to mention
the story repeatedly (Hist. Eccl., I. V; V, 24, De
temporum ratione, ad an. 161), and ne took it, not
from native sources, but from the " Liber Pontificalis "•
Harnack suggests a more plausible theory (Sitzungs-
berichte derBerliner Akademie, 1904, I, 906-916).
In the document, he holds, from which the compiler of
the "Liber Pontificalis" drew his information the
name found was not Britanio, but Britio, Now this is
the name (Birtha- Britium) of the fortress of Edessa.
The kins in question is, therefore, Lucius JSlius Sep-
timius Megas Abgar IX, of Edessa, a Christian king, as
is well known. The original statement of the " Liber
Pontificalis ", in this hypothesis, had nothing to do
with Britain. The reference was to Abgar IX of
Edessa. But the compiler of the " Liber Pontificalis "
changed Britio to Brittanio, and in this way made a
British kins of the Syrian Lucius.
The ninth-century "Historia Brittonum" sees in
Lucius a translation of the Celtio name Llever Maur
(Great Light), says that the envoys of Lucius were
Fagan anaWervan, and tells us that with this king all
the other island kings (reguli Britannia;) were baptised
{Hist. Brittonum, xviii). Thirteenth-century chron-
icles add other details. The " Liber Landavensis ", for
example (ed. Rees, 26, 65), makes known the names
of Eifan and Medwy, the envoys sent by Lucius to
the pope, and transfers the king's dominions to Wales.
An echo of this legend penetrated even to Switzer-
land. In a homily preached at Chur and preserved
in an eighth- or ninth-century manuscript, St. Timothy
is represented as an apostle of Gaul, whence he came
to Britain and baptized there a kins named Lucius, who
became a missionary, went to Gaul, and finally settled
at Chur, where he preached the gospel with great suc-
cess. In this way Lucius, the early missionary of the
Swiss district of Chur, became identified with the al-
leged British kins of the "Liber Pontificalis". The
latter work is authority for the statement that Eleu-
therius died 24 May, and was buried on the Vatican
Hill (in Vaiicano) near the body of St. Peter. His
feast is celebrated 26 May.
Acta 88., May, III, 363-364; Liber Pontifical**, ad. Du-
ghbsnb, I. 136 and Introduction, cii-civ; Harnack, Ge-
eehichte der altchristl. Literatur, II, I, 144 sqq.; Idbm, Der
Brief dee britischen Konige Lucius an den Papet Bleutherue
'(Sitsungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, 1004), I, 006-916;
Langbn, Oeechichte der rdmischen Kirche (Bonn, 1881), I, 157
aqq.; Matsb, Oeechichte dee Bistums Chur (8tans, 1007), I,
11 aqq.; Cabbol, VAngleterre chrUienne avanl lee Normands
(Pans, 1900), 20-30; Duchxsnb, Eleuthere et le roi breton Lu-
cius, in Revue Celtique (1883-85), VI, 401-493; Zimmbb, The
Celtic Church in Britain and Scotland, tr. Mbtbb (London,
1002); Smith and Wacb, Did. of Christian Biography, a. v.;
see also under Luciue. •
J. P. KlBSCH.
Eleutherius (Fr. Eleuthere), Saint, Bishop
of Touroai at the beginning of the sixth century.
Historically there is very little known about St. Eleu-
therius, but he was without doubt the first Bishop of
Tournai. Theodore, whom some give as his immediate
predecessor, was either a bishop of Tours, whose name
was placed by mistake on the episcopal list of Tournai,
or simply a missionary who ministered to the Chris-
tians scattered throughout the small Frankish King-
dom of Tournai. Before he became bishop, Eleu-
therius lived at court with his friend Medardus, who
predicted that he would attain the dignity of a count
and also be elevated to the episcopate. After Clovis,
King of the Franks, had been converted to Christian-
ity, in 496, with more than 3000 of his subjects,
bishops took part in the royal councils. St. Remigius,
Bishop of Reims, organized the Catholic hierarchy in
Northern Gaul, and it is more than likely that St.
Eleutherius was named Bishop of Tournai at this
time.
Hie saint's biography in its present form was really
an invention of Henri of Tournai in the twelfth cen-
tury. According to this. Eleutherius was born at
Tournai towards the end of the reign of Childeric.
the father of Clovis, of a Christian family descended
from Irenaeus, who had been baptized by St. Piatus.
His father's name was Terenus, and his mother's
Blanda. Persecution by the tribune of the Scheldt
obliged the Christians to nee from Tournai and take ref-
uge in the village of Blandinium. The conversion of
Clovis, however, enabled the small community to reas-
semble and build at Blandinium a church, which was
dedicated to St. Peter. Theodore was made Bishop
of Tournai, and Eleutherius succeeded him. Con-
sulted by Pope Hormisdas as to the best means of
eradicating the heresy which threatened nascent
Christianity, Eleutherius convened a synod and pub-
licly confounded the heretics. They vowed ven-
geance, and as he was on his way to the church, one
day, they fell on him and, after beating him unmerci-
fully, left him for dead. He recovered, however, but his
days were numbered. On his death-bed (529) he con-
fided his flock to his lifelong friend, St. Medardus.
The motive underlying this biography invented by
Canon Henri (1141), was to prove the antiquity of the
Church of Tournai, which from the end of the eleventh
century had been trying to free itself from the juris-
diction of the bishops of Noyon. The sermons on
the Trinity, Nativity, and the feast of the Annun-
ciation (Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. XV), sometimes at-
tributed to St. Eleutherius, are also of a more than
doubtful authenticity. His cult, however, is well es-
tablished ; there is record of a recovery of his relics dur-
ing the episcopate of Hedilo in 897 or 898, and a trans-
lation of them by Bishop Baudoin in 1064 or 1065,
and another in 1247. Relics of this saint were also
preserved in the monastery of St. Martin at Tournai,
and in the cathedral at Bruges. His feast is given in
martyrologies on 20 or 21 July, but is usually celebrated
on the former date. The translation of his relics is
commemorated 25 August.
Sources: Vita 8. Bteutherii / and Vita //in Acta 88. Belgii
(Brussels, 1783), 1, 475-94; Vita Medardi, ii, in Acta 88., June,
II, 80. Works: Hbnbchen, De 8. Eleutherio epieeovo Torna-
cmei in Belqio commentariue pramue in Acta 88. Belgii, loc.
cit., 455-75: Fxbvbt, Saint Eleuthere. Mgue de Tournai : (Tour-
nai, 1890); KuBTH. Clovie (Paris, 1901), H, 164, 246-47; Wabi-
chjcz, Let originee de Vegtiee de Tournai (Lou vain, 1902), passim;
ELEUTHEROPOLIS
3S0
ELEVATION
▼an dcr Ebskn, Etude critique et litteraire aur lea Vita dea
Saint* Mirovingiena de Voncienne Belgique (Lou vain, 1007),
394-07. L. VAN DER ESSEN.
Eleutheropolis, a titular see in Patastina Prima.
The former name of this city seems to have been Beth
Gabra, "the house of the strong men", which later
became Belt Djibrin, "the house of Gabriel". Ves-
pasian slaughtered almost all its inhabitants, accord-
ing to Josephus, De Bell. Jud., IV., viii, 1, where
its name is written Betaris. In a. d. 200 Septimius
Severus, on his Syrian journey changed its name
to Eleutheropolis, and it soon became one of the most
important cities of Judea. Its special era, which figures
on its coins and in many inscriptions, began 1 Jan.,
a.d.200. (SeeEchosd'Onent, 1903, 310 sq.; 1904,215
sq.) Its first known bishop is Macrinus (325) ; five others
are mentioned in the fourth and two in the sixth cen-
tury (Lequien, Or. Christ., Ill, 631). In 393, during
the episcopate of Zebennus, the relics of the Prophets
Habakuk and Micah were found at Ceila and Tell Za-
kariya near Eleutheropolis (Sozom., H. E., VII, xxix).
At Eleutheropolis was born St. Epiphanius, the cele-
brated bishop of Salamis in Cyprus; at Ad in the
neighbourhood he established a monastery which is
often mentioned in the polemics of St. Jerome
with Rufinus and John, Bishop of Jerusalem. The
city was, moreover, an important monastic centre at
least till the coming of the Arabs. The latter beheaded
(638) at Eleutheropolis fifty soldiers of the garrison
of Gaza who had refused to apostatize. They were
buried in a church built in their honour. (See Anal.
Bolland., 1904, 289 sq., and Echos d 'Orient, 1905, 40
sq.) The city was destroyed by the Mussulmans in 796
in the civil wars. The Crusaders erected there a
fortress, in 1134, under Fulco of Anjou; the Knights of
St. John, to whom it was committed, restored at this
time the beautiful Byzantine church at Sandahanna.
The citadel was taken in 1187 by Saladin, conquered
in 1191 by Richard Lion Heart, destroyed in 1264 by
Sultan Bibars, and rebuilt in 1551 by the Turks. To-
day Belt Djibrin is a village with about 1000 Mussul-
man inhabitants, on the road from Jerusalem to Gaza,
in a fertile and very healthy region. The medieval
fortress still stands, about 180 feet sauare; there are
also remains of the walls, ruins of a cloister, and of a
medieval church. In the neighbourhood are remark-
able grottoes, which filled St. Jerome with wonder-
ment. Some of these grottoes were used in early
Christian times as places of worship; others bear
Arabic inscriptions.
Reland, PoCoutina (Utrecht, 1714), 749-754: Smith. Did.
of Greek and Roman Geogr. (London, 1878) b. v. Bethoorabia.
S. Vailh£.
Elevation, The. — What we now know as par
excellence the Elevation of the Mass is a rite of com-
paratively recent introduction. The Oriental litur-
gies, and notably the Byzantine, have indeed a
snowing of the consecrated Host to the people, with
the words "Holy things to the holy", but this should
rather be regarded as the counterpart of our "Ecce
Agnus Dei and as a preliminary to the Com*
munion. Again, in the West, a lifting of the Host
at the words "omnis honor et gloria", immedi-
ately before the Pater Noster, has taken place ever
since the ninth century or earlier. This may very
probably be looked upon as originally an invitation
to adore when the great oonsecratory prayer of the
canon extending from the Preface to the Pater
Noster (see Cabrol in "Diet. d'Archeologie", I, 1558)
had been brought to a conclusion. But the snowing
of the Sacred Host (and still more of the Chalice) to
the people after the utterance of the words of Insti-
tution, *' Hoc est corpus meum", is not known to have
existed earlier than the close of the twelfth century.
Eudes de Sully, Bishop of Paris from 1196 to 1208,
seems to have been the first to direct in his episcopal
statutes that after the oonsecratory words the Host
should be "elevated so that it can be seen by all".
There has, however, been a good deal of confusion
upon this point in the minds of some early liturgists»
owing to the practice which prevailed of lifting the
bread from the altar and holding it in the hands
above the chalice while consecrating it. Some de-
gree of lifting, at the words "accepit panem in sano-
tas ac venerabiles manus suas", was unavoidable, and
many priests carried it so far that liturgical com-
mentators spoke of their act as "elevare hostiam"
(cf. Migne, P. L., CLXXVII, 370, and CLXXI, 1186),
but a careful examination of the evidence proves
that this was quite a different thing from showing
the Host to the people. Moreover, the motive of
this latter showing has generally been misconceived.
It has often been held to be a protest against the heresy
of Berengarius; but Berenganus died a century before,
and the statements of writers at the beginning of the
thirteenth century make the whole development
plain. The great centre of intellectual life at that
period was Paris, and we learn that at Paris a curious
theological view was then being defended by such emi-
nent scholars as the chancellor Peter Manducator and
the professor Peter Cantor, that transubstantiation
of the bread only took place when the priest at Mass
had pronounced the words of consecration over both
bread and wine (see, e.g., Giraldus Cambrensis, Works,
II, 124; Csesarius of Heisterbach, "Dialogus'V IX,
xxvii, and "Libri Miraculorum ", ed. Meister, pp. 16,
17). To quote the words of Peter of Poitiers "aicunt
quidam .... quod non facta est transubstantiatio
panis in corpus donee prolata sint haec verba ' Hie est
sanguis' " (Migne, P. L., CCXI, 1245; Pope Innocent
III, " De sacro altaris mysterio ' ', IV, 22, uses very simi-
lar language) . This view, as may readily be understood,
aroused considerable opposition, and notably on the
part of Bishop Eudes de Sully and Stephen Langton,
afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury and cardinal.
It seems clear that the theologians of this party, by
way of protest against the teaching of Peter Cantor,
adopted the custom of adoring the Host immediately
after the words "Hoc est enim corpus meum" were
spoken, and by a natural transition they encouraged
the practice of showing it to the people for this purpose.
The developments can be easily followed in the synodal
decrees of France, England, and other countries dur-
ing the thirteenth century. We find mention of a
little bell of warning in the early years of that century,
and before the end of the same century it was enjoined
in many dioceses of the Continent and in England that
one of the great bells of the church should be tolled at
the moment of the Elevation, in order that those at
work in the fields might kneel down and adore.
It will be readily understood from the above expla-
nation that there was not the same motive at first for
insisting on the elevation of the Chalice as well as the
Host. No one at that period doubted that by the time
the words of Institution had been spoken over the
wine, transubstantiation had been effected in both
species. We find accordingly that the elevation of the
Chalice was introduced much more slowly. It was not
adopted at St. Alban's Abbey until 1429, and we may
say that it is not practised by the Carthusians even to
this day. The elevation of the Host at Mass seems to
have brought in its train a great idea of the special
merit and virtue of looking upon the Body of Christ.
Promises of an extravagant kind circulated freely
among the people describing the privileges of him who
had seen his Maker at Mass. Sudden death could not
befall him. He was secure from hunger, infection,
the danger of fire, etc. As a result, an extraordinary
desire developed to see the Host when elevated at Mass,
and this led to a variety of abuses which were rebuked
by preachers and satirists. On the other hand, the
same devout instinct undoubtedly fostered the intro-
duction of processions of the Blessed Sacrament and
ELEVEN
381
ELZA8
the practice of our familiar Exposition and Benedic-
tion (qq. v.).
All toe usual authorities upon the liturgical history of the
Mam are somewhat unsatisfactory owing to the neglect to note
the important point as to the teaching of the Paris theologians
of the twelfth century. See Thur8TON,77i« Elevation in The
Tablet, 19 Oct., 26 Oct.. 2 Nov., 1907. But many useful facts
may be gleaned from Giorgi, De Liturgid Rom. Pont. (Rome,
1744), III; Lebrun, Explication dee pruree et dee ceremonies de
la Meaee (Paris, 1726); Gihb, Dae heUige Messopfer (tr. 8t.
Louis, 1902); Thalhofer, Liturgik (Freiburg. 1893), II.
Dbury, Elevation in the Eucharist (Cambridge, 1907), is of little
value. See further the bibliography of the article Canon or
THE Mass. HERBERT THURSTON.
Eleven Thousand Virgins, The. See Ursula,
Saint.
EUrayar y de Suviaa, Fausto de, a distinguished
mineralogist and chemist, b. at Logrono, Castile, 11
Oct., 1755 ; d. 6 Feb., 1833. He was professor in the
School of Mines, Vergara, Biscay, from 1781 to 1785.
His most celebrated work is the isolation of tungsten.
Associated with his brother, Juan Jose1, in 1783, two
years after Scheele and Bergman had announced the
probable existence of this metal, he isolated it, reduc-
ing it by carbon. At the present day when tungsten
steel, known as high speed steel and self-hardening
steel, is revolutionizing machine-shop practice, the
work of Elhuyar is of particular interest. He
named the metal Wolfram, a name which it still re-
tains in the German language; the name, tungsten,
meaning heavy stone, is generally used in other
tongues. The Academy of Sciences of Toulouse, 4
March, 1784. received notice of this discovery. Elhuyar
then spent three years in travelling, for the purpose of
study, through Central Europe and went to Mexico,
then called New Spain. Here he had general superin-
tendence of the mines and founded a Royal School of
Mines in 1792. Driven away by the Revolution, he
returned to Spain, where he was appointed general
director of mines and was busy reorganizing his de-
partment when he was seized with a fit of apoplexy
and died. His works are numerous; he wrote on
the theory of amalgamation, a system for the reduc-
tion of silver from its ore which received great devel-
opment in Mexico. In 1818 he published memoirs on
the mintage of coins. He was also the author of mem-
oirs on the state of the mines of New Spain (now Mexi-
co) and on the exploitation of the Spanish mines. At
Madrid, in 1825, he published a work on the influence
of mineralogy in agriculture and chemistry.
Biographies in Dictionnaire Larousse, La Grande Encydopidie.
and under tungsten and Wolfram. His work on the reduction of
tungsten in described in Wurxz, Dietionnaire dechimie; Watts.
Dictionary of Chemistry; Mdspratt, Chimie.
T. 0*Conor Sloane.
# Elias (Heb. 'Eliahu, " Yahveh is God"; A.V., Eli-
jah), the loftiest and most wonderful prophet of the
O. T. What we know of his public life is sketched in
a few popular narratives enshrined, for the most part,
in the Third (Heb., First) Book of Kings. These narra-
tives, which bear the stamp of an almost contempo-
rary age, very likely took shape in Northern Israel, and
are full of the most graphic and interesting details.
Every part of the prophet's life therein narrated bears
out the description of the writer of Ecclesiasticus: He
was "as a fire, and his word burnt like a torch"
(xlviii, 1). The times called for such a prophet. Under
the baneful influence of his Tyrian wife Jezabel, Achab,
though perhaps not intending to forsake altogether
Yahveh Worship, had nevertheless erected in Samaria
a temple to the Tyrian Baal (III K., xvi, 32) and in-
troduced a multitude of foreign priests (xviii 19);
doubtless he had occasionally offered sacrifices to the
pagan deity, and, most of all, had allowed a bloody
persecution of the prophets of Yahveh.
Of Elias's origin nothing is known, except that he
was a Thesbite ; whether from Thisbe of Nephtali (Tob.,
i, 2, Gr.) or from Thesbon of Galaad, as our texts have
it, is not absolutely certain, although most scholars,
on the authority of the Septuagint and of Josephus,
prefer the latter opinion. Some Jewish legends, echoed
in a few Christian writings, assert moreover that Elias
was of priestly descent; but there is no other warrant
for the statement than the fact that he offered sac-
rifices. His whole manner of life resembles somewhat
that of the Nazarites and is a loud protest against his
corrupt age. His skin garment and leather girdle
(IV K.. 1,8), his swift foot (III K., xviii, 46), his habit
of dwelling in the clefts of the torrents (xvii, 3) or in
the caves of the mountains (xix, 9), of sleeping under
a scanty shelter (xix, 5), betray the true son of the
desert. He appears abruptly on the scene of history
to announce to Achab that Yahveh had determined
to avenge the apostasy of Israel and her king by bring-
ing a long drought on the land. His message delivered,
the prophet vanished as suddenly as he had appeared,
and, guided by the spirit of Yahveh, betook nimself
by the brook Carith, to the east of the Jordan, and the
ravens (some critics would translate, however improb-
able the rendering, "Arabs" or "merchants")
"brought him bread and flesh in the morning, and
bread and flesh in the evening, and he drank of the
torrent" (xvii, 6).
After tjie brook had dried up, Elias. under Divine
direction, crossed over to Sarepta, within the Tyrian
dominion. There he was hospitably received by a poor
widow whom the famine had reduced to her last meal
(12) ; her charity he rewarded by increasing her store
of meal and oil all the while the drought and famine
Eifled, and later on by restoring her child to life
54). For three years there fell no rain or dew in
1, and the land was utterly barren. Meanwhile
Achab had made fruitless efforts and scoured the coun-
try in search of Elias. At length the latter resolved
to confront the king once more, and, suddenly appear-
ing before Abdias, bade him summon his master
(xviii, 7, sq.). When they met, Achab bitterly up-
braided the prophet as the cause of the misfortune of
Israel. But the prophet flung back the charge : " I have
not troubled Israel, but thou and thy father's house,
who have forsaken the commandments of the Lord,
and have followed Baalim" (xviii, 18). Taking advan-
tage of the discountenanced spirits of the silenced
king, Elias bids him to summon the prophets of Baal
to Mount Carmel, for a decisive contest between their
god and Yahveh. The ordeal took place before a great
concourse of people (see Carmel, Mount) whom
Elias, in the most forcible terms, presses to choose:
" How long do you halt between two sides? If Yahveh
be God, follow him; but if Baal, then follow him"
(xviii, 21). He then commanded the heathen prophets
to invoke their deity; he himself would "call on the
name of his Lord"; and the God who would answer
by fire, "let him be God" (24). An altar had been
erected by the Baal-worshippers and the victim laid
upon it; but their cries, their wild dances and mad
self-mutilations all the day long availed nothing:
"there was no voice heard, nor did any one answer,
nor regard them as they prayed" (29). Elias, having
repaired the ruined altar of Yahveh which stood there,
prepared thereon his sacrifice; then, when it was time
to offer the evening oblation, as he was praying
earnestly, "the fire of the Lord fell, and consumed the
holocaust, and the wood, and the stones, and the dust,
and licked up the water that was in the trench" (38).
The issue was fought and won. The people, maddened
by the success, fell at Elias's command on the pagan
prophets and slew them at the brook Cison. That
same evening the drought ceased with a heavy down-
pour of rain, m the midst of which the strange prophet
ran before Achab to the entrance of Jezrael.
Elias's triumph was short. The anger of Jezabel,
who had sworn to take his life (xix, 2), compelled him
to flee without delay, and take his refuge beyond the
desert of Juda, in the sanctuary of Mount Horeb.
There, in the wilds of the sacred mountain, broken-
KLXAS
382
«T.TAft
spirited, he poured out his complaint before the Lord.
who strengthened him by a revelation and restored
his faith. Three commands are laid upon him: to
anoint Hazael to be King of Syria, Jehu to be King
of Israel, and Eliseus to be his own successor. At once
Elias sets out to accomplish this new burden. On his
way to Damascus, he meets Eliseus at the plough, and
throwing his mantle over him, makes him his faithful
disciple and inseparable companion, to whom the com-
pletion of his task will be entrusted. The treacherous
murder of Naboth was the occasion for a new reappear-
ance of Elias at Jezrael, as a champion of the people's
rights and of social order, and to announce to Achab
his impending doom. Achab's house shall fall. In
the place where the dogs licked the blood of Naboth
will the dogs lick the king's blood; they shall eat Jeza-
bel in Jezrael; their whole posterity shall perish and
their bodies be given to the fowls of the air (xxi, 20-26).
Conscience-stricken, Achab quailed before the man
of God, and in view of his penance the threatened ruin
of his house was delayed. The next time we hear of
Elias, it is in connexion with Ochozias, Achab's son
and successor. Having received severe injuries in a
fall, this prince sent messengers to the shrine of Beel-
zebub, god of Accaron, to inquire whether he should
recover. They were intercepted by the prophet, who
sent them back to their master with the intimation
that his injuries would prove fatal. Several bands of
men sent by the king to capture Elias were stricken
by fire from heaven: finally the man of God appeared
in person before Ocnozias to confirm his threatening
message. Another episode recorded by the chronicler
(II Par., xxi, 12) relates how Joram, King of Juda,
who had indulged in Baal-worship, received from
Elias a letter warning him that all his house would be
smitten by a plague, and that he himself was doomed
to an early death.
According to IV K., iii, Elias's career ended before
the death of Josaphat. This statement is difficult —
but not impossible — to harmonize with the preceding
narrative. However this may be, Elias vanished still
more mysteriously than he had appeared. Like Enoch,
he was u translated", so that ne should not taste
death. As he was conversing with his spiritual son
Eliseus on the hills of Moab, "*a fiery chariot, and fiery
horses parted them both asunder, and Elias went up
by a whirlwind into heaven" (IV K., ii, 11), and all
the efforts to find him made by the sceptic sons of the
prophets disbelieving Eliseus 's recital, availed nothing.
The memory of Elias has ever remained living in the
minds both of Jews and Christians. According to
Malachias, God preserved the prophet alive to entrust
him, at the end of time, with a glorious mission (iv, 5-
6): at the New Testament period, this mission was
believed to precede immediately the Messianic Advent
(Matt., xvii, 10, 12; Mark; ix, 11); according to some
Christian commentators^ it would consist in convert-
ing the Jews (St. Jer., in Mai., iv. 5-6); the rabbis,
finally, affirm that its object will be to give the ex-
Flanations and answers hitherto kept back by them.
Mach., ii, 58, extols Elias's zeal tor the Law, and
Ben Sira entwines in a beautiful page the narration of
his actions and the description of his future mission
(Ecclus., xlviii, 1-12). Elias is still in the N. T. the
Esrsonification of the servant of God (Matt., xvi, 14;
uke, i, 17; ix, 8; John, i, 21). No wonder, therefore,
that with Moses he appeared at Jesus' side on the day
of the Transfiguration.
Nor do we mid only in the sacred literature and the
commentaries thereof evidences of the conspicuous
place Elias won for himself in the minds of after-ages.
To this day the name of Jebel Mar Elyas, usually
given by modern Arabs to Mount Carmel, perpetuates
the memory of the man of God. Various places on the
mountain: Elias's grotto; El-Khadr, the supposed
school of the prophets; El-Muhraka, the traditional
spot of Elias's sacrifoe; Tell eUKaasis, or Mound of
the priests — where he is said to have slain the priests
of Baal — are still in great veneration both among the
Christians of all denominations and among the Mos-
lems. Every year the Druses assemble at El-Muhraka
to hold a festival and offer a sacrifice in honour of
Elias. All Mussulmans have the prophet in great
reverence; no Druse, in particular, would dare break
an oath made in the name of Elias. Not only among
them, but to some extent also among the Jews and
Christians, many legendary tales are associated with
the prophet's memory. The Carmelite monks long
cherished the belief that their order could be traced
back in unbroken succession to Elias whom they
hailed as their founder. Vigorously opposed by the
Bollandists, especially by Papenbroeck, their claim
was no less vigorously upheld by the Carmelites of
Flanders, until rope Innocent XII, in 1698, deemed it
advisable to silence both contending parties. Elias is
honoured by both the Greek and Latin Churches on
20 July.
The old stichometrical lists and ancient ecclesias-
tical writers (Const. Apost., VL 16: Origen, Comm.
in Matth., xxvii, 9; Euthalius; Epiphan., Hser.. xliii)
mention an apocryphal " Apocalypse of Elias", cita-
tions from which are said to be found in I Cor., ii, 9,
and Eph., v, 14. Lost to view since the early Christian
centuries, this work was partly recovered m a Coptic
translation found (1893) by Maspe'ro in a monastery
of Upper Egypt. Other scraps, likewise in Coptic, have
since been also discovered. What we possess now of
this Apocalypse — and it seems that we have by far
the greater part of it — was published in 1899 by G.
Steindorff; the passages cited in I Cor., ii. 9, and Eph.,
v, 14, do not appear there; the Apocalypse, on the
other hand, has a striking analogy with the Jewish
"Sepher Elia".
Steindoiut, Die Apokalypee dee Elia*, eine unbekannte Apo-
kalypee und Bruchetucke der Sophonioe Apokalypee (Leipzig,
1800): Smith, The Prophets of Israel (London, 1805); Meionan,
Lee Prophetee d? brail (Paris, 1802); Clemen, Die Wunderbe-
richte Qber Elia und Elisa in den BUchern der Kdnige (Grimma,
1877). Charles L. Souvay.
Silas. Apocalypse or. See Elias; Egypt, VI,
Coptic Literature,
Elias of Oortona, Minister General of the Friars
Minor, b., it is said, at Bevilia near Assisi, c. 1180* d.
at Cortona, 22 April, 1253. In the writings of Elias
that have come down to us he styles himself*' Brother
Elias, Sinner "; and his contemporaries without excep-
tion call him simply " Brother Elias "• The name of a
town was first added to his name in the fourteenth
century; in Franciscan compilations like the "Chro-
nica XXIV generalium" and the " Liber Conformita-
tum" Elias is described as Helias de Assisio, whereas
the name of Cortona does not appear in connexion
with his before the seventeenth century. It is clear
in any event that Elias did not belong to the noble
family of Coppi as some have asserted. From Salim-
bene, who knew Elias well, we learn that his family
name was Bonusbaro or Bonibarone, that his father
was from the neighbourhood of Bologna, and his
mother an Assisian: that before becoming a friar
Elias worked at his father's trade of mattress-making
and also taught the children of Assisi to read the
Psalter. Later on, according to Eccleston. Elias was
a 8criptort or notary, at Bologna, where no doubt he ap-
plied himself to study. But he was not a cleric and
never became a priest. Elias appears to have been
one of the earliest companions of St. Francis of Assisi.
The time and place of his joining the saint are uncer-
tain ; it may have been at Cortona in 121 1 , as Wadding
says. Certain it is, however, that he held a place of
prominence among the friars from the first. After a
short sojourn, as it seems, in Tuscany t Elias was sent
in 1217 as head of a band of missionaries to Palestine,
and two years later he became the first provincial or
the then extensive province of Syria. It was in this
IlLU 31
capacity that he received Csesar of Speyer into the
order. Although we are ignorant of the nature or
extent of Elias's work in the East, it would seem that
the three years he spent there made a deep impression
upon him. In 1220-21 Elias returned to Italy with
St. Francis, who showed further confidence in him by
naming him to succeed Peter of Cataneo (d. 10 March,
1221) as vicar-general of the order. Elian bad held
this office for five years when Francis died (3 Oct.,
1226), and he then became charged with the responsi-
bilities of the moment and the provisional government
of the Friars Minor. After announcing the death of
Francis and the fact of the Stigmata to the order in a
beautiful letter, and superintending the temporary
burial of the sstint at San Giorgio, Elias at once began
to lay plans for the erection of a great basilica at As*
sisi. to enshrine the remains of the Poverello. To this
end he obtained a donation, with the authority of the
pope, of the so-called Collis Inferni at the western
extremity of the town, and proceeded to collect money
in various ways to meet the expenses of the building.
Elias thus alienated the zealots in the order, who felt
entirely with St. Francis upon the question of poverty,
so that at the chapter held in May, 1227, Elias was re-
jected in spite of his prominence, and Giovanni Par-
ent!, provincial of Spain, was elected second general
of the order.
Thenceforth Elias devoted all his energies to rais-
ing the basilica in honour of St. Francis. The first
stone was laid 17 July, 1228, the day following the
saint's canonisation, and the work advanced with such
incredible speed that the lower church was finished
within twenty-two months. It was consecrated 25
May, 1230, the hurried, secret, and still unexplained
translation of St. Francis's body thither from San
Giorgio planned by Elias having taken place a few
days previously, before the general and other friars as-
sembled for the purpose were present. Soon after
this, though there is some difference of opinion as to
the exact date, Elias attempted, as it seems by a kind
of coup de main, to depose Parenti and seise the gov*
eminent of the order by force, but the attempt failed.
He thereupon retired to a distant hermitage, where
we are told he allowed his beard and hair to grow,
wore the vilest habit, and to all appearances Ted a
moat penitential life. However this may be, Elias
was elected to succeed Parenti as general at the chap-
ter in 1232, magti tumuliuote quam canonist, as a con-
temporary chronicler expresses it ; and he continued to
govern the Friars Minor for nearly seven years. Dur-
ing that period the order was passing through one of the
crises of its earlier development. It is well known
(see Conventuals) that even during the lifetime of
St. Francis a division had shown itself in the ranks
of the friars, some being for relaxing the rigour of
the rule, especially as regards the observance of pov-
erty, and others for adhering to its literal strictness.
The conduct of Elias after his election as general
helped to widen this breach and fan the flames of dis-
cord in the order. In arbitrary fashion he refused to
convene a chapter or to visit any of the provinces, but
sent in his place "visitors", who acted rather as tax
collectors — for Elias's chief need was money to com-
plete the church and convent of S. Francesco— thus not
only violating the rule himself, but causing others to do
so also. In many other respects Elias abused his au-
thority, receiving unworthy subjects into the order
and confiding the most important offices to ignorant
lay brothers, and when several of the early and most
venerated companions of Francis withstood his high-
handed methods, they were dealt with as mutineers,
some being scourged, others exiled or imprisoned.
Elias's manner of life made his despotism more intol-
erable. It seems to have been that of a powerful
baron rather than of a mendicant friar. We are told
that he gathered about him a household of great
splendour; including secular lackies, dressed in the
gayest liveries, that he kept "a most excellent cook"
for his exclusive use, that he fared sumptuously, wore
splendid garments, and made his journeys to different
courts on fine palfreys with rich trappings. Because
of these excesses, which threatened the complete de-
struction of the rule, the opposition to Elias became
widespread. It was organized by Aymon of Faver-
aham, who, in conjunction with other provincials from
the North, determined to have him removed, and ap-
pealed to Gregory IX. Elias excommunicated the
appellants and sought to prevent their reception by the
pope. But Gregory received them and, in spite of
Elias, summoned a chapter at Rome. Elias resisted
to the utmost and strove to browbeat his accusers, but
Gregory called on him to resign. He refused to do so,
and was thereupon deposed by the pope, the English
provincial Albert of Pisa, being elected general in his
stead. This was in 1239.
After his deposition, Elias, who still kept the titles
of Custos of the Assisian Basilica and Master of the
Works, seems to have busied himself anew for a time
at the task of completing the church and convent of
S. Francesco, but subsequently retired to Cortona.
Refusing to obey
either the general or
the pope, Elias now
openly transferred
his allegiance to
Frederick II, and
we read of him in
1240 with the em-
that of Raven
Some two yc
before this E
had been sent by
Gregory IX ■
Frederick, lie now EuiB 0_
became the sup- After a piotura prMervid ■'<
porter of the-excom
n 1244, a chaptor was
oa. Elias was summoned
>, but he failed to appe.tr.
mdate never reached
duct and asking pardon, and that this fe
in the tunic of Albert of Pisa after the latter' s death.
Aymon of Faversham, who had been the principal
opponent of Elias, and who was elected general ir
cession to Albert, having di ' ' " " '
thereupon convened at Gen
by Innocent IV to attend it .
Some say that the papal 1
him. Be this as it may, Elias was excommunicated
anew and expelled from the order. The news of his
disgrace spread quickly "to the great scandal of the
Church", and the very children might be heard sing-
ing in the streets:
"Hor attorna fratt' Helya
Ke pres' ha la mala via",
a couplet which met the friars at every turn, so that
the very name of Elias became hateful to them. It
was about this time that Elias was sent by Frederick
II on an important diplomatic mission to Constanti-
nople and Cyprus. When not employed by the em-
peror, Elias resided at Cortona with a few friars who
had remained faithful to him. He dwelt for a time in
a private house there, still known as the caaa di /rote
Elia, but in January, 1245, the people of Cortona,
for whom he had obtained sundry privileges in the
past, presented him with a piece of ground called
the Bagno dtila Regina, and helped him to erect there-
on the splendid church and convent dedicated to St.
Francis.
Soon after Blessed Giovanni da Parma became gen-
ELIAS
384
ELIA8
eral in 1247, he sent Fra Gerardo da Modena to Cor-
tona to beg Elias to submit, promising that he would
be treated with the utmost clemency. But Elias, who
seems on the one hand to have feared imprisonment
by the pope and on the other to have been unwill-
ing to renounce the favour of Frederick II, declined.
During Passiontide, 1253, the lonely old man, — for
Elias had lost his protector by Frederick's death in 1250
— fell seriously ill. We learn from the sworn testi-
mony of several witnesses that Bencius, Archpriest of
Cortona, recognizing at once the gravity of Elias's con-
dition and the reality of his repentance, absolved him
on Holy Saturday, 19 April; that two days later Elias
received Holy Communion at the hands of Fra Diote-
fece, but that he could not be anointed, since, Cortona
being then under interdict, no holy oil was to be
found. On Easter Tuesday Elias died, reconciled
indeed with the Church, but outside the order. He
was buried at Cortona in the church he had built,
which two years later — his followers having returned
to obedience — passed into the hands of the order.
But Elias's bones were not suffered to rest at S.
Francesco, for a later guardian dug them up and flung
them out.
Elias is perhaps the most difficult character to esti-
mate in all Franciscan history. In the first place it is
wellnigh impossible, with the documents at our dis-
posal, to obtain even a clear idea of his chequered
career. There is no contemporary life of Elias, and,
with the exception of Celano's " Vita Prima ", which is
said to have been written under the influence of Elias,
none of the early biographies of St. Francis make any
allusion to him. In the second place, considerable
bias has to be reckoned with in what is recorded of
Elias in later works, especially in the writings of the
Zelanti, which are often influenced less by historical
considerations than bv party spirit. Many stories
have gathered around the life of Elias which are
largely inventions. Yet these fictions have been in-
discriminately reproduced by subsequent writers,
with the result that Elias has come to be depicted by
too many modern biographers of St. Francis as a
traitor to his master's interests, as a mere tool of the
Curia in transforming the order and destroying the
manner of life intended by the Poverello. But if
some have branded Elias as another Judas, others,
going to the opposite extreme, have not hesitated to
call him the St. Paul of St. Francis. Laying undue
stress on some words of St. Antoninus, they have
sought to exculpate Elias altogether, to justify his
conduct at all hazards, even where it is wholly unjusti-
fiable; they would fain make him appear as a second
founder of the order, to whose ability its great success
was mainly due. It is just because so few have writ-
ten calmly about Elias that it becomes additionally
difficult to form a just estimate of the real motives
which guided him. He has been too much abused and
too much lauded. Between the two extremes it
seems necessary, if we would judge with fairness, to
distinguish two periods in the life of Elias, namely,
before the death of St. Francis and after it. In spite
of the account of Elias's early pride and frowardness
given by the " Fioretti " — which may be set aside as a
picturesque slander introduced for artistic effect —
there is nothing to show that Elias was other than a
good religious during the lifetime of St. Francis, else it
is hard to understand how the latter could have en-
trusted him with so much responsibility, and how he
could have merited the special death-bed blessing of
the Poverello. On the other hand that Elias really
loved St. Francis there can be no doubt, and so far as
we have means of ascertaining there never was any
breach between them. At the same time it would be
difficult to imagine two characters more widely differ-
ent than Elias and St. Francis. Their religious ideals
were as far apart as the poles. The heroic ideal of
poverty and detachment which the Poverello con-
ceived for his friars Elias regarded as exaggerated and
unpractical. Hence, while St. Francis did not desire
large loci for his friars, Elias multiplied spacious con-
vents. Again, Elias's views with regard to learning
among the friars were very far removed from those of
St. Francis. "Hoc solum habuit bonum f rater
Helias", writes Salimbene, "quia Ordinem fratrum
Minorum ad studium theologian promo vit." But
Elias did more than this. In particular the extension
of the Franciscan missions among the infidels owes
more to his work than is commonly admitted. For
the rest, Elias was no doubt guided throughout by
what he thought to be the glory of the order. On the
other hand it would be idle to deny that Elias was
utterly lacking in the true spirit of his master. Am-
bition was Elias's chief fault. So long as he re-
mained under the influence of Francis his ambition
was curbed, but when he came to govern, forgetting
his own past life, the example of St. Francis, and the
obligations of his office, Elias so far allowed ambition
to dominate him that when it was thwarted he had
not the humility to submit, but, reckless of conse-
quences, plunged to his ruin.
It is no doubt owing to his fall and disgrace that in
an order so prolific in early biographies Elias remained
so long without a biographer. It would be difficult,
however, to exaggerate the importance of his influence
upon the history of the Franciscan Order. Even his
opponents conceded that Elias possessed a remarkable
mind, and none doubted his exceptional talents.
"Who in the whole of Christendom", asks Eccieston,
"was more gracious or more famous than Elias?"
Matthew of Paris dwells on the eloquence of his
preaching, and Bernard of Besse calls him one of the
most erudite men in Italy. We know that good as
well as great men sought the friendship of Elias, and,
strange as it may seem, he appears to have retained
the confidence of St. Clare and her companions.
Nothing that can really be called a portrait of Elias
remains, Giunta Pisano's picture of him " taken from
life" in 1236 having disappeared in 1624; but a seven-
teenth-century replica in the Municipio at Assisi is be-
lieved to have been more or less copied from it. In
the latter, Elias is represented as a small, spare, dark-
haired man, with a melancholy face ana trim beard,
and wearing an Armenian cap. With the exception of
his letter to the order announcing the death of Francis,
no writing of Elias has come down to us; several
works dealing with alchemy, formerly circulated under
his name, are undoubtedly supposititious. Whether
or not Elias was himself the architect of S. Francesco,
the fact remains that if the tomb of the Poverello has
become the "cradle of the Renaissance", the "first
flower and the fairest of Italian Gothic", and the glory
of Assisi, it is to Elias we owe this, and it constitutes
his best monument.
' Biographies of Elias: Anonimo Cortonese (Venuti), Vita
di frate Elia (2nd ed., Leghorn, 1763); Afto, Vita di frate Blia
(2nd ed., Parma, 1819); Rybka. Elias von Cortona (Leipsig,
1874); these may still be read with interest, but they have been
to a certain extent superseded by Lempp. rrere Elxe de Cartons
(Paris, 1901) in Collection dTttudes et de documents sur Vhistoire
religieuse et litUrairs du may en Age, Vol. III. Dr. Lempp has
attempted to put order into the undigested mass of details
banded down about Elias, and his monograph is thoroughly
" documents ", but its objective value is greatly spoilt by the
author's apparent anxiety to read agospel of his own into the
beginnings of Franciscan history. Those who wish to go behind
these biographies to some of the original authorities from which
our knowledge of Elias is derived, may consult: Celano,
Legenda Prima B. Francisci, ed. d'Alencon (Rome, 1906).
p. xxviii with references to text; Eccleston, De Adventu
Minorum in Angliam in Anal. Francis., I (Quaracchi, 1885),
230 and passim; Chronica fr. Jordani, ibid., I, 18 sqq.; Besse,
Catalogus Oeneralium, ibid., Ill (1897), 695; Glassbkroee,
Chronica, ibid., I (1887), 15 sqq.; Salimbene, Chronica in Man.
Germ. Hist.: Script., XXXII; Clareno, Historia Tribulationum,
ed. DOLLiNGERin BeitrQge (Munich, 1890), II, Prima et secunaa
tribulationes; Chron. XXlv Oeneralium in Anal. Francis., Ill
(1897), 297 sqq.; Pis an us, Liber conformitatum, ibid., IV
(1906), passim. See also Rodulprtus, Histor. Seraph. Re-
lioionis (Venice, 1586), II, 177 sqq.; Wadding, Annates Minor.,
1, ad an. 1221, n. 9, XI, an. 1253, n. 30; Scriptores, ed. Nardeo
chia (Rome, 1906), 72-73; Sbaralea, BuUar. Fronds., I
ELIAS 385
(52?e,o1S0)iA65J?nd Sgrn**™***™** «*• NA£>BCCHIA0(5?m?' on accusing these two of Nestorianism, and Anasta*
1908), 240: Panfilo, Storxa Compendtoaa (Rome, 1874), I, _;.._ A~m~Z* iv««, :« -*u~ ~t *u^ „Juu ^t i?t: »
610-87; (Wwanx, />eU« StorielrAsiui (3nl ed., AW ?,us <tep°f» them, in spite of the protest of Ellas'
1902), 0&-97; Golubovich, BvblioUca bw-btbliograficq* t legate, Sabas. Flavian was deposed first and Seve-
guaracchi^ 1906), 106-117; Sabatier, Examen di i fa w* <k rus, an open Monophysite, was intruded in his place.
MM) ^"oS^xtrf"^ With thS^ewon hL alid the monlo, of Palestine
Macdoneli* FrtUe Blia in Sons of Francis (London, 1902), Would have no communion (EvagT., H. E., III. zxziii).
138-88. Then the Count of Palestine, Olympus, arrived at Jeru-
.Faschal KOBfNSON. salem and offered Elias his choice of signing a Mono-
physite formula or being deposed. Elias refused to
Elias of Jerusalem, d. 518, one of the two. Catholic sign and was banished to Aila on the Red Sea (513).
bishops (with Flavian of Antioch) who resisted the His monks remained faithful to him to the end.
attempt of the Emperor Anastasius I (491-518) to Elias of Jerusalem was the founder of many monas-
abolish the Council of Chalcedon (451). Anastasius teries in his patriarchate. The common presentation
spent the greater part of his reign in a vain attempt to of him as a compromiser is unjust. He was stead-
impose Monophysitism on his subjects. Unlike his fastly Catholic throughout and protested at once
predecessors, who favoured Monophysitism merely as against the heretical formula brought to the emperor
a political expedient whereby to conciliate Egypt and in his name. The Syrian Uniat Church keeps his
the great number of Monophysites in Syria, Anasta- feast, with St. Flavian of Antioch, on 18 Feb. (Nilles,
sius carried on his propaganda apparently from re- Ealend. Man., I. 471). These two are named in the
ligious conviction. His chief adviser, Marinus, a Roman Martyrology on 4 July.
Syrian, was also a convinced Monophysite. At first T ^<*a SS.t July, II, 22-28; Nicbphorob calxjbtus. XVT, 26;
the emperor tried to arrange a compromise. The ^m^-j^-?"8- Ne9t' * Eutyeht XIX; EvAoa,OT' *•
population of Constantinople and nearly all the Euro- *' ' * Adrian Fortescue.
pean provinces were too Cnalcedonian for an open at-
tack on that council to be safe. Macedonius II, Pa- Die da Beaumont, Jean-Baftiste- Armand-Louis-
triarch of Constantinople (469-511), submitted so far Leonce, geologist, b. at Canon (Dep. Calvados), near
as to sign Zeno's Henotikon (482), but refused to con- Caen, France, 25 Sept., 1798; d. at Canon, 21 Sept.,
demn the council. Flavian of Antioch also for a time 1874. He made his preliminary studies at the
approved of a policy of compromise. The Acacian Slminaire Henri IV in Paris, and after successfully
schism (484-519) still continued during the reign of completing the course at the Ecole Polytechnique de-
Anastasius, but the emperor and his patriarch made voted himself in 1819 to mineralogy at the Ecole des
advances to the Roman See — advances that came to Mines. His professor of geology, Brochant de Vil-
nothing, since the pope always insisted on the re- Hers, in 1822, chose him and his fellow-student Du-
moval of the names of former schismatics from the frgnoy as companions on a tour to England, to study
Byzantine diptychs. Gradually Anastasius went over the mines of the country and to become acquainted
completely to the Monophysites. Severus of Sozo- with the British methods of geological surveying,
polis, Xenaias of Tahal in Persia, and a great crowd of After their return, Elie de Beaumont published a se-
ctarian and Egyptian Monopnysite monks over- ries of papers in conjunction with Dufrenoy in the
whelmed him with petitions to nave the courage of his " Annales des Mines1' (1824-1830) which were after-
convictions and to break openly with the Dyophy- wards republished under the title " Voyage me'tallur-
sites. In the emperor's chapel the Trisagion was sung gique en Angleterre", 2 vols. (Paris, 1837-39). In
with the famous Monophysite addition ("who was 1825 the two young geologists began the preparation
crucified for us"). Macedonius of Constantinople of a geological map of France. This great work, caf-
was deposed (511), and an open Monophysite, Timothy ried on, first under the direction of de Villiers and af ter-
I (511-518), took his place. Timothy began a fierce wards independently, required eighteen years for its
persecution of Catholics. Then the Government sum- completion. Its publication was an event of much
moned a synod at Sidon in 512 that was to condemn importance in the development of geology in France
the Council of Chalcedon. It was chiefly Elias of Jeru- and established the reputation of its authors. Later
salem who prevented this result. and more complete editions were afterwards issued
Elias was an Arab, by birth, who had been educated and Elie de Beaumont continued to direct the work of
in a monastery in Egypt. In 457 he was driven out the special geological survey until his death,
by the Monophysite Patriarch of Alexandria, Tim- In 1827 ne was elected professor of geology at
othy the Cat. He then came to Palestine and found- the Ecole des Mines and in 1832 was appointed to the
ed a laura at Jericho. Anastasius of Jerusalem or- same chair in the College de France. In 1833 he be-
dained him priest. In 494 Elias succeeded Sallustius came chief engineer of mines and some years later
as Bishop of Jerusalem and governed the see until 513. succeeded de Villiers as general inspector of mines.
He acknowledged Euphemius of Constantinople (see He received many honours during his long career in
Euphemius) and refused the communion of Macedo- recognition of his scientific achievements. He was
nius, the intruder. About 509 the Monophysite admitted to the Academie des Sciences in 1835 and
Xenaias of Hierapolis tried to make Elias sign a Mono- succeeded Arago in 1853 as its perpetual secretary,
physite formula, and the emperor ordered hun to sum- He served as President of the Geological Society of
mon a synod that should condemn the Council of France and in 1861 became Vice-President of the
Chalcedon. Instead, Elias sent the emperor a Catho- Conseil General des Mines. He was made a Senator
lie profession that his enemies seem to have falsified of France in 1852 and during the Second Empire a
on the way. Evagrius says: "He when he had Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour,
written it sent it to the Emperor by the hands of Dios- His fame extended throughout Europe. His ex-
corus' followers" (Monophysites). "And the profes- tensive field observations, in connexion with his sur-
sion that they then showed contained an anathe- veys and his epoch-making work on the age and origin
ma against those who speak of two natures in of mountain systems, constitute his chief contribu-
Ghrist. But the Bishop ot Jerusalem, saying that it tions to geology. A paper published by him, as early
had been tampered with, sent another without that as 1829, m the "Annales" of the Academy, may be
anathema. Nor is this surprising. For they often regarded as the starting-point of modern views on
corrupted works of the holy Fathers" (H. E., Ill, mountain structure. His observations and theories
xxxi). The Synod of Sidon in 512 was to condemn on the subject are developed in detail in his " Notice
Chalcedon ancf depose Elias and Flavian. But they sur les systemes des montagnes", 3 vols. (1852).
succeeded in persuading the Fathers to do neither Elie de Beaumont was a man of ardent faith and great
(Labbe, Concil., IV, 1414). The Monophysites went integrity of life. In all his official positions he wa*
V<— 26
ELIGIUS
386
ELISEUS
Conspicuous for his fairness and consideration for his
colleagues. He was also the author of " Observations
but les diffe'rentes formations dans le systeme des
Vosges", Paris, 1829; "Memoires pour servir a une
description geologique de la France" (with Du-
frenoy), 4 vols., Paris, 1830-38; "Recherches sur
quelques-unes des revolutions de la surface du globe",
Paris, 1834; "Explications de la carte geologique
de la France", Paris, Part I, 1841; Part II-IV, 1848-
78 (with Dufrenoy).
Deville, Coup-ifcnl historigue sur la otologic et sur les
travaux d'Elie de Beaumont (Paris, 1878); Bertrand, Eloges
AcadSmiques (Paris, 1800), 77-103; von Zittel, History of Geol-
ogy and Palaontology (London, 1901).
H. M. Brock.
Eligius (Fr. Eloi), Saint{ Bishop of Noyon-
Tournai, b. at Chaptelat near Limoges, France, c. 590,
of Roman parents, Eucherius and Terrigia; d. at
Noyon, 1 December, 660. His father, recognizing un-
usual talent in his son, sent him to the noted goldsmith
AbbOj master of the mint at Limoges. Later Eligius
went to Neustria, where he worked under Babo, the
royal treasurer, on whose recommendation Clotaire II
commissioned him to make a throne of gold adorned
with precious stones. His honesty in this so pleased
the king that he appointed him master of the mint at
Marseilles, besides taking him into his household.
After the death of Clotaire (629)*, Dagobert appointed
his father's friend his chief councillor. The tame of
Eligius spread rapidly, and ambassadors first paid
then* respects to him before going to the king. His
success in inducing the Breton King, Judicall, to submit
to Frankish authority (636-37) increased his influence.
Eligius took advantage of this to obtain alms for the
poor and to ransom Roman, Gallic, Breton, Saxon, and
Moorish captives, who were arriving daily at Marseil-
les. He founded several monasteries, and with the
king's consent sent his servants through towns and
villages to take down the bodies of malefactors who
had Deen executed, and give them decent burial.
Eligius was a source of edification at court, where he
and his friend Dado (Audoenus) lived according to
the Irish monastic rule, introduced into Gaul by St.
Columbanus. Eligius introduced this rule, either en-
tirely or in part, into the monastery of Solignac which
he founded in 632, and into the convent at Paris where
three hundred virgins were under the guidance of the
Abbess Aurea. He also built the basilica of St. Paul,
and restored that of St. Martial in Paris. He erected
several fine churches in honour of the relics of St.
Martin of Tours, the national saint of the Franks, and
St. Denis, who was chosen patron saint by the king.
On the death of Dagobert (639). Queen Nanthilde
took the reins of government, and Eligius and Dado
left the court and entered the priesthood. On the
death of Acarius, Bishop of Noyon-Tournai. 13 May,
640, Eligius was made his successor with the unani-
mous approbatiom of clergy and people. The inhabi-
tants of his diocese were pagans for the most part. He
undertook the conversion of the Flemings, Antwerp-
ians, Frisians, Suevi, and the barbarian tribes along
the coast. In 654 he approved the famous privilege
granted to the Abbey of Saint-Denis, Paris, exempting
it from the jurisdiction of the ordinary. In his own
episcopal city of Noyon he built and endowed a mon-
astery for virgins. After the finding of the body of
St. Quentin, Bishop Eligius erected in his honour a
church to which was joined a monastery under the Irish
rule. He also discovered the bodies of St. Piatus and
companions, and in 654 removed the remains of St.
Fursey, the celebrated Irish missionary (d. 650).
Eligius was buried at Noyon. There is in existence a
sermon written by Eligius, in which he combats the
pagan practices of his time; a homily on the last judg-
ment, also a letter written in 645, in which he begs for
the prayers of Bishop Desiderius of Cahors. The four-
teen other homilies attributed to him are of doubtful
authenticity. His homilies have been edited by
Krusch in "Mon. Germ. Hist.1' (loc. cit. infra).
St. Eligius is particularly honoured in Flanders, in
the province of Antwerp, and at Tournai, Courtrai of
Ghent, Bruges, and Douai. During the Middle Ages
his relics were the object of special veneration, and
were often transferred to other resting-places, thus in
881. 1066, 1137, 1255, and 1306. He is the patron of
goldsmiths, blacksmiths, and all workers m metal,
abmen have also put themselves under his protec-
tion. He is generally represented in Christian art in
the garb of a bishop, a crosier in his right hand, on the
open palm of his left a miniature church of chased
gold.
Vita Eliffit, ed. Krusch in Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script. Rerum
Merovinqicarum, IV, 2, 635 sqq.; Vita meirica Eligii in Cata-
logue codicum hagiographicorum Bibliotheea retries BruxeUensis,
ed. Bollandistb, I, 470-83; Jnventio Sancti Quintini in Ana-
lecta BoUandiana, VIII, 429' sqq.: de Linas, Orfevrerie mero-
vingienne, lee auvres de S. Eloi et la verroterie cloisonnes (Arras,
1864); de Laforte, Un artiste du !•"• siede, Eligius Auri-
faber, S. Eloi, patron des ouvriers en mitaux (s. 1., 1865); Bapst,
Tombeau et chdsse de 8. Germain, tombeau de Sainte Colombe,
tombeau de S. Severin in Revue archiologique, Bk. Ill (1887);
Varemberqh, Saint Eloi in Biographic nationals de Belgique,
V, 555-58; Haucs, Kirchengeschtchte Deutschlands, I, 206 sqq.;
de Vos, Leven van den heilxgen Eligius, met aanteekeningen en
busonderheden sopens eijnen alouden eeredienst in Vlaanderen
(Bruges, 1000); van der Essen, Les relations entre les sermons
de Saint Cesaire d Aries et la pridxeation de Saint Eloi in Bulletin
bibliographique du musee Beige (1003), VII; Annuaire de V Uni-
versity de Louvain (1904), 370-00; van der Essen, Etude
critique et litteraire sur les Vita des saints merovingiens de Van-
cienne Belgique (Louvain, 1007), 324-36; Parst, Saint Eloi in
Les Saints series (Paris, 1007); de Smet, Analecta Eligiana in
Acta 8S. Belgii (Brussels, 1785). Ill, 311-31; Krusch, preface,
in Mon. Germ. Mist., loc. cit., 635 sqq.
L. Van deb Essen.
Elijahs See Elias.
Elined (Almedha), Saint, virgin and martyr,
flourished c. 490. According to Bishop Challoner
(Britannia Sancta, London, 1745, II, 59), she was a
daughter of Bragan (Brychan), a British prince, after
whom the present province of Brecknock is named, and
her memory was Kept in Wales. Giraldus Cambren-
sis, in his "Itinerarium Cambr. " (I, c. ii), the chief au-
thority for Elined, speaks of the many churches
throughout Wales named after the children of Bragan,
and especially of one on the top of a hill, in the region
of Brecknock, not far from the castle of Aberhodni,
which is called the church of St. Almedha, " who, re-
jecting the marriage of an earthly prince, and espous-
ing herself to the eternal King, consummated her
course by a triumphant martyrdom ' '. Her feast was
celebrated 1 August, on which day throngs of pilgrims
visited the church, and many miracles were wrought.
William of Worcester says that she was buried at Usk.
The church mentioned by Giraldus was called, says
Rees, Slwch chapel. The Bollandists (1 August) ex-
press themselves satisfied with the evidence of her
cultus. This saint is the Luned of the " Mabinogion"
(Lady Guest, I, 113-14, II, 164) and the Lynette of
Tennyson's "Gareth and Lynette1'. She is also sup-
posed to be identical with the Enid of the " Mabino-
gion" and Tennyson's "Idylls".
Alford, Annates Eedesiastiei Britannorum (Liege, 1663);
Rees. Essay on Welsh Saints (London, 1836); Stanton, Menol-
ogy of England and Wales (London, 1802).
G. E. Phillips
Elipandus. See Adoptionism.
EUseus (Elisha; Heb. Vwbx, God is salvation), *
'Prophet of Israel — After learning, on Mount Horeb,
that Eliseus, the »on of Saphat, had been selected by-
God as his successor in the prophetic office, Elias set
out to make known the Divine will. This he did by
casting his mantle over the shoulders of Eliseus, whom
he found "one of them that were ploughing with
twelve yoke of oxen". Eliseus delayed only long
enough to kill the yoke of oxen, whose flesh he boiled
with the very wood of his plough. After he had shared
this farewell repast with his father, mother, and
ELISHA
387
ELIZABETH
friends, the newly chosen Prophet "followed Elias,
and ministered to him". (Ill Kings, xix, 8-21.) He
went with his master from Ualgal to Bethel, to Jericho,
and thence to the eastern side of the Jordan, the
waters of which, touched by the mantle, divided so as
to permit both to pass over on dry ground. Eliseus
then beheld Elias in a fiery chariot taken up by a
whirlwind into heaven. By means of the mantle let
fall from Elias, Eliseus miraculously recrossed the
Jordan, and so won from the prophets at Jericho the
recognition, that "the spirit of Elias hath rested upon
Eliseus ". (IV Kings, ii, 1-15.) He won the gratitude
of the people of Jericho for healing with salt its barren
ground and its waters. Eliseus also knew how to strike
with salutary fear the adorers of the calf in Bethel,
for forty-two little boys, probably encouraged to mock
the Prophet, on being cursed in the name of the Lord,
were torn by u two bears out of the forest ". (IV Kings,
ii, 19-24.) Before he settled in Samaria, the Prophet
passed some time on Mount Carmel (IV Kings, ii, 25).
When the armies of Juda, and Israel, and Edom, then
allied against Mesa, the Moabite king, were being tor-
tured by drought in the Idumsan desert, Eliseus con-
sented to intervene. His double prediction legarding
relief from drought and victory over the Moabites
was fulfilled on the following morning. (IV Kings, iii,
4-24.)
That Eliseus inherited the wonder-working power
of Elias is shown throughout the whole course of his
life. To relieve the widow importuned by a hard
creditor, Eliseus so multiplied a little oil as to enable
her, not only to pay her indebtedness, but to provide
for her family needs (IV Kings, iv, 1-7). To reward
the rich lady of Sunam for ner hospitality, he ob-
tained for her from God, at first the birth of a son, and
subsequently the resurrection of her child (IV Kings,
iv, 8-37). To nourish the sons of the prophets pressed
by famine, Eliseus changed into wholesome food the
pottage made from poisonous gourds {IV Kings, iv,
38-41). By the cure of Naaman, who was afflicted
with leprosy, Eliseus, little impressed by the posses-
sions of the Syrian general, whilst willing to free
King Joram from his perplexity, principally intended
to show "that there is a prophet in Israel". Naaman,
at first reluctant, obeyed the Prophet, and washed
seven times in the Jordan. Finding nis flesh "restored
like the flesh of a little child", the general was so im-
pressed by this evidence of God's power, and by the
disinterestedness of His Prophet, as to express his deep
conviction that "there is no other God in all the earth,
but only in Israel". (IV Kings, v. 1-19.) It is to this
Christ referred when He said: "And there were many
lepers in Israel in the time of Eliseus the prophet: and
none of them was cleansed but Naaman the Syrian"
(Luke, iv, 27). In punishing the avarice of his servant
Giezi (IV Kings, v, 20-27), in saving "not once nor
twice" Kins Joram from the ambuscades planned
by Benadad (IV Kings, vi, 8-12), in ordering the
ancients to shut the door against the messenger of
- Israel's ungrateful king (IV Kings, vi, 25-32), m be-
wildering with a strange blindness the soldiers of the
Syrian long (IV Kings, vi, 13-23), in making the iron
swim to relieve from embarrassment a son of a prophet
(IV Kings, vi, 1-7), in confidently predicting the sud-
den flight of the enemy and the consequent cessation
of the famine (IV Kings, vii, 1-20), in unmasking
the treachery of Hazael (IV Kings, viii, 7-15), Eliseus
proved himself the Divinely appointed Prophet of the
one true God, Whose knowledge and power he was
privileged to share.
Mindful of the order given to Elias (III Kings, xix,
16), Eliseus delegated a son of one of the prophets to
quietly anoint Jehu King of Israel, and to commission
him to cut off the house of Achab (IV Kings, ix, 1-10).
The death of Joram, pierced by an arrow from Jehu's
bow, the ignominious end of Jezabel, the slaughter of
Achab's seventy sons, proved how faithfully executed
was the Divine command (IV Kings, ix, 11 — x, 30).
After predicting to Joas his victory over the Syrians
at Aphec, as well as three other subsequent victories,
ever Dold before kings, ever kindly towards the lowljr,
"Eliseus died, and they buried him" (IV Kings, xiu,
14-20). The very touch of his corpse served to resus-
citate a dead man (IV Kings, xiii, 20-21). "In his
life he did great wonders, and in death he wrought
miracles" (Ecclus., xlviii, 15).
Hanqbnot in Via., Did. de la Bible (Paris, 1808), 8. v. Elieee;
Strachan in Hast., Did. of the Bible (New York, 1808); Far-
bar, Books of Kings (London, 1804); Meionan, Lea Prophetee
<f Ieroil (Paris, 1802).
Daniel P. Dtjfpy.
Elisha. See Eliseus.
EHshl, a famous Armenian historian of the fifth
century, place and date 6f birth unknown, d. 480.
Some identify him with Elishl, Bishop of Amaduni,
who took part in the Synod of Artashat (449). Ac-
cording to a different and more common tradition, he
had been in his younger days a companion, as soldier
or secretary, of the Armenian general Vartan, during
the war of religious independence (449-451) against
the Persian King, Yezdigerd II. Later he became a
hermit and retired to the mountains, south of Lake
Van, where he died. All ancient authorities speak of
him as "vartabed" or "doctor". His most famous
work is the " History of Vartan and of the wars of the
Armenians [written] at the request of David the Mami-
gonian", jn which he recounts the heroic struggle of
the Armenians in union with the Iberians and the
Albanians, for their common faith, against the Per-
sians (449-451). It is considered one of the master-
pieces of ancient Armenian literature and is almost
entirely free from Greek words and expressions. A
good edition of it was published at Venice (1826) by
the Mechitarists of San Lazaro. One of the manu-
scripts on which it is based purports to be a faithful
copy of another manuscript dated 616. The text of
that edition was further improved in subsequent edi-
tions at the same place (1828, 1838, 1859, and 1864).
Among other editions of value may be mentioned
those of Theodosia (Crimea), 1861, and of Jerusalem,
1865. There is an English, but unfinished, translation
by C. F. Neumann (London, .1830) ; one in Italian by
G. Cappelletti (Venice, 1840); and one in French by
V. Langlois in his " Collection des Historiens anciens
et modernes de FArmenie" (Paris, 1869), II, 177 saq.
In addition to the seven chapters mentioned by
Elishe" himself in his introductory remarks, all the
editions contain an eighth chapter referring to the so-
called Leontian martyrs (454) and others. The genu-
ineness of that chapter has been called in question.
It has been also remarked that in all manuscripts the
fifth chapter is missing, while in the editions the origi-
nal sixth chapter is cut in two so as to make up for the
missing chapter. On the first point see Langlois, op.
cit., II, p. 180; on the second see C. F. Neumann,
"Versuch einer Geschichte der armenischen Litera-
tur, nach den Werken der Mechitaristen frei gear-
beitet" (Leipzig, 1836), pp. 64 sqq. See also Ter-
Minassiantz, "Die armeniscne Kirche in fliren Bezieh-
ungen zu der syrischen Kirche" (Leipzig, 1904), p. 37.
Elishe* is also the author of a commentary on Joshua
and Judges, an explanation of the Our Father, a letter
to the Armenian monks, etc., all found in the Venice
editions of the "History of Vartan".
Fin ex, Oeachiehte der armenischen Litteratur in Geschichte der
chrietlichen Lilieraturm dee OrienU (Leipzig, 1907), 07 sqq.;
t, Patrdogy, tr. Shahan (Freiburg un Br.f St.
Bardbnhcwcr,
Louis, 1908), 594.
H. Hyvbrnat.
Elisabeth (God is an oath— Ex., vi, 23), Zachary's
wife and John the Baptist's mother, was "of the
daughters of Aaron" (Luke, i, 5), and, at the same
time, Mary's kinswoman (Luke, i, 36), although
what their actual relationship was, is unknown. St.
ELIZABETH
ELIZABETH
Hippolytus (in Niceph. Call., Hist. Eccles., II, iii) ex- mitted members joined the Sisters of St. Charles Bor-
plains that Sobe ana Anna their mothers were sisters, romeo, while the foundresses left the novitiate which
and that Sobehad married a "son of Levi". Whether they had already entered. Klara Wolff and Mathilda
this indication, probably gathered from some apocry- Merkert died shortly after, in the service of charity.
phal writings, and later on adopted by the compilers The other two began their work anew in 1H50 and
of the Greek Menologium, is correct, cannot be ascer- placed it under the especial patronage of St. Elisabeth,
tained. Elisabeth, like Zachary, was "just before They speedily gained the sympathy of the sick of all
God, walking in all the commandments and justifies- classes and creeds, and also that of the physicians.
.._, _allthec< . -- r -.,
tions of the Lord without blame" (Luke, i, 6). She New candidates applied for admission, and the sis-
had been deprived, however, of the blessings of moth- ters were soon able to extend the sphere of their
activity beyond Neisse.
Of especial importance
, erhood until,
vanced age, a son was
promised her by the
Angel Gabriel (Luke, i,
8-20).' When, five
months later, Elisabeth
was visited in her home
by the Virgin Mary, not
only was her son sancti-
fied in her womb, but
she herself was enlight-
ened from on high to
sal ute her cousin as " the
mother of my Lord"
(Luke, i, 43). Accord-
ing to some modern
critics, we should even
attribute to her the can-
ticle "Magnificat".
After the birth and
circumcision of John
the Baptist, the Gos-
f:ls do not mention
lizabeth any more.
Her feast is celebrated
on 8 September by the
Greeks, and 5 Novem-
ber in the Latin Church.
Bible (Fsfta. 1808), ». v.;
Calmet. Did de la Bible;
Hellene]/, pro*. TW.) 1903;
__ „ mDiet.
ol ChriM and tile Gotprlt
(New York. 19081, s. v.
Maonifixat, II. 101-103;
Bardenhewer. BMitctte
SfmtandOOl), VI, 187.
Charles L. Sou vat
Elisabeth, Sisters
of Saint, generally
sjyled "Grey Nuns .
They sprang from an
association of young
ladies established by
Dorothea Klara Wolff,
vith the
the foi
made at Breslau, where
the work of the sisters
came under the direct
observation of the epis-
copal authorities. Soon
after, 4 Sept., 1859,
Prince- Bishop Heinricb
Forster was prevailed
upon by the favourable
reports and testimo-
nials to grant the associ-
ation ecclesiastical ap-
probation. As such a
recognition presup-
posed a solid religious
organization, a novitiate
was established accord-
ing to the statutes sub-
mitted. In the following
year the twenty-four
eldest sisters made the
three religious vows.
State recognition, with
the grant of a corpor-
ation charter, was ob-
tained by the conf rater-
nity2S May, 1864, under
the title, "Catholic
Charitable Institute of
St. Elizabeth ", through
the mediation of the
Prussian Crown-Prince
Frederick William, sub-
sequent Emperor of
Germany, who had ob-
served the beneficent
activity of the sisters
on the battle-fields of
Denmark. The appro-
bation of the Holy See
was granted for the con-
. j, Mathilde and Maria gregatktn on 26 Jan., 1887, and for its constitutions
Merkert, and Franziska Werner, 1842, in Neisse (Prus- on 26 April, 1888. The congregation has spread to
tend in their own homes, without compensation, Norway, Sweden, and Italy, and has (1908), dependent
the mother-house at Breslau, 305 filial houses, with
2565 sisters and about 100 postulants.
Heihbucher. Ordot uiuf KmBTtaatianm (Psderbora. 19081.
Ill, 389: JuNONrn. DieKongr. Oer BTOUen Hchwcetern {Bmliu,
1892); Kama in Kirchtnitx., a. v. Elianbtthtrwmtn.
Eliia.be thsjiB. See Third Order or St. Frances.
helpless sick peraons who could not or would
ceived into the hospitals. The members purposed to
support the needy through the labour of their own
hands. Without adopting any definite rule, they led
a community life and wore a common dress, a brown
woollen habit with a grey bonnet. For this reason
they were soon called by the people the "Grey Nuns".
As their work was soon recognized and praised every- . .
where, and as new members continually applied for for the love of Christ to minister to the bodily and
admission, their spiritual advisers sought to give the spiritual sufferings of the sick poor and of neglected
association some sort of religious organization. They children. On 10 December, 1842, eight ladies of
endeavoured, wherever possible, to affiliate it with Munich formed a society, of which the Princess Leo-
already established confraternities having similar pur- poldine von Lowenstein was the head, for the purpose
poses. But their foremost desire was to educate the of visitingand aiding the sick poor in their homes. In '
members for the care of the sick in hospitals. Great 1851 it was made a religious congregation to which
difficulties arose, and the attempt failed, principally many indulgences were granted by the Holy Father.
through the resistance of the foundresses, who did not In order to carry on better the visiting of the sick the
wish to abandon their original plan of itinerant nurs- first branch or conference of the association \
ing. Thus the association which had justified such founded ii
ELIZABETH 389
or those who aid the organization by means of annual ings, the little girl grew up a very religious child with
contributions, and active members, who, besides con- an evident inclination to prayer and pious observances
tributing of their means, also visit the sick poor and and small acts of self-mortification. These religious
perform other duties, as those of administration, at impulses were undoubtedly strengthened by the sor-
the direction of the president of the society. The rowful experiences of her life. In 1213 Elizabeth's
branches are merely means of carrying on the affairs mother, Gertrude, was murdered by Hungarian no-
of the main society with which they are closely bles, probably out of hatred of the Germans. On 31
affiliated, but they are independent in administration. December, 1216, the oldest son of the landgrave, Her-
The Elizabeth Association of Munich, according to the mann, whom Elizabeth was to marry, died ; after this
financial report covering the year 1907, has 157 she was betrothed to Ludwig, the second son. It
active and 3686 associate members ; the receipts were was probably in these years that Elizabeth had to
129,559.06 marks ($32,339.76), and disbursements, suffer the hostility of the more frivolous members of
123,422.77 marks ($30,855.69). During the year 1907 the Thuringian court, to whom the contemplative and
4345 poor persons were assisted. 195 children cared for pious child was a constant rebuke. Ludwig, however,
in asylums and nurseries, and 18 old people were must have soon come to her protection against any
provided for in asylums and infirmaries. ill-treatment. * The legend that arose later is incorrect
Other Elizabeth Associations, although with some in making Elizabeth's mother-in-law, the Landgravine
differences of organization, were formed on the model Sophia, a member of the reigning family of Bavaria,
of that of Munich at Barmen and Trier in 1843, Col- the leader of this court party. On the contrary, So-
logne in 1848, etc. These societies are now found phia was a very religious and charitable woman and a
chiefly in the following sections of Germany: Bavaria, kindly mother to the little Elizabeth. The political
36 societies, 24 of these being in the Palatinate ; Dio- plans of the old Landgrave Hermann involved him in
cese of Cologne, 110 societies with 1200 members, great difficulties and reverses; he was excommuni-
about 7000 contributors, and a total income of nearly cated, lost his mind towards the end of his life, and
150,000 marks, families assisted 3500; Diocese of Pad- died, 25 April, 1217, unreconciled with the Church,
erborn, 120 societies with over 16,000 members and He was succeeded by his son Ludwig IV, who, in 1221,
contributors, and an income of 175,000 marks, fami- was also made regent of Meissen and the East Mark,
lies assisted 3600. There are also Elizabeth Associa- The same year (1221) Ludwig and Elizabeth were
tions in the Dioceses of Freiburg, Munster, Trier, Lira- married, the groom being twenty-one years old and
burg, Hildesheim, and the Vicariate Apostolic of Sax- the bride fourteen. The marriage was in every regard
ony; in the Diocese of Breslau, instead of Elizabeth a happy and exemplary one, and the couple were
Associations, there are about 130 women's conferences devotedly attached to each other. Ludwig proved
of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul. In Germany himself worthy of his wife. He gave his protection to
the Elizabeth Associations number altogether some her acts of charity, penance, ana her vigils and often
550 branches or conferences which aid annually 10,000 held Elizabeth's hands as she knelt praying at night
to 12,000 families. beside his bed. He was also a capable ruler and
MS. history of the Elisabeth Association of Munich; by-laws, brave solider. The Germans call him St. Ludwig, an
annual and financial reports of the different associations, annaiifl+:«„ aivan in him qa nno nf tIip ht*«t mm of hia
Munich. Freiburg, Cologne, etc.: Regdn de* Vereins von der hi. appellation given to him as one Ot UH5 Dest men OiniS
Elisabeth (Cologne. 1900); Regdn und Gebete dee Vereine der hi. age and the piOUS husband of St. Elizabeth. They
Elizabeth hr die thozese Paderbom (Paderborn, 1903); short had three children: Hermann II (1222-41), who died
sketch of the associations in Plattnbr, Die hemoe Elxeabetk von „M.n„. q^^uJo (i<)OA-Q.a\ «rVi/\ matvU rrAnFV tt
Thlkrinaen (Munchen-Gladbach. 1907): statistics in Krosb. young; Sophia (1224-84), who married Henry 11,
Kirch. Handbuch, 1907-08 (Freiburg in Baden, 1908), 224-25. Duke of Brabant, and was the ancestress of the Land-
Gregor Reinhold. graves of Hesse, as in the war of the Thuringian suc-
cession she won Hesse for her son Heinrich I, called
Elisabeth of Hungary, Saint, also called Saint the Child; Gertrude (1227-97), Elizabeth's third
Elizabeth op Thuringia, b. in Hungary, probably child, was born several weeks after the death of her
at Pressburg, 1207; d. at Marburg, Hesse, 17 Novem- father; in after-life she became abbess of the convent
ber (not 19 November), 1231. She was a daughter of of Aldenburg near Wetzlar.
King Andrew II of Hungary (1205-35) and his wife Shortly after their marriage Elizabeth and Ludwig
Gertrude, a member of the family of the Counts of made a journey to Hungary; Ludwig was often after
Andechs-Meran; Elizabeth's brother succeeded his this emjfloyed by the Emperor Frederick II, to whom
father on the throne of Hungary as Bela IV ; the sister he was much attached, in the affairs of the empire.
floods, famine, and the pest
Ludwig was in Italy at-
on behalf of the emperor
wife of the tyrannical King Diniz of that country, was and the empire. Under these circumstances Lliza-
her great-niece. In 1211 a formal embassy was sent beth assumed control of affairs, distributed alms in all
by Landgrave Hermann I of Thuringia to Hungary to parts of the territory of her husband, giving even state
arrange, as was customary in that age, a marriage be- robes and ornaments to the poor. In order to care
tween his eldest son Hermann and Elizabeth, who personally for the unfortunate she built below the
was then four years old. This plan of a marriage was Wartburg a hospital with twenty-eight beds and vis-
the result of political considerations and was intended ited the inmates daily to attend to their wants; at the
to be the ratification of a great alliance which in the same time she aided nine hundred poor daily. It is
political schemes of the time it was sought to form this period of her life that has preserved Elizabeth's
against the German Emperor Otto IV, a member of fame to posterity as the gentle and charitable chate-
the house of Guelph, who had quarrelled with the laine of the Wartburg. Ludwig on his return con-
Church. Not long after this the little girl was taken firmed all she had done. The next year (1227) he
to the Thuringian court to be brought up with her started with the Emperor Frederick II on a crusade to
future husband and, in the course of time, to be be- Palestine but died, 11 September of the same year at
trothed to him. The court of Thuringia was at this Otranto, from the pest. The news did not reach
period famous for its magnificence. Its centre was ' Elizabeth until October, just after she had given birth
the stately castle of the Wartburg, splendidly placed to her third child. On hearing the tidings Elizabeth,
on a hill in the Thuringian Forest near Eisenach, who was only twenty years old, cried out: "The
where the Landgrave Hermann lived surrounded by world with all its joys is now dead to me."
poets and minnesingers, to whom he was a generous The fact that in 1221 the followers of St. Francis of
patron. Notwithstanding the turbulence and purely Assisi (d. 1226) made their first permanent settlement
secular life of the court and the pomp of her surround- in Germany was one of great importance in the later
ELIZABETH
390
ELIZABETH
career of Elizabeth. Brother Rodeger, one of the first
Germans whom the provincial for Germany, Caesarius
of Speier, received into the order, was for a time the
spiritual instructor of Elizabeth at the Wartburg; in
his teachings he unfolded, to her the ideals 01 St.
Francis, and these strongly appealed to her. With
the aid of Elizabeth the Franciscans in 1225 founded a
monastery in Eisenach; Brother Rodeger, as his fel-
low-companion in the order, Jordanus, reports, in-
structed Elizabeth, to observe, according to her state
of life, chastity, humility, patience, the exercise of
prayer, and charity. Her positionprevented the at-
tainment of the other ideal of St. Francis, voluntary
and complete poverty. Various remarks of Elizabeth
to her female attendants make it clear how ardently
she desired the life of poverty. After awhile the post
Brother Rodeger had filled was assumed by Master
Conrad of Marburg, who belonged to no order, but
was a very ascetic and, it must be acknowledged, a
somewhat rough and very severe man. He was well
known as a preacher of the crusade and also as an in-
quisitor or judge in cases of heresy. On account of
the latter activity he has been more severely judged
than is just ; at the present day, however, the estimate
of him is a fairer one. Pope Gregory IX, who wrote
at times to Elizabeth, recommended her himself to the
God-fearing preacher. Conrad treated Elizabeth with
inexorable severity, even using corporal means of cor-
rection ; nevertheless, he brought her with a firm hand
by the road of self-mortification to sanctity, and after
her death was very active in her canonization. Al-
though he forbade her to follow St. Francis in com-
plete poverty as a beggar, yet, on the other hand, by
the command to keep her dower she was enabled to
perform works of charity and tenderness.
Up to 1888 it was believed, on account of the testi-
mony of one of Elizabeth's servants in the process of
canonization, that Elizabeth was driven from the
Wartburgin the winter of 1227 by her brother-in-law,
Heinrich Kaspe, who acted as regent for her son, then
only five years old. About 1888 various investigators
(B&rner, Mielke, Wenck, E. Michael, etc.) asserted
that Elizabeth left the Wartburg voluntarily, the only
compulsion being a moral one. She was not able at
the castle to follow Conrad's command* to eat only
food obtained in a way that was certainly right and
proper. Lately, however, Huyskens (1907) tried to
Srove that Elizabeth was driven from the castle at
farburg in Hesse, which was hers by dower right.
Consequently, the Te Deum that she directed the
Franciscans to sing on the night of her expulsion would
have been sung in the Franciscan monastery at Mar-
burg. Accompanied by two female attendants, Eliz-
abeth left the castle that stands on a height command-
ing Marburg. The next day her children were
brought to her, but they were soon taken elsewhere to
be cared for. Elizabeth's aunt, Matilda, Abbess of
the Benedictine nunnery of Kitzingen near Wurzburg,
took charge of the unfortunate landgravine and sent
her to her uncle Eckbert, Bishop of Bamberg. The
bishop, however, was intent on arranging another
marriage for her, although during the lifetime of her
husband Elizabeth had made a vow of continence in
case of his death ; the same vow had also been taken
by her attendants. While Elizabeth was maintaining
her position against her uncle the remains of her hus-
band were brought to Bamberg by his faithful follow-
ers who had carried them from Italy. Weeping bit-
terly, she buried the bodjr in the family vault of the
landgraves of Thuringia in the monastery of Rein-
hardsbrunn. With the aid of Conrad she now re-
ceived the value of her dower in money, namely two
thousand marks ; of this sum she divided five hundred
marks in one day among the poor. On Good Friday,
1228, in the Franciscan house at Eisenach Elizabeth
formally renounced the world ; then going to Master
Conrad at Marburg, she and her maids received from
him the dress of the Third Order of St. Francis, thus
being among the first tertiaries of Germany. In the
summer of 1228 she built the Franciscan hospital at
Marburg and on its completion devoted herself en-
tirely to the care of the sick, especially to those af-
flicted with the most loathsome diseases. Conrad of
Marburg still imposed many self-mortifications and
spiritual renunciations, while at the same time he even
took from Elizabeth her devoted domestics. Con-
stant in her devotion to God, Elizabeth's strength was
consumed by her charitable labours, and she passed
away at the age of twenty-four, a time when life to
most human beings is just opening.
Very soon after the death of Elizabeth miracles be-
gan to be worked at her grave in the church of the
hospital, especially miracles of healing. Master Con-
rad showed great zeal in advancing the process of
canonization. By papal command three examina-
tions were held of those who had been healed : namely,
in August, 1232, January, 1233, and January, 1235.
Before the process reached 'its end, however, Conrad
was murdered, 30 July, 1233. But the Teutonic
Knights in 1233 founded a house at Marburg, and in
November, 1234, Conrad, Landgrave of Thuringia, the
brother-in-law of Elizabeth, entered the order. At
Pentecost (28 May) of the year 1235, the solemn cere-
mony of canonization of the " greatest woman of the
German Middle Ages" was celebrated by Gregory IX
at Perugia, Landgrave Conrad being present. In
August of the same year (1235) the corner-stone of the
beautiful Gothic church of St. Elizabeth was laid at
Marburg; on 1 May, 1236, Emperor Frederick II at-
tended the taking-up of the body of the saint ; in 1249
the remains were placed in the choir of the church of
St. Elizabeth, which was not consecrated until 1283.
Pilgrimages to the grave soon increased to such im-
portance that at times they could be compared to
those to the shrine of Santiago de Compostela. In
1539 Philip the Magnanimous, Landgrave of Hesse,
who had become a Protestant, put an end to the pil-
grimages by unjustifiable interference with the church
that belonged to the Teutonic Order and by forcibly
removing tne relics and all that was sacred to Eliza-
beth. Nevertheless, the entire German people still
honour the "dear St. Elizabeth" as she is called; in
1907 a new impulse was given to her veneration in
Germany and Austria by the celebration of the seven
hundredth anniversary of her birth. St. Elizabeth is
generally represented as a princess graciously giving
alms to the wretched poor or as holding roses m her
lap; in the latter case she is portrayed either alone or
as surprised by her husband, who, according to a legend,
which is, however, related of other saints as well, met
her unexpectedly as she went secretly on an errand of
mercy, and, so the story runs, the bread she was trying
to conceal was suddenly turned into roses.
The original materials for the life of St. Elisabeth are to be
found in the letters sent by Conrad or Marburg to Pope Gregory
IX (1232) and in the testimony of her four female attendants
(Libellua de dictia quatuor ancillarum) taken by the third
papal commission (January t 1235). The best edition of the
testimony is to be found in Huyskens, Quellenatudien tur
Geachichte der hi. Elisabeth, LandgrOfin von ThUringen (Marburg,
1906), 1 10-40. Pp. 1-150 of these Quellenatudien were first pub-
lished in Hiatoriachea Johrbuch of the Gdrres Society (Munich,
1907), XXVIII, 499-528, 729-848; previously the LibeUvs. ed.
Mencken in Scriptoree rerum Germanicarum (Leipzig, 1728-
30), II, 2007-34; Epiatula Conradi in Huyskens, Qvellm-
atudten. 155-60, and in Wyss, Heaaiachea Urkundenbuch. I, Ur-
kundenbuch der Deutachordena Ballet Heajsen (Leipzig, 1879),
31-35, in the Publikationen aua den preuaaischen Stoatearchiven,
III, formerly issued in Allattub, Svppucra, ed. Nihubius
(Cologne, 1653), 269 sqq. For bibliography of these and other
sources see Dobenecker, Regeata diplomatica necnon epistolaria
■ - - — ?, I-III (Jena, 1896-1904) III, 280 sqq.; for
the Acts of the process of canonisation see Huyskens, QueUen-
hiatoria Thuringia,
atudien, 110-268; Vita 8. Elisabeth* dea Cceaariua von Heist erboch
O. Ciat. (1236), ed. Huyskens, in Annolen dea hiatoriachen
Vereina fUr den Niederrhein (Cologne, 1908), Pt. LXXXV; the
hagiography of St. Elizabeth was greatly influenced by Die-
trich of Apolda, Vita S. Elisabeth (written 1289-97), pub-
ished in Canibius, Antiquat lectionia (Ingolstadt, 1605), V, Pt.
II, 147-217, and in Babnaoe, Thesaurus Monumentorum Ec
deeiaatiearum (Amsterdam, 1723), IV, 115-152. For other
391
ZLIZABITH
sources, earlier bibliography, and numerous editions of her life
see W althkr, Literartsches Handbuchfar Geschiehte und Landes-
kxtnde von Hessen (Darmstadt, 1841), 35 sqq., Sopp. II, 21 sqq.;
Potthast, Bibliotheca histoirica medii am (2nd ed., Berlin,
1896), II, 1284-87; Bibliotheca Hagiographioa latina (Brussels,
1898-09), I, 373-77. Later investigations: Borner, Zur
Kritik der Quellen fiir die Geschiehte der hi. Elisabeth in Neuea
Archiv. derGeseUschaft fUr alt. deutsche Gesch. (Hanover, 1888),
XIII, 433-515; Mi elk e. Zur Biographie der hi. Elisabeth (Ros-
tock, 1888); Idem, Die hi. Elisabeth (Hamburg, 1891); Wenck, '
Die hi. Elisabeth m Sybel, Historische ZeUschrift, new series,
XXXIII (Munich and Berlin, 1892). (LXIX), 209-44; Idem in
Die Wartburg (Berlin, 1907), 181-210, 699-71; Idem in Hoch-
land (Kempten, 1907), 129-47, where an autotype facsimile of
a letter of Gregory IX to Elizabeth is given; Idem. Die heUige
Elisabeth (Tubingen, 1908); Michael, Zur Geschiehte der hi.
Elisabeth in ZeUschrift fUr katholische Theologie (Innsbruck,
1898), XXII, 565-83; Idem, Geschiehte des deutschen Volkes
(Freiburg im Br., 1899), II, 205-55; Lemmens, Zur Biographie
der hi. Elisabeth in MUteUungen des hislorischen Vereins der
Didtese Fulda, IV (Fulda, 1901). 1-24; Hutskens in Histor-
isch-politische Blatter (Munich, 1907). CXL, 725-45, 810-22;
Zurbonsen, Die hi. Elisabeth von ThUringen in der neueren
Forschung in Frankfurter zeitgem&sse BroschHren (Hamm, 1907);
Saubin, Sainte Elisabeth de Hongrie (Paris, 1902); Horn,
Sainte Elisabeth de Hongrie (Paris, 1905). Protestant biog-
raphies: Justi, Elisabeth die heilige (Zurich, 1797, Marburg,
1835); Vilmar. Die hi. Elisabeth (GQtersloh, 1895): Bucking,
Leben der hi. Elisabeth (Marburg, 1883). See also Montalem-
bert, Histoire de Sainte Elisabeth de Hongrie (Paris, 1836),
often reprinted, German tr. StXdtler (1863, revised ed., 1888),
Chronicle of the Life of Elizabeth of Hungary (London, 1839);
Stolz. Die hi. Elisabeth, ein Buchfur Christen (Freiburg im Br.,
1865); \\ enck in ZeUschrift des Vereins fUr hessische Geschiehte
und Landeskunde, XLI (Cassel, 1907), 313 sqq.; Bihl in Archi-
vum Franciscanum Historicum (Ouaracchi, 1908), I, 191 sqq.;
Lemmens, Zum Rosenumnder der hi. Elisabeth von ThUringen in
Katholik (Mainz, 1902), I, 381-84: Zurbonsen, ibid. (1899). II.
481-90; Wenck in News Archiv der Gesellschaft far alt. d.
Gesch., XXXIV (Hanover, 1909), 465 sqq.: Henntoes, Vita S.
Elisabeth in Archiv. Fran. Hist. (Quaracchi, 1909). no. 2.
Michael Bihl.
Elisabeth of Portugal, Saint, Queen (sometimes
known as The Peacemaker) ; b. in 1271 ; d. in 1336.
She was named after her great-aunt, the great Elizabeth
of Hungary, but is known in Portuguese nistory by the
Spanish form of that name, Isabel. The daughter of
Pedro III, King of Aragpn, and Constantia, grandchild
of Emperor Frederick II, she was educated very piously,
and led a life of strict regularity and self-denial from
her childhood; she said the full Divine Office daily,
fasted and did other penances, and gave up amuse-
ment. Elizabeth was married very early to Diniz
(Denis), King of Portugal, a poet, and known as Ri
Lavrador, or the " working king", from his hard work
in his country's service. His morals, however, were
extremely bad, and the court to which his young wife
was brought consequently most corrupt. Neverthe-
less, Elizabeth quietly pursued the regular religious
practices of her maidenhood, whilst domg her best to
win her husband's affections by gentleness and extraor-
dinary forbearance. She was devoted to the poor
and sick, and gave every moment she could spare to
helping them, even pressing her court ladies into their
service. Naturally, such a life was a reproach to
many around her, and caused ill will in some quarters.
A popular story is told of how her husband's jealousy
was roused by an evil-speaking page ; of how he con-
demned the queen's supposed guilty accomplice to a
cruel death; and was finally convinced of ner inno-
cence by the strange accidental substitution of her ac-
cuser for the intended victim.
Diniz does not appear to have reformed in morals
till late in life, when we are told that the saint won him
to repentance by her prayers and unfailing sweetness.
They had two children, a daughter Constantia and a
son Affonso. The latter so greatly resented the fa-
vours shown £o the king's illegitimate sons that he re-
belled, and in 1323 war was declared between him and
his father. St. Elizabeth, however, rode in person be-
tween the opposing armies, and so reconciled her hus-
band and son. Diniz died in 1325, his son succeeding
him as Affonso IV. St. Elizabeth then retired to a
convent of Poor Clares which she had founded at
Coimbra, where she took the Franciscan Tertiary
habit, wishing to devote the rest of her life to the poor
and sick in obscurity. But she was called forth to act
once more as peacemaker. In 1336 Affonso IV
marched his troops against the King of Castile, to
whom he had married his daughter Maria, and who
had neglected and ill-treated her. In spite of age and
weakness, the holy queen dowager insisted on hurry-
ing to Estremoz, where the two kings' armies were
drawn up. She again stopped the fighting and caused
terms of peace to be arranged. But the exertion
brought on her final illness ; and as soon as her mission
was fulfilled she died of a fever, full of heavenly joy,
and exhorting her son to the love of holiness and peace.
St. Elizabeth was buried at Coimbra, and miracles fol-
lowed her death. She was canonized by Urban VIII
in 1625, and her feast is kept on 8 July.
Butler, Lives of the Saints. 8 July, account taken from Au-
thentic Life by a Franciscan friar, and from Mariana and other
Spanish historians; Acta 88. t 8 July; Stephens, The Story of^.
Portugal (London and New York
July; c
, 1881).
F. M. Capes.
Eliiabeth of Rente, Blessed, of the Third Order
of St. Francis, b. 25 Nov., 1386, at Waldsee in Swabia,
of John and Anne A cheer; d. 25 Nov., 1420. From her
earliest days "the good Betha", as she was called,
showed a rare piety, and under the learned and devout
Conrad Kugelin, her confessor, provost of the Canons
Regular of St. Augustine at St. Peter's in Waldsee,
she made extraordinary progress towards perfection.
When fourteen she received the habit of the* third
order, but continued to live at home. Finding the
life uncongenial, she secured the consent of her par-
ents after long entreaties to leave home. Receiving
no support from them she remained at the house of
a pious tertiary, and the two worked at weaving; but
the remuneration was small and they frequently
suffered from hunger and other privations. After
three years Conrad Kugelin established a house for
tertiaries at Reute on the outskirts of Waldsee and
Elizabeth entered it together with some others.
Here she took up her work in the kitchen, and now
began her wonderful life of seclusion, fasting, and
1>rayer. There was no clawsura at the convent, still she
ed so retired a life that she was called " the Recluse. "
She spent many hours in a little garden, kneeling on a
stone or prostrate on the ground in contemplation. So
pure was her life that her confessor could scarcely find
matter for absolution. She had much to suffer from
attacks of the evil spirit, from suspicions of her sisters
in religion, from leprosy, and other sicknesses, but in all
her trials she showed a heavenly patience. This she
learned from the Passion of Christ, which she made the
continual subject of meditation, the object of her love,
and the rule of her life. In consequence God permitted
her to bear the marks of the Passion on her body ; her
head often showed the marks of the Thorns, and her
body those of the Scourging. The stigmata appeared
only now and then, but her pains never ceased. She
was shown the happiness of the blessed and the souls in
the state of purgation ; the secrets of hearts and of the
future were unveiled to her. She foretold the election
of Martin V and the end of the Western Schism.
Though so much favoured by Divine Providence she
always preserved a great humility. After her death
she was buried in the church of Reute. Her life was
written by her confessor and sent to the Bishop of
Constance, but it was only after 1623, when her tomb
was opened by the provost of Waldsee, that her popular
veneration spread in Swabia. After several miracles
had been wrought through her intercession the Holy
See was asked to ratify ner cult. This was done 19
June, 1766, by Clement XIII. The Franciscans cele-
brate her feast on 25 November.
Leo, Lives of the Saints and Blessed of the Three Orders of St.
Francis (Taunton, 1885); Dunbar, A Dictionary of Saintly
Women (London, 1004); Douinqer, Die selige gute Betha von
Reute (Freiburg im Br., 1004).
Francis Mershman.
ELIZABETH 392 ELLWANOEN
Elizabeth Of Sch'dnau, SAINT, b.<about 1129; d. Bdtucr Uvea of the Sainta; Strebjcr in Kirchenlex s. v.;
18 June, 1165 -Feast 18 June. She was bom of an £*& S&T& ST^'. JiL. ft ag-feSTSS
obscure family, entered the double-monastery of Oebetbuch der Elizabeth von Schdnau.
Schdnau in Nassau at the age of twelve, received the Francis Mershman.
Benedictine habit, made her profession in 1147, and in
1157 was made superioress of the nuns under the Abbot Ellis, Philip Michael, first Vicar Apostolic of the
Hildelin. After her death she was buried in the abbey Western District, England, subsequently Bishop of
church of St. Florin. When her writings were pub- Segni, Italy, b. in 1652; d. 16 Nov., 1726. He was
lished the name of saint was added. She was never the son of the Rev. John Ellis, Rector of Waddesdon,
formally canonized, but in 1584 her name was en- Buckinghamshire, a descendant of the Ellis family of
tered in the Roman Martyrology and has remained Kiddall Hall, Yorkshire, and Susannah Welbore. Of
there. six brothers, John, the eldest, became Under-Secre-
Given to works of piety from her youth, much taryof State to William III; William, a Jacobite Prot-
afflicted with bodily and mental suffering, a zealous estant, was Secretary of State to James II in exile;
observer of the Rule of St. Benedict and of the regula- Philip became a Benedictine monk and Catholic
tions of her convent, and devoted to practices of mor- bishop; Welbore became Protestant Bishop of Kildare
tification, Elizabeth was favoured, from 1152, with and afterwards of Meath. Ireland; Samuel was Mar-
ecstasies and visions of various kinds. These generally shal of King's Bench ; ana Charles an Anglican clergy-
occurred on Sundays and Holy Days at Mass or Divine man. Philip, while still a Westminster schoolboy,
Office or after hearing or reading the lives of saints, was converted to the Catholic Faith, and when eign-
Christ, His Blessed Mother, an angel, or the special teen years old went to St. Gregory's, Douai, where ne
saint of the day would appear to her and instruct her; was professed, taking the name of Michael in religion
or she would see quite realistic representations of the .(30 Noy., 1670). After ordination he returned in
Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension, or other scenes 1685 to the English mission where he became one of
of the Old and New Testaments. What she saw and the royal chaplains. In 1688 he was appointed Vicar
heard she put down on wax tablets. Her abbot, Hilde- Apostolic of the newly created Western District and
lin, told her to relate these things to her brother Egbert was consecrated by Mgr. d'Adda, the papal nuncio
(Eckebert), then priest at the church of Bonn. At first (6 May). At the revolution in 1688 he was imprisoned?
she hesitated, fearing lest she be deceived or be looked but being soon liberated he retired to Saint-Germain
upon as a deceiver; but she obeyed. Egbert received and afterwards to Rome. In 1696 he was named as-
the tablets and Elizabeth supplemented what she had sistant prelate at the pontifical throne; and in Rome
written by oral explanations. Egbert (who became a his knowledge of English affairs made him so useful
monk of Schdnau in 1155 and succeeded Hildelin as that his repeated petitions for leave to return to his
second abbot) put everything in writing, later ar- vicariate were refused. In 1704 he resigned the vicari-
ranged the material at leisure, and then published all ate, and in* 1708 was made Bishop of Segni, being en-
under his sister's name. throned on 28 Oct. His first care was to rebuild the
Thus came into existence (1) three books of "Vis- ruined monastery of S. Chiara and open it as a dio-
ions ". Of these the first is written in language very cesan seminary. This he enriched with many gifts
simple and in unaffected style, so that it may easily and a large legacy. A curious survival of his English
pass as the work of Elizabeth. The other two are more title survives in an inscription at Segni to " Ph. M.
elaborate and replete with theological terminology, so Mylord Ellis". Eleven sermons preached in 1685 and
that thev show more of the work of Egbert than of 1686 before James II, Queen Mary of Modena, and
Elizabeth. (2) " Liber viarum Dei". This seems to be Queen Henrietta Maria, were published in pamphlet
an imitation of the" Scivias" (scire via* Domini) of St. form, some of which have been reprinted (London,
Hildegarde of Bingen, her friend and correspondent. 1741; 1772). The Acts of his synod at Segni in
It contains admonitions to all classes of society, to the 1710 were also published by order of Clement XL
clergy and laity, to the married and unmarried. Here Dodd, Ch. Hist. (Brussels, 1737-42), 111,467; Ellm, EUis Cor*
the influence of Egbert is very plain. She utters pro- " -~ ..... .
phetic threats of judgment against priests who are iooi yii. v/ravtt ^uuwwn* ^uuwu 10jJ,; *„
unfaithful shepherds of the flock of Christ, against the Bhadt, EpiM^^SwxeiS^ete. (R^eT&7X)?lii', &&1 wiiA
avarice and WOltUiness of the monks who only wear the don, Chronological Note* on Ena. Benedictines (London, 1881);
garb of poverty and self-denial, agunst the via* of ^wi4Tc1£,^KX.ten6,l;1^«S\n&.^:
the laity, and against bishops and superiors delin- b%oq. (London, 1889), XVII.
auent in their duty; she urges all to combat earnestly Edwin Burton.
tne heresy of the Cathari ; she declares Victor IV, the
antipope supported by Frederick against Alexander III, EUwangen Abbey, the earliest Benedictine mon-
as the one chosen of God. All of this appears in Eg- astery established in the Duchy of Wurtemberg, situ-
bert's own writings. (3) The revelation on the mar- ated in the Diocese of Augsburg about thirty miles
tyrdom of St. Ursula and her companions. This is north-east of the town of Stuttgart. Hariolfus,
full of fantastic exaggerations and anachronisms, but Bishop of Langres, was the founder, and the date of
has become the foundation of the subsequent Ursula foundation was about 764, though there are a few
legends. There is a great diversity of opinion in regard authorities for as early a date as 732. In later times it
to her revelations. The Church has never passed sen- became a royal abbey, a privilege which seems to have
tence upon them nor even examined them. Elizabeth been conferred in 1011 by the Emperor Henry II, and
herself was convinced of their supernatural character, afterwards confirmed by the Emperor Charles IV, in
as she states in a letter to Hildegarde; her brother 1347. Some authorities date the granting of this
held the same opinion; Trithemius considers them privilege as late as 1555. This cannot be correct,
genuine; Eusebius Amort (De re velationibus visionibus ior it is known that the superior of EUwangen
et apparitionibus privatis regulae tutae, etc., Augs- took his seat in the Diet among the princes of the
burg, 1744) holds them to be nothing more than country in 1500. The Benedictine occupation of the
what Elizabeth's own imagination could produce, or abbey came to an end in the first half of the fifteenth
illusions of the devil, since in some things they disa- century. In 1460 it was changed into a college of secu-
gree with history and with other revelations (Acta lar canons under the rule of a provost. EUwangen
SS., Oct., IX, 81). A complete edition of her writ- had many men of renown connected with it: the Ab-
ings was made by F. W. E. Roth (Brilnn, 1884) ; bots Lindolf and Erfinan, whom Mabillon speaks of as
translations appeared in Italian (Venice, 1859), French famous authors; Abbot Gebhard began to write the
(Tournai, 1864), and in Icelandic (1226-1254). life of St. Udalricus but died before completing it;
ELMO
393
ELOHXM
Abbot Ermenrich (c. 845), author of the life of St.
Solus which may be found in the fourth volume of the
"Acta Sanctorum" of Mabillon. Adalbero, a monk
of this abbey, was made Bishop of Augsburg in 894.
Abbot Lindebert became Archbishop of Mainz, as also
did- Abbot Hatto (891). St. Gebhard, Abbot of EU-
wangen, became Bishop of Augsburg in 995. Abbot
Milo about the middle of the tenth century was one of
the visitors appointed for the visitation of the famous
Abbey of St. Gall. Nothing is known of the property
connected with Ellwangen during the period of its
Benedictine history, but in the eighteenth century,
after it had passed into the hands of the secular canons,
its possessions included the court manor of Ellwangen,
the manors of Taxstell, Neuler, Rothlein, Tannenburg,
Wasseralfingen, Abts-Gmundt, Kockenburg near the
town of Aafen, Henchlingen on the River Lein, and
Lautern. Most of the ecclesiastical buildings still ex-
ist, though they are no longer used for religious pur-
poses. Since the secularization they have been held
by the State and used for state purposes.
Mabillon, Annates O.S.B. (Paris, 1704), II, 152, 204: III,
202: IV, 97; Mabillon, Acta SS. (Venice, 1734), IV; Kukn,
Collect io Scriptorum (Ulra, 1755), 50; Bunching. A new system
of Geography (London, 1752), V, 160; Yepbs, Coronica General
de la Orden de S. Benito (1600), index; Bush in Kirchenlex., s. v.
G. E. Hind.
Elmo, Saint. See Peter Gonzalez, Saint.
Elne, Diocese of. See Perpignan.
Elne, Synod of. See Perpignan.
Elohim (Sept., 0efe; Vule., Deus) is the common
name for God. It is a plural form, but " the usage of
the language gives no support to the supposition that
we have in the plural form 'Eldhim, as applied to the
God of Israel, the remains of an early polytheism, or at
least a combination with the higher spiritual beings"
(Kautzsch). Grammarians call it a plural of majesty
or of rank, or of abstraction, or of magnitude (Gesen-
ius, Grammatik, 27th ed., nn. 124 g, 132 h). The
Ethiopic plural aml&k has become a proper name of
God. Hoffmann has pointed out an analogous plural
Him in the Phoenician inscriptions (Uebej einige phdn.
Inschr., 1889, pp. 17 sqq.), and Barton has shown that
in the tablets from El-Amarna the plural form Hani
replaces the singular more than forty times (Proceed-
ings of the American Oriental Society, 21-23 April,
1892, pp. cxcvi-cxcix).
Etyrnology. — 'Eldhim has been explained as a plural
form of 'Elddh or as a plural derivative of 'El. Those
who adhere to the former explanation do not agree as
to the derivation of 'Elddh. There is no such verbal
stem as 'dldh in Hebrew; but the Arabist Fleischer,
Franz Delitzsch, and others appeal to the Arabic
'aliha, meaning "to be filled with dread", "anxiously
to seek refuge , so that 'il&h ('tlddh) would mean in
the first place "dread", then the object of dread.
Gen., xxxi, 42, 53, where God is called " the fear of
Isaac", Is., viii, 13, and Ps. lxxv, 12, appear to sup-
port this view. But the fact that 'aliha is probably
not an independent verbal stem but only a denomina-
tive from il&h, signifying originally "possessed of
God" (cf. iwOownafciv, Satporar) renders the ex-
planation more than precarious. There is no more
probability in the contention of Ewald, Dillmann, and
others that the verbal stem, 'dldi means "to be
mighty", and is to be regarded as a by-form of the
stem, 'hldhj that, therefore, 'Elddh grows out of 'aldft
as 'El springs from 'dlfy. Baethgen (Beitrage, 297)
has pointed out that of the fifty-seven occurrences of
'Eldty forty-one belong to the Book of Job, and the
others to fate texts or poetic passages. Hence he
agrees with Buhl in maintaining that the singular
form 'Elddh came into existence only after the plural
form 'Eldhim had been long in common use; in this
case, a singular was supplied for its pre-existent
plural. But even admitting 'Eldhim to be the prior
form, its etymology has not thus far been satisfactor-
ily explained. The ancient Jewish and the early ec-
clesiastical writers agree with many modern scholars
in deriving 'Eldhim from 'El, but there is a great differ-
ence of opinion as to the method of derivation.
Nestle (Theoi. Stud, aus Wurt., 1882, pp. 243 sqq.)
supposes that the plural has arisen by the insertion of
an artificial h, like the Hebrew 'dmdhdth (maidens)
from 'amah. Buhl (Gesenius' Hebraisches Hand-
w£rterbuch, 12th ed., 1895, pp. 41 sq.) considers
'Eldhim as a sort of augmentative form of 'El; but in
spite of their disagreement as to the method of deriva-
tion, these writers are one in supposing that in early
Hebrew the singular of the word signifying God was
'El, and its plural form 'Eldhim; and that only more
recent times coined the singular form 'Elddh, thus giv-
ing 'Eldhim a grammatically correct correspondent.
Lagrange, however, maintains that 'Eldhim and
'Elddh are derived collaterally and independently
irom^El.
The Use of the Word. — The Hebrews fead three com-
mon names for God, 'El, 'Eldhim, and 'Elddh; besides,
they had the proper name Yohweh. NestleTis author-
ity for the statement that Yohweh occurs about six
thousand times in the Old Testament, while all the
common names of God tafeen together do not occur
half as often. The name 'Eldhim is found 2570 times ;
'Elddh, 57 times [41 in Job; 4 in Pss.; 4 in Dan.; 2 in
Hab.; 2 in Canticle of Moses (Deut., xxxii); 1 in
Prov.; 1 in Is.; 1 in Par.; 1 in Neh. (II Esd.)]; 'El,
226 times ('Elim, 9 times). Lagrange (Etudes sur les
religions semitiques, Paris, 1905, p. 71) infers from
Gen., xlvi, 3 (the most mighty God of thy father),
Ex., vi, 3 (by the name of God Almighty), and from
the fact that El replaces Yah in proper names, the con-
clusion that 'El was at first a proper and personal
name of God. Its great age may be shown from its
general occurrence among all the Semitic races, and
wis in its turn may be illustrated by its presence in
the proper names found in Gen., iv, 18; xxv, 13;
xxxvi, 43. 'Eldhim is not found among all the Semi-
tic races; the Aramaeans alone seem to have had an
analogous form. It has been suggested that the
name 'Eldhim must have been formed after the
descendants of Sem had separated into distinct na-
tions.
Meaning of the Word. — If 'Eldhim be regarded as
derived from 'El, its original meaning would be " the
strong one" according to Wellhausen's derivation of
'El from 'iU (Skizzen, III, 169); or "the foremost
one", according to N&ldeke's derivation of El from
'41 or 'U, "to be in front" (Sitzungsberichte der ber-
linischen Akademie der Wissenschaf ten, 1880, pp. 760
sqq.; 1882, pp. 1175 sqq.); or "the mighty one", ac-
coraing to Dillmann's derivation of 'iufrom 'al&h or
'dldy, 'rto be mighty " (On Genesis, 1, 1) ; or, finally " He
after whom one strives", " who is the goal of all human
aspiration and endeavour", "to whom one has re-
course in distress or when one is in need of guidance",
"to whom one attaches oneself closely", coinddenti-
bus interea bono et fine, according to the derivation of
'El from the preposition '#. "to", advocated by La
Place (cf. Lagarde, Uebersicht, etc., p. 167), Lagarde
(op.cit., pp. 159 sqq.), Lagrange (Religions semitiques,
pp. 79 sqq.), and others. A discussion of the argu-
ments which militate for and against each of the fore-
going derivations would lead us too far.
If we have recourse to the use of the word 'Eldhim
in the study of its meaning, we find that in its proper
sense it denotes either the true God or false gods, and
metaphorically it is applied to judges, angels, and
kings; and even accompanies other nouns, giving
them a superlative meaning. The presence of the
article, the singular construction of the word, and its
context show with sufficient clearness whether it must
be taken in its proper or its metaphorical sense, and
what is its precise meaning in each case. Kautzsch
(Encyclopedia Biblica, III, 3324, a. 2) endeavours to
do away with the metaphorical sense of 'Eldhtm. In-
stead of the rendering "judges" he suggests the trans-
lation "God", as witness 01 a lawsuit, as giver of de-
cisions on points of law, or as dispenser of oracles ; for
the rendering "angels" he substitutes "the gods of
the heathen' , which, in later post-exilic times, fell to a
lower rank. But this interpretation is not supported
by solid proof.
r. mites believed that the world is sur-
rounded, penetrated^ and governed by the 'ElOhim,
myriads of active beings, analogous to the spirits of
the savages, alive, but somehow inseparable from one
another, not even distinguished by their proper names
as the gods of the Aryans, so that they can be consid-
ered as a confused totality. Marti (Geschichte der
israelitischen Religion, p. 28), too, finds in 'Eldhtm a
beings that inhabited any given place. Baethgen
(op. cit., p. 287), F. C. Baur (Symbolik und Mytholo-
gie, I, 304), and HeUmuth-Zimmermnnn (Elohim,
Berlin, 1900) make 'Elshim an expression of power,
grandeur, and totality. Lagrange (op. cit., p. 78)
urges against these views that even the Semitic races
need distinct units before they have a sum, and dis-
tinct parts before they arrive at a totality. More-
over, the name 'El is prior to 'Elohim (op. cit., p. 77
sq.), and 'El is both a proper and a common name of
God. Originally it was either a proper name and has
become a common name, or it was a common name
and has become a proper name. In either case, 'El,
and, therefore, also its derivative form 'SUhtm, must
have denoted the one true God. This inference be-
comes clear after a little reflection. If 'El was, at
first, the proper name of a false god, it could not be-
come the common name for deity any more than
Jupiter or Juno could ; and if it was, at first, the com-
mon name for deity, it could become the proper name
only of that God who combined in him all the attri-
butes of deity, who was the one true God. This does
not imply that all the Semitic races had from the be-
ginning a clear concept of God's unity and Divine at-
tributes, though all had originally trie Divine name
Vioounoux in Diet, dc la Bible, «. v.; Knkbunbmjer, Lai-
em BMieun (Parii. 1907), II, 63; Kautuch in Encyclopedia
BMica (New Yurk, 19021, III, 3323 »n.; L«c.h»noe. filwfe. «ur
let rtliffimt stmtiiquej (Pario, 1905), IB, 71, 77 iqq.
A. J. Maas.
Sol (Eloy), Saint. See Ei.iciue.
Klphege (or Alpkeoe), Satnt, b. 954; d. 1012; also
called Godwine, martyred Archbishop of Canterbury,
left his widowed mother and patrimony for the mon-
astery of Deerhurst (Gloucestershire). After some
years as an anchorite at Bath, he there became abbot,
and (19 Oct., 984) was made Bishop of Winchester.
In 994 Elphege administered confirmation to Olaf of
Norway at Andover, and it is suggested that his patri-
otic spirit inspired the decrees of the Council of Enham.
In 1006, on becoming Archbishop of Canterbury, he
went to Rome for the pallium. At this period Eng-
land was much harassed by the Danes, who, towards
the end of September, 1011, having sacked and burned
Canterbury, made Elphege a prisoner. On 19 April.
1012, at Greenwich, his captors, drunk with wine, and
enraged at ransom being refused, pelted Elphege with
bones of oxen and stones, till one Thurm dispatched
him with an axe. Elphege 's body, after resting eleven
years in St. Paul's (London), was translated by King
Canute to Canterbury. His principal feast is kept on
the 19th of April; that of his translation on the Sth of
June. He is sometimes represented with an axe
April, II, 030:
I, 1313- •'
, Hag. Lot., 377; Can
1313; Fumiiah. Wormr- " "
' 18 April: 8r»a
BioffT; A- v> Jfi/>rtw».
Patrick Ryan.
MeruAoqy, IS April;
jQphin (Elphinium), Diocese or, suffragan of
Tuam, Ireland, a see founded by St. Patrick. All the
known facts respecting its first bishop are recorded in
two important memorials of early Irish hagiography,
the "Vita Tripartita" of St. Patrick, and the so-called
"Patrician Documents" in the "Book of Armagh"
(o. v.). On his missionary tour through Connaught,
which he entered
by crossing the
Shannon at Drum-
boilan, near Bat
tlebridge, ii: the
parish of Ardcarne,
in 434 or 43d, St.
Patrick came to
the territory of
Corcoghlan, in
which was situated
the place now
called Elphin. The
chief of that ter-
ritory, a noble
Druid named Ono,
of the royal Con-
nacian race of II y-
Briuin, gave land,
and afterwards his
castle or fort, to
St. Patrick to
found a church and
■ Cathbdbal, Slido
■y. The place, which
had hitherto been called, from its owner's name,
EmiaghrOno, received the designation of Elphin,
which signifies "rock of the clear spring", from a large
stone raised by the saint from the welfopened by him
in this land and placed on its margin, and the copious
stream of crystal water which flowed from it and still
Sows through the street of Elphin. There St. Patrick
built a church called through centuries Tempull Phad-
ruig, i. e. Patrick's church. He established here an
episcopal see, and placed over it St. Assicus as bishop,
and with him left Bite, a bishop, son of the brother of
one of the first monasteries founded by him, and
E laced Assicus over it, in which office he was succeeded
y Bite. Both were buried at Racoon, in Donegal,
where St. Patrick built a church and a habitation for
seven bishops. The " Septem 'episcopi de Racoon " are
invoked in the Festology of ^Engus the Culdee (q. v.).
The first bishop of Elphin is described in the " Book
of Armagh" as the cerd, i. e. the wright or goldsmith of
St. Patrick; and he made chalices, patens, and metal
book-covers for the newly founded churches. Follow-
ing the example of their masters, the successors and
spiritual children of St. Assicus founded a school of art
and produced beautiful objects of Celtic workmanship
in the Diocese of Elphin. Some of these remain to the
present day, objects of interest to all who see them.
The famous Cross of Cong (see Chobs) , undoubtedly one
of the finest specimens of its age in Western Europe,
was (as the inscription on it and the Annals of Innis-
f alien testify) the work of Mailisa MacEgan, successor
of St. Finian of Clooncraff near Elphin, in the County
Roscommon, and was made at Roscommon under the
superintendence of Domhnail, eon of Flanagan O'Duffy,
successor of Coman and Kieran, abbots of Roscommon
and Clonmacnoise, and Bishop of Elphin. It is held
that the exquisite Ardagh Chalice, which was given to
Clonmacnoise by Turlough O'Conor, and was stolen
thence by the Danes, was made, if not by the same
artist, at least in the same school at Roscommon. The
Four Masters record (1166) that the shrine of Manchan
BLU8A 3!
of Maothail (Mohill) was covered by Rory O'Conor,
and an embroidery of gold placed over it by him in as
good style as relic was ever covered in Ireland. It is,
therefore, fair to conclude that this beautiful work was
also executed in the school of art founded by St. Assi-
cus in the Diocese of Elphin. Within four miles of the
present town of Elphin is Ratherroghan, the famous
palace of Queen Meave and the Connaught kings;
Relig-na-Righ, the Kings' Burial Place; also the welfof
Ogufia, or the Virgin Monument, the scene of the
famous conversion and baptism of Aithnea (Eithne)
and Fidelm. the daughters of Leoghari, monarch of
Ireland in the time of St. Patrick. Ware states that
after the union with Elphin of the minor sees of Ros-
common, Ardcarae, Drumclifle, and other bishoprics
of less note, finally effected by the Synod of Hells
{1152}, the see was esteemed one of the richest in all
Ireland, and had about seventy-nine parish churches.
The Four Masters describe its cathedral as the " Great
Church" in 1235, and speak of the bishop's court in
1258. It had a dean and chapter at this time, as we
learn from the mandate of Innocent IV, sent from
Lyons, 3 July, 1245, to the Archbishop of Tuam, noti-
fying him that the pope had annulled the election of
the Provost of Roscommon to the See of Elphin, and
ordering him to appoint and consecrate Archdeacon
)5 EX.VHLA
7661. The present chapter consists of a dean, arch-
deacon, treasurer, chancellor, theologian, penitentiary,
and four prebendaries. The parishes number 33, par-
iah priests and curates 100. There is a convent of
Dominicans at Sligo. The female orders in the dio-
cese are: Uraulines, Sligo; Sisters of Mercy, in various
E laces; and Franciscan Missionaries of Mary, at
oughlynn. To the convents are attached primary
schools attended by 2500 girls. Three of them have
also industrial schools for orphan and homeless chil-
dren. The Ursulines conduct a boarding-school for
young ladies. The diocesan seminary is the college of
the Immaculate Conception at Sligo. The Marist and
Presentation Brothers teach large schools. The
cathedral of the diocese at Sligo, an early Romanesque
structure, simple and massive, was erected by Most
Rev. Dr. Gillooly, and consecrated in 1897. He also
built St. Mary's Presbytery, and the College of the Im-
maculate Conception, Sligo. These, with a Temper-
ance Hall, form a group of ecclesiastical buildings
worthy of their beautiful scenic surroundings.
Bishop Gillooly was succeeded, 24 March, 1805, by
the Most Rev. John Joseph Clancy, born in the parish
of Riverstown, County Sligo, in 1856. He was edu-
cated at the Marist College, Sligo, and Summerhill Col-
lege, Athlone, and entered Maynootb in 1876, where
he spent two years on the Dunboyne Establishment.
In 1883 he was appointed professor in the Diocesan
College, Sligo, and in 1887 professor of English Litera-
ture and French in Maynooth College, which office he
held until he was made Bishop of Elphin.
Book of Armagh (Rebtob-Gtwnn, f&caimilft edition); Waki!-
Harhib. Bithovt and Wrile™ <if Mai»l (Dublin, 1730-48);
Anxal* of Iht Four MaUrrt. ed. O'Dosovan (Dublin. f*~ l-
AnmaU of UUltr. ed. Hu " "" "'■
BS2L17S' ' ' "
V (Dublin,
John, postulated by the dean Malachy, the archdea-
cons John and Clare, and the treasurer Gilbert. Among
the early bishops was Bron of K ill aspueb rone, a fa-
voured disciple of St. Patrick. He was also the friend
and adviser of St. Brigid when she dwelt in the plain of
Roscommon and founded monasteries there. Accord-
ing to Ware, of the successors of St. Assicus in the See
of Elphin he found mention of only two before the
coming of the English, Dorahnall O'Dubhthaigh
(O'Duffy), who died in 1036, and Flanachan O'Dubh-
thaigh, who died in 1168. There is reference to
at least two other bishops of Elphin, in 640 and
1190. From St. Assicus to 1009 the names of at
least fifty-four occupants of the see are enumerated
in the ecclesiastical annals and public records of Ire-
land and Rome. Many of them were renowned for
learning, wisdom and piety. During the Reformation
and subsequent persecutions, there continued in Elph-
in an unfailing succession of canonically appointed
Catholic bishops. They were faithful dispensers of the
divine mysteries, like George Brann and John Max;
confessors true to the Catholic Faith and the See of
Peter, through years of persecution and exile like
O'Higgins and O'Crean; martyrs sealing their testi-
mony with their blood, like O'Healy and Galviriua.
The present Diocese of Elphin includes nearly the
whole of the county of Roscommon, with large por-
tions of Sligo and Gal way. In the census of 1001 the
population was : Catholics, 125,743 ; non-Catholics,
El U8», a titular see of Paltestina Tertia, suffragan
of Petra. This city is called XtWofa in the Greek text
of Judith, i, 9. It is also mentioned by Ptolemy, V, xv,
10 (in Idumam), Peutingert "Table1', Stephanus By-
santius (as being formerly in Arabia, now in Pala;s-
tina Tertia), St. Jerome (In Isaiam, V, xv, 4), the
pilgrim Theodosius, Antoninus of Piacenza, and Joan-
nes Moschus (Pratum Spirituale, clxiv). In the fourth
Century, as is to be learned from St. Jerome's life of
St. Hilarion, there was at Elusa a great temple of
Aphrodite; the saint seems to have introduced Chris-
tianity there ("Vita Hilarionis" in P. G., XXIII, 41).
andhisfather (P. G..LXXIX, 373-93). Otherbishops
known are Theodulus, 431; Aretas, 451; Peter, 518;
and Zenobius, 536 (Lequien, Or. christ., Ill, 735). To-
day the ruins of the city are seen at El-Khalasa (Kha-
lasah), about nineteen miles south of Beisabee, in a
large plain belonging to nomad tribes. Many inscrip-
tions nave been found there (Revue Biblique, 1905,
246-48, 253-55). In the vicinity, according to the
Targums, was the desert of Sur with the well at which
the angel found Agar (Gen., xvi, 7). (See Revue
Biblique, 1906, 597).
The ancient See of Elusa (Eauie) in Gaul was united
with that of Auch (q. v.) probably in the ninth cen-
tury.
Hiusb, Poltntina (Utrecht, 1714). II, 717, 766-757; Rob-
inson. Biblical Rararditt in PaUtiinr (London, 1858). 1. 201-
202; Paiaies. Tht Datrt d the Erodua (Cambridge, 1871), II.
385; Geiaeh, Gcortrii Cvprii ducriptio orbit Romani (LtApti*,
1890), 199.
S. Vailh£.
Elvira, Council of, held early in the fourth cen-
tury at Euiberis, or Illiberis, in Spain, a city now in
ruins not far from Granada. It was, so far as we
know, the first council held in Spain, and was at-
tended by nineteen bishops from ail parts of the Pen-
ILT 3!
Insula. The exact year in which it was held is a mat-
tor of controversy upon which much has been written.
Some copiea of its Acts contain a date which corre-
sponds with the year 324 of our reckoning; by some
writers the council has accordingly been assigned to
that year. Hardouin suggests 313, Mansi 309, and
Uefele 305 or 306. Recent opinion (Duchesne, see
below) would put the date considerably earlier, from
300 to 303, consequently previous to the persecution
of Diocletian. The principal bishop attending the
council was the famous Hosius of Cordova. Twenty-
six priests are also recorded as sitting with the bishops.
Its eighty-one Canons were, however, subscribed
only by the bishops. These canons, all disciplinary.
throw much light on the religious and ecclesiastical
life of Spanish Christians on the eve of the triumph of
Christianity. They deal with marriage, baptism,
idolatry, fasting, excommunication, the cemeteries,
usury, vigils, frequentation of Mass, the relations of
Christians with pagans, Jews, heretics, eta. In canon
xxxiii we have, says Hefele (op. cit. below), the oldest
positive ecclesiastical ordinance concerning the celi-
bacy of the clergy. Canon xiii exhibits the institution
of nuns (virginet Deo tacratic) as long familiar to
Spain. Canon xxxvi (placuit picturas in eccleeii esse
non debere ne quod colitur et adoratur in parietibua
depingatur) hau often been urged against the venera-
tion of images as practised in the Catholic Church.
Binterim, De Rossi, and Hefele interpret this prohibi-
tion as directed against the use of images m over-
ground churches only, lest the pagans should carica-
ture sacred scenes and ideas; Von Funk, Tunnel, and
Dom Leclercq opine that the council did not pro-
nounce as M> the liceity or non-liceity of the use of
images, but as an administrative measure simply for-
bade them, lest new and weak converts from paganism
should incur thereby any danger of relapse into idola-
try, or be scandalized by certain superstitious excesses
in no way approved by the ecclesiastical authority.
(See Von Funk in "Tubingen Quartalschrift", 1883,
270-78; Nolte in "Rev. des Sciences ecclesiastiques",
1877, 482-84; Tunnel in "Rev. du clerge francaia",
1906, XLV, 508.) Several othercanons of this council
offer much interest to students of Christian archaeology.
(See text and commentary in Hefele-Leclercq,
"Hist, des Conciles," I, 212 sqq.)
Mansi, Coll. Cone.. II. 1 sqq.; Bahoniub, AnnaUt, ad an.
306; Routh. Reluruia Sotra, III. 253; Dale, The Synod of
Elvira and Christian life t'n I'm Fourth Century (London, 1882);
Leclemco, L'Etpaotit chrttienne (Pari», 1907); Hahnack.
C/ironoloau der alldir. Lilt.. II, 450; Duchesne, he amcile
d'Elrirt rt ha lUmiima cJirtlirtu in M/'Jangrs ttmirr <P*ri».
1SS8>; Hr.rELr.-Lr.cLERCq, Will, da Coaeila, new French tr.
(Para, 1907), 212-04.
Arthur S. Barnes.
By (Elia or Elys), Ancient Diocese op (Eli-
ensis), in England. The earliest historical notice
of Ely is given by Venerable Bede who writes (Hist.
Eccl., IV, xix): ''Ely is in the province of the East-
Angles, a country of about six hundred families, in
the nature of an island, enclosed either with marshes
or waters, and therefore it has its name from the great
abundance of eels which are taken in those marshes."
This district was assigned in 649 to Etheldreda, or
Audrey, daughter of Anna, King of the East Angles, as
a dowry on her marriage with Tonbert of the South
Girvii. After her second marriage to Egfrid, King of
Northumbria, she became a nun, and in 673 returned
to Ely and founded a monastery on the site of the
present cathedral. As endowment she gave it her
entire principality of the isle, from which subsequent
Bishops of Ely derived their temporal power. St.
Etheldreda died in 679, and her shrine became a place
of pilgrimage. In 870 the monastery was destroyed
by the Danes, having already given to the Church
four sainted abbesses, Sts. Etheldreda, Sexburga, Er-
menilda, and Werburga. Probably under their rule
there was a community of monks as well i
6 ELY
of nuns, but when in 970 the monastery was restored
by King Edgar and Bishop Ethelwold it was a founda-
tion for monks only. For more than a century the
monastery flourished, till about the year 1105 Abbot
Richard suggested the creation of the See of Ely, to
relieve the enormous Diocese of Lincoln. The pope's
brief erecting the new bishopric was issued 21 Nov.,
1108, and in Oct., 1109, the king granted his charter,
the first bishop being Harvey, formerly Bishop of
Bangor. The monastery church thus became one of
the "conventual" cathedrals. Of this building the
transepts and two bays of the nave already existed,
and in 1170 the nave as it stands to-day (a complete
and perfect specimen of late Norman work) was fin-
ished. As the bishops succeeded to the principality
of St. Etheldreda they enjoyed palatine power and
IVuch oTtheir
wealth they spent
on their cathedral,
with the result
that Ely can show
beautiful exam-
ples of Gothic ar-
chitecture of every
period," including
two unique fea-
tures, the un-
rivalled Galilee
porch (1198-1215)
and the central oc-
tagon (1322-1328)
which rises from
the whole breadth
of the building and
towers up until its
roof forms the only
Gothic dome in ex-
istence. The west-
em tower (215
feet) was built be-
tween 1174 and 1*™u™a°w^_
1197, and the OCta- Bhowlns f anioua"a«U«OD sod lantern
gon was added to
it in 1400. Of the cathedral as a whole it is true
that " a more vast, magnificent and beautiful display
of ecclesiastical architecture and especially of the
different periods of the pointed style can scarcely
be conceived" (Winkles, English Cathedrals, II, 46).
It is fortunate in having perfect specimens of each of
the successive styles of Gothic architecture: the
Early English Galilee porch, the Decorated lady-
chapel (1321-1349), and the Perpendicular chantry of
Bishop Alcock (c. 1500).
The original Catholic diocese was much smaller than
the present Anglican see and consisted of Cambridge-
shire alone, while even of this county a small part
belonged to Norwich diocese. The bishops of Ely
usually held high office in the State and the roll
includes many names of famous statesmen, includ-
ing eight lord chancellors (marked *) and six lord
treasurers (marked t)- Two bishops— John de Fon-
tibus and Hugh Belsham — were reputed as saints,
but never received formal cultua; the former was
commemorated on 19 June. The following is thelist
of bishops;—
iiCWn
Harvey, 1109
Nigel, 1133f
Geoffrey Riddell, 1174
William Longchamp,
1189*
Eustace, 1198*
John de Fontibus, 1220f
Geoffrey de Burgh, 1225
Hugh Norwold, 1229
William de Kilkenny,
1255*
Hugh Belsham, 1257
John Kirkby, 1286f
William de Louth, 1290
Ralph Walpole, 1299
Robert Orford, 1302
John Keeton, 1310
John Hotham, 1316*t
Simon Hontacute, 1337
Thomas de Lisle, 1345
Simon Langham, 1362*
John Bamet, 1366t
SLYM08 397 EMANATIONISM
Thomas Fits-Alan (or
Arundel), 1374*
John Fordham, 1388
Philip Morgan, 1426
Vacancy (Cardinal Louis
of Luxemburg, admin-
istrator), 1435
Thomas Bourchier, 1444
William Gray, 1454f
John Morton, 1479*
John Alcock, founder of ism in the sense commonly received to-day, it is not
Jesus College, Cam- primarily a theological, but rather a cosmogonic ays-
bridge, 1486 tern, not a direct answer to the question of the nature
Richard Redman, 1501 of God, but to that of the mode pi origin of things from
James Stanley, 1506 God. In general it holds that all things proceed from
Nicholas West, 1515 the same Divine substance, some immediately, others
Thomas Goodrich, 1533* mediately. All beings form a series the beginning of
Thomas Thirlby, 1554- which is God. The second reality is an emanation
1559 from the first, the third from the second, and so on.
At every step the derived beingis less perfect than its
Bishop Goodrich showed reforming tendencies and source; but, by giving rise to other beings, the source
during his pontificate the monastery with all its de- itself loses none of its perfections. The first source,
pendencies was suppressed. The last Catholic then, from which everything flows, remains unchanged;
bishop was Thomas Thirlby, who was one of the eleven its perfection is neither exhausted nor lessened,
confessor-bishops imprisoned by Elizabeth and who Emanationism is frequently referred to as a form of
died at Lambeth in 1570. In the diocese there were pantheism; but while this latter is primarily a system
one archdeaconry and 141 parishes. The arms of the of reality, identifying all things as modes or appear-
see were: gules, three ducal crowns, or. ances of the one substance, emanationism is concerned
Liber Eliensis (one vol. only published, London, 1848); In- chiefly with the mode of derivation. Nor does it
England and Wales (1800): BrrxwAxr. Architectural History of Ely tiality of emanated realities. It is true that emana-
ST& 1ra$£r»*# WiSyl^fl^t «on » <*>?<**«* by «™» fa a pantheistic sense, as an
written and edited by Dean Stubbs (20th edition, Ely, 1898); immanent process, an expansion of the Divine sub-
Farvbn, Cathedral Cities of Ely and Norwich (introd. by Prof, stance withm itself. But by many it is understood as
SSofn.BBoN.^rAiSWjSSf^ """ *• <I"nd0n• ^J** a «eP«ation of the derived beings from their
Edwin Burton source. Hence, not only some forms of pantheism are
Elymos. See Barjesus. " «** emanationistic, but also many emanationistfih-
with more or less consistency — reject pantheism. ^ For
Hziar of Sabran, Saint, Baron of Ansouis, Count those who admit that matter is eternal and exists inde-
of Ariano, b. in the castle of Saint-Jean de Robians, pendently of God, God cannot be more than an archi-
in Provence, 1285; d. at Paris, 27 September, 1323. tect, who arranges pre-existing materials. In»the
After a thorough training in piety and the sciences doctrine of complete emanationism, all things, from
under his uncle William of Sabran, Abbot of St. Victor the highest spiritual substances to the lowest forms of
at Marseilles, he acceded to the wish of Charles II of matter, come from God as their first origin, matter be-
Naples and married the virtuous Delphine of the house ing the last and therefore most imperfect emanation,
of Glandeves. He respected her desire to live in vir- Some views, however, combine the theory of the eter-
ginity and joined the Third Order of St. Francis, vying nity of matter with the theory of emanation,
with her in the practice of prayer, mortification, and The doctrine of creation teaches that all things are
charity towards the unfortunate. At the age of distinct from God, but that God is their efficient cause,
twenty he moved from Ansouis to Puy-Michel for God does not produce things from His own substance
greater solitude, and formulated for his servants rules nor from anv pre-existing reality, but by an act of His
of conduct that made his household a model of Chris- will brings them out of nothing. According to emana-
tian virtue. * On the death of his father, in 1309, he tionism, on the contrary, the Divine substance is the
went to Italy and. after subduing by kindness his sub- reality from which all things are derived, not by any
iects who despised the French, he went to Rome at the voluntary determination, but by a necessity of nature,
head of an army and aided in expelling the Emperor And God does not produce all things immediately; the
Henry VII. Returning to Provence, he made a vow lower are more distant, and are separated from Him by
of chastity with his spouse, and in 1317 went back to necessary intermediaries. (It may be noted, however,
Naples to become the tutor of Duke Charles and later that sometimes the word emanation is used in a
his prime minister when he became regent. In 1323 broader sense including also creation. Thus St.
he was sent as ambassador to France to obtain Marie Thomas: "Quseritur de modo emanationis rerum a
of Valois in marriage for Charles, edifying a worldly primo principio qui dicitur creatio".-— Summa, I, Q.
court by his heroic virtues. He was buried in the xlv, a. 1.)
Franciscan habit in the church of the Minor Conven- Evolution implies the change of one thing into
tuals at Apt. The decree of his canonization was something else, whereas a reality from which another
signed by his godson Urban V and published by Gre- emanates remains identical with itself. The process
gory XI. His feast is kept by the Friars Minor and of evolution — at least in its totality — is generally con-
Conventuals on the 27th of September, and by the sidered as an ascent, a movement upwards towards a
Capuchins on the 20th of October. greater perfection. Emanation is a descent; it begins
«Tr AJ5S,HO« AVSaU8 ii iwymi VJ. 247 »qq.; Acta 55., Sept., with the infinitely perfect, and at every step the ema-
VII,494 sqq.; Boze, Htstotre de 8. Elzear el de Ste Delphine. n«*:na k^ino* ar£ 1am nilr« Iam r^riani Iajm Hivin*
suivie de leur Hogs (Lyons, 1862) ; Leo, Lives of the Saints and JJ1^5 i*.111^? are A , Pure> le8? Pf«ect, lCSS aivme.
Blessed ofthe Three Orders of St. Francis (Taunton, 1886), III, The Infinite IS postulated as a starting-point, instead
232-40; Butler, Lives of the Saints, 27 Sept. of being the goal which the universe is ever striving to
Gregory Cabr. realize. Some comparisons used by emanationists,
though only metaphors, and consequently misleading
Emanationism, the doctrine that emanation (Lat. if taken literally, may give a clearer idea of the system.
mnanare, "to flow from") is the mode by which ail Things proceed from God as water from a spring or an
things are derived from the First Reality, or Principle, overflowing vessel ; as the stem, branches, leaves, etc.,
I. The term emanation, being itself a metaphor, has from the roots ; as the web from the spider ; as light or
been, and is still, used in many senses, and frequently heat from the sun or a fire; as the aoctrine from the
by writers who are not emanationists. Others, with- teacher. It is easy to see that all such comparisons
out using the word, really hold the doctrine of emana- are deficient in many points. They are intended
tion. Furthermore, emanationism is always inter- simply to illustrate that which is above human corn-
woven with different opinions on various subjects; to prehension.
separate it from these so as to assign its fundamental II. Vague indications of emanationism are found in
elements is more or less arbitrary. Taking emanation- ancient mythologies and religions, especially those of
EMANATIONISM 398 EMANATIONISM
India, Egypt, and Persia. Thud in the Upanishads cording to Proclus, from the One come the unities
things are said to issue from their eternal principle as (irddet), which alone are related to the world. From
the web from the spider, the plant from the earth; the the unities emanate the triads of the intelligible essen-
hair from the skin. But, while these and other com- ces (being), the intelligible-intellectual essences (life),
parisons and expressions may be interpreted in the and the intellectual essences (thought). These again
sense of emanationism, they are not sufficiently ex- are further differentiated. Matter comes directly
plicit to serve as a basis for the assertion that such from one of the intelligible triads,
systems of philosophy or religion are emanationistic. Gnostics teach that from God, the Father, emanated
Philo's teaching on this point is not much clearer, numberless Divine, supra-mundane Mons, less and
His thought was influenced by two distinct currents: less perfect, which, taken all together, constitute the
Greek philosophy, especially flatonism, and Judaism, fullness (xX^w/ia) of Divine life. Wisdom, the last of
In his endeavour to reconcile them, he sometimes falls these, produced an inferior wisdom named Achamoth,
into inconsistencies, and his real position is doubtful, and also the psychical and material worlds. To de-
According to him, God, infinitely perfect, cannot act note the mode according to which an inferior is de-
on the world immediately, but only through powers rived from a superior degree, Basilides uses the term
or forces (dvv&iuis) which are not identical with Him, &w6ppota (" flowing from^ "efflux"), and Valentinus,
but proceed from Him. The primitive Divine force is the term vpofklkij (throwing forth, projection). The
the Logos. Whether the Logos is a substance or only Fathers of the Church and Christian writers, especially
an attribute, remains an obscure point. From the when they treat of the divine exemplarism or of the
Logos the Spirit (n*0/*a) proceeds. It is the soul, or relations of the three Divine Persons in the Trinity,
vivifying principle, of the world. Sometimes God is and even when they speak of the origin of the world,
looked upon as the efficient and active cause of the may use expressions that remind one of the theory of
world, sometimes also as immanent, as the one and the emanation. But such expressions must be interpreted
whole (eft *aird raradrfe iortv). according to the doctrine of creation to which they
The first clear and systematic expression of emana- adhere. Pseudo-Dionysius follows Plotinus and the
tionism is found in the Alexandrian school of Neo- later Neo-Platonists, especially Proclus, frequently
Platonism. According to Plotinus, the most impor- borrowing their terminology. Yet he endeavours to
tant representative of this school, the first principle of adapt their views to the teachings of Christianity,
all things is the One. Absolute unity ana simplicity God is primarily goodness and love, and other beings
is the best expression by which God can be designated, are emanations from His goodness, as light is an emana-
The One is a totally indetermined essence, for any at- tion from the sun. John Scotus Eriugena takes his
tribute or determination would introduce Doth limita- doctrine from Pseudo-Dionysius and interprets it in
tion and multiplicity. Even intelligence and will can- the sense of pantheistic emanationism. There is only
not belong to this Primal Reality, for they imply the one Being who, by a series of substantial emanations,
duality of subject and object, and duality presupposes produces all things. Nature has four divisions, or
a higher unity. The One, however, is also described rather there are four stages of the one nature: (1) The
as the First, the Good( the Light, the Universal Cause, nature which creates, but is not created, i. e. God in
From the One all things proceed; not by creation, His primordial, incomprehensible reality, unknown
which would be an act of the will, and therefore incom- and unknowable for all beings, even for Himself. God
patible with unity; nor by a spreading of the Divine alone truly is, and He is the essence of all things,
substance as pantheism teaches, since this would do (2) The created and creating nature, i. e. God con-
away with the essential oneness. The One is not all sidered as containing the ideas, prototypes, or, to use
things, but before all things. Emanation is the proc- Eriugena's expression, the primordial causes of things,
ess by which all things are derived from the One. It is the ideal world. a (3) The nature which is created,
The infinite goodness and perfection "overflows'1, but does not create, is the world of things existing in
and, while remaining within itself and losing nothing time and space. All flow, proceed, or emanate from
of its own perfection, it generates other beings, sending the first principle of being. Creation is a "proces-
them forth from its own superabundance. Or again, sion". Creatures and God are one and the same
as brightness is produced by the rays of the sun so reality. In creatures God manifests Himself. Hence
everything is a radiation (xtpCKapapis) from the Infinite the name theophania which Eriugena gives to this proc-
Light. The various emanations form a series every ess. (4) Nature, which neither creates nor is created,
successive step of which is an image of the preceding i. e. God as the term towards which everything ulti-
one, though interior to it. The first reality that ema- mately returns.
nates from the One is the Nous (Nout), a pure intelli- Arabian philosophy — not to speak here of the various
gence, an immanent and changeless thought, putting forms of Arabian mysticism — is in many points influ-
forth no activity outside of itself. The Nous is an enced by Neo-Platonism, and generally holds some
image of the One, and, coming to recognise itself as an form of emanationism, the emanation of the different
image, introduces the first duality, that of subject and spheres to which all things celestial and terrestrial be-
object. The Nous includes in itself the intellectual long. According to Alfarabi, from the First Being,
world, or world of ideas, the jc&r/tot porjrfa of Plato, conceived as intelligent (in this Alfarabi departs from
Frcm the Nous emanates the Soul of the world, which Plotinus), the intellect emanates; from the intellect,
forms the transition between the world of ideas and the cosmic soul; and from the cosmic soul, matter,
the world of the senses. It is intelligent and, in this Avicenna teaches that matter is eternal and uncreated,
respect, similar to the ideal world. But it also tends From the First Cause comes the inteUigerUia prima,
to realize the ideas in the material world. The World- from which follows a series of processions and emana-
Soul generates particular souls, or rather plastic forces, tions of the various celestial spheres down to our own
which are the "forms " of all things. Finally, the soul earthly sphere. For Averroes the intellect is not indi-
and its particular forces beget matter, which ip of itself vidual, but identical with the universal spirit, which is
indetermined and becomes determined by its union an emanation from God. Interesting is a comparison
with the form. With a few variations in the details, found in one of the later mystics, Ibn Arabi. Water
the same essential doctrine of emanation is taught by that flows from a vessel becomes separated from it;
Iamblichus and Proclus. With Plotinus, Iamblichus hence this comparison is defective, for things that
identifies the One with the Good, but assumes an abso- issue from God are not separated from Him. Emana-
lutely first One, anterior to the One, and utterly ineffa- tion is illustrated by the comparison with a mirror,
ble. From it emanates the One: from the One, the which receives the features of a man, although the
intelligible world (ideas) ; and from the intelligible man and his features remain united,
world, the intellectual world (thinking beings). Ac- In Jewish philosophy, influences of Neo-Platonism
EMANCIPATION
399
EMBOLISM
are apparent in Avicebron and Maimonides. In the
Cabbala the famous doctrine of the Sephiroth is essen-
tially a doctrine of emanations. It was developed
and systematized especially in the thirteenth century.
The Sephiroth are the necessary intermediaries be-
tween God and the universe, between the intellectual
and the material world. They are divided into three
groups, the first group of three forming the world of
thought, the second group, also of three, the world of
souL and the last group, of four, the world of matter.
III. Philosophically tne discussion of emanationism
supposes the discussion of the whole problem of the
nature of God, especially of His simplicity and infinity.
The doctrine of the Catholic Church is contained in the
definition of the dogma of the creatio ex nihilo by the
Fourth Lateran Council and, especially, the Council of
the Vatican. The latter expressly condemns emana-
tionism (I. De Deo rerum omnium creatore, can. iv),
and anathematizes those " asserting that finite things,
both corporeal and spiritual, or at least spiritual, have
emanated from the Divine substance".
The literature on this subject includes the works of -the au-
thors mentioned in the course of the article, works on history
of philosophy, both general and of special schools and philoso-
phers. Heinze in Realcncyk. fQr prut. Theol., V, 329; Hage-
mann in Kirchenlex., IV, 431.
C. A. DUBBAT.
Emancipation, Catholic. See England; Roman
Catholic Relief Bill.
Emancipation, Ecclesiastical.— In ancient Rome
emancipation was a process of law by which a slave
released from the control of his master, or a son
liberated from the authority of his father (patria po-
testas), was declared legally independent. The earliest
ecclesiastical employment of this process was in the
freeing of slaves. The Church, unable to chance at
once the sad condition of the slave, was able, how-
ever, to gradually substitute for slavery the milder
institution of serfdom, and to introduce in place
of the elaborate formalities of the emancipatio the
simpler form of the manumissio in ecdeka (Cod.,
De his, qui in ecclesia manumittuntur, i, 13), in
which a simple statement to that effect by the mas-
ter before the bishop and the congregation sufficed.
The emancipation of a slave was especially necessary
as a preliminary to his ordination [c. i (Synod of Poi-
tiers, 1078, can., viii), X, De filiis presbyterorum
ordinandis vel non, I, xvii; c. iii (Fourth Synod of
Toledo, 633, can. lxxiv), X, De servis non ordinandis
et eorum manumissione, I, xviii]. Similarly, the en-
trance of a son into a religious order, i. e. the taking
of solemn vows, or the professio reliaioea, carries with
it in canon law his emancipation from the legal au-
thority (patria potestas) of the father. No positive
law, however, can be quoted on this point, nor does
modern civil legislation recognize this consequence of
religious profession. The canon law recognizes an-
other, purely imitative form of emancipation. This
was the release of a pupil of a cathedra! school, a
domiceUaris, from subjection to the authority of the
scholasticus, or head of the school. This emancipa-
tion took place with certain well-defined ceremonies,
known in the old German cathedral schools as Kap-
pengang.
The term emancipation is also applied to the release
of a secular ecclesiastic from his diocese, or of a regular
from obedience and submission to his former superior,
because of election to the episcopate. The petition re-
questing release from the former condition of service
or submission, which the collegiate electoral body, or
the newly elected person, must present to the former
superior, is called postulatio simplex, in contradistinc-
tion to the postvlatio soUemnis, or petition to be laid
before the pope, in case some canonical impediment
prevents the elected person from assuming the epis-
copal office. The document granting the dismissal
from the former relations is called liUerce dimis-
8ori(B or emancipatoruB. It is not customary to use
the term emancipation for that form of dismissal by
which a church is released from parochial jurisdiction,
a bishop from subordination to his metropolitan, a
monastery or order from the jurisdiction of the bishop,
for the purpose of placing such person or body under
the ecclesiastical authority next higher in rank, or
under the pope himself. This act is universally
known as exemption (q. v.).
Febraris, Btbhotheca prompta (Paris, 1884), s. v.; Cam*
buiat, De V Emancipation dee mineurs dans Vancienne France
in Revue oath, dee institutions et du droit (Paris, 1887), XXIX,
151-174. Johannes Baptist SagmOller.
Emancipation of Jews. See Jews.
Emard, Joseph. See Valletfield.-
Ember-days (corruption from Lat. Quatuor
Tempora, four times) are the days at the beginning of
the seasons ordered by the Church as days of fast
and abstinence. They were definitely arranged and
prescribed for the entire Church by Pope Gregory VII
(1073-1085) for the Wednesday, Friday, and Satur-
day after 13 December (S. Lucia), after Ash- Wednes-
day, after Whitsunday, and after 14 September (Ex-
altation of the Cross). The purpose of their introduc-
tion, besides the general one intended by all prayer
and fasting, was to thank God for the gifts of nature,
to teach men to make use of them in moderation, ana
to assist the needy. The immediate occasion was the
practice of the heathens of Rome. The Romans were
originally given to agriculture, and their native gods
belonged to the same class. At the beginning of the
time for seeding and harvesting religious ceremonies
were performed to implore the help of their deities:
in June for a bountiful harvest, in September for a
rich vintage, and in December for the seeding; hence
their fence sementivce, fence meseis, and f erics vinde-
miaUe. The Church, when converting heathen na-
tions, has always tried to sanctify any practices which
could be utilized for a good purpose. At first the
Church in Rome had fasts in June, September, and
December: the exact days were not fixed but were
announced by the priests. The u Liber Pontificalia"
ascribes to Pope Caliistus (217-222) a law ordering
the fast, but probably it is older. Leo the Great (440-
461) considers it an Apostolic institution. When the
fourth season was added cannot be ascertained, but
Gelasius (492-496) speaks of all four. This pope also
permitted the conferring of priesthood and deaconship
on the Saturdays of ember week— these were formerly
given only at Easter. Before Gelasius the ember-days
were known only in Rome, but after his time their ob-
servance spread. They were brought into England by
St. Augustine ; into Gaul and Germany by the Carlovin-
gians. Spain adopted them with the Roman Liturgy
m the eleventh century. They were introduced by St.
Charles Borromeo into Milan. The Eastern Church
does not know them. The present Roman Missal, in
the formulary for the Ember-days, retains in part the
old practice of lessons from Scripture in addition to the
ordinary two: for the Wednesdays three, for the Satur-
days six, and seven for the Saturday in December.
Some of these lessons contain promises of a bountiful
harvest for those that serve God.
Duchesne, Christian Worship (London, 1904), 232; Bin-
terim, DenkwQrdigkeiten, V, 2, 133; Kellneb, Heortdogie
(Freiburg im Br.. 1906), 137; Revue Benedictine (1807), XIV, 337.
Francis Mebshman.
Emblems of the Saints. See Iconography.
Embolism (Greek: Ip/SoWpfe, from the verb,
ipP&Xkeur, "to throw in"), an insertion, addition, in-
terpretation. The word has two specific uses in the
language of the Church: —
I. The prayer which, in the Mass, is inserted be-
tween the Our Father and the Fraction of the Bread:
" Libera nos, qusesumus, Domine, ab omnibus malis",
etc. It is an interpretation of the last petition. The
•
EMBfiOXDEBY
400
EMBROIDERY
embolism may date back to the first centuries, since,
under various forms, it is found in all the Occidental
and in a great many Oriental, particularly Syrian,
Liturgies. The Greek Liturgies of St. Basil and St.
John Chrvsostom, however, do not contain it. In the
Mozarabic Rite this prayer is very beautiful and is re-
cited not only in the Mass, but also after the Our
Father at Lauds and Vespers. The Roman Church
connects with it a petition for peace in which she in-
serts the names of the Mother of God, Sts. Peter and
Paul, and St. Andrew. The name of St. Andrew is
found in the Gelasian Sacramentary, so that its inser-
tion in the Embolismus would seem to have been
anterior to the time of St. Gregory. During the Mid-
dle Ages the provincial churches and religious orders
added the names^of other saints, their founders, pa-
trons, etc., according to the discretion of the celebrant
(see Micrologus)
II. In the calendar this term signifies the difference of
days between the lunar year of only 354 days and the
solar year of 365.2922 days. In the Alexandrian
lunar cycle of 19 years, therefore, seven months were
added, one each in the second, fifth, eighth, eleventh,
thirteenth, sixteenth, and nineteenth (the embolistic)
years. Each embolistic year had 13 lunar months, or
384 days. The lunar calendar was called Dionysian,
because Dionysius Exiguus, in the sixth century,
recommended the introduction of the Alexandrian
Easter cycle of 19 years and computed it for 95 years
in advance.
Lerch, Einleituna in die Chronoiogie (Freiburg, 1899), II, 28
sqq.; Obotbtbnd, Zeitreehnung (Leipzig, 1898); Liturgia Moza*
rwiea (Paria, 1862); Ebnke, Queuen una Fonchungen turn Mie-
tale Romanian (Freiburg, 1896), 425 sqq.; Mabkeix, The An-
cient Liturgy of the Church of England (Oxford, 1882).
F. G. Holweck.
Embroidery t Ecclesiastical. — That in Christian
worship embroidery was used from early times to
ornament vestments, is confirmed by numerous
notices, especially the statements of the " Liber Pon-
tificalia". For the period before the tenth century
no account, even partially satisfactory, has come
down to us, either of the methods df producing the
embroidery or of the manner and extent of its use.
What is incidentally said is not sufficient to make the
matter clear, and no embroidery of this period for
ecclesiastical purposes has been preserved. The oldest
extant examples are the remains of a maniple and of
a stole dating from the beginning of the tenth cen-
tury, in the museum of Durham cathedral, and frag-
ments of an altar-cover of the same century in the
National Museum at Ravenna. Vestments magnifi-
cently embroidered appeared at the beginning of the
eleventh century, such as the chasuble completely
covered with pictures embroidered in pure gold,
which is preserved in the Bamberg cathedral; the
coronation mantle of Hungary, originally also a
chasuble; and other specimens ot the highest impor-
tance not onlv on account of their costly material
and the skill shown in their execution, but even more
on account of the deep significance of the pictures.
Up to the thirteenth century embroidery in gold
thread was the ornamentation mainly used for eccle-
siastical purposes. To a certain degree gold em-
broidery was intended to take the place of figured
materials woven with gold thread. Consequently, this
embroidery so closely resembles fabrics woven with
cold that on superficial examination it could easily
be taken for such. At the same time, however, em-
broidery withsilkUu^eads was also practised, as is shown
by the splendid copes preserved at St. Paul in Carinthia.
Ecclesiastical embroidery reached its fullest devel-
opment in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and the first
half of the fifteenth centuries. In this period what-
ever bore the name of vestment, wherever means
allowed, was more or less richly embroidered. The
working materials were gold, silver, and silk threads,
small disks and spangles cut with a stamp from silver,
plain or gilded, spangles and small disks of enamel,
real pearls, precious stones, paste diamonds, and
coral. The embroidery of figures was the branch of
the art most pursued, purely ornamental embroidery
being regarded as of subordinate importance. The
copes and chasubles covered with pictorial embroid-
ery of a deeply religious character, the aurifrisia
(bands) magnificently ornamented with embroidered
figures, that were laid on the liturgical clothing and
other vestments, the covers and wall-hangings em-
broidered in striking pictorial designs, the stoles
covered with wonderful needlework, all these exam-
ples of the art of the needle of that era, still found in
large numbers in the church treasuries and museums,
show that ecclesiastical embroidery then reached a
height never since regained. In the eleventh and
twelfth centuries Sicily was famous for its ecclesias-
tical embroidery; in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries the workshops of England were more noted
than all others. In this latter period mention of
English embroidery, called opus anglicanum, is found
in almost all inventories of the more important
churches of the Continent, even in Italy. The vest-
ment most frequently sent from England into other
parts of Western Europe was a cope completely cov-
ered with a rich embroidery of figures on a back-
ground of vine arabesques or elaborate architecture,
the background being worked in gold thread; exam-
ples of these copes are still preserved at St. John
Lateran at Rome, at Pienza, Vich, and Daroca in
Spain, Salzburg, SamVBertrand-de-Coniminges in
France, and elsewhere. A large amount of superb
ecclesiastical needlework, splendid specimens of wnich
still exist, was also produced in Germany, France, and
Italy; in the last-named country the work of Florence,
Siena, Lucca, and Venice was especially noted. In
the fifteenth century the finest ecclesiastical embroid-
ery was done in Flanders, where the work most
largely produced was of that kind in which couched
fold thread was worked over with coloured silks,
'he best examples of this are the mass-vestments of
the Order of the Golden Fleece preserved in the
Hofburg at Vienna. With the close of the Middle
Ages ecclesiastical embroidery began to decline. In-
stead of the flat stitch, use was now made of the
more striking raised embroidery, which frequently
degenerated into a purely formal high relief totally
unsuited in character to ecclesiastical embroidery.
There was a continually growing tendency to aim
at brilliant effects and a stately magnificence. At the
same time pictorial needlework was less and less in
use, owing to the influence of secular embroidery.
Needlework for church vestments was limited more
and more to purely ornamental designs, taken -chiefly
from the plant world, and to certain symbolic designs.
The art sank to its lowest depths both in design and
technic at the commencement of the nineteenth cen-
tury, during the so-called Biedermaier (honest citizen)
period.
Ecclesiastical embroidery flourished in the various
provinces of the Byzantine Empire. While the
costly needlework produced there was naturally used
mainly in the services of the Greek Church, still many
pieces were brought into Western Europe. This
Byzantine needlework did not fail to influence West-
ern ecclesiastical embroidery. One of the finest
examples of art needlework of the Byzantine Empire
of the Middle Ages is the imperial dalmatic in the
treasury of St. Peter's at Rome, erroneously attrib-
uted to the eleventh century; it is, in reality, a Greek
saccds (vestment of a Greek bishop or patriarch) worked,
probably, in the latter half of the fourteenth century.
At no period has ecclesiastical differed in its
technic from secular embroidery. The same varie-
ties of stitches and other art resources have been em-
ployed in both cases. No special ordinances have
EMBRUH 401
ever been issued by the Church in regard to embroid- , 1*vmqu» to.Via.. P*&.# to BibUt *• **• ^^oderU; Macdi
ery for vestments, either as to material, colour, use, or fa Hastings, Did. of the Bible, b. v. Corbett
design. Good taste, however, requires that the em- *mhrnn o«. Ait Hap
broidery should harmonize with the character and ™DrM- *** AIX> ^AP-
colour-effect of the vestment, and that it should not Embryotomy. See Abortion.
be too heavy, too crowded, or too stiff. Emerentiana, Saint, virgin and martyr, d. at
0&8&T^ Rome m the third century fhe old Itineraries to the
k Marshall. Old English Embroidery (London, 1894); na graves of the Roman martyrs, after giving the place
Farcy, Le produti du xP aiide juaqu'hnoejoun (Angers, 1890; of burial on the Via Nomentana of St. Agnes, speak
•upplement. 1900); Br4un, DtelUurotsche Gewondyngjm Oo- of gt Emerentiana. Over the grave of St. Emeren-
eident und Orient (Freiburg, 1907); Idem, Wxnke fUr die An- rr IJW* "u«we«w««». ^ m x ■*» b»«*»« »«• «•• *-™»w
hrtigung und Vemerung der Paromente (Freiburg, 1904); tiana a Church Wa8 built which, according to the
Djubobb, Kunatteriscke Entvricklung der europ&iachen Weberei Itineraries, was near the church erected over the place
und Stickerei (Vienna, 1904). T^— — u- *™ of burial of St- Agnes, and somewhat farther from the
Joseph Bbaun. dty waU In ^.^ Emerentiana wa8 mterred m
«m „.„„_ ,„ On„,»™nB« t* J- ~««u«ui~ ♦!„.«. the cameterium maius located in this vicinity not
Embro DBRT in ScRiPTURB^-It is probable that far f th camUm>um Affneti8m Armellinl be-
&JSS™ *! v^t ^^^SSS^iSS lieved that he had found ^ °&1 burial chamber
nations. The Greek and Romans acquired the art to ' d ha praying she Was suddenly
from the East. The monument .of Assy™ and Baby- gj^ £y &e pagans ^f k^efwith stones. Her
Ion represent the garments of kings and officiate as f t fa ^ on jg^w,— In the «Martyro ogium
highly ornamented with what are commoi^ regarded Hieronymlanum' ' she Mentioned under 16Se^em-
E^C^ ber, with the statement: /n c^teri* mator«. She
&ft-SS "nS^t^nne'bro^ £X^ ^ ^^ " her la^ ™th * Palm
linen*' used for sails on the ship of Tyre. The first DELU,Ji0maM«eminM,I,178-79; Ada 88.. January. II,
reference to embroidery in Scripture IS found m the 351-64, 458; Arm eixeni, Scoperta deUa eripta di 8. Bmerenri-
Book of Exodus (XXVI, 1, 31, 36) in the directions anaediunamemorwrelatvmafa
«;™»» +** THr^^a AAniuimni* +Iia mivfoina *\f tkA ToKam. **ru> CWnano (Rome, 1877); Marucchi, Le catacombe romane
given to Moses concerning the curtains Of the Taber- (Rome 1903)iv80e sqq.; L* Boubodois, Sainle EmSrentienne,
nacle, the veil for the Ark, and the hanging m the en* vierge et martyr* (Paris, 1895).
trance to the Holy of Holies. The Douay, following J. P. Kirsch.
the Vulgate, does not distinguish between the two He- Bmerie. See Eymeric, Nicholas.
&,"3Tftl^%^1'S3&i!rE ■— a—WUO— m. SeeDoKxm™.
Revised Version by " the work of a cunning workman " Emery, Jacques-Andre, Superior of the Society of
and seems to refer to the weaving of figured designs St-Sulpice during the French Revolution, b. 26 Aug.,
from different coloured threads; the latter may have 1732, at Gex; d. at Paris, 28 April, 1811. After his
been real embroidery, or needlework, called m the preliminary studies with the Carmelites of his native
later books TOpi. town and the Jesuits of Macon, he passed to the Sem-
Besides the hanging at the entrance of the Taber- inary of St. Iren&eus at Lyons and completed his
nacle (Ex., xxvi, 36), the hanging in the entrance of studies at St-Sulpice, Paris, where he became a mem-
the court (Ex., xxvi, 16) and the girdle of the high- ber of the society of that name and was ordained priest
priest (Ex., xxviii, 39; xxxix, 28) were the work of the (1758). He taught with distinction in the seminaries
embroiderer (Dp"l), whereas in regard to the ephod of Orleans and Lyons; at Lyons, too, he sustained the
(Ex., xxviii, 6; xxxix, 3) and the rational ( Ex., xxviii. rights of the Holy See with firmness and ability, yet
15; xxxix, 8) the word TOp~\ is employed. Beseleel with due courtesy, before the archbishop, Mgr. de
and Ooliab were endowed with skill in both kinds of Montazet, a prelate of Jansenistic tendencies. Partly
work (Ex., xxxv, 35; xxxviii, 22, 23). The word is on the recommendation of the archbishop, he was
used of the embroidered garments or scarfs mentioned made superior of the seminary at Angers (1776), and
in the Canticle of Debbora (Judges, v. 30), and of the later became vicar-general of the diocese, displaying in
bride's apparel in Ps. xliv (Heb., xlv), 15, where ac- both capacities marked powers of governing. In 1782
cording to the Hebrew text she is said to be arrayed in he was elected Superior-General of the Seminary and
embroiderings of gold and raiment of needlework. Society of St-Sulpice. His rule began in the lax days
The garments of the faithless spouse, the figure of Is- preceding the French Revolution, and Father Emery
rael (Ezech., xvi, 10, 13, 18), were likewise embroid- showed himself indefatigable in his zeal for the reform
ered. In Ezech., xxvi, 16, it is foretold that the princes of the seminaries and for the training of a clergy fit to
of the sea shall put off their broidered garments, and cope with existing evils and prepared for the troub-
broidered stuffs are mentioned among the merchan- lous times which, to some extent, he foresaw. After
dise of Tyre (Ezech., xxvii. 7, 10, 24). the Revolution broke forth, he watched its terrible
In the^Authorized or King James Version (Ex.. progress without despair; he was, perhaps, during
xxviii, 4) one of the high-priest's garments is called that period, the coolest head among the churchmen
"a broidered coat"; the Revised Version changed it of France. His wide acquaintance among the priests
to "a coat of chequer work". The Douay has "a and bishops, many of whom, in the course of his
strait linen garment " (lineam atridam in the Vulgate), thirty years of teaching and ruling in the seminaries,
The Hebrew word pfcQJTl used here is not found else- had been under his authority, and his position asadmin-
where in Scripture. It is believed by some to indicate istrator of the Diocese of Paris during the absence of
"a surface device of lustre upon one colour", similar the exiled archbishop, and as superior of St-Sulpice,
to work still done in Damascus. Even in regard to brought many to him for advice. He was, says the
the nature of TOfn which is translated " embroidery", historian Sicard, " the head and the arm " of the party
authorities are not agreed. Some regard it as paint- whose counsels were marked by moderation ana good
ing on cloth, others as an ornamentation produced by sense; "a man who was rarely endowed in breadth of
sewing on to a stuff pieces of materials of other colours, learning, in knowledge of his time, in the clearness of
others again as a fabric woven from threads of differ- his views, in the calmness and energy of his decisions;
•at colours. the oracle of the clergy, consulted on all sides less bjr
V.— 26
EMESA
402
EMIGRANT
reason of his high position than of his superior wis-
dom. M. Emery was called by Providence to be the
guide throughout the long interregnum of the episco-
pate during the revolution" (L'Ancien Clergg, III,
549). And Cardinal de Bausset declares that he was
the "real moderator of the clergy during twenty
years of the most violent storms ".
The decisions of the Archiepiscopal Council at Paris
concerning the several oaths demanded of the clergy,
inspired by Emery, were accepted by large numbers of
priests and violently assailed by others. To their ac-
ceptance was due whatever practice of cult remained
in France during the Revolution; to their rejection was
due, in large part, the cessation of worship and the opin-
ion which came to regard the clergy as the irreconcil-
able enemies of the republic". Emery did not, like
many others, mistake purely political projects for vital
questions of religion. He felt free to take the " Oath
of Liberty and Equality", but only as concerning the
civil and political order; ne upheld the lawfulness of
declaring submission to the laws of the Republic (30
May, 1795) , and of promising fidelity to the Constitution
(28 Dec., 1799). He lent his influence to Mgr. Spina
in his efforts to obtain the resignation of the French
bishops, according to the will of Pius VII (15 Aug.,
1801). While ready, for the good of religion, to go
as far as the rights of the Church permitted, he was
stanch in his opposition to the Civil Constitution of
the Clergy (1790). Public religious services were sus-
pended auring the Revolution, and the seminaries
closed; St-Sulpice was taken over by the revolution-
ists, and Father Emery was imprisoned and several
times narrowly escaped execution. His faith, cour-
age, and good humour sustained many of his fellow-
prisoners and prepared them to meet death in a brave
and Christian spirit; the gaolers, in fact, came to value
his presence because it saved them annoyance from
prisoners condemned to death. The closing of the sem-
inaries in France led Father Emery, on the request of
Bishop Carroll, to send some Sulpicians to the United
States to found the first American seminary at Balti-
more (St. Mary's, 18 July, 1791) . The future religion of
the country, he wrote to Father Nagot,the first superior,
depended on the formation of a native clergy, which
alone would be adequate and fit for the work before it.
Despite the discouragements of the first years, he con-
tinued the supporter of the institution and welcomed
the foundation of the college at Pigeon Hill, and later
at Emmitsburg, for young aspirants to the priesthood.
At one time, however, Bishop Carroll feared the with-
drawal of the Sulpicians, but nis arguments and above
all the advice of Pius Vll convinced Father Emery
that the good of religion in America required their
presence.
After Napoleon came into supreme control, Father
Emery re-established the Seminary of St-Sulpice.
His defence of the pope against the emperor caused
Napoleon to expel the Sulpicians from the seminary;
this, however, aid not daunt Father Emery, who de-
fended the papal rights in the presence of Napoleon
(17 March, 1811) and gained the emperor's admira-
tion, if not his good will. " He was ", remarks Sicard,
"the only one among the clergy from whom Napoleon
would take the truth." The death of Father Emery
occurred a month later. He left many writings which
have been published by Migne in his collection of theo-
logical works. They deal chiefly with the politico-
religious questions of the day. He is best remem-
bered, pernaps, by his dissertation on the mitigation
of the sufferings of the damned. He wrote also on
Descartes. Leibniz, and Bacon, and published from
their works extracts in defence of religion. While
clearly perceiving the intellectual evils of his day and
the necessary remedies, he did not himself possess the
fertility and originality of intellect, or the peculiar
genius needed to counteract the influence of the
powerful minds which then ruled France and Europe.
Qohiun, .Vie de M. Emery, 2 vols. (Paria, 1861-1862);
Miaic, Hiatoire de M. Emery et de Vegliee de France pendant la
revolution et pendant Vempire% 2 vols. (Paris. 1895): Szcard.
L'Ancien Clergi de France (Paris, 1903). III.
John F. Fenlon.
Emesa, a titular see of Phoenicia Secunda, suffragan
of Damascus, and the seat of two Uniat archdioceses
(Greek Melchite and Syrian). Emesa was renowned
for its temple of the sun, adored here in the shape
of a black stone, whose priests formed a powerful ar-
istocracy. One of them, Bassianus, became Roman
emperor under the name of Elagabalus (a. d. 218). A
native Arab dynasty ruled over the city between
65 b. c. and a. d. 73, from which period the series of
Emesa coins dates. Emesa was the birthplace of the
philosopher Longinus (c. a. d. 210), the friend of
Queen Zenobia, and St. Romanos, the great Byzan-
tine hymnoerapher (in the sixth century). Among
twelve Greek bishops, known from the fourth to the
eighth century, are: St. Silvanus, a martyr under Maxi-
mums in company with the physician Julian (c. 312);
Eusebius, a famous rhetorician suspected of Arianism :
Nemesius (fourth century) and Paul, writers and
friends of St. Basil and St. Cyril of Alexandria (Le-
quien, Or. christ., II, 837). Another, whose name is
unknown, was burned by the Arabs in 666 (Lammens
in "Melanges de la faculty orientale de Beyrouth".
1906, 3-14). The diocese was never suppressed ana
still exists for the Greek Melchites, both non-Catholic
and Uniat (Echos d 'Orient, 1907, 223, 226). It was
raised to the rank of an autocephalous archbishopric
in 452, when the supposed head of St. John the Baptist
was found at the monastery of the Spelsdon, and it was
made a metropolitan see with four suffragan sees in
761, when the relic was transferred to the cathedral
(Echos d'Orient, 1907, 93-96, 142, 368). Sozomen •
(Hist, eccl., Ill, xvii) speaks of this church as a mar-
vel ; the Arabs on capturing the city in 636 took over
half of it; later it was changed into a mosque. In
11 10- Emesa was taken by the Crusaders, and in 1157
suffered severely from an earthquake. The modern
city, which the Arabs call Horns (Hems, Hums), built
on the Orontes in sand-coloured basalt, is the chief
town of a caza, in the sanjak of Hamah, vilayet of
Damascus. The population is about 50,000 including
some 30,000 weavers. There are 33,000 Mussulmans,
14,500 Greeks, 1000 Jacobites. 500 Greek Catholics,
350 Maronites, and a few Catholics of other rites. * The
Orthodox Greek metropolitan and the Jacobite bishop
live at Horns. (For lists of ancient Jacobite bishops
see Lequien, op. cit., II, 1141, and " Revue de 1 'Orient .
chr&ien", 1901, 196, 199.) The Greek Melchite
metropolitan resides at Iabroud; he has jurisdiction
over 8000 faithful, 20 priests, 12 churches, 7 schools,
and 2 monasteries of Snooerites. The Syrian Catho-
lic archbishop resides at Damascus; his diocese in-
cludes 2000 faithful, with 4 parishes and 5 churches.
The Jesuits have a residence and school at Horns, and
native Mariamet Sisters conduct a school for girls.
Pauly-Wimowa, Real-Encvc.B. v.; Dubsaud, Htetoire et
religion dee Nosalris (Paris, 1900), passim; Idem, Voyage en
Syrie (Paris, 1896); Lammens, Notes Spigraphiquea et topograph*-
quee eur VEmiekne (Lou vain, 1902); Kaunka in Jahreehefte dee
deterr. arch. Institute in Wien (1900), 111; Cuinet. Syrie, Ltban
et Palestine (Paris, 1898), 447 sqq.; Juluen, Sinai et Syrie
(Lille, 1893), 186 sqq.; Idem. La nouvelle mission de la Compag-
nie de Jieue en Syrie (Parts, 1899), II, 189 sqq.; Mieetonee
catholic* (Rome, 1907), 781, 804; Smith. Did. Greek and Roman
Oeogr. (London, 1878) 824.
S. VailhA.
Emigrant Aid Societies. — Records of the early
immigration to the North American colonies are in-
definite and unsatisfactory. The first legislation on
immigration enacted by the United States was on 2
March, 1819, when Congress provided that a record be
kept of the number of the immigrants arriving from
abroad, their ages, sex, occupations, and nativity.
Ireland: has always supplied a large proportion of
those landed at American ports, the steady stream
MIGRANT
403
MIGRANT
commencing in the first years of the eighteenth cen-
tury. These immigrants were then nearly all Presby-
terians, few Catholics being among those taking pas-
sage prior to the Revolution. Arthur Young, m his
" Tour in Ireland " (1776-79), declares that " the spirit
of emigrating in Ireland appears to be confined to two
circumstances, the Presbyterian religion and the linen
manufacture. I heard of very few emigrants except
among manufacturers of that persuasion. The Catho-
lics never went; they seemed not only tied to the
country, but almost to the parish in which their an-
cestors lived." In a message to the " Representatives
of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania and
the Three Lower Counties1', Lieutenant Governor
Patrick Gordon declared, on 17 December, 1728, that
he had "positive orders from Britain to provide by
proper law against these crowds of Foreigners who are
yearly powr'd upon us. It may also require thoughts
to prevent the importation of Irish Papists and con-
victs, of whom some of the most notorious, I am cred-
itably informed, have of late been landed in this
River."
The earliest American organization for the care of
immigrants was the Charitable Irish Society of Bos-
ton, Massachusetts, founded 17 March, 1737. Says
its charter: "Several Gentlemen, Merchants and
Others of the Irish Nation residing in Boston in New
England from an Affectionate and Compassionate con-
cern for their countrymen in these Parts, who may be
reduced by Sickness, Shipwrack, Old age and other
Infirmities and unforseen Accidents. Have thought
fitt to form themselves into a Charitable Society for the
relief of such of their poor and indigent Countrymen ".
The Managers, according to the rules, were to be " Na-
tives of Ireland, or Natives of any other part of the
British Dominions of Irish Extraction being Protest-
ants and inhabitants of Boston". This anti-Catholic
rule did not last long, for representatives of the Faith
were members of the Society in 1742, and to-day they
are in the majority on its roll.
In Philadelphia the Hibernian Society for the Re-
lief of Emigrants from Ireland was organized on 3
March, 1790. Mathew Carey was its secretary, and
Commodore John Barry, Jasper Moylan, George
Meade, and other Catholics prominent m those days
were among its first members. The Hibernian Soci-
ety for " the aid of distressed Irishmen and their de-
scendants" was started at Savannah, Georgia, in
March, 1812, and emigration from Ireland being con-
stantly on the increase, other societies were formed in
New York, notably the Emigrant Assistance Society
In 1825, with Dr. William James Macneven, one of the
United Irishmen of 1798, at its head. It was the
sanal- and railroad-building era, and the aim of this
fociety was to take care of the new arrivals and direct
them where to find employment. It was the prede-
cessor of the Irish Emigrant Society founded, also in
New York, in 1841, through the efforts of Bishop
Hughes, with Gregory Dillon as its first president.
Out of this organization ten years later came the Emi-
grant Industrial Savings Bank, which in subsequent
years developed into one of the greatest financial insti-
tutions in the country.
As New York was the great entrep6t for aliens, the
Legislature, by act of 5 May, 1847, created the Board
of Emigration of the State of New York to protect
from fraud and imposition alien passengers arriving at
New York, and to care and provide tor the helpless
among them. The president of the Irish Emigrant
Society was ex-officio a member of this commission,
and at Castle Garden, which became the official land-
ing depot, its agents were recognized officially in their
arrangements for the care of the incoming immigrant.
In additjon to looking out for the welfare of the immi-
grants, a banking department was organized by the
society to transmit money to Europe, to secure pas-
sag? tickets over the ocean and the railways, to ex-
change the money brought in by the immigrants, and
safeguard their material interests generally. In this
way many millions of dollars, as well as several mil-
lions of immigrants, have been safely cared for through
the instrumentality of this society. The discounts
and commissions in these financial transactions paid
its expenses and left a surplus which is given in charity,
so that it will benefit either the immigrants or their
descendants. The law by which the State of New
York established the Commissioners of Emigration
was declared by the Supreme Court, in May, 1876, an
unconstitutional regulation of commerce, and an usur-
pation of the powers of Congress. In the twenty-nine
years of its existence it had collected by a head-tax
from the immigrants the sum of $1 1,239,329. The re-
sponsibility of caring for the immigrants was then
taken over by the Federal Government, in July, 1891.
The State commission was abolished, Castle Garden
abandoned, and the United States landing station es-
tablished on Ellis Island under the supervision of the
Treasury Department. Here, as under the State con-
trol, the representatives of the Emigrant Aid Societies
are accorded all faculties for protecting and assisting
those who need their help in starting out in the New
World.
For the protection of Irish immigrant girls the Mis-
sion of Our Lady of the Rosary was founded in New
York in 1881, through the efforts of Charlotte Grace
O'Brien, daughter of William Smith O'Brien, the Irish
patriot of 1848. At her solicitation— she was not un-
til several years later a Catholic — Cardinal McCloskey
appointed the Rev. John J. Riordan chaplain at Castle
Garden, and he began there the work of the mission
which exercises a moral influence over the steamship
companies to protect the girls on board their vessels,
and watches over and assists the girls at the landing
depot. From its opening to the end of 1908, fully
100,000 girls were cared for by the mission, all free of
charge. It is supported by voluntary contributions.
The increase of immigration having thus been recog-
nized as a fact calling for charitable action, the Ger-
man Society of New York offered advice and syste-
matic assistance to German immigrants, but took no
interest in their religious welfare. Its president was ex
officio a member of the State Emigration Commission.
In 1866, at the Catholic Congress held at Trier, Peter
Paul Cahensly, a prominent merchant ot Limburg,
Prussia, suggested the establishment of the St. Raph-
ael Society tor the systematic protection of German
emigrants, both at the point of departure and the port
of landing. Three years later the plan was adopted at
the Congress which met at Bamberg in Bavaria, and
was taken up with much energy throughout Germany.
Connexion with the United States was established
through the Central Verein, which, at its convention in
New York, in 1868, created a committee of five for
emigrant affairs. The agents of this body looked after
the affairs of the immigrants at New York, but re-
ceived only a waning support from their fellow Ger-
mans. In 1883 Peter Paul Cahensly crossed the ocean
to New York, travelling, as Miss O Brien had done, in
the steerage, so that he might learn by personal ex-
perience the wants and hardships of the immigrant.
At his suggestion a branch of the St. Raphael Society
was formed in New York, with Bishop Winand M.
Wigger of Newark as its president. Not much prog-
ress was made by this society until 1882, when the
Rev. John Reuland was sent over from Germany to
manage its bureau at New York. As an adjunct to it,
a hospice called the Leo House was established under a
separate corporation in 1889. It cost $95,000. The
Sisters of St. Agnes have charge of the Leo House,
which is the residence of the chaplain in attendance on
the German immigrants. From 1889 to 1 November,
1908, there were 51,719 immigrants cared for by the
St. Raphael Society. Since the decline of German ink
migration after 1895, the Leo House has also enter-
KMTT.TANI
404
EMMANUEL
tained natives of France, Poland, Bohemia, and other
Slavonic sections of the Austro^Hungarian Monarchy.
The St. Raphael Society has its agents at Bremen,
Hamburg, Antwerp, Rotterdam, Havre, Liverpool,
and London, representatives in every diocese in Ger-
many, and correspondents in all the large cities of the
United States ana of South America.
The Austrian Society of New York was founded in
1898 by a number of former Austrians to aid the newly
arrived immigrants at Ellis Island, and to maintain a
home under its supervision for the purpose of boarding
them free of charge. Those who can afford it pay a
nominal fee. Advice and help to employment is given
free not only to the newcomers, but also to Austrians
who have been in the country tor any length of time.
The Society is supported by the dues of the members
and by donations including an annual subsidy of
$5000 from the Austrian Government. Among the
members are twenty-one priests. The Austrian Soci-
ety employs three agents at Ellis Island; one of them
is the missionary who pleads before the board of in-
quiry for the unfortunate detained, cares for the sick,
and looks after the spiritual needs of all. In the ten
years of its existence 721,631 persons were entertained
at its immigrant house. To maintain the Catholic
character of the home and of the Austrian Society at
large, as originally intended by the Emperor of Aus-
tria, it has from the start been chiefly interested in the
Catholic immigrants, but all others are welcome to its
care and facilities.
Polish priests ministering in the Eastern section of
the United States established at New York, in 1893,
the St. Joseph's Society, for the aid and care of the im-
migrants of that nationality. Its chaplain and agents
work on the same lines as those of other societies of the
Government landing station. Its home is in charge of
the Filiciah Sisters, and its accommodations are free.
Its support is derived from voluntary contributions
and a yearly grant of $1000 from the Austrian Govern-
ment on account of the Poles from Galicia who may
seek the assistance of the home.
Under the auspices of the Fathers of Mercy the
Jeanne d' Arc Home for the protection of French immi-
grant women was opened in 1895, in New York. It
was founded through the generosity of Miss C. T.
Smith, who gave the home as a memorial of her mother
Mrs. Jeanne Durand Smith. Two years later the
Sisters of Divine Providence took charge of it, and they
have since managed its affairs. Since its establish-
ment 6800 women have received its care. It is sup-
ported by voluntary contributions. The inmates pay
if they can, most of them are taken care of gratui-
tously. Employment is found for them and they
are taught useful domestic arts.
As part of the great work in behalf of Italian immi-
grants undertaken by Bishop Scalabrini of Piacenza,
Italy, members of his Congregation of St. Charles Bor-
romeo established the Society of St. Raphael for Ital-
ian Immigrants at New York in 1891. Its home is
managed by the Sisters of Charity (Pallottine). Only
women and children are kept there; men are given
meals and advice, but lodge elsewhere. The chaplain
and agent meet the immigrants at Ellis Island:. A
branch of this society was organized at Boston, in
1902. In December, 1908, Archbishop Blenk of New
Orleans appointed an Italian priest as chaplain to look
after immigrants from Italy and open a home for them.
Work here is carried on by the St. Vincent de Paul
Society.
The Society for Italian Immigrants is a secular cor-
poration organized in New York in 1901 for the aid and
protection of immigrants. It has no religious affili-
ations. .The Italian government makes it an annual
appropriation equal to the amount received from all
other sources, and its income is derived from the sub-
scriptions of those interested in philanthropic work.
Its home has accommodations for 200. It has
founded four schools in Italian labour camps to pre-
vent the demoralization usually attending those com-
munities. The enormous volume of Italian immigra-
tion during recent years may be realized from the fact
that from 1880 to 1908 it amounted to 2,500,000. In
1857 it was about 1000; in 1880 it was 12,000; in 1907,
286,000. It is estimated that 250,000 aliens arrived
in the United States between 1789 and 1820. From
1820, when the official records begin, to the end of the
fiscal year, 30 June, 1907, the number of immigrants
arriving was 25,985,237.
The Association for the Protection of Belgian and
Dutch Immigrants was organized 4 June, 1907, at
Chicago, Illinois, by priests m charge of congregations
in various sections of the United States, made up of
those nationalities. Other priests interested in the
spiritual and temporal welfare of the Catholic immi-
grants from Belgium and Holland assisted in its
progress.
U. S. Cath. Hist. Soc., Records and Studies (New York, Jan.
1899), I, pt. I: The Jim. Catholic Hist. Researches (Philadelphia,
July, 1901); Cummins, Early Celebrations of St. Patrick's Day
(New York. 1902); Schweninger, Katholikentaa, Central
verein, Raphael's Verein. Leo Haus (New York, 1890); Annual
Reports of the various Emigrant Aid Societies; Reports of the
U. 8. Industrial Commission on Immigration; Walker. Re-
striction of Immigration in The Atlantic Monthly. LXXVII. 23;
McNicholas, The Need of American Priests for the Italian Mis-
sions in Eccles. Review (Philadelphia. Dec, 1908); Lynch, In
the Italian Quarter of New York in The Messenger (New York,
1901), 116-126. Thomas F. Mbbhan.
Emiliani, Gibolamo, Saint. See Jerome Emilian,
Saint.
Emly, Diocese of. See Cashel.
Emly, Lord. See Monsell, William.
Emmanuel (Sept., 'E/vmi*v4X; Heb. ^MIJD?; A.
V.. Immanuel) signifies "God with us" (Matt., i,
23), and is the name of the child predicted in Is., vii,
14: "Behold a virgin shall conceive, and bear a son,
and his name shall be called Emmanuel". The vari-
ous views advanced as to the identity of the child can-
not be fully explained and discussed here; the follow-
ing observations must suffice: (1) The child is not a
merely ideal or metaphorical person; he cannot be
identified with the regenerate people of Israel (Hoff-
mann), nor with religious faith (Porter), for " he shall
eat butter and honey". (2) The Prophet does not re-
fer to a child in general, but points to an individual
(cf. Roorda, Kuenen, W. R. Smith, Smend, Duhm,
Cheyne, Marti); both text and context require this.
(3) The child is not a son of the Prophet Isaias (cf . Hit-
zig, Reuse) ; Is. viii, 1-4, shows that the Prophet's son
has a name different from that of Emmanuel. (4)
The child is not a son of Achaz (cf. Lagarde, Mc-
Curdy) ; for Ezechias did not possess the most essen-
tial characteristics of Emmanuel as described by
Isaias. (5) The Emmanuel is the Messias foretold in
the other prophecies of Isaias. In Is. , viii, 8, Palestine
is called the land of Emmanuel, though in other pas-
sages it is termed the land or the inheritance of Yah-
weh (Is., xiv, 2, 25; xlvii, 6; Osee, ix, 3; Jer., ii, 7; xii,
14; etc.), so that Emmanuel and Yahweh are identi-
fied. Again, in the Hebrew text of Is., viii, 9, 10, the
Prophet predicts the futility of all the enemies'
schemes against Palestine, because of Emmanuel. In
ix, 6, 7, the characteristics of the child Emmanuel are
so clearly described that we can doubt no longer of his
Messianic mission. The eleventh chapter pictures the
Messianic blessings which the child Emmanuel will
bring upon the earth. Moreover, St. Matthew (i, 23)
expressly identifies the Emmanuel with Jesus the
Messias, and Christian tradition has constantly taught
the same doctrine.
The auestion why the Messias was called Emman-
uel, or God with us ", admits of a double answer: the
name is a pledge of Divine help, and also a description
of the nature of the Messias. King Achas had not be-
lieved the Prophet's first promise of deliverance from
405
his enemies, Rasin, King of Syria, and Phacee, King of the Gospel (Luke, xsiv, 13-35), where Christ manl-
Israel (la., vii, 1-9). And when the Prophet tried a tested Himself to two of His Disciples. Such is, indeed,
second time to restore his confidence, Achaz refused to the tradition of the Church of Jerusalem, attested as
ask for the sign which God was ready to grant in con* early as the fourth century by Euaebius of Ciesarea,
firmation of the prophetic promise (vii, 10-12). The Titus of Bostra, and St. Jerome, a tradition confirmed
Prophet, therefore, forces, in a way, King Achas to by all pilgrims, at least to the time of the Crusades;
confide in God, showing that the Mesaias, the hope of it may even date back to the third century, to Julius
Tsrael and the glory of the house of David, implies by Africanus and Origen. It is also supported by many
his very name Emmanuel", or "God with us", the Biblical commentaries, some of which are as old as the
Divine presence among his people. A number of the fourth or the fifth century; in these the Emmaus of
Fathers, e. g. St. Irerueus. Lact&ntius, St. Epiphanius, the Gospel is said to have stood at 160 stadia from
St. Chrysostom, and Tneodoret, regard the name Jerusalem, the modern 'Am'was being at 176 stadia.
"Emmanuel", not merely aa a pledge of Divine assists In spite of its antiquity, this tradition does not seem
ance, but also as an expression of the mystery of the to be well founded. Most manuscripts and versions
Incarnation by virtue of which the Hessias will be place Emmaus at only sixty stadia from Jerusalem,
"God with us'1 in very deed.
Biam, Lexicon Biblicum (p.™. 1907). 11,170; Mash-not in
Vio., Did. de la Bible, s. v.; Cohbamin, U tftrt d'lmit (P»™,
1B05), pp. 62-07; Semen Buna eh in KirehmUx.. m. v.; Knab-
ehbausr, Erklanma det PropheJm limn (Freiburg, 1S81), p.
125; Idem, Ctmmtnlaritu in bourn prophtlam (Parii, 1887),
A. J. Maab.
i, a titular
see in Palffistina
Prima, suffragan of
Ciesarea. It is men-
tioned for the first
time in 166-165 b.c,
when Judas Macha-
beus defeated there
the army of Gor-
gias (I Maeh., iii 40,
iv, 25). A little later
the Syrian general
Bacchides fortified
and garrisoned it
(Joseph us, Ant. Jud.,
XIII,i,3). Iua.d.4,
during the rebellion
of Athrongi us against
the Romans, the in-
habitants left then-
city,
and they are more numerous and generally i
ancient than those of the former group. It seems,
therefore, very probable that the number 160 is a cor-
rection of Origen and his school to make the Gospel
text agree with the Palestinian tradition of their time.
would imply about
six hours'walk,
which is inadmis-
sible, for the Dis-
ciples had only gone
out to the country
and could return to
Jersualem before the
(Mark, xvi, 12; Luke,
xxiv, 33). Finally,
the Emmaus of the
Gospel is said to be
a village, while 'Am-
'was was the flourish-
ing capital of a " top-
arch y. Joseph us
(Ant. Jud., VII, vi,
6) mentions at sixty
stadia from Jerusa-
lem a village called
Ammaus, where Ves-
pasian and Titus sta-
tioned 800 veterans.
of the Gospel. But it
"XVII, x, 7-9; Idem, "Bel. Jud.", II, iv, 3). It must have been destroyed at the time of the revolt
soon rose again, for Josephus (Bel. Jud., Ill, iii, 5) and of Bar-Cocheba (a. d. 132-35) under Hadrian, and its
Pliny (Hist, nat., V, xiv) rank it amongst the " top- site was unknown as early as the third century, di-
archies" of the country. Vespasian took it at the gen and his friends merely placed the Gospel Emmaus
beginning of his campaign against the Jews, stationed at Nicopolis, the only Emmaus known at their time,
a legion in the neighbourhood, and named it Nicopolis The identifications of Koubeibeh, Abou Gosh, Koulo-
(Sozom., Hist, eccl., V, xxi). According to Eusebius uieh, Beit Miiseh, etc. with Emmaus, as proposed by
and St. Jerome, this name was given to it only in 223, some modern scholars, are inadmissible.
by Julius Africanus, its governor and most illustrious Reland. iWoatiM (Utrecht 1714). 425-30. 758-80; Palo-
,,udthi. a th. .urn,, commonly ^byChrinta b'WiE^lSUXaS&'I
:, 1878 1879. 1881,
8±,
1888); Bub
i. L'EmmaOt tvangttico (Milan, 1868);
Here a spring in which Christ is said to
have washed His feet, and which was reputed to
cure all diseases, was closed up bv order of Julian the
Apostate (Soiom., Hist, eccl., V, XXl). Four Greek (Freiburs im Br., 1890); Bevut bibtiqu* (1893), 28-10; Van
bishops are known, from the fourth to the sixth cen- Kabteren, Emmaflt-A'iropoiu ei Itt auUurt aroba, ibid. (1802).
tury (Lequien, Or. Christ., Ill, 5S3). At the begin- """ "" ""' "" J '" ""
ning of the Arab conquest the plague broke out in the
city, and the inhabitants fled; they must have soon
returned, however, for Emmaus remained a very im-
portant town; It was the last station of the Crusa-
' " ■ ■ n their way to Jerusalem in June, 1099. Eubel
S. Vailb£.
1, Saint, Bishop of Poitiers and m
"mary
(Hierarch. cath., II, 223) has a list of eleven Latin to Bavaria, b. at Poitiers in the first half of the seventh
titular bishops, but only for the fifteenth century, century: martyred at Ascheim (Bavaria) towards the
To-day 'Am'was (the native name) is a Mussulman end of the same century. Of a noble family of Aqui-
village about eighteen miles from Jerusalem, on the taine, he received a good education and was ordained
road to Jaffa. There are still visible ruins of a beauti- priest. According to some authors Emmeram occu
ful basilica built in the fourth or the fifth century, and pied theSeeof Poitiers.but this cannot be verified, for
repaired by the Crusaders. Near ' Am'was, at El- his name does not appear among the Bishops of Poi-
Atroun, the Trappists founded a priory in 1890. tiers. He probably held the see for a short time, from
In the opinion of many 'Am'was is the Emmaus of the death of Dido (date unknown) to the episcopate
406
EMMERICH
of Ansoaldus (674)." Having heard that the inhabi-
tants of Bavaria were still idolaters, he determined
to carry the light of the Faith to them. Ascending the
Loire, crossing the Black Forest, and going down the
Danube, he reached Ratisbon in a region then gov-
erned by the Duke Theodo. For three years he
laboured in Bavaria, preaching and converting the
people, acquiring also a renown for holiness. He then
turned his steps towards Rome, to visit the tombs of
Sts. Peter and Paul, but after a five days' journey, at
a place now called Kleinhelfendorf, south of Munich,
he was set upon by envoys of the Duke of Bavaria
who tortured him cruelly. He died shortly afterwards
at Ascheim, about fifteen miles distant. The cause of
this attack and the circumstances attending his death
are not known. According to the legend related by
Aribo, Bishop of Freising, the first to write a life of St.
Emmeram, Ota, daughter of the Duke of Bavaria, who
had been seduced by Sigipaldus, an important per-
sonage of her father's court, fearing her father's
wrath, confessed her fault to the bishop. Moved with
compassion, he advised her to name himself, whom
every one respected, as her seducer, and it was in con-
sequence of this accusation that Theodo ordered him
to be followed and put to death. The improbability of
the tale, the details of the saint's martyrdom, which
are certainly untrue, and the fantastic account of the
prodigies attending his death show that the writer,
infected by the pious mania of his time, simply added
to the facts imaginary details supposed to redound
to the glory of the martyr.
All that is known as to the date of the saint's death
is that it took place on 22 September, some time be-
fore St. Rupert's arrival in Bavaria (696). At Klein-
helfendorf, where he was tortured, there stands to-day
a chapel of St. Emmeram, and at Ascheim, where he
died, is also a martyr's chapel built in his honour. His ,
remains were removed to Ratisbon and interred in the
church of St. George, from which they were trans-
ferred about the middle of the eighth century by Bishop
Gawibaldus to a church dedicated to the saint. This
church having been destroyed by fire in 1642, the
saint's body was found under the altar in 1645 and
was encased in a magnificent reliquary. The relics,
which were canonically recognized by Bishop Ignaz de
Senestrez in 1833, are exposed for the veneration of
the faithful every year on 22 September. It is im-
possible to prove that Emmeram occupied the See of
Ratisbon, for the official episcopal list begins with the
above-mentioned Gawibaldus, who was consecrated by
St. Boniface in 739 and died in 764.
Sutbkrnb, Comment pratv. in Acta SS. (1757), Sept., VI,
454-74; Die neuentdeckte Confeesio dee hi. Emmeram zu Regene-
burg, in Rom. Quartalechr., IX (1895), 1-55; Skpp, Aribonie
epiecopi Frieingeneie vita 8. Emmerammi authentica, in Anal.
BoUand. (Brussels), VII (1889), 211-55.
L£on Clugnet.
Emmeram, Abbey of Saint, a Benedictine monas-
tery at Ratisbon (Regensburg), named after its tradi-
tional founder, the patron samt of the city. The ex-
act date of foundation is unknown. St. Emmeram
flourished in the middle of the seventh century and
652 is given by most authorities as the approximate
date of the establishment of this monastery. Its be-
ginnings were connected with a chapel in which cer-
tain much venerated relics were preserved, and
which, in 697, was enlarged and beautified by Theo-
do, Duke of Bavaria, who built at the same time
a new monastery for Benedictine monks, of which
Appollonius was first abbot. It was still further en-
larged by Charlemagne about the year 800 and en-
dowed with extensive possessions and many privi-
leges. When St. Boniface, in 739, divided Bavaria
into four dioceses, the first Bishop of Ratisbon fixed
his see at the Abbey of St. Emmeram, but later on it
was removed by a subsequent bishop to the old Cathe-
dral of St. Stephen, which stands beside the present
one. In 830, the then bishop obtained from Louis,
King of Bavaria, the administration of the abbey for
himself and his successors, and for upwards of a hun-
dred years the Bishops of Ratisbon ruled the monas-
tery as well as the diocese, but in 968 St. Wolfgang
restored its independence and from that time for-
ward it enjoyed the rule of its own abbots. For
some centuries it was customary to elect as bishop a
canon of St. Stephen's and a monk of St. Emmeram 's
alternately. Many of the early bishops of Ratisbon
were buried in the abbey church and their tombs are
still to be seen there, as also is that of the Emperor
Arnulph (d. 899). The abbots held the rank of princes
of the- Empire, and as such had a seat in tne Im-
perial Diets. The present church, which is a Roman-
esque basilica, dates from the thirteenth century, but
was restored in a somewhat debased style m the
eighteenth. It is one of the few German churches
with a detached bell-tower. The cloisters date from
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and are in a
fair state of preservation. The monastery was sup-
pressed early in the nineteenth century and in 1809
the conventual buildings became the palace of the
Prince of Thurn and Taxis, hereditary postmaster-
general of the old German Empire, whose family still
(1909) reside there. The cloister garth, in the centre
of which is a modern mortuary chapel, is now used
as the family burial-place.
Mionb, Diet, dee Abbayee (Paris, 1856).
G. Cyprian Alston.
Emmerich, Anne Catherine, an Aueustinian nun,
stigmatic, and ecstatic, b. 8 September, 1774, at
Flamsche, near Coesfeld, in the Diocese of Monster,
Westphalia, Germany; d. at Dolmen, 9 February, 1824.
Her parents, both peasants, were very poor and pious.
At twelve sne was bound out to a farmer, and later
was a seamstress for several years. Very delicate all
the time, she was sent to study music, but finding the
organist's family very poor she gave them the Tittle
she had saved to enter a convent, and actually waited
on them as a servant for several years. Moreover, she
was at times so pressed for something to eat that her
mother brought ner bread at intervals, parts of which
went to her master's family. In her twenty-eight,
year (1802) she entered the Augustinian convent at
Agnetenberg, Dolmen. Here she was content to be
regarded as the lowest in the house. Her zeal, how-
ever, disturbed the tepid sisters, who were puzzled and
annoyed at her strange powers and her weak health,
and notwithstanding her ecstasies in church, cell, or at
work, treated her with some antipathy. Despite her
excessive frailty, she discharged ner duties cheerfully
and faithfully. When Jerome Bonaparte closed the
convent in 1812 she was compelled to find refuge in a
poor widow's house. In 1813 she became bedridden.
She foresaw the downfall of Napoleon twelve years in
advance, and counselled in a mysterious way the suc-
cessor of St. Peter. Even in her childhood the super-
natural was so ordinary to her that in her innocent
ignorance she thought all other children enjoyed the
same favours as she herself did, i. e. to converse famili-
arly with the Child Jesus, etc. She displayed a mar-
vellous knowledge when tne sick and poor came to the
"bright little sister" seeking aid; she knew their dis-
eases and prescribed remedies that did not fail. By
nature she was quick and lively and easily moved to
great sympathy by the sight of the sufferings of others.
This feeling passed into her spiritual being with the re-
sult that she prayed and suffered much for the souls of
Purgatory whom she often saw, and for the salvation
of sinners whose miseries were known to her even when
far away. Soon after she was confined to bed (1813)
the stigmata came externally, even to the marks of the
thorns. All this she unsuccessfully tried to conceal as
she had concealed the crosses impressed upon her
breast.
407
Then followed what she dreaded on account of its peciaUy in Westphalia, and at the same time to
publicity, an episcopal commission to inquire into her strengthen at least the little ones of the flock in their
life and the reality of these wonderful signs. The ex- belief Besides all this she saved many souls and re-
amination was very strict, as the utmost care was called to the Christian world that the supernatural is
necessary to furnish no pretext for ridicule and insult around about it to a degree sometimes forgotten. A
on the part of the enemies of the Church. The vicar- rumour that the body was stolen caused her grave to
general, the famous Overberg, and three physicians be opened six weeks after her death. The body was
conducted the investigation with scrupulous care and found fresh, without any sign of corruption. In 1892
became convinced of the sanctity of the " pious Beg- the process of her beatification was introduced by the
nine ", as she was called, and the genuineness of her stig- Bishop of Munster.
mata. At the end of 1818 Goa granted partially her Wegener, tr. McGowan, Sister Anne Katharine Emmerich
earnest prayer to be relieved of tKe etipnata and the ff fc^BOTH? S^'^^
wounds m her hands and feet closed, but the others re- 1907); Urbant in Kirdtenlexikon, s. v.; Mionb, Did. de my-
mained, and on Good Friday were all wont to reopen. tiqueehrHienne (Pari*, 1858).
In 1819 the government >sent a committee of investiga- E. P. Graham.
tion which discharged its commission most brutally. ^^
Sick unto death as she was, she was forcibly removed Empiricism (Lat. empirismus, the standpoint of a
to a large room in another house and kept under the system based on experience). — Primarily, and in its
strictest surveillance day and night for three weeks, psychological application, the term signifies the theory
away from all her friends except her confessor. She tnat *ne phenomena of consciousness are simply the
was insulted, threatened, and even flattered, but in product of sensuous experience, i. e. of sensations vari-
vain. The commission departed without finding any- ously associated and arranged. It is thus distin-
thingsuspicious,andremainedsilentuntilitspresident, guished from Nativism or Innatism. Secondarily,
taunted about his reticence, declared that there was and in its logical (epistemological) usage, it designates
fraud, to which the obvious reply was: In what respect? the theory that all human knowledge is derived ex-
and why delay in publishing it? About this time clusively from experience, the latter term meaning,
Klemens Brentano, the famous poet, was induced to either explicitly or implicitly, external sense-percepts
visit her; to his great amazement she recognised him, and internal representations and inferences exclusive
and told him he had been pointed out to her as the of any superorjjanic (immaterial) intellectual factor,
man who was to enable her to fulfil God's command, In this connexion it is opposed to Intellectualism,
namely, to write down for the good of innumerable Rationalism, Apriorism. The two usages evidently
souls the revelations made to her. He took down designate but two inseparable aspects of one and the
briefly in writing the main points, and, as she spoke the same theory, the epistemological being the application
Westphalian dialect, he immediately rewrote them in of the psychological to the problem ofknowiedge.
ordinary German. He would read what he wrote to Empiricism appears in the history of philosophy in
her, and change and efface until she gave her complete three principal forms : ( 1) Materialism, (2) Sensism, and
approval. Luce so many others, he was won by her (3) Positivism.
evident purity, her exceeding humility and patience (1) Materialism in its crudest shape was taught by
under sufferings indescribable. With Overberg, the ancient atomists (Democritus, Leucippus, fipicu-
Sailer of Ratisbon, Clement Augustus of Cologne, rus, Lucretius), who, reducing the sum of all reality to
Stolberg, Louisa Hensel, etc. he reverenced her as a atoms and motion, taught that experience, whereof
chosen bride of Christ. they held knowledge to be constituted, is generated by
In 1833 appeared the first-fruits of Brentano's toil, images reflected from material objects through the
"The Dolorous Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ ac- sensory organs into the soul. The soul, a mere com-
cording to the Meditations of Anne Catherine Emme- plexus of the finest atoms, perceives not the objects
rich" (Sulsbach). Brentano prepared for publication out their effluent images. With modern materialists
"The Life of The Blessed Virgin Mary", but this ap- (Helvetius, d'Holbach, Diderot, Feuerbach, Mole-
peared at Munich only in 1852. From the MS. of schott, Buchner, Vogt, etc.), knowledge is accounted
Brentano Father Schmoeger published in three vol- for either by cerebral secretion or by motion; while
umes "The Life of Our LonT' (Ratisbon, 1858-80), Hackel looks on it as a physiological process effected
and in 1881 a large illustrated edition of the same, by certain brain cells. Avenarius, Willy, Mach, etc.
The latter also wrote her life in two volumes (Freiburg, subtilize this process so far as to reduce all experience
1867-70, new edition, 1884). Her visions go into de- to internal (empirio-criticism).
tails, often slight, which give them a vividness that (2) Sensism. — All materialists are of course sen-
Btrongly holds the reader's interest as one graphic sists. Though the converse is not the case, ne verthe-
scene Tollows another in rapid succession as if visible to less, by denying any essential difference between
the physical eye. Other mystics are more concerned sensations and ideas (intellectual states), sensism
with ideas, she with events; others stop to meditate logically involves materialism. Sensism, which is
aloud and to guide the reader's thoughts, she lets the found with Empedocles and Protagoras amongst the
facts speak for themselves with the simplicity, brev- ancients, was given its first, systematic form by
ity, and security of a Gospel narrative. Her treat- Locke (d.l704),.though Bacon (d. 1626) and Hobbes(d.
ment of that difficult subject, the twofold nature of 1679) had prepared the data. Locke derives all simple
Christ, is admirable. His humanity stands out clear ideas from external experience (sensations), all com-
and distinct, but through it shines always a gleam of pound ideas (modes, substances, relations) from in-
the Divine. The rapid and silent spread of her works ternal experience (reflection). Substance and cause
through Germany, France, Italy, and elsewhere speaks are simply associations of subjective phenomena ; uni-
well for their merit. Strangely enough they produced versa! ^eas are mere mental figments. Locke admits
no controversy. Dom Gueranger extolls their merits the existence, though he denies the demonstrably, in
in the highest terms (Le Monde, 15 April, 1860). man of an immaterial and immortal principle, the soul.
Sister Emmerich lived during one of the saddest and Berkeley (d. 1753), accepting the teaching of Locke
least glorious periods of the Church's history, when that ideas are only transfigured sensations, subjecti-
revolution triumphed, impiety flourished, and several vizes not only the sensible or secondary qualities of
of the fairest provinces of its domain were overrun by matter (senswilia propria, e. g. colour and sound) as
infidels and cast into such ruinous confusion that the his predecessor had done, but also the primary quali-
Faith seemed about to be completely extinguished, ties (sensibilia communia, extension, space, etc.),
Her mission in part seems to have been by her prayers which Locke held to be objective. Berkeley denies the
and sufferings to aid in restoring Church discipline, es- objective basis of universal ideas and indeed of the
EMPIRICISM 408
not by the object or subject. He still retains the sub- Now none of these peculiarities of the idea can be dis-
stance-reality of the human soul and of spirits gener- covered in any sensation or image, which always rep-
ally, God included. Hume (d. 1776) agrees with his resents sensuous phenomena, existent and concrete,
two empiricist predecessors in teaching that the mind Locke's "reflection" and Condillac's "processes of
knows only its own subjective organic impressions, association" will not suffice to transmute sensations
whereof ideas are but the images. The supersensible into ideas, since these two states are essentially, be-
is therefore unknowable; the principle of causality is cause objectively (representatively), different. Poei-
resolved into a mere feeling of successiveness of phe- tivists inadvertently slip in an immaterial agency,
nomena ; its necessity is reduced to a subjective feeling whereby indeed they beg the question when they ap-
resulting from uniform association experienced in con- peal to induction to explain the genesis of knowledge;
sciousness, and the spiritual essence or substantial the inductive process involves universal abstract pnn-
being of the soul is dissipated into a series of conscious ciples and logical laws which are constituted of ideas
states. Locke's sensism was taken up by Condillac that essentially transcend sensations. The supersen-
(d. 1780), who eliminated entirely the subjective fac- suous character of ideas follows equally from their
tor (Locke's "reflection") and sought to explain all "extension" or range of applicability. Ideas as
cognitional states by a mere mechanical, passive trans- representative of essences, are available as predicates,
formation of external sensations. The French sensist and are the terms whereot absolutely universal princi-
retained the spiritual soul, but his followers disposed pies are constituted. Hence ideas are universal,
of it as Hume nad done with the Berkeleian soul relic, whereas sensations and images can represent only
The Herbartians confound the image with the idea, objects that affect the sensory organs, i. e. individual,
nor does Wundt make a clear distinction between physically existing objects. Moreover, ideas represent
primitive concepts (empirische Begriffe, representations objects as abstractr— p/iysica% abstract, e. g. individ-
of individual objects) and the image: "Denkenist ual sensible qualities; mathematically abstract, e. g.
Phantasieren in Begriffen und Phantasieren ist Den- extension and number; metaphysically abstract, e. g.
ken in Bildera". nature, entity, substance, truth, etc. And indeed un-
(3) Positivism. — Positivists, following Comte (d. less ideas were of the abstract there could be no science,
1857), do not deny the supersensible; they declare it physical, mathematical, or philosophical; all these
unknowable; the one source of cognition, they claim, sciences consider their objects apart from concrete
is sense-experience, experiment, and induction from individual determinations. No intellectual judgment
phenomena. John Stuart Mill (d. 1870), following whatsoever would be possible, since every predicate is
Hume, reduces all knowledge to series of conscious a generalised term and hence in some degree ab-
states linked by empirical associations and enlarged stract. Sensation cannot represent an abstract object;
by inductive processes. The mind has no certitude of for though the sight, e. g., perceives colour apart from
an external world, but only of "a permanent possi- sound, nevertheless (a) no sense can abstract from the
bility of sensations" and antecedent and anticipated subject-matter — from the existence and individuality
feelings. Spencer (d. 1903) makes all knowledge rela- of its proper object; the eye does not see colour as
tive. The actual existence of things is their persist- such and abstracted, but the coloured object physically
ence in consciousness. Consciousness contains only and individually existing — (b) no sense can abstract
subjective feelings. The relative supposes the abso- from its proper object (its appropriate stimulus or
lute, but the latter is unknowable to us; it is the object object-quality), nor from its common object (quan-
of faith and religion (Agnosticism). All things, mind tity, the extended object), (c) a fortiori, no sense can
included, have resulted from a cosmical process of perceive one dimension of extension or a mathema-
mechanical evolution wherein they are still involved; tical point, or things non-existent! or abstract forms
hence all concepts and principles are in a continuous like man and humanity. ^
flux. a Nor does the common image suffice to explain the
The Teaching of Catholic Philosophy is that sense- universal idea as Locke and the Herbartians suppose,
experience is a source, and indeed the primary source, for the common image, though indistinct, remains
of numan knowledge, but it holds that there are other always in some way concrete and sensible; since the
sources beyond sensations. There is nothing in the imagination as primarily reproductive can represent
intellect that had not its birth in sense; this is only what the senses have reported. Consciousness
one of the generalizations of the School. ^ Moreover, attests this; for if the imagination represent e. g. a
though every intellectual act is accompanied by sen- triangle, it is always of some certain size and shape; it
sory motion, and especially by some sense representa- cannot represent a triangle which is neither rectangu-
tion (phantasma) evoked in the imagination, never- lar, obtuse, nor acute; while the idea of a triangle pre-
theless sensation and sensuous representation (phan- scinds from every size or shape. # Besides the image
tasma, image) differ essentially from the idea there is therefore the thought, the intellectual concept,
produced in and by the intellect, which is an imma- the latter differing essentially from the former. Hence
terial, supersensuous and superorganic power or the common image is not predicable of the individuals
faculty. The theory here proposed may be called distributive^ because it is still somehow concrete,
empirico-intellectualism since it conjoins a sensuous singular, sensible, material, and represents only qual-
factor with the purely intellectual or immaterial ity. Nor can it be predicated as confusedly blending
agency in the genesis of knowledge. Its bases are as all its inferiors, because the predicate of a judgment is
follows: (a) Ideas represent the natures or essences of attributed according to comprehension rather than
things, not the mere sensuous qualities, the phenom- extension. At best, moreover, the image is like to
ena of things, but the underlying subject and cause things; the concept is identical with the subject of
thereof, e. g. substance, life, cause, truth, etc.; while which it is predicated. According to the empiricists
ideas of sensuous qualities as such represent them in the common image results from a comparison of repre-
the abstract and as universal, e. g. light, (b) The mind sentations, so that what is common to them, i. e. some
possesses ideas of things (substances and accidents) pre-eminent quality, stands as the concept. But the
immaterial, invisible; possible, and impossible, etc., intellect would thus have to immediately perceive and
e. g. ideas of God, spirit, etc. — ideas which cannot be compare the images, which is impossible; nor could it
formed from purely sensuous presentations or images, form a concept unless a number of sense perceptions
(c) We make clear-cut distinctions between the essen- and representations of a thing or things of the same
tial and accidental or contingent properties and attri- species had preceded. We know, however, that we
EMS
409
Immediately form a concept of a thing, even though
perceived but once. Furthermore, in order to form
the common image a concept of the object must have
preceded; for in order to compare similar things we
must previously have perceived their likeness. Now,
to perceive their likeness means to perceive some com-
mon-objective aspect wherein the similar things agree,
while differing in other aspects. But this the senses
cannot perceive; hence there must precede an intel-
lectual perception of the note of agreement common to
the objects represented by the images, i. e. a universal
idea must precede the common image. The common
image therefore does not precede but follows the com-
mon concept, whereof it is a sort of shadow. This is
specially so in the case of the productive imagination,
which re-arranges in new forms previously compared
images and hence supposes reflection and judgment,
operations which no sense can perform.
Sensism implies scepticism, (a) For if we do not
immediately perceive external objects but only our
subjective sensuous modifications, then, since these
differ with different individuals (e. g. the varying judg-
ments of distance, heat, cold, etc., which varying judg-
ments require intellectual correction whereof the
senses are incapable), there could be no certain and
objective truth, each individual would be the measure
of truth, there would be no objective criterion of certi-
tude, no universal truths, (b) In order to pass from a
subjective affection to a knowledge of its object we
must employ the principle of causality. Now, in
sensism, either the concept of cause is not objective or
cause is not perceived at all; therefore the principle
of causality is either rejected or is pronounced doubt-
ful. Hence there can be no certitude of the objective
existence of thing?. Hume was but logical when he
deduced universal scepticism from the theory of
Locke.
Sensism involves the destruction of all science,
(a) Science is the knowledge of things in and by their
causes; but the senses cannot perceive causes, (b)
Positivists claim that by their method the sciences
have made wonderful progress, that by employing
observation and induction the laws of nature have
been discovered. Now, observation of phenomena en-
tails universal ideas whereby the phenomena are classi-
fied under groups or species, while induction, to be
legitimate and certain, postulates the principle of
causalitv. Therefore the physical sciences suppose
physical abstraction; the mathematical, mathemati-
cal abstraction, the metaphysical, metaphysical ab-
straction (primitive, i. e. direct, and reflective; on to-
logical, logical, psychological) . The negation of univer-
sal, necessary, immutable ideas essentially different
from" sensations means the destruction of even physi-
cal science, a fortiori of mathematical and philosophi-
cal sciences.
Sensism destroys the foundations of morality and
religion. For, as sensists and positivists admit, their
theories leave no proof of the soul's spirituality and
immortality; of the existence of moral law, its obliga-
tion and sanction in a future life; of the existence of
God and His relation to man. Now, history bears
witness that these truths are fundamental for man's
religious and moral life.
Balmbs, Fundamental Philosophy (New York. 1864): Mahxr,
Psychology (New York, 1003); Ladd, Philosophy of Knowledge
(New York. 1807); db Broous, Le posHivtsme et la science
experimenUue (Paris, 1880); Mbbcibr, CritSriologie (Louvain,
1006); Schmid, Erkmtnxsslehre (Freiburg im Br.. 1890);
Kueutgen, Phuosophxe der Vorzeit (Innsbruck, 1878); Wil-
lbms, Institutionea philosophies (Trier, 1006).
F. P. Siegfried.
Ems, Congress of, a meeting of the representatives
of the German Archbishops Fnedrich Karl von Erthal
of Mainz, Maximilian Franz of Cologne, Clemens Wen-
ceslaus of Trier, and Hieronymus von Colloredo of
Salzburg, at the little town of Bad-Ems, near Coblenz,
in August, 1786, for the purpose of protesting against
papal interference in the exercise of episcopal powers
and fixing the future relations between these arch-
bishops and the Roman pontiff.
The Gallican principles concerning the relation be-
tween the bishops and the pope, which had been dis-
seminated in Germany by Hontheim, the Auxiliary
Bishop of Trier (1748-1790), in his treatise "De statu
ecclesue et legitima potestate Rom. Pontificis" (1763)
under the pseudonym "Febronius", were shared by
some of the most influential archbishops of Germany.
The archbishops became confirmed in the position
which they took towards the pope by the encourage-
ment and support of Emperor Joseph II, who arrogated
to himself both temporal and spiritual jurisdiction.
As early as 1769 the representatives of the Elector-
Archbishops of Mainz, Cologne, and Trier, at a meeting
held in Coblenz, had drawn up a list of thirty-one
articles, most of which were directed against the
Roman Curia. The proximate occasion of the Con-
gress of Ems was the erection of an Apostolic nuncia-
ture in Munich (27 Feb., 1785) and the appointment
of Zoglio; titular Archbishop of Athens, as nuncio (27
June), with jurisdiction over the entire territory of the
Elector Karl Theodor, which then comprised Bavaria
with the Rhine Palatinate and the former Duchies
of Julich and Berg. Pius VI erected this nunciature
upon the urgent request of the Elector of Bavaria, who
was loath to nave parts of his territory under the spirit-
ual jurisdiction of bishops who, being electors like
himself, were rather his equals than his subordinates.
He had previously suggested to the Elector- Arch-
bishops of Mainz, Cologne, and Trier to appoint special
vicars-general for their districts in nis territory.
Upon their refusal he requested Pius VI to erect sepa-
rate dioceses for his territory, but in deference to the
wishes of the three elector-archbishops, the pope also
refused. Finally the Elector of Bavaria asked for the
above-mentioned nunciature, and despite the protests
of the archbishops his wish was granted.
Meanwhile Bellisomi, the nuncio at Cologne, was
transferred to Lisbon, and Pacca. the titular Arch-
bishop of Damietta was appointed: to succeed him at
Cologne. Maximilian Franz, Archbishop of Cologne
(a brother of Emperor Joseph II), refused to see him,
and none of the three elector-archbishops honoured
his credentials. Despite protests, both Pacca and
Zoglio began to exercise then- powers as nuncios. Rely-
ing on the support which Emperor Joseph II had
promised, the three elector-archbishops ana the Arch-
bishop of Salzburg planned concerted action against
Rome and sent their representatives to Ems to hold a
congress. Von Erthal of Mainz, who was the soul of the
opposition, was represented by his auxiliary bishop
Valentine Heimes; Maximilian Franz of Cologne, by
his privy councillor Heinrich von Tautphaua; Clemens
Wenceslaus of Trier, by his privy councillor and offi-
cial representative in temporal matters, Joseph Lud-
wig Beck; Colloredo of Salzburg, by his consistorial
councillor, Johann Michael Bdmcke. On 25 August,
1786, these archiepiscopal representatives signed the
notorious " Punctation of Ems", consisting of twenty-
three articles which aimed at making the German
archbishops practically independent of Rome. For
the text of the articles see Munch, "Sammlung aller
alteren und neueren Concordate" (Leipzig, 1831), I,
404-423.
Assuming that Christ gave unlimited power of bind-
ing and loosing to the Apostles and their successors,
the bishops, the "Punctation'' maintains that all
prerogatives and reservations which were not actually
connected with the primacy during the first three cen-
turies owe their origin to the Pseudo-Isidore decretals,
universally acknowledged as false, and, hence, that the
bishops must look upon all interference of the Roman
Curia with the exercise of their episcopal functions in
their own dioceses as encroachments on their rights.
Upon these schismatic principles the four archbishops
410
XMSER
based their demands, which may be summarized as
follows: all direct appeals to Rome must be discon-
tinued; all exempt monasteries must become subject
to the bishops in whose districts the monasteries are
situated; no German monasteries must have generals,
provincials, or other superiors who do not reside in
Germany: the bishops need not obtain quinquennial
faculties from Rome, because by virtue of their office
they can dispense from abstinence, from matrimonial
impediments, including the second degree of con-
sanguinity and the second and first degrees of affinity,
from solemn religious vows and the obligations result-
ing from Holy orders; papal Bulls and ordinances of
the Roman Curia are binding in each diocese only
after the respective bishop* has given his placet; all
Apostolic nunciatures must be abolished; the manner
of conferring benefices and the procedure in ecclesias-
tical lawsuits must be changed in favour of the bishops;
the episcopal oath must be changed so that it shall not
appear to be the oath of a vassal, etc.
It may easily be seen that the articles of the " Puno-
tation" lower the papal primacy to a merely honorary
one and advocate an independence of the archbishops
in regard to the pope which is entirely incompatible
with the Unity and Catholicity of the Church of
Christ. Still the " Punctation ' ' was immediately rati-
fied by the four archbishops and sent to Emperor
Joseph II with an humble request for his support.
The emperor was pleased with the articles and would
have pledged his unqualified support if his councillors,
especially Kaunitz, nad not for political reasons ad-
vised him otherwise. In his reply of 16 Nov., 1786, the
emperor wisely makes his support dependent on the
condition that the archbishops gain the consent of
their suffragan bishops, the superiors of the exempt
monasteries, and the estates into whose districts their
spiritual jurisdiction extends. The suffragan bishops,
especially the pious and learned prince-Bishops Au-
gustVon Styrum of Speier and Franz Lud wig von Erthal
of Wurzburg-Bamberg (a brother of the Archbishop
of Mainz), protested against the schismatic tendency
of the "Punctation1' and saw in the anti-papal pro-
cedure of the archbishops merely an attempt to in-
crease their own power to the detriment of their suffra-
gans. The Elector of Bavaria likewise remained a
zealous defender of the pope and his nuncio at Mu-
nich, and even the Protestant King Frederick II of
Prussia was an opponent of the "Punctation" and
favoured the nuncio Pacca at Cologne.
Still the archbishops insisted on their demands.
When the nuncio at Cologne by authority of the pope
granted a matrimonial dispensation from the second
degree of consanguinity to Prince von Hohenlohe-
Bartensteih and Countess Blankenheim, Archbishop
Maximilian Franz of Cologne addressed to him a
strong protest forbidding him for the future the
exercise of all jurisdiction in the Archdiocese of
Cologne. The archbishops themselves now began to
grant dispensations from such degrees of relationship
as were not contained in their ordinary quinquennial
faculties, just as if the "Punctation of Ems" were in
full force. When the nuncio at Cologne, by order of
the pope, informed the pastors that all marriages con-
tracted by virtue of such dispensations were invalid,
the archbishops ordered their pastors to return the
circular to the nuncio and to obtain all future dispen-
sations directly from their ordinary, the archbishop.
The Church in Germany was now near to a schism.
Fortunately, von Erthal of Mainz needed the services of
Rome. He desired Karl Theodor von Dalberg as co-
adjutor, and, to obtain the consent of Rome, he with-
drew, at least apparently, from the "Punctation"
and obtained a renewal of his quinquennial faculties
from Rome on 9 Aug., 1787. Similarly the Archbishop
of Trier asked for quinquennial faculties as Bishop of
Augsburg, but not as Archbishop of Trier. Von Erthal *s
submission to Rome was only a pretended one. He
continued his opposition and on 2 June, 1788, re*
quested Emperor Joseph II. in the name of himself
and the three other archbishops, to bring the affair
concerning the German nuncios before a diet. But
soon the archbishops discovered that all the estates
were opposed to the "Punctation" and that a diet
would rather retard than accelerate the fulfilment of
their wishes. For this reason they addressed a letter
to Rome (1 Dec., 1788) asking the pope to put an end
to the unedif ying ecclesiastical dissensions in Germany
by withdrawing the faculties from the nuncios and by
sending representatives to the German estates with
authority to come to an amicable agreement regarding
the other demands of the archbishops. In answer to
this request appeared the publication of a memorable
document composed by order of the pope and en-
titled: "Sanctissimi Dom. nostri Pii Papae VI respon-
sio ad Metropolitans Moguntinum, Trevirensem,
Coloniensem et Salisburgensem super Nunciaturis
Apostolicis" (Rome, 1789). It was a masterpiece in
form and contents of Apostolic firmness and paternal
reproof. After presenting a dispassionate and objec-
tive view of the whole litigation, the document refutes
all the arguments of the archbishops against papal
nunciatures, shows how wrong it was for the arch-
bishops to rebel against papal authority, explains that
the pope cannot send representatives to worldly
estates who have no right to pass judgment on eccle-
siastical affairs, and admonishes the archbishops to
give up their untenable position towards the Holy
see.
The papal writing was not without effect. Arch-
bishop Wenceslaus of Trier, who had long desired an
amicable settlement of the odious affair, into which, it
appears, he was drawn against his will, publicly with-
drew from the "Punctation" on 20 Feb., 1790, and
admonished his colleagues to follow his example.
They, however, continued their opposition and on
occasion of the imperial capitulation of Leopold II
(1790) and that of Francis II (1792) obtained the
promise that their complaints concerning the nuncia-
tures would be attended to as soon as possible by a
decree of the diet. The threatening progress of the
French Revolution finally changed the attitude of the
Archbishops of Cologne and Salzburg, but the Arch-
bishop of Mainz clung to the "Punctation" until the
victorious French army invaded his electorate, and he
was deprived of all his possessions west of the Rhine,
at the Peace of Campo Formio, in 1797.
Stiglohkb, Die Erricntung der papetl. Nuntiaiur in MQncfun
und der Emeer Congress (Ratisbon, 1867): BrOck, Die rationa-
listischen Beetrebungen im bath. DexUschland bee. in den drei
rhein. Erzbisth. in der tweiten Halfte dee 18. Jahrh. (Mains. 1865);
Idem in Kirchenlex. s. v.: Pacca, Memorize storiette eul di lui
soggiorno in Oermania aal anno 1786 al 179k (Rome, 1832),
German tr. (Augsburg, 1832); Feller, Coup-d'ctil sur U Con-
gres a" Ems (Dusseldorf, 1777), German tr. (DQsseldorf, 1788).
Michael Ott.
Emser, Hierontmus, the most ardent literary op-
Sraent of Luther, b. of a prominent family at Ulm, 20
arch, 1477 ; d. 8 Nov., 1527 at Dresden. At the Uni-
versity of Tubingen, whither he went in 1493, he ac-
quired a thorough knowledge of Greek and Latin, but
in 1497 he began the study of law and theology at the
University of Basle. Through the good offices of
Christopher, later Bishop of Utenheim{ he barely es-
caped imprisonment at Basle for having inscribed some
satirical verses of his countryman, Bebel, in a volume
which was circulated among the students. The leg-
ate, Cardinal Raymond Peraudi of Gurk, who seems to
have been the judge in this trial, shortly after en-
gaged him as secretary. In 1500 he published a medi-
ocre work on the miraculous crosses which were gen-
erally supposed to have fallen from heaven. Four
? rears later he began a series of brilliant lectures at Er-
urt on Reuchlin's "Sergius vel Caput Capitis" and
numbered Martin Luther among his hearers. On ac-
count of his triumphs at Erfurt he always claimed the
ENOINA
411
ENOISO
distinction of having been one of the pioneers of classi-
cal humanism in Germany. Despite his renown and
brilliant manner of teaching, Emser's lectures at Leip-
zig on the classics, in 1505, aroused little admiration.
Disgusted at his failure he turned to the study of the-
ology and won the degree of bachelor. George of
Saxony befriended him in a financial way during these
and subsequent years. Dissatisfied with the methods
of teaching theology then prevalent, Emser' applied
himself earnestly to canon law, and on the completion
of his studies served George of Saxony as secretary.
At the request of the latter he composed a Latin ode in
honour of St. Benno of Meissen, who had iust been
canonized. This canonization was largely due to the
efforts of Emser at Rome, whither he went in 1510 at
the express wish of George of Saxony, who saw in this
solemn act a source of glory for his realm. The life of the
new saint, which Emser wrote in faultless Latin on his re-
turn in 1512, is worthless from a critical point of view.
About this time Emser received Holy orders and two
Erebends at Dresden and Meissen. While preaching
y command of George of Dresden, he became better
acquainted with Luther. Emser admired the fiery
Augustinian; Luther, the accomplished litterateur.
But in 1519 they parted. At the disputation in Leip-
zig, Luther, to the express dissatisfaction of George of
Saxony, who was present with Emser, gave utterance
to Hussite opinions of a radical sort regarding the
pope. Emser was deeply pained at this; and on learn-
ing that the Bohemians, m two semi-public letters,
hailed a second Hus in Luther, he declared in a letter
to John Zack that Luther had reprimanded the Bohe-
mians for their attitude towards the pope, and had up-
held the papal supremacy as a necessary means to pre-
vent division. Emser added a very lucid explanation
based on Scripture in proof of the primacy, and in a
subjoined poem dealt a severe blow to the calumnies
against the pope. Luther soon learned the contents
of this letter and, regarding it as an attempt to dis-
credit him among the Bohemians, replied in his "Ad
fiegocerotem Emseranum M. Luther additio", where
abuse of all kind was heaped upon the Church. Emser
answered with an equally violent though not scurril-
ous work: "A venatione lutheriana aegocerotis Asser-
tio ", in which he portrayed the certain scandal arising
from the words and conduct of a refractory monk. He
defended the Scriptures in a very personal way against
the arbitrary interpretation of Luther. The letter
closes with a history of his life, which was intended to
offset the aspersions cast on his probity by his oppo-
nent. Luther replied by burning at Wittenberg this
letter and other writings of Emser, together with the
Bull of excommunication and the "Corpus juris cano-
nici" (10 Dec., 1520). This insult did not provoke
Emser. But as Luther displayed an incredible literary
activity in 1520, Emser wrote eight polemical works in
1520 and 1521 which abound in personalities and invec-
tive, yet defend the Faith in a masterly way and clearly
point out the logical results of the new teaching. In
1522 he translated the address which the Englishman,
John Clark, delivered on handing over to Pope Leo
X the book written by Henry VIII against
Luther. (O'Donovan, The Defence of the Seven
Sacraments by Henry VIII, New York, 1908, pp.
110-17.) Among other works may be mentioned nis
German translation of the New Testament with a laud-
atory preface by George of Saxony. Emser showed
in this work the liberties taken by Luther with the
Scriptures and refuted his errors.
Waltan, Naahricht von H. Emser' t Leben und Schriften
Mosen, H. Emser der Vork&mpfer Rom* gegen die Reformation
(Halle, 1890): Keferstein. Der Laulstand in den Btbelilber-
setxungen von ameer und Eck (Jena, 1888). Ember's polemical
writings of 1521 against Luther were edited in two small vol-
umes by Endbbs (Halle, 1890-92).
Thos. M. Schwebtneb.
Endna (or Enzina), Juan de la, Spanish dramatic
poet, called by Ticknor the father of the Spanish secu-
lar drama ; b. in the village of Encina near Salamanca,
7 Aug., 1468; d. in Salamanca, 1534. He was edu-
cated at the University of Salamanca, whence he pro-
ceeded to Madrid, where at the age of twenty-five he
became a member of the household of Fadrique de
Toledo, first Duke of Alba. Later, Encina went to
Rome, where he took orders, and owing to his skill in
music attracted the attention of Leo X who made him
maestro di capetta, which was a signal honour. In 1 519
he accompanied Fadrique Af an de Ribera, Marquis of
Tarifa, on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, where he
remained two years, and upon his return in 1521 he
published a poetical account of his travels, rather de-
void of literary merit, under the title "Trabagia 6
Via Sagrada de Hierusalem". At a more advanced
age, he was appointed prior of Leon and returned to
Spain, where he died. He was buried in the cathedral
of that city.
Encina published the first edition of his works under
the title of " El Cancionero ' '. This was reprinted five
times during the sixteenth century, showing that he
enjoyed great popularity. Although he wrote lyrical
poems, songs, and villancicoB in the old Spanish style,
his most important works were his dramatic composi-
tions which ne himself calls repreaentacwnes, and which
fill the fourth division of his "Cancionero". They
are eleven in number, all in the nature of eclogues, and
written in some form of old Spanish verse; in all there
is singing, and in one of them a dance. They there-
fore have several elements of the secular drama, the
origin of which, according to Ticknor, can be traced no
further back by any existing authentic monument.
Two things must be considered, however, in connexion
with these compositions as the foundation of the secu-
lar drama. One is that they are eclogues in form and
name but not in substance; the second, that they
were really acted before an audience. The date of
these performances has been given as early as 1492.
The representaciones have not much dramatic merit.
They are crude and slight, and there is no pretension to
a plot. Some of the most important works of Encina
are: "The Triumph of Love", "The Knight who turns
Shepherd ", and "The Shepherds who turn Courtiers ".
He was also the author of a prose work on the condi-
tion of the poetic art in Spain entitled "Arte de
Poesia Casteliana", published about 1497.
Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature (Boston. 1866);
Encina. Teatro Completo . . . edicion de la Real Academia
Bepaflola (Madrid, 1893); Cotahelo t Mo hi, Estudios de Hit-
torla Literaria de Espafla (1901).
Ventuba Fuentes.
Enciso, Diego Ximenez de, dramatic poet, b. in
Andalusia, Spain, c. 1585; date of death unknown.
All trace of him is lost after 1632. He was much ad-
mired and praised by Cervantes, Lope de Vega and
Montalvan; the last considers him a "model for
those who wish to write great comedies". Although
he enjoyed some fame, as his frequent mention by his
contemporaries would show, he has shared the fate of
many other Spanish dramatists of his day, and his
works have undeservedly been consigned to oblivion.
In his catalogue of the Spanish theatre, Cayetano
Barrera gives a list of eleven plays by Enciso, but
most of them are scattered throughout the great libra-
ries of Europe, and only three have reached several
editions, namely. "El Principe Don Carlos", "La
Mayor Hazafia del Emperador Carlos Quinto", and
" Los Meciicis de Florencia". To the average reader,
however, only the last named is easily accessible. It
is to be found in " La Biblioteca de Autores Espafi-
oles'\ These three plays were probably chosen for
repeated editions because they show Enciso at his
best. Enciso 's idea of the historical drama is thor-
oughly unique for a Spanish dramatist, for he alone of
all nis contemporaries seems to regard the historical
KKOISO 412 BNOEATITES
drama as being capable of adhering closely to facts, amulets, round the neck as a protection against en-
He does not, however, adhere slavishly to history, but chantment; the Church endeavoured to purify this
rather uses it as did Shakespeare, that is, he uses recog- usage from superstition by substituting objects vene-
nised sources in such a way as to give to his plot the rated by Christians for those to which they had been
appearance of probability. In- his versification En- accustomed before conversion. According to St.
ciso shows great variety, but the eleven-syllabled Jerome, however (in Matt., c.xxiii), some of the faithful
verse seems to predominate. His work as a whole is in his day attached a superstitious importance to these
characterized by the elevated tone which pervades it, aids to piety ; he censures certain classes of women who
the simplicity and interest of the plots, and its sonor- seem to have, in some degree, identified sanctity with
ous language. an exaggerated veneration for sacred relics: "Hoc
Schwill. PtMicatxon^ the Modern terwia&> Association of quod apud nOS SUperstitioss mulierculffi in parvulis
America (Baltimore, 1903), XVIII; Biblioteca at Autores Es- /«a-,«oi::a a+ ;n nn,n« K,**^ *>♦ ;B4,'.,««.^r ««k...
paAoU* (Madrid, 1848-86). evaneelus et in crucis hgno et wtiusmodi rebus,
Ventura Fuentes. °*UflB nabent quidem zelum Dei, sed non secundum
scientiam, f actitant" (That which superstitious women
Enciso, MartIn Fernandez db, navigator and amongst us. who have a certain seal for God but
geographer, b. at Seville, Spain, c. 1470; d. probably not of rig™ knowledge, do m regard to little copies of
about 1528 at Seville. It is not known when, why, or tne Gospels, the wood of the cross, and things of that
with whom he went to America, but in 1508 he was kind). Encolpia were of various forms, oval, round,
living on the island of Santo Domingo, where he had four-cornered, and of various materials ranging from
accumulated a fortune in the practice of law. In 1509 g0^ to g*as8- In 1571 *wo gold encolpia, sauare in
Alonxo de Ojeda (or Hojeda) had been granted the iorm> ^re found in tombs of the ancient Vatican
government of Terra Firme (the region about the cemetery, engraved on one side with the monogram
Isthmus of Darien), but he lacked the funds necessary °* Christ between the Alpha and Omega, and on the
to colonize the country. He then applied to Enciso, otner with a dove. Another, now lost, was found in the
who had the reputation of being rich, able, and adven- tomD of Maria, wife of the Emperor Honorius, bearing
turous, and the latter agreed to provide a vessel with *be names of the imperial couple with the legend
men and provisions. Ojeda set out in advance in 1509, vivatis and the monogram. The famous treasure of
and it was agreed that Enciso was to equip his vessel Monsa contains the theca persica, enclosing a text
and follow him in 1510. When the latter arrived, he from tne Gospel of St. John, sent by Pope St. Gregory
found that Ojeda, having been beset by hostile In- the Great (590-604) to Queen Theodolinda for her son
dians. and having exhausted his supplies and ammuni- Adalaold. Another of the gifts of this pope to the Lom-
tion, had returned in search of him. Taking the sur- bapd queen was a cruciform encolpion containing a
vivors of Qjeda's expedition, Enciso foundedthe town portion of the True Cross. Probably the most interest-
of Santa Maria la Antigua del Darien (1510). Among "^g reliquary of this form is a gold pectoral cross dis-
his followers was one Vasco Nufies de Balboa who covered at Rome in 1863, in the basilica of S. Lorenzo
afterwards became famous for his discovery of the (A**"1' k rmfira), on the breast of a corpse. On one side
Pacific Ocean, then called the South Sea (Mar del Sur), it bears the inscription: EMMANOTHA nobibcum deub
and who had joined the expedition without Enciso's (Emmanuel, God with us), and on the other: crux est
knowledge or authority, seeking to escape his creditors. VITA Mmi> MORa inimice tibi (To me the Cross is life ;
Soon after the founding of the new city, Balboa stirred to theet O enemy, it is death) . To the category of en-
up rebellion among the men, and was able to depose colpia belong also the vials or vessels of clay in which
Enciso, whom-he banished to Spain. Here, the latter were preserved such esteemed relics as oil from the
complained to the king of Balboa's arbitrary conduct kirn* £»* burned before the Holy Sepulchre and the
and injustice, and the king, partly owing to these golden keys with filings from St. Peters chains, one of
accusations, sent Pedrarias Davila to America in 1514 wjjuch wassentby St. Gregory the Great to the Frankish
as Governor of Darien, with instructions to have the KingChildebert. ,.,„.. _.
wrong. , of Enciso righted. Enciso accomp^ed the B^^£^vS^J^^^1^^^l^y.
expedition as "alguacil mayor" and continued to op- Smith and Chbbtham, Did. Christ. Antiq., 1, 611 (Londbn,
pose Balboa untilthe latter's execution by Davila in 1875).
1517. He soon afterwards returned to Spain where he Maurice M. Hassett.
published his "Suma de Geograffa que trata de todas __ .^ . ^ ,_ % . ,'
las partidas del mundo", the first account in Spanish Encratitea [ Enr*P*rtT* (Irenieus) EyKparnral (Clem-
of the discoveries in the New World. The work was entAlex.,Hippolytus)], literally, "abstainers" or "per-
published in 1519 at Seville and was reprinted in 1530 sonswhopractisedcontmencv,7,because they refrained
and in 1549. It is dedicated to the Emperor Charles V, from the u*6 of wine> animal food, and marriage. The
and in it, according to Navarrete, Enciso has embodied a*1116 was g*ven to an cariy Christian sect, or rather to
all that was then known of the theory and practice of a tendency common to several sects, chiefly Gnostic,
navigation. The geographical portion is given with wnose asceticism was based on heretical views regard-
great care, and contains the first descriptions of the mg **£ origin of matter.
lands discovered in the western seas, that is, the *• History.— Abstinence from the use of some
results of the explorations of the Spaniards up to 1519. creatures, because they were thought to be mtnnsib-
It is, on the whole, a more accurate work than the ally evil, is much older than Christianity. Pythagor-
other early works of its kind. fan*! Essemsm, Indian asceticism betrayed this erro-
Mzchaud, Biog. Univ. (Paris. 1855); Hbuw, History of Span- neous tendency, and the Indian ascetics are actually
uh Conquest in America (1855-1861). quoted by Clement of Alexandria as the forerunners
Ventura Fuentes. 0f the Encratites (Strom., I. xv). Although St. Paul
Enclosure. See Cloister. **» to P**?!6'. ^ven, m nis d.a^VT^Aiddin? J?
marry and abstaining from meats" (I Tim., iv, 1-5),
Encolpion (Gr. eyx6\Tiovf that which is worn on the first mention of a Christian sect of this name
the breast) , the name given in early Christian times to occurs in Ireneus (I, xxviii) . He connects their origin
a species of reliquary worn round the neck, in which with Saturninus and Marcion. Rejecting marriage,
were enclosed such relics as fragments of cloth stained they implicitly accuse the Creator, Who made both
with the blood of a martyr, small pieces of parchment male and female. Refraining from all f^vxa (animal
with texts from the Holy Scriptures, particles of food and intoxicants), they are ungrateful to Him
the True Cross, etc. The custom of bearing on the per- Who created all things. " And now", continues Ire-
son objects of this character was evidently derived nseus, "they reject the salvation of the first man
from the pagan practice of wearing butta, containing [Adam] ; an opinion recently introduced among them
ENCYCLICAL 413 ENCYCLICAL
by Tatian, a disciple of Justin. As long as he was with he inveighed against wine-drinkers and flesh-eaters.
Justin he gave no sign of these things, but after his Among the apocryphal works which originated in
martyrdom Tatian separated himself from the Church. Encratite circles must be mentioned: The Gospel ac-
Elated and puffed up by his professorship, he estab- cording to the Egyptians, referred to by Clement
lished some teaching of his own. He fabled about some (Strom., Ill, ix, 13), Origen (Horn, in i Luc), Hippo-
invisible sons, as the Valentinians do; and proclaimed lytus (Philos., V, vii), which contained a dialogue
marriage to be corruption and fornication, as Marcion between Jesus and Salome specially appealed to by
and Saturninus do, but he made the denial of Adam's the Encratites in condemnation of marriage (to this
salvation a specialty of his own." The Encratites are Gospel the recently discovered "Logia" probably be-
next mentioned by Clement Alex. (Paed., II, ii. 33^ long) ; the Gospel of Philip, of Thomas, the Acts of
Strom., I, xv ; VII, xvii). The whole of the third book Peter, of Andrew, of Thomas, and other Apocrypha,
of the Stromata is devoted to combating a false encra- furthering Gnostic-Encratite views.
teia, or continency, though a special sect of Encra- Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., IV, xxi, 28) says that Mu-
tites is not there mentioned. Hippolytus (Philos., sanus (a.d. 170 or 210) wrote a most elegant book
VIII, xiii) refers to them as "acknowledging what addressed to some brethren who had fallen into the
concerns God and Christ in like manner with the heresy of the Encratites. Theodoret (Haer. Fab., I, xxi)
Church ; in respect, however, of their mode of life, says that Apollinaris of Hierapolis in Phrygia (about
passing their days inflated with pride1'; " abstain- 171) wrote against the Severian Encratites.
ing from animal food, being water-drinkers and for- Salmon in Diet. Chr. Biogr., s. w., Encratites, Apoetolxci,
WSdrng to marry- "^ima^ Cynics rather than g^^g—t^
Christians . On the Strength of this passage it IS I; Hiloenfeld, Ketzergetch. des UrcK. (18&); Harnactc, Gesch.
supposed that some Encratites were perfectly ortho- der altchr. Lit. (Leipzig. 1893-07), I, 201 sag.. II. l. 408, 635;
do* in doctrine, and e,red only in practice but r 4 «,l f^^r^^l^JT^Ul's^^'S^
rov $€ov ical rov %P^rov need not mclude the whole of im Br., St. Louis, 1908)*. 81, 92. J. p. Arendzen.
Christian doctrine. Somewhat later this sect received
new life and strength by the accession of a certain Encyclical (Lat. Littercs Encydica). — According to
Severus (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., IV, xxix), after whom its 'etymology, an encyclical (from the Greek fy«tf#cXiot,
Encratites were often called Severians. These Seve- k&kXos meaning a circle) is nothing more than a circular
rian Encratites accepted the Law, the Prophets, and letter. In modern times, usage has confined the term
the Gospels, but rejected the Book of the Acts and almost exclusively to certain papal documents which
cursed St. Paul and his Epistles. But the account differ in their technical form from the ordinary style of
given by Epiphanius of the Severians rather betrays either Bulls or Briefs, and which in their superscription
Syrian Gnosticism than Judaistic tendencies. In their are explicitly addressed to the patriarchs, primates,
hatred of marriage they declared woman the work of archbishops, and bishops of the Universal Church in
Satan, and in their hatred of intoxicants they called communion with the Apostolic See. By exception,
wine drops of venom from the great Serpent, etc. encyclicals are also sometimes addressed to the arch-
(Haer. , xl v) . Epiphanius states that in his day Encra- bishops and bishops of a particular country. Thus this
tites were very numerous throughout Asia Minor, in name is given to the letter of Pius X (6 Jan., 1907) to
Pisidia, in the Adustan district of Phrygia, in Isauria, the bishops of France, in spite of the fact that it was
Pamphylia, Cilicia, and Galatia. In the Roman Prov- published, not in Latin, but in French ; while, on the
ince and in Antioch of Syria they were found scattered other hand, the letter " Longinqua Oceani" (5 Jan.,
here and there. Thev split up into a number of smaller 1895) addressed by Leo XIII to the archbishops and
sects, of whom the Apostolici (q. v.) were remarkable bishops of the United States, is not styled an encyclical,
for their condemnation of private property, the Hy- although in all other respects it exactly observes the
droparastatffi for their use of water instead of wine m forms of one. From this and a number of similar facts
the Eucharist. In the Edict of 382, Theodosius pro- we may probably infer that the precise designation used
nounced sentence of death on all those who took the is not intended to be of any great significance. From
name of Encratites, Saccophori, or Hydroparastat®, the nature of the case encyclicals addressed to the
and commanded Florus, the M agister Officiorum, to bishops of the world are generally concerned with
make strict search for these heretics, who were Maui- matters which affect the welfare of the Church at
chseans in disguise. Sozomen (Hist. Eccl., V,xi) tells large. They condemn some prevalent form of error,
of an Encratite of Ancyra in Galatia, called Busiris, point out dangers which threaten faith or morals, ex-
who bravely submitted to torments in the Julian per- nort the faithful to constancy, or prescribe remedies
secution, and who under Theodosius abjured his for evils foreseen or already existent. Informanencyc-
heresy and returned to the Catholic Church. On the lical at the present day begins thus — we may take the
other hand, we learn from Macarius Magnes (about encyclical" rascendi" on Modernism as a specimen: —
403 — Apocr., Ill, xliii) of a certain Dositheus, a Cili- "Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Pii Divina Proyidentia
cian, who about the same time wrote a work in eight Papse X Litter© Encyclics ad Patriarchas, Primates,
books in defence of Encratite errors. About the mid- Archiepiscopos, Episcopos aliosque locorum Ordinar-
dle of the fifth century they disappear from history, ios pacem et communionem cum Apostolica Sede hab-
absorbed, probably, by the Manichseans, with whom entes de Modernistarum Doctrinist Ad Patriarchas,
they had so much in common from the first. Primates, Archiepiscopos, Episcopos aliosque locorum
II. Writings. — The Encratites developed a con- Ordinarios, pacem et communionem cum Apostolica
siderable literary activity. The earliest writer in their Sede habentes, Pius PP. X., Venerabiles Fratres, salu-
defence probably was Tatian in his book "Concerning tern et apostolicam benedictionem. Pascendi domi-
Perfection according to the Saviour", which Clement nici gregis mandatum", etc.
of Alexandria quotes and refutes in Strom., Ill, xii. The conclusion takes the following form: — "Nos
Almost contemporary with him (about a.d. 150) was vero, pignus caritatis Nostra divinique in adversis
Julius Cassianus, known as the founder of Docetism solatii, Apostolicam Benedictionem vobis, cleris,
(see Docetas). He wrote a work "Concerning Self- populisque vestris amantissime impertimus. Datum
restraint and Continency", of which Clement and St. Komse, apud Sanctum Petrum, die VIII Septembris
Jerome have preserved some passages (Strom., I, xxi; MCMVII, Pontificatus Nostri anno* quinto. Pius
Euseb., Praep. Ev., X, xii; Strom., Ill, xiii; Jerome, PP. X."
ad Gal., VI, viii). Concerning the eight books of Dosi- Although it is only during the last three pontificates
theus we know only that he maintained that, as the that the most important. utterances of the Holy See
world had its beginning by sexual intercourse, so by have been given to the world in the shape of encycli-
continency (encrcUeia) it would have its end; and that cals, this form of Apostolic Letter has long been in
ENCYCLOPEDIA 414 ENCYCLOPEDIA
occasional use. Almost the first document published Encyclopedia, an abridgment of human knowl-
by Benedict XIV after his election was an Epistola edge m general or a considerable department thereof,
encyclica et commonitoria ' ' on the duties of the episco- treated from a uniform point of view or in a systema-
pal office (3 Dec., 1740). Under Pius IX many mo- tized summary. Although the word, used technically,
mentous utterances were presented in this shape, dates only from the sixteenth century, encyclopedic
The famous pronouncement " Quanta cura" (8 Dec, treatment of human science reaches back to antiquity,
1864), which was accompanied by a Syllabus (a. v.) growing out of the needs of general culture, neces-
of eighty anathematized errors, was an encyclical, sities arising from the extent of the great empires of
Another important encyclical of Pius IX, described antiauity. The general culture which every free-born
as an " Encyclical of the Holy Office ' ', was that begin- Greek and Roman had to acquire, comprised the prac-
ning "Suprenue" (4 Aug., 1856) in condemnation of tical and theoretical sciences, grammar, music, geom-
Spiritualism. Leo XIII published a aeries of encycli- etry, astronomy, and gymnastics, and was termed
cals on social and other questions which attracted tyrfrXcos ircufcla, orbis doctrinal (cycle of the sciences),
universal attention. We may mention especially and, beginning with the Middle Ages, arles liberates
u Inscrutabilis" (21 April, 1878) on the evils of modern (see Arts, The Seven Liberal).
society; " jEterni Patns" (4 Aug., 1879) on St. Thomas According to their form, systematic encyclopedias
Aquinas and Scholastic philosophy; " Arcanum divinse are divided into two classes: (a) those which present
sapientiffi" (10 Feb., 1880) on Christian marriage and all branches of knowledge, arranged uniformly and
family life; ''Diuturnum illud" (29 June, 1881) on organically according to some fixed system of con-
the origin of civil authority; "Immortale Dei" (1 nexion, and (b) the lexicographical encyclopedias,
Nov., 1885) on the Christian constitution of states; which treat of the same matter arranged according to
" Libertas prastentissimum " (20 June, 1888) on true an alphabetical system. Suidas, in the tenth century,
liberty; "Reram novarum" (16 May, 1891) on the compiled an encyclopedia of the latter type, which be-
labour question; "ProvidentissimusDeus" (18 Nov., came common only in the seventeenth century after
1893) on Holy Scripture; "Satis cognitum" (29 June, the appearance of encyclopedic dictionaries dealing
1896) on religious unity. Pius X has shown the same with particular sciences. Aristotle was the first in an-
favour for this form of document, e. g. in his earnest cient times to attempt a summary of human knowl-
commendation of catechetical instruction "Acer bo edge in encyclopedic form. Compared with Aristotle's
nimis" (15 April, 1906) his address on the centenary work, which is built up on a philosophic basis, the com-
of St. Gregory the Great (12 March, 1904), his first pilations along this line by Marcus Forcius Cato (234-
letter to the clergy and faithful of France, " Vehem- 149 b. a), Marcus Terentius Varro (116-27 b. c), in
enter nos" (11 Feb., 1906), his instructions on inter- his " Disciplinarum libri IX", Pliny (a. n. 23-79), in
vention in politics to the people of Italy, and in the * his "Historianaturalis", and Martian us Capella (fifth
pronouncement on Modernism already mentioned. century), in his "Satiricon", or "De Nuptus Philolo-
Two officials presiding over separate bureaux still gise et Mercurii", used during the Middle Ages as a
count it among their duties to aid the Holy Father in textbook for the liberal arts, were merely collections
the drafting of his encyclical letters. These are the of materials. Besides general encyclopedias, the an-
"Segretario dei brevi ai Principi" assisted by two cients also had special encyclopedias, e. e. a lost work
minutanti, and the "Segretario delle lettere Latine" of Plato's pupil, Speusippus, and later Varro 's "Re-
also with a minutante. • But it was undoubtedly the rum divinarum et humanarum antiquitates ", which
habit of Leo XIII to write his own encyclicals, and it has also perished. This Kroup comprises also the
is plainly within the competence of the sovereign pon- medieval summce and specula. The lack of a philoso-
tiff to dispense with the services of any subordinates, phic basis and the mechanical stringing together of
As for the binding force of these documents it is gen- facts without organic principle give to most of these
erally admitted that the mere fact that the pope should works an unsatisfactory and tentative character,
have given to any of his utterances the form of an The first attempt to compile an encyclopedia in the
encyclical does not necessarily constitute it an ex- real sense of the word is evident in the " Etymologise
cathedra pronouncement and invest it with infallible sive origines" of Isidore of Seville (c. 560-636), the
authority. Hie degree in which the infallible magis- materials of which were re-arranged and more or less
terium of the Holy See is committed must be judged independently supplemented by Rabanus Maurus
from the circumstances, and from the language used (776-856) in his "De Universo", by Honorius Augus-
in the particular case. In the early centuries the term todunensis in his " Imago Mundi , and by others.
encyclical was applied, not only to papal letters, but The most astonishing of these compilations, from the
to certain letters emanating from bishops or arch- viewpoint of wealth of material and complexity of de-
bishops and directed to their own flocks or to other tail, is the work of Vincent of Beauvais (died c. 1264),
bishops. Such letters addressed by a bishop to all his which groups the' entire knowledge of the Middle Ages
subjects in general are now commonly called pastor- under three heads: "Speculum nattfrale". "Speculum
als. Amongst Anglicans, however, the name encyo- doctrinale", and "Speculum historiale"; later an
lical has recently been revived and applied, in imita- anonymous writer published, as a supplement, the
tion of papal usage, to circular letters issued by the "Speculum morale . The following are also examples
English primates. Thus the reply of the Archbishops of encyclopedic works in the later Middle Ages: " Liber
of Canterbury and York to the papal condemnation of de natura rerum" of Conrad of Megenberg (d. 1374);
Anglican Orders (this condemnation, "Apostolicae the "Imago Mundi" of Pierre d'Ailly (died c. 1420); the
Cune", took the form of a Bull) was styled by its "Margarita philosophica" of Gregor Reisch, O. Cart,
authors the Encyclical " Saepius officio ". (Freiburg, 1503), and at a later date the encyclopedias
Little has been written professedly on the subject of encycli- of Ringelberg, " Lucubrationes vel potius absolutissima
cals, which in treatises on canon law are generally grouped with KVicXovatfala (Basle, 1541), Paul Scalich, " Encydo-
the early church documents which were so styled; see, how- fanarumM (Basle, 1559); Martini, "Idea methodic®
ever, Hiloenrhner in Kirchlichu Handlexikon (Munich, et brevis encyclopaedia sive adumbratio universitatis
W^n.1, f£%^diW^^ (Herborn, 1606) ; Alsted's " Scientiarum omnium en-
1903); feYRE, The Pope and the People (London, 1897); and5 Cyclopaedia* tomi VII" (Herborn, 1620; 2nd ed., 1630).
D' Arboa, Lion Xlllfapre* »ea Enq/dique* (Pans, 1902). On All the above-mentioned works are simply collections
the authority of encyclicals and sinujar papal documents, see of f te ghowine no mastery of the material by the
especially the very useful book of Choupin, Voleur dee Decietone i*.* otwwiug **« uimvc, . „4 vuv j
Doctrinale* et Disdplinaire* du Saint-Sieae (Paris, 1907); cf. writer, much less any critical research or an organic
Baintkl, De Maguiterio vivo et Tradition* (Paris, 1905). system of compilation.
Herbert Thurston- _ The first to attempt a work founded on the philoso-
ENCYCLOPEDIA
415
ENCYCLOPEDIA
phy and interrelation of sciences was Francis Bacon,
Lord Verulam, in his incomplete " Instauratio Magna ",
the second part of which was the " Novum organum"
(London, 1620), and his " De dignitate et augmentis
scientiarum ' ' ( 1623) . His immediate successors, how-
ever, who had not mastered their materials, did not
rise above the old-fashioned compilation of dry facts
suited only for general instruction or as works of refer-
ence for scholars, e. g. the " Pera librorum juvemlium ' '
of Wagenseil (Altdorf , 1695), Chevigny's " La science
de lliomme de cour d'6pee et de robe (18 vols., Am-
sterdam, 1752), and Daniel Morhof's "Polyhistor"
(Lubeck, 1688 and 1747). A clearer idea of the proper
organic construction of an encyclopedic work is first
apparent in J. M. Gesner's "Prims line® isagoges in
eruditionem universalem" (3rd ed., GcUtingen, 1786),
and J. G. Sulzer's "Kurzer Begriff aller Wissenschaf-
ten" (Leipzig, 1745; Eisenach, 1778). The way had
been prepared, however, by two earlier works, which
mark an important advance in the conception of
what is proper to an encyclopedia. Both works, but
especially the second, exerted a far-reaching influence
on the whole intellectual life of the time. These were:
Bayle's " Dictionnaire historique et critique" (Rotter-
dam, 1696), and " Encyclopeaie ou dictionnaire rai-
sonne* des sciences, des arts et des metiers", compiled
by Diderot and d'Alembert (28 vols., Paris, 1751-72,
with 7 supplementary vols., 1776-80). While in these
works the matter is arranged on an alphabetical sys-
tem, a number of Sulzer's imitators essayed a syste-
matic presentation of sciences on the old plan, e. g.
Adelung, "Kurzer Begriff menschlicher Fertigkeiten
und Kentnisse" (Leipzig, 1778); Reimarus, "Ency-
klopadie" (Hamburg, 1775); Bttsch, "Encyk. der
mathematischen Wissenschaften" (Hamburg, 1795);
Reuss, "Encyclopadie" (Tubingen, 1783); Buhle,
"Encyclopadie" (Lemgo, 1790). A successful at-
tempt in this direction, based on Kantian principles,
was made by J. J. Eschenburg in his "Lejirbuch der
Wissenschaftskunde" (Berlin, 1792; 3rd ed.( 1808).
In competition with this, Krug's introduction of a
new method in " Versuch einer systematischen Ency-
klopadieder Wissenschaften'1 (Leipzig, 1796-97; Zul-
lichau, 1804-19) was unsuccessful. Not to mention
Habel, Rtif, and Strass, the following imitators of
Eschenburg gained no little reputation: Heffter,
" Philosophiscne Darstellung eines Systems aller
Wisse'nschaften" (Leipzig, 1806); Burdach, "Organ-
ismus der menschlichen Wissenschaften und Kunst'1
(Leipzig, 1809) ; Kraus, " Encyklopadische Ansichten"
(K6nigsberg, 1809); and the followers of Kant, E.
Schmidt, '^Allgemeine Encyklopadie und Methodo-
logie der Wissenschaften" (Jena, 1810), and K. A.
Schaller, "Encyk. und Methodologie " (Magdeburg,
1812). The increase in knowledge and the demands
for specialization which are noticeable from the be-
ginning of the nineteenth century, destroyed even the
possibility of presenting completely all the depart-
ments of human knowledge or even a single branch of
any great extent. The last attempts made in this
direction (and they deserve some attention) were
Kirchner's "Akademische Propadeutik" (Leipzig,
1842) and "Hodegetik" (1852), also Schleiermacher7s
" Bibliographisches System der gesamten Wissen-
schaftskunde" (Brunswick, 1852).
The increasing specialization of sciences has resulted
in the production of special encyclopedias, which in the
course of time have gradually come to cover every
department of science and art and every phase of
human life. Thus there have appeared, for instance,
Bdckh, "Encyk. und Methodologie der philoloe.
Wissenschaften1' (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1886); Hommel,
"Semitische Vdlker und Sprachen'7 (Leipzig, 1883—);
Schmitz's work on the modern languages; Kdrting's
works on English and Romance philology (Heilbronn,
1884—); Grober, "Grundriss der roman. Philol."
(Strasburg, 188$—); Paul, "Grundriss der german.
Philol." (Strasburg, 1889-93); Elze, " Grundriss der
engl. Philol." (Halle, 1887); Geiger-Kuhn, "Grund-
riss der iranischen Philologie" (Strasburg, 1896 — );
Btihler-Kielhora, " Grundriss der indo-anschen Phi-
lologie" (Strasburg, 1896 — ); Jagic, "Grundriss der
slavischen Philologie ' ' ( 1908). a The province of juris-
prudence has also been covered in a similar manner in
the course of the nineteenth century, especially by
Arndt, "Jurist. Encyk. u. Methodologie" (Stuttgart,
1843; 10th ed., 1901); Bluhme, "Encyk. der in
Deutschland geltenden Rechte" (Bonn, 1847-58);
Merkel, "Juristische Encyk." (Berlin, 1885; 3rd ed.,
1904). Theology was also summarized by the Cath-
olics: Staudenmaier, "Encyk. der theolog. Wissen-
schaften" (2nd ed., Mainz, 1840); Wirthmuller,
" Encyk. der kath.Theologie" (1874); Klee, "Encyk.
der Theologie" (1832); Kihn, "Encyk. und Metho-
dologie der Theologie" (1892); Krieg, "Encyk. der
theolog. Wissenschaften" (1899); by Protestants:
Zdckler, "Handbuch der theolog. Wissenschaften"
(Munich, 1882-85); Hagenbach, "Encyk. und Metho-
dologie der theolog. Wissenschaften "(1 2th ed., Leipzig,
1889); Heinrici, Tt Theolog. encyk." (1893); Kahler,
"Wissenschaft der christl. Lehre " (1893); Rabiger,
"Theologik" (1880); Achelis-Baumgarten, "Grund-
riss der theol. Wissenschaften" (1892). Pedagogy is
treated in the "Encykl. der Padagogie" of ©toy
(1861 ; 2nd ed., 1878) ; political science by Baumstark,
" Kameralistische Encyk/1 (1835) ; and vonMohl, " En-
cyk. der Staatswissenschaft" (1859; 2nd ed., 1872);
the progress of civilization by Dunkelberg, " Encyk.
und Methodologie der Kulturtechnik" (1883) ; forestry
by Dombrowski, " Allg. Encykl. der ges. Foret- una
Jagd wissenschaften" (1886-94): physics by Lardner,
"Cabinet Cyclopaedia" (132 vols., London, 1829-46;
2d ed., 1854); "Allgemeine Encykl. der Physik",
ed. Lamont, Helmholtz, and others; and chemistry
by Fre'my, " Encycl. chim." (Paris, 1886). The " En-
cyclopaedia Metropolitana" of S. Taylor Coleridge is
of a more general scope, as also the vast undertak-
ing of Iwan Mailer, which embraces every branch of
classical learning, treated by specialists, Handbuch
der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft" (Munich,
1885; vols, since republished separately). Among
the various attempts to treat history in this manner
may be mentioned Oncken's "Allgemeine Gesch. in
Einzeldarstellungen" (45 vols., Berlin, 1879-93).
Nearly every branch may boast of some encyclopedic
work to facilitate a rapid general survey of the sub-
ject, its history, aim, and object, and, above all, to
present the results of special investigation in the
several departments of the science. An important
contribution along these lines, now in the course of
Kublication, which will give the general reader an out-
>ok upon the various branches of knowledge, is
"Die Kultur der Gegenwart", ed. Hinneberg (Leip-
zig,1906— ).
The first to arrange encyclopedic matter according
to an alphabetical system was Suidas, during whose
time (tenth and eleventh centuries) the necessity of
general information on Byzantine culture made itself
felt, especially during the reign of Constantine VII,
Porphyrogemtus (913-59) . The lexicon of Suidas was
first imitated by Furetiere (Rotterdam, 1690);
Thomas Corneille (Paris, 1694); Ephraim Chambers
in his "Cyclopaedia" (London, 1728); Jablonski,
"Lexikon der Kunste und Wissenschaften" (Leipzig,
1721);Moren, "Grand diet, historique" (Lyons, 1674);
and Hubner, " Reales-Staats-Zeitungs- una Kon versa-
tions-Lexikon " (1704; 31st ed., Leipzig, 1824-28).
As to contents the encyclopedias of this period may
likewise be divided into general encyclopedias (Kon-
veraationdexikon), and technical encyclopedias or dic-
tionaries (Realworterbuch or Realencyklopddie). The
most important work for the popularization of the
results of scientific research was Bayle's " Diet, histor-
ique et critique" (Rotterdam, 1695-97). The am-
ENCYCLOPEDIA
416
ENCYCLOPEDIA
bitious "Biblioteca universale" of Coronelli (7 vols.,
Venice, 1701) ^remained incomplete; the immense
"Grosses, vollstandiges Universal-Lexikon aller Wis-
senschaften und Kiinste ", edited by J. P. von
Ludewig, Frankenstein, Longolius, ana others and
Eublished by Zedler (64 vols, and 4 suppl. vols.,
eipzig, 1731-54), was brought to completion. About
the same time there appeared in France the great
encyclopedia of Diderot and d'Alembert who were
assisted in their work by numerous champions of
rationalism, e. g. Voltaire, d'Holbach, Rousseau,
and Grimm : " Encyclopedic ou Dictionnaire raisonne
dad sciences, des arts et des metiers" (28 vols.,
Paris, 1751-72, with 5 supplementary volumes,
Amsterdam, 1776-77, and 2 vols, of analytical index,
Paris, 1780). This resembles the German- work in
breadth of scope, but had much greater influence
on European thought, popularizing as it did the
empiricism, sensism, and materialism of Locke. The
first edition of 30,000 copies was followed by many
later editions.
The encyclopedia of Diderot paved the way for the
alphabetic encyclopedia. It was not only frequently
reprinted but was re-arranged as a system of separate
dictionaries by Panckoucke and Agasse in the "En-
cyclopedic meuiodique ou par ordre des matieres'*
(166 vols, of text and 51 vols, of illustrations; Paris,
1782-1832). In Germany the first encyclopedia
modelled on Diderot's, by Kdster and Roos, only
reached Kind (23 vols., Frankfort, 1778-1804); the
next attempt, however, made on a large scale bv
Ersch and uruber, proved a success. This is consid-
ered the most scientific German encyclopedia, " Allge-
meine Encyklopadieder Wissenschaften und Kiinste".
begun by Professor Johann Samuel Ersch in 1813 ana
continued by Professors Hufeland, Gruber, Meier,
Brockhaus, Miiller, and Hoffmann. The work is di-
vided into three sections: Section I, A to G, 99 vols.
(1818-82); Section II, H to N, 43 vols. (1827-90);
Section III, O to Z, 25 vols. (1830T50). Equally am-
bitious in scope is the " Oekonomisch-technolog. En-
cykl." (242 vols., Berlin,. 1773-1858), planned by
Krunitz as a dictionary of economics and technol-
ogy, but gradually enlarged by his successors Florke,
Korth, and C. O. Hoffmann into a general encyclope-
dia. Outside of the encyclopedia of Ersch and Gru-
ber, the most ambitious encyclopedic work of the
nineteenth century, the model of encyclopedic pre-
sentation, is the Brockhaus " Konversationslexikon ",
which took its name from Hubner, and from Bayle's
"Dictionnaire" its arrangement and plan of pre-
senting the results of scientific research and discov-
ery in a popular form. Hubner gave as the reason
for naming his work ."Reales-Staats-Zeitungs- und
Konversations-Lexikon" the fact that " it was to con-
tain no professorial learning but all items of refined
learning needed in daily intercourse with educated
people . As it was printed chiefly to satisfy people of
a curious turn of mind, it was confined principally to
geography, while history was excluded as a special
science. The first encyclopedia according to modern
ideas was begun by Ldbel in 1796 (6 vols., Amsterdam,
1808; 2 supplementary vols., 1810). In 1800 the pub-
lishing rights were acquired by Friedrich Arnold
Brockhaus ; the firm of Brockhaus completely altered
the original plan and is still engaged on the work (14th
ed., 1901— abridged ed., 2 vols., 4th ed., 1888). Con-
structed on the same lines as the encyclopedia of
Brockhaus is Pierer's " Universallexikon " (26 vols.,
1824-36; 7th ed., 12 vols., 1888-93), to which were
added the Pierer "Jahrbucher der Wissenschaften,
Kiinste und Gewerbe "# (1865-73) : similar works are
Meyer's "Konversations-Lexikon (37 vols., Leipzig,
1840-52; 6th ed., 20 vols., 1902; 7th ed., abridged, 6
vols., 1907) and Spamer's " Illustriertes Konversa-
tionslexikon1' (8 vols., 1869-79; 2 supplementary
vols., 1879-82; 2nd ed., 1884~9l), These works were
inspired by a superficial rationalism, if not by con-
scious hostility to everything Catholic. Early
attempts were made to counteract this propaganda
of religious indifferentism by the publication of ency-
clopedias from the Catholic point of view, such as the
emeine Realencyklopadie oder Konversations-
Lexikon far das katholische Deutschland" (13 vols.,
1846-49; 4th ed., 1880-90); and Herder's "Konver-
sationslexikon" (5 vols., Freiburg, 1853-57); neither
{>roved a thorough success. The third edition of the
atter (8 vols., 1901-08), through its preservation of
Catholic interests, by its impartiality, thoroughness,
and comprehensiveness, gained general approval.
Encyclopedias have since been compiled in all civil-
ized countries. In France were published the "En-
cyclopedic des gens du monde" (22 vols., 1833-45);
"Encyclopedic du XIX— siecle" (75 vols., 1837-
59; 3rd ed., 1867-72; continued as "Annuaire en-
cyc."); "Encyclopedic moderne" (1846-51; newed.,
30 vols., 12 suppl. vols., atlas, 2 vols., 1856-62);
" Dictionnaire de la conversation et de la lecture" (16
vols., 1851-58); "La Grande Encyclopedic", com-
piled by Bertholet, Derenbourg, and others (31 vols.,
1885-1903); "Diet, univ.", ed. Larousse (17 vols.,
1865-90; newed., 1895) ; " Nouveau Larousse Musti* ",
ed. Claude Auge" (1898-1904); Larousse, "Diet,
complet illustre" (129th ed., 1903). The chief Span-
ish encyclopedias are "Enciclopedia moderna", ed.
Mellados (34 vols., 3 vols, of charts, Madrid, 1848-51) ;
"Diccionario encic. Hispano- Americano", ed. Mon-
taner v Simon (25 vols., Barcelona, 1887-99); and
the "Enciclopedia universal ilustrada europeo-
americana" (Barcelona^ 1907 — ), edited along Catho-
lic lines; Portugal: "Diccionario popular hist, geogr.
mytholog. biograph." (16 vols., Lisbon, 187&-90);
"Diccionario universal portusuez", ed. Costa; "En-
ciclopedia portugueza illustrada", ed. Lemos (254 nos.
to 1903). Italy: "Nuova Encic. popolare italiana"
(14 vols., Turin, 1841-51; 6th ed., 25 vols., 1875-89;
suppl., 1889-99) ; " Enciclopedia popolare economica ",
ed. Bern (Milan, 1871); "Dizionario universale di
scienze, lettere ed arti", ed. Lessona and Valle
(Milan, 1874-1883); "Piccola Enciclopedia" (Milan,
1891). Rumania: "Enciclop. Romana" (3 vols.,
Hermannstadt, 1896-1903). England: "Encyclo-
paedia Britannica" (1771; 9th ed., 24 vols, and in-
dex, 1875-89, suppl., 11 vols., index and atlas,. 1902-
03); "New Encyclopaedia " of Rees (45 vols., Lon-
don, 1802-20) ; " Encyclopaedia Metropolitana", ed.
Smedley (30 vols., 1818-45); "English Cyclopedia",
ed. Knight (27 vols., 4 suppl., London, 1854-73);
"Chambers's Encyclopaedia" (10 vols., London, 1860-
68; new ed., 1901); "Encyclopedic Dictionary", ed.
Hunter (7 vols., London, New York, 1879-88).
United States: "The American Cyclopaedia" (16
vols., New York, 1858-63; new ed., 1873-76);
" Deutsch-Amerikanisches Konversations-Lex.", ed.
Schem (New York, 1870-74); "Johnson's New Uni-
versal Encyc. " (4 vols., New York, 1874-8; new ed.,
8 vols., 1893-5); "The Encyclopedia Americana"
(New York, 1903-06); "The New International En-
cyclopaedia" (17 vols., New York. 1902-04); "The
Jewish Encyclopedia" (1906—). The Netherlands:
" Nieuwenhuis' Woordenboek van kunsten en weten-
schapen " (Leyden, 1851-68) ; " De algemeene Neder-
landsche Encyclopedic" (15vols.,Zutphen, 1865-68);
" Geillustreerde Encyclopaedic", ed. Winkler Prins
(15 vols., 1868-82); "Woordenboek voor kennis en
kunst", ed. Sijthoff (Leyden, 1891). Denmark and
other northern countries: "Nordisk Konversations-
leksikon", ed. Mollerup (3rd ed., Copenhagen, 1883-
94); "Store illustrerede Konversationsleksikon", ed.
Blangstrup (12 vols., Copenhagen, 1891-1901);
" Norsk haandbog", ed. Johnsen (1879-88) ; " Nordisk
Familjebog" (Stockholm, 1879-94); " Konversations-
leksikon", ed. Meiier (1889-94). Russia: "Entciklo-
pedicheskij Slovaf , ed. Brockhaus and Efron (35
ENCYCLOPEDIA
417
ENCYCLOPEDIA
vols., St. Petersburg, 1890-1902); "BoJjSaja Enciklo-
pedija", ed. Jushakow (St. Petersburg. 1899).
Poland: " Encjklopedya powszechna", ed. Orgelbrand
(28 vols., Warsaw, 1859-68), Sikorski (Warsaw, 1890).
Bohemia: "Slovnfk Nau6n£", ed. Kober (12 vols.,
Prague, 1860-87); "Ottuv Slovnfk Nau&tf, ed. Otto
(17 vols., Prague. 1888-1901). Hungary: "Pallas
Nagy Lexikona" (16 vols., Budapest, 1893-97; suppl..
1900) ; an Arabian encyclopedia was discontinued
when it reached the ninth volume (Beirut, 1876-37).
In addition to these works, which were prepared
for general reference, technical encyclopedias reached
great perfection during the nineteenth century.
There is hardly a science or department of knowledge
which is not fully covered in some work of this kind.
In the province of general theology Migne has pub-
lished in his "Encycl. thSologique^ (Paris, 1844-75),
a~ series of over 100 special lexicons treating the differ-
ent branches of theology: dogmas, heresies, liturgy,
symbolism, archaeology, councils, cardinals, etc. An-
other comprehensive encyclopedia, dealing especially
with theology and church history, is the " Dizionario dj
erudizione storicc-ecclesiastica of Gaetano Moroni
(103 vols., 6 index vols., Venice, 1840-79). The
"Handlexikon der kath. Theologie", ed. Schaffer (3
vols., from A to Reservationen, Ratisbon, 1881-91)
and Aschbach's "Kirchenlexikon" (4 vols., 1846-51)
remained unfinished. The most important Catholic
encyclopedia of Germany is Wetzer and Welte's
" Kirchenlexikon " (13 vols., Freiburg, 1847-60; 2nd
ed., 1880-91; index vol., 1903). A short but com-
prehensive encyclopedia is Buchberger's " Kirchliches
Handlexikon" (Munich, 1907 — ). Similar under-
takings are " Dictionnaire de theologie catholique",
ed. Vacant and Mangenot (Paris, 1903 — ) and The
Catholic Encyclopedia, ed. Herbermann, Pace,
Pallen, Shahan, and Wvnne (15 vols., New York,
1906 — ), which deals with the constitution, doctrine,
discipline, and history of the Church, and whatever is
connected with the interests of the Church. Among
distinctively Protestant encyclopedias may be men-
tioned: " Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirchenwesen ",
ed. H. Holtzmann and Zopffel (2nd ed., Brunswick,
1888) ; " Reaiencyklopadie fur protestantische Theo-
logie und Kirche* ed. Herzog (21 vols., 1853-68; 3rd
ed., 21 vols., ed. Hauck, 1890-1908; tr. New York,
1908—); "Die Religion in Geschichte und Ge-
genwart", ed. Schiele (5 vols., Tubingen. 1909 — ),
on the same plan as Buchberger's "Hanalexikon".
There are a large number of Biblical dictionaries; the
earliest is the Grand dictionnaire de la Bible ou
explication litterale et historique de tous les mots
propres du vieux et nouveau Test.", ed. Richard
Simon (Lyons, 1693). Soon after appeared Calmefs
"Diet, historique, critique, chronologique, geogra-
phique et Ntteral de la Bible" (Paris, 1719). A work
which is still useful is the "Biblisches Realwdrter-
buch", ed. G. B. Winers (2 vols., 3rd ed., 1847-48).
D. Schenkel's "Bibellexikon'' is pronouncedly ration-
alistic; the Jewish point of view is found m Ham-
burger's " Reaiencyklopadie f Or Bibel und Talmud "
(2 vols., 4 suppl. vols.; newed., 1896-97); "The Jew-
ish Encyclopedia", ed. Singer (New York, 1906 — ).
Among Protestant Biblical dictionaries are the
" Hand worterbuch des biblischen Altertums", ed.
Riehm and Bathgen (2 vols., Bielefeld, 1893-94);
" Kurzes Bibelwfirterbuch ", ed. H. Guthe (1903) ; " Cy-
clopedia of Biblical Literature ", ed. Kitto (3rd ea., ed.
Alexander, 3 vols., Edinburgh, 1862-65) ; " Dictionary
of the Bible", ed. Smith (London. 1860-63, 3 vols.;
2nd ed., Smith and Fuller, 1893); ''Dictionary of the
Bible", ed. Hastings (4 vols., Edinburgh, 1898-1902,
suppl. vol., 1904) ; the well-known rationalistic " En-
cyclopaedia biblica", ed. Cheyne and Black (4 vols.;
London, 1890-1903). There are only two Catholic
Biblical encyclopedias: Vigouroux, "Dictionnaire de
la bible contenant tous les noms de personnes. de
V.— 27 '
Keux, de plantes, d'animaux mentionnls dans les s.
Ecritures (Paris, 1895 — ), and the "Lexicon bibli-
cum" of M. Hagen (4 vols., Paris, 1905—). The
following encyclopedias deal with Christian archae-
ology: "Dictionnaire des antiquites chr£tiennes".
ed. Martigny (2nd ed.. Paris, 1877); "Dictionary of
Christian Antiquities , ed. Smith and Cheetham
(London, 1875); Kraus, " Real-Encyklopadie der
christlichen Alterthumer" (2 vols., Freiburg im Br.,
1882-86); Cabrol, "Dictionnaire d'archSologie chr6-
tienne et de liturgie" (Paris, 1907 — ). Hagiography
and the veneration of relics, besides the volume in
Migne's "Encyclop6die th^ologique", " Heiligenlexi-
kon", ed. Stadler and Heim (5 vols., 1858-82); on
church music: "Lexikon der kirchlichen Tonkunqt",
ed. Kornmuller (2nd ed., 2 vols., Ratisbon. 1891-95).
Medicine is treated in " Medizinisch-chirur^ische
Encyk.", ed. Prosch and Pioss (4 vols., Leipzig,
1867); "Realencyklop.der gesamten Heilkunde , ed.
Eulenburg (3rded., Vienna, 1893); "Handw6rterbuch
der gesamten Medizin" (2nd ed., Stuttgart, 1899-
1900). Jurisprudence and sociology: "Encyklopadie
der Rechtswissenschaft ", ed. F. v. Holtzendorff (1870-
73; 6th ed., 1903—); "Encykl. der Rechtswissen-
schaft", ed. Birkmeyer (Berlin, 1901); "Staats- und
Gesellschafts-Lex.", ed. H. Wagener (26 vols., Berlin,
1859-68); "Staatslex.", ed. Rotteck and Welcker (15
vols., Altona, 1835-44; 3rd ed. 14 vols., 1856-66);
the Catholic "Staats-Lexikon" of the GGrres Society,
ed. Bruder (5 vols., Freiburg im Br., 1889-97; 4th ea.,
ed. Bachem, 1908—-) ; " Deutsches Staatsworterbuch",
ed.Bluntschli (2 vols., 1857-70; new ed.,3 vols., 1869-
74); " Handwdrterbuch der Staatswissenschaften",
ed. Conrad, Elster, Lexis, and Loening (6 vols., 2 suppl.
vols., 1889-98); "Nouveau diet, d 'economic poli-
tique", ed. Fay and Chailley (2 vols., Paris, 189MJ2);
"Wdrterbuch der Volkswirtechaft", ed. Elster (2
vols., 1808; 2nd ed., 1907); " Handwdrterbuch der
Schweizer Volkswirtschaf t ' ', ed. Reichesberg ( 190 1 — ) ;
"Cyclopaedia of Political Science, Political Economy,
and Political History of the United States", ed. Lalor
(Chicago. 1881); "Handwdrterbuch der gesamten
Militarwissenschaften", ed. Poten (Bielefeld, 1877-
80). Philosophy: "Dictionnaire des sciences philoso-
phiques", ed. Frank (3rd ed., 1885). Natural science:
"Encyklopadie der Naturwissenschaften" (Breslau,
1879—-); " Encyclope*die dliistoire naturelle", ed.
Chenu (22 vols, of text, 9 vols, of illustrations, Paris,
1850-61), Antiquity: "Realencyk. der klass. Alter-
tumswissenschaft", ed. Pauly (6 vols., Stuttgart,
1842-66; ed. Wissowa, 1894—); "Reallexikon des
klassischen Altertums", ed. Lttbker (1853 — ; 7th ed.,
1890); "Reallexicon der deutschen Alterttimer", ed.
Gdtzinger (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1885). History and
biography: "Encyklopadie der neuern Gesch.", ed.
Herbst (5 vols., Gotha, 1880-90); "Allgemeine
deutsche Biographie" (47 vols., 1875-1903; suppl.,
1905—), and; supplementary, Bettelheira's "Janr-
buch fur Biographie und Necrologie" (1903^-);
"Dictionnaire encyclop&lique dTiistoire, de biog-
raphie, de mythologie et de geographie", ed. Gregoire
(Paris, 1894); "Dictionnaire des contemporains , ed.
Vapereau (Paris, 1858; 6th ed., 1893; suppl., 1895);
"Dictionnaire des litterateurs", ed. Vapereau (1876;
2nd ed., 1884); "Dictionary of National Biography"
(63 vols., London, 1863-1903; newed., 1908); "Nou-
velle biographie generale" (46 vols., Paris, 1855-66);
"Dizionario biografico degli scrittori contempor-
anei", ed. de Gubernatis (3 vols., Florence, 1890-91);
"Men and Women" (5th ed., 1899); "Who's Who"
(1857—); "Who's Who in America" (1890—); " Wer
ist's?", ed. Degener (1905—). " The Catholic Who's
Who" (London, 2nd ed., 1909). Geography: "Geo-
graphisch-statistisches Lexikon", ed. Hitter (2 vols.,
1835; 8th ed., 1895); "Dictionnaire universelle dTiis-
toire et de geographie '\ed.Bouillet (Paris, 1842; 32nd
ed., 1901; "' Nouveau dictionnaire de geographie un>
c
ENCYCLOPEDISTS
418
ENCYCLOPEDISTS
vereelle ' ', ed. Vivien de Saint-Martin (7 vols, and suppl .,
1879-97); "General Dictionary of Geography", ed.
Johnston (Edinburgh. 1877) ; " Dizionano universale
di geografia e storia , ed. StrafTorello and Grimaldi-
Costa (Milan, 1873-77, suppl., 1888). Pedagogy:
"Encyk. des ges. Erziehungs- und Unternchts-
wesens", ed. K. A. Schmid (10 vols., 1857-78 ; 2nd ed.,
Gotha, 1876-S8) ; " Katholische Encyk. fur Padagogik"
(Freiburg im Br., 1909 — ) ; " Cyclopaedia of Education",
ed. Kiddle and Schem (New York, 1877). Mathe-
matics: " Encyklopadie der mathematischen Wissen-
schaften", ed. Burkhardt and Meyer. Chemistry:
" Handw6rterbuch der Chemie", ed. Liebig and Pog-
gendorff (1836-64; new ed., 1870). Art and music:
"Encyclopedie historique et archeologique des beaux-
arts plastiques", ed. Demmin (3 vols., Paris, 1865-70);
"Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures and Mines", ed.
Ure (4th ed., London, 1875-78); Gwilt, " Encyclopse-
dia of Architecture (new ed., London, 1894) ; " Diet,
raisonne* de 1 'architecture francaise", ed. Viollet-le-
Duc (10 vols., and suppl., Pans, 1875-89); "Allge-
meines Kunstlerlexikon ' \ ed. Flissli (1763-77) ; " Neues
allgemeines Kunstlerlexikon", ed. Nagler (22 vols.,
Munich, 1835-62); "Allgemeines Kttnstlerlex.", ed.
Muller and Singer (3rd ed., 5 vols., 1895-1901 ; suppl.
1906) ; Allgemeines Kunstlerlex.", ed. Seubert (3 vols.,
Frankfort, 1879); "Kunsterlexikon" ed. Thieme
(Leipzig, 1907 — ); "Musikalisches Konversations-
Lexikon ", ed. Mendel and Reissmann (2 vols, and
suppl., Berlin, 1870-83); "Musik-Lexikon",ed.Rie-
mann (4 th ed., 1894) ; " Biographie universelle des musi-
ciens",ed. Fetis and Pougin (2nd ed., 8 vols., 1860-65;
2 suppl. vols., 1878-81); "Dictionary of Music", ed.
Grove (4 vols, and suppl., London, 1878-89; 2nded.,
1905—) ; "Quellen-Lexikon fur Musik", ed. Eitner (10
vols., 1900).
Besides these general encyclopedias dealing with
different arts and sciences, there are also special tech-
nical dictionaries devoted to departments of each
science, often treating recondite subjects, but in the
hands of scholars facilitating acquaintance with the
details of these sciences.
Joseph Saueh.
Encyclopedists. — (1) The writers of the eighteenth
tentury who edited or contributed articles to the
* Encyclopedic ". (2) Those among them especially
who belonged to the "philosophic' party, joined in
the " illumination " movement, and may be grouped
together because of a certain community of opinions
on philosophical, religious, moral, and social questions.
I. The Encyclopedie and the Encyclopedists. —
The "EncyclopeMie,ouDictionnaire raisonne* des scien-
ces, des arts et des metiers, par une societe de gens
de lettres, mis en ordre et publie par M. Diderot . . .
et quant a la partie mathematique par M. d'Alembert
. . ."in the complete original edition comprises 35
folio volumes as follows: 17 vols, of text (Paris, 1751-
1765) ; 11 vols, of plates (Paris, 1762-1772) ; 5 vols, of
supplement, i. e. 4 of text and 1 of plates (Amsterdam
and Paris, 1776-1777); 2 vols, of analytical index
prepared by Pierre Mouchon (Amsterdam and Paris,
1780). In 1745, a French translation of Chambers's
" Cyclopaedia "; prepared by John Mills with the assist-
ance of Gottfried Sellius, was to be published in Paris
by the king's printer, Le Breton. After the necessary
royal privilege had been obtained, a number of diffi-
culties between Mills and Le Breton caused the failure
of the enterprise, and Mills returned to England. Le
Breton asked Jean-Paul de Gua, professor in the Col*
lege de France, to assume the editorship and revise the
manuscripts. But again misunderstandings and dis-
putes obliged de Gua to resign. Diderot was then
called upon to complete the preparation of the manu-
scripts. At his suggestion, however, it was decided to
undertake a more original and more comprehensive
work. Diderot's friend, d'Alembert, agreed to edit
the mathematical sciences. Diderot (1713-84) had
not yet written any original work except the " Pens^es
philosophiques" (1746), in which the foundations of
Christianity are examined and undermined, revelation
rejected, and reason proclaimed independent. The
Parliament had ordered the book to be burnt. The
" Promenade d'un sceptique" was written in 1747, but
not published before the author's death. Diderot had
also published a translation of Stanyan's "Grecian
History1' (1743) and an adaptation of Shaftesbury's
"Inquiry concerning Virtue and Merit" under the
title "Principes de la philosophic, pu Essai sur le
me'rite et la vertu" (1745). His main recommenda-
tion as editor of the new Encyclopedie, however, was
the " Dictionnaire universel de medecine" (1746-
1748), a translation of Dr. Robert James's "Medical
Dictionary". D'Alembert (1717-83) was already
famous as a mathematician. .At the age of twenty-
two he had presented two studies to the Acade*mie des-
Sciences, "our la refraction des corps solides" (1739)r
and "Sur le calcul integral" (1740). The following:
year he was elected a member of the Academic He
had acquired a still greater reputation by his " Traite-
de dynamique" (1743) and the "M6moire sur la cause
generate des vents" (1747), the latter winning for its-
author the prize offered by the Berlin Academy and
membership in that body.
While the articles were being printed Diderot was
imprisoned at Vincennes, 29 July, 1749, for his " Let-
tre sur les aveugles a l'usage de ceux qui voient", of
rather for a passage in it which had displeased Madame
Dupre de Saint-Maur. After four months his pub-
lishers obtained his release; in November, 1750, the
Encyclopedie was announced in a prospectus by Dide-
rot, and, in July. 1751, the first /volume was pub-
lished. It opened with a "Discours preiiminaire by
d'Alembert, in which the problem of the origin of
ideas is solved according to Locke's sensualism, and a
classification of sciences is proposed which, except in a
few minor points, is that of Bacon. In the prospectus:
Diderot had already said: " If we succeed in this vast
enterprise our principal debt will be to Chancellor
Bacon who sketched the plan of a universal dictionary
of sciences and arts at a time when there were, so to>
say, neither sciences* nor arts." D'Alembert acknowl-
edges the same indebtedness. Thus, British influence
was considerable both in shaping the doctrine of the
" Encyclopedie" and in bringing about its publication.
The second volume appeared in January, 1752. In
consequence of many protests against the spirit of the
work, its sale was stopped, and later an arrtt of the
King's Council suppressed both volumes as injurious
to religion and royal authority (7 February, 1752).
Three months later, however, Diderot and d'Alembert
were asked to continue the work, a fact which they
announce with pride in the preface to the third vol-
ume (October, 1753). The following volumes were
published without any interruption until after the
publication of the seventh volume (1757), when new
difficulties arose. In his article on Geneva, d'Alem-
bert had stated that the ministers of that city were
Socinians, and praised them for their unbelief. They
protested strongly, and this was the occasion for bit-
ter discussions in which Voltaire and Rousseau took a
prominent part. The outcome was that d'Alembert,
tired of vexations, resigned the editorship. Rousseau
also ceased to have anything to do with the Encyclo-
pedie. and thenceforth showed a vehement hostility to
it. On the other hand, there were so many denuncia-
tions that finally an arrU of the Council (8 March,
1759) revoked the privilege granted in 1746, and for-
bade the sale of the volumes already printed and the
printing of any future volume. And yet, under the
secret protection of Choiseul, Madame de Pompadour,
Malesherbes, then director-general of the Librairie.
and Sartine, the chief of police, work was resumed
almost immediately. The ten remaining volumes
*
ENCYCLOPEDISTS
419
ENCYCLOPEDISTS
were to be published together. After Diderot had
corrected the proof-sheets, Le Breton, fearing new
vexations, suppressed passages likely to be objection-
able and to cause friction with the authorities. Di-
derot noticed the chances too late to prevent them.
The articles were mutilated to an extent which it is
now impossible to determine, as all manuscripts and
proof-sheets were immediately destroyed. At last, in
1765, volumes VIII-XVTI were published, completing
the text of the Encyclopedic.
It is not possible to mention here all the contributors
(about 160} to the work. Diderot himself wrote 990
articles on almost every subject, philosophical, re-
ligious, and moral, but especially on the arts and
trades. Great care was taken in the treatment of the
mechanical arts. No trouble was spared to obtain
minute descriptions of various machines and the
means of using them. All this was explained in the
text and illustrated in the plates. D'Alembert's arti-
cles, with few exceptions, are on the mathematical and
physical sciences. From the beginning Rousseau
(1712-1778). then known as the author of several
musical works and compositions, agreed to write the
articles on music. He also wrote the article, " Econo-
mic politique ". The collaboration of Buffon (1707-
88) who had promised to write on "Nature" is an-
nounced in the second volume, but it is doubtful if
that article, as printed, is from him. Most of the
topics in natural history were treated by Daubenton
(1716-99). Articles by d'Holbach (1723-89), Mar-
montel, Bordeu, are announced in the third volume.
The fourth introduces Voltaire (1694-1778) as the au-
thor of some literary articles, and says of him: "The
Encyclopedic, on account of the justice which it has
rendered and will always continue to render him. was
worthy of the interest which he now takes in it. In
the " Discours pr^liminaire1', d'Alembert had praised
him as occupying "a distinguished place in the very
small number of great poets*, and extolled him for his
qualities as a prose writer. Condorcet, Grimm, Ques-
nay, Turgot, Necker also contributed articles or mem-
oirs. De Jaucourt furthered the cause of the Ency-
clopedic not only by his numerous articles and his
constant interest, but also by his attitude and reputa-
tion. Far from sharing the materialistic and atheistic
tendencies of many of his co-workers, he was at the
same time friendly to the Encyclopedists and to some
of their enemies. Montesquieu at his death (1755)
left an unfinished article on Taste (Gout); but his
"Lettres persanes" (1721) and "Esprit des lois"
(1748) inspired many of the social ana political arti-
cles in the Encyclopedic.
II. The Spirit and Influence or the Enctclope-
die. — The expression spirt/ of the Enqjclopidie may at
first seem to be a misnomer. In that vast compila-
tion is found the greatest diversity of subjects and
even of views on the same subj ects. The writers of the
articles belong to all professions and to all classes of
society. Names of military men, lawyers, physicians,
artists, clergymen, scientists, philosophers, theolo-
gians, statesmen, etc. appear on the lists of contribu-
tors given at the beginning of each volume. The arti-
cles are of unequal value; proportion is lacking, each
contributor apparently writing as he thinks fit. Ver-
bosity is a prominent defect, and, at times, the authors
indulge in endless digressions. Voltaire repeatedly
asked for brevity and better method. (See Letters to
d'Alembert, esp. in 1756.)
The articles seem to have been gathered together
from various sources without any preconceived plan,
without any unity or sufficient supervision. Under
these conditions the spirit of the Encyclopedic
might denote merely one special tendency, or one
group of tendencies, which, at first manifested alone
with many others, gradually became important and
finally predominant. To some extent it is that, but it
is also more than that. The Encyclopedic was not in-
tended only as a great monument to record the prog-
ress realized in sciences, arts, civil and religious mstir
tutions, industry, commerce, and all other lines of
human endeavour; the Encyclopedists purposed more-
over to prepare the future and indicate the way to fur-
ther progress. The Encyclopedic would be a record,
but it would also be a standard; not a mere onlooker,
but a leader. In fact, appearing as it did in the third
quarter of the eighteenth century, it is a mirror in
which the events of the whole century are focused.
At the time of the publication of the Encyclopedic,
the French Government was, owing to many causes
and influences, already considerably weakened, and
still weakening. Dissatisfaction and unrest, though
not yet well defined, were spreading among the people.
Existing institutions and customs, both religious and
EoliticaT, had recently been denounced in several pub-
cations. The "philosophers" were favourably re-
ceived in the salons of the aristocracy. On the other
hand, Jansenism, with the endless discussions of which
it had been the source or the occasion, and also with the
lack of knowledge and looseness of morals among some
members of the clergy, had prepared the way for a reac-
tion in the sense of unbeliei. There were other causes
less direct, perhaps, and more remote, yet influential in
bringing about a break with the past. In Descartes
one may find unequivocal germs of the neglect, con-
tempt even, of tradition in philosophy ^ especially
when immediate evidence, the idieclaire, is made the
sole valid criterion of truth. The influence of British
philosophers was far from tending to check the growth
of rationalism. Nor can we overlook the influence of
the famous "Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes",
as it is known in the history of French literature. In
the last two decades of the seventeenth century it was
one of the main centres of attention. To this discus-,
sion, which resulted in a victory for those who fa-
voured the "modern", Brunetiere traces back three
important consequences: first, the meaning of tradi-
tion becomes gradually identified with that of super-
stition; second, progress is conceived as an emancipa-
tion from, and an abjuration of, the past; finally, and
this is still more important, education in all its stages
consists more and more in derision of the past. True,
recent times everywhere offered masterpieces in art,
literature, and science. Whatever side we may take
in the old quarrel to-day, and however much less radi-
cal and more impartial our views may be, we can at
least understand the attitude of those who succeeded
the great men of the age of Louis XIV.
Another important factor was scientific progress.
After being too frequently confined to idle a prion con-
troversies, science was asserting its rights, and these it
soon came to exaggerate, while it failed to recognize
the rights of others. Reason gradually freed itself
from the superstition of the past and claimed absolute
independence. Ancient, or rather Christian, concep-
tions of God and the world were not even deemed
worthy of the serious consideration of a "thinker".
Efficient causes alone were recognized, final causes
proscribed. In nature science always dealt with im-
mutable laws; soon the possibility of miracles and rev-
elation was denied, while mysteries were regarded as
absurd. Thus, in the place of traditional beliefs, new
ideas were introduced, tending to rationalism, material-
ism, naturalism, and deism. On positive points there
was but little agreement; the tendency was primarily
negative. It was an opposition to received dogmas
and institutions, an effort to establish a new theoret-
ical and practical philosophy on the basis of merely
naturalistic principles. Nothing is truer than d'Alem-
bert's statement, in the " Discours preiiminaire", that
"our century believes itself destined to change all
kinds of laws ". Towards the middle of the eighteenth
century the representatives of this movement were
the " philosophers", and they were about to centralize
their efforts in the Encyclopedic. Great prudence
ENCYCLOPEDISTS
420
ENCYCLOPEDISTS
was necessary, and it was used. Some men who were
known for their conservative opinions were asked to
contribute articles, and the Encyclopedic contained
some unexceptionable doctrines' and moderate views
on religious, ethical, and social problems; moreover,
the editors themselves and those who shared their
views frequently concealed or disguised their true
convictions. As Voltaire says, they were in the sad
necessity of "printing the contrary of what they be-
lieved" (Letter to d'Alembert, 9 October, 1756).
More was insinuated than was clearly expressed, and
at times a sarcastic remark was used with Detter effect
than a definite statement or argument. When the
main article to which one would naturally turn for in-
formation contained nothing objectionable, other arti-
cles, less likely to attract attention, expressed different
and more "philosophic" views. That such was the
condition of affairs is attested by a significant passage
in a letter of d'Alembert to Voltaire (21 July, 1757).
To the latter's criticism of certain articles he replies:
"No doubt we have bad articles in theology and
metaphysics; but with theologians for censors, and a
privilege, I defy you to make them any better. There
are other articles less exposed to the daylight in which
all is repaired. Time will enable'people to distinguish
what we have thought, from what we have said."
Hence, although the Encyclopedic itself contains
many articles m which anti-Christian principles are
openly professed, the true, unrestrained encyclopedic
spirit was found in the meetings of the " philosophers"
and in the salons, where they were looked upon as ora-
cles. To-day it is to be found in the later works of the
Encyclopedists and chiefly their letters and memoirs.
In the impious and cynical d'Alembert. for instance, as
known from his correspondence witn Voltaire, one
would fail to recognize the prudent and reserved
d'Alembert of the Encyclopedic " You were born
with the firmest and most virile genius", Voltaire wrote
to him (4 June, 1769), "but you are free only with
your friends, when the doors are closed". This last
remark applies also to Diderot and the other Encyclo-
pedists. Their private letters reveal their true spirit
and intentions, and prove that the apparent modera-
tion and tolerance shown in their public writings were
dictated by fear and not by conviction.
It is difficult to estimate the influence which the En-
cyclopedic exerted on the events that followed its pub-
lication, especially the French Revolution. To a large
extent undoubtedly it was not the source, but only the
reflection, of the religious and social views of the time.
Not the Encyclopedic so much as the Encyclopedists
exerted a real influence. Since their spirit was an-
tagonistic to the Church and, in many respects, also to
the State, one may ask why its manifestations were
not suppressed; why in particular its organ, the En-
cyclopeaie, was allowed to proceed, notwithstanding
the warnings of its adversaries and its repeated con-
demnation by the civil authorities. In a word, what
was done to check its influence or to oppose its doc-
trines? In general, it may be answered that little was
done, and, under the circumstances, perhaps little
could be done. The defenders of the Faith were not
idle; they wrote books and articles in refutation of
the "philosophers"; but their voice was not heard,
and their scattered efforts were of little avail against the
organized forces and the powerful protectors of their
adversaries. The Jesuits, the secular clergy, espe-
cially Archbishop Christophe de Beaumont, of Paris,
and Bishop Le Franc de Pompignan, of Le Puy, who
wrote pastorals on the subject, and several other
writers and preachers denounced the Encyclopedic
We have seen that they succeeded more than once in
having its publication and sale prohibited by the Gov-
ernment. The suspensions were only temporary.
The Encyclopedists were under the patronage of high
personages at the Court; they were protected espe-
cially by Malesherbes, the director of the Librairie,
who controlled, among other things, the granting
of privileges for new publications and the censuring
of nooks, and by Sartine, the chief of police, on
whom depended the enforcement of laws and ordi-
nances concerning the printing and sale of books.
Malesherbes always showed himself the friend not only
of the Encyclopedic, but also of the Encyclopedists.
Owing to this friendship, many works were published
notwithstanding the official opposition of the Govern-
ment. In 1759, after the decision of the council had
revoked the privilege formerly granted, it was Males-
herbes who warned Diderot that his papers were to
be seized the next day. As. it was too late to look for a
place of safety where they could be taken, Malesherbes
had them sent to his own house.
Thus the Government secretly favoured an enter-
prise which it officially censured, and, under this pro-
tection the Encyclopedic was begun and completed.
Partly for the same reason, partly also for deeper tea-
sons concerning the religious and civil conditions in
France, the efforts to combat the Encyclopedic were
not rewarded with much success. Moreau in the
"Memoires pour servir a l'histoire des Cacouacs"
(1757), Palissot, in his "Petites lettres sur de grands
philosophes" (1757) and in his comedy "Les philo-
sophes (1760), tried to use the weapons of ridicule and
satire which some of the "philosophers", especially
Voltaire, wielded with greater skill. Fr6ron, in the
" Annee litteraire ". was at times sarcastic, and always
ready to give ana take blows. Constantly at war
with the Encyclopedists, he was at a great disadvan-
tage, for they enjoyed Malesherbes's protection,
whereas for him the censure was always very severe.
Thus he was hardly allowed to write on Voltaire's
" Ecossaise" (1760), in which he had been publicly in-
sulted on the stage. The Jansenists, in the " Nouvellee
ecciesiastiques", did little more than insult the Ency-
clopedists. In the "Journal de Trevoux", the Jesu-
its, and among them especially Berthier (1704-82),
who was director of the Journal from 1745 till the sup-
pression of the Society of Jesus, wrote frequent criti-
cisms. But notwithstanding all this opposition the
spirit of irreligion was steadily gaining. Too often
tne criticism was weak, the attack unskilful. In some
cases even, the anti-Encyclopedists, instead of harm-
ing their opponents, rather contributed to their suc-
cess by giving them notoriety and affording them an
opportunity for using their influence. The Jesuits
were expelled from France in 1762; this gave a new
victory and a new prestige to the "philosophers".
D'Alembert, who wrote " La destruction des Jesuites en
France" (1765), looks upon this expulsion as the just
punishment of their hostility towards the Encyclo-
pedic. Gradually the people were becoming accus-
tomed to the new spirit, and thus it was that, whereas
the first volumes had created a great stir in Franc*,
the appearance of the last volumes was scarcely no-
ticed.
Unknown or little known in 1750, the " philosophers "
had now won their battle, and were the recognized vic-
tors. Their success made them bolder in declaring
openly what fear had frequently obliged them to veu
in their former works and in the Encyclopedic. These
doctrines had also been made more familiar by the
publication of several works before the completion of
the Encyclopedic, the most important being Diderot's
"Pensees sur Interpretation de la nature" (1754);*
Helvetia's "De l'esprit" (1758); Rousseau's "Dis;
cours sur l'origine et les f ondements de l'inegalite parmi
les hommesM1753), "Contrat social" (1762), and
"Emile" (1762); Voltaire's " Dictionnaire philosc-
phique" (1765); d'Holbach's "Systeme de la nature"
(1770). Hence, on 8 July, 1765, Voltaire could write
to d'Alembert: "They clamour against the philoso-
phers, and are right; for, if opinion is the ruler of the
world, this ruler is governed by the philosophers. Yon
can hardly imagine how their empire is spreading/
EMDA
421
ENDOWMENT
Steadily the new current of thought gained in volume
and power, until nothing could stop its destructive
course. The French Revolution, following closely
upon the publication of the Encyclopedic and the
other works of the Encyclopedists, was the practical
result of the general spirit which these represented.
BBDNETifcRE, Etudes critiques sur Vhistoire de la liU&raturc
francaise (Paris, 1896- — ); in these Etude* are found several
essays on men and events related to the Encyclopedic; Id.,
Manuel de Vhistoire de la litterature francaise (2d ed.% Paris.
1899) and the sources indicated in it, especially the Afemotres and
the Correspondances at the Encyclopedists; Id., Les origines
de V esprit encydopSdique in Revue hebdomadaire (November,
1907). 141, 281, 421; Dam i eon, MSmoires pour servir a Vhis-
toire de la philosophic au XVIII* siede (Paris, 1853-1864); Du-
CRoe, Diderot (Paris, 1894); Id., Les EncyclopSdistes (Paris,
1900); Duprat, Encudoptdistes (Paris, 1866): Lanfret,
UBglise el les philosophes au dix-huitieme sitde (Paris, 1879);
LfcvT Bruhl, The Encyclopedists in Open Court, XIII (1899),
129; Morlet, Diderot and the Encyclopedists (2d ed., Lon-
don, 1886); Rosknkranz, Diderots Leben und Werke (Leipzig,
1866): Wadia, The Philosophers and the French Revolution
(London, 1904); Windei*b\nd, Geschichteder neueren Philosoptiie
(4th ed., Leipzig, 1907); Lyons in Encydopmdia Britannia
(9th ed.), VIII, 197; Riaux in Franck, Dtctionnaire des sciences
philosophiques (2d ed.. Paris, 1885), 445.
C. A. DUBRAY.
Enda, Saint. See Aran, The Monastic School
of.
Endlicher, Stbphan Ladislaus, Austrian botan-
ist (botanical abbreviation, Endl.)f linguist, and his-
torian, b. at Pressburg, Hungary, 24 June, 1804; d.
at Vienna, 28 March, 1849. The son of a physician, he
studied philosophy at Pesth and Vienna, and theology
from 1823 to 1826 at Vienna; he did not, however,
enter the priesthood. From 1826 at Pressburg he
turned his attention to languages, studying especially
Chinese, a knowledge of which is shown in some of his
later works: " AnfangsgrOnde der chinesischen Gram-
matik" (Vienna, 1844), and "Atlas von China nach
der Aufnahme der Jesuiten" (Vienna, 1843). Urged
by his father, Endlicher took up the study of botany
in 1826, and devoted all his spare time to it during the
?ears 1828-36, when he had charge of the MSS. in the
mperial Library of Vienna. In this same period he
issued as librarian, in addition to a number of works
on the ancient classical, German, and Hungarian lit-
eratures, the first volume (Vienna, 1836) of the MS.
catalogue of the Imperial Library. In 1836, he was
made curator of the botanical department of the
Royal Natural History Museum, and in 1840, profes-
sor of botany at the University of Vienna, and director
of the Botanical Garden of the University. In 1830,
he had issued his first botanical treatise, that on the
flora of Pressburg. As curator of the botanical
department he united the various distinct herbaria
into one scientifically arranged general herbarium, to
which he added, as a gift, his own containing 30,000
species of plants; the classification adopted bv End-
licher remained unchanged until 1885. On his ap-
pointment as curator he Degan at once to develop his
Botanical system, which is explained in his well-known
and most important work: " Genera plantarum secun-
dum ordines naturales disposita" (Vienna, 1836-50),
a work regarded as one oi the fundamental writings
of systematized botany.
As early as 1835 he founded the first periodical in
Austria for the natural sciences, the "Annalen des
Wiener Museums der Naturgeschichte ". His numer-
ous other writings on botanical subjects show an in-
dependent critical judgment, acute observation, and
comprehensive knowledge. Endlicher also collabor-
ated in a number of publications with other botanists;
with Schott, Fenzl, and especially with Unger in
" GrundzQge der Botanik " (Vienna, 1843) ; with Poppig
in a work on the plants of Chile, Peru, and the region
of the Amazon (Leipzig, 1835-45) ; also in conjunction
with the American Asa Gray, and with George Bentham
and Robert Brown of Great Britain. Up to the time
of his death Endlicher aided von Martius in editing
the latter's great work "Flora Brasiliensis " (Munich
and Leipzig, 1840-1906); the work, a folip costing
6000 marks, was finally completed in 130 parts of
20,733 pages in all, and containing 3811 plates. It
was through Endlicher's exertions that von Martius
was enabled to begin the bringing out of this work
under the patronage, and with the financial aid, of the
Emperor Ferdinand I. Endlicher's botanical MSS.
and correspondence belong to the botanical depart-
ment of the Royal Museum at Vienna; his correspond-
ence with Unger was published by the botanist Haber-
landt (Berlin, 1899) . In addition to his other labours,
he had a large share in founding (1846-47) the Im-
perial Academy of Sciences of Vienna, and was one of
its first forty members. Endlicher became involved
in the political movement of 1848* he was elected a
member both of the German and the Austrian parlia-
ments, but his political activities were not success-
ful. Botanists nave, on three occasions, sought to
use his name as a designation of species of plants
(Endlichera, EndHcheria), but according to the rules
of the botanical nomenclature, such appellations ex-
press synonyms which should be avoided.
Von Buck in Botan. CetUralblaU (Cassel, 1888), XXXIII,
249; Nbilreich in Verhandl. des zool.-bot. Vereins (Vienna,
1855), V, 51; Sachs, Geschichte der Botanik (Munich, 1875);
Wurzbach in Biograph. Lexicon des Kaisertums Oesterreich
(Vienna, 1858), IV, contains a list of his writings; Die botani-
schen Anstalten Wiens (Vienna, 1894); Botanik una Zoologie in
Oesterreich (Vienna, 1901) contains a portrait of Endlicher.
Joseph Rompkl.
End of Man. See Man.
Endowment (Ger. Stiftung, Fr. fondation, It. fon-
dazione, Lat. fundatio), a property, fund, or revenue
permanently appropriated for the support of any per-
son, institution, or object, as a student, professorship,
school, hospital. The term is more frequently applied
to the establishment of eleemosynary corporations by
private endowment. In ecclesiastical circles the word
is employed also in a more restricted sense, signifying
a conditional donation or legacy, i. e. the establish-
ment of a fund, by the provisions of a last will or
otherwise, in order to secure permanently, or at least
for a long time, some spiritual benefit, as, for instance,
the offering and application of a monthly or annual
Mass.
The early Christians were lavish in their support of
religion, and frequently turned their possessions over
to the Church [Lallemand, "Hist, de la charity"
(Paris, 1903), II ; Uhlhorn, " Hist, of Christ. Charity";
Hefele, "Christenthum u. Wohlthatigkeit" in his
"Beitrage", I, 175], The Emperor Justinian (No-
vella lxvii) compelled those who built churches to en-
dow them; ana about the same time, ecclesiastical
legislation prescribed that no cleric was to be ordained
for a church without proper provision for his main-
tenance (Counc. of Epaon, 517, c. xxv). Whoever de-
sired to have a parish church on his estate was obliged
to set aside a sufficient landed endowment for its
clerics (IV Counc. of Aries, 541, c. xxxiii); while a
bishop was forbidden to consecrate a church till the
endowment had been properly secured by a deed or
charter (II Counc. of Braga, 572, c. v). If one who
held a fief from the king built and endowed churches,
the bishop was required to procure the royal confir-
mation of the gift (III Counc. of Toledo, 589, c. xv).
Ancient and noble Roman families, as well as others
of less means, inspired by feelings of love and grati-
tude, made large bequests to the Church. In the fifth
century, in countries inhabited by German tribes, the
Church was endowed especially with lands. These
possessions were lost during the political and social
upheaval that followed the Germanic invasions, known
as the Wanderings of Nations. Towards the end of
Charlemagne's reign the regenerated peoples con-
tributed once more voluntarily and generously to the
support of ecclesiastical institutions.
ENEROUMENI
422
ENERGY
In England, both under Saxon and Norman domi-
nation the generous zeal of the faithful prompted
them to secure by endowments a permanent priest-
hood, and to provide for the dignity and even splen-
dour of Divine worship. A considerable portion of
the foundations thus established in England was
Suandered or confiscated during the Reformation of
enry VIII and Queen Elizabeth, while the remain-
der, by virtue of the Acts of Uniformity and Suprem-
acy, was transferred to the Anglican Church, which
still retains it. The conditions of the Catholics of
England since the Reformation in temporal matters
has not permitted to any extent the re-establishment
of endowments, though instances have not been want-
ing and are on the increase. In Ireland and Scotland
likewise the old foundations of the Church have been
lost or diverted from their purpose. In Ireland the
Protestant Church, which had received during the
Reformation the lands and moneys of the Catholic
Church, was disestablished and nominally disendowed
by the Act of 1869, but. so liberal were the compensa-
tions allowed that they amounted practically almost
to a re-endowment. In Scotland the Presbyterians
of the Established Church, owing to the immense in-
fluence of Knox in the sixteenth century, still possess
what is left of the ancient endowments of the Catholic
Church. Ecclesiastical endowments in France have
undergone many vicissitudes, particularly from the
year 1789, when a yearly income of about $14,000,000
was suddenly and unjustly confiscated. The influ-
ence of the French Revolution was felt elsewhere,
especially in Germany, where by the fifty-fifth article
of the Resolutions of the Deputation of the Empire
(1803) "all property belonging to the foundations,
abbeys and monasteries was committed to the free
and full disposal of the respective rulers, who were to
provide for the expense of public worship, of instruc-
tion, of founding useful public institutions, and of
lightening their own financial embarrassmenta". In
Italy the annexation of the States of the Church in
1859, 1860, and 1870 by the "King of United Italy"
was also followed by trie introduction of anti-eccle-
siastical laws* the robbery of the Church, and the
spoliation of her institutions. The endowments that
remain are for the most part administered by the
Government. Foundations in America are not nu-
merous and merit no special mention.
Canon law lays down strict regulations regarding
the acceptance and management of endowments as
well as the observance of the obligation arising there-
from. They are to be accepted only by those whose
interests are at stake, as, for instance, the rector of a
church, the administrator of an institution. The con-
sent of the ordinary, if they are presented to a diocesan
institution, or of the competent religious superior, if
given to regulars, is requisite. The superior in ques-
tion should assure himself that the income accruing
from the investment is a sufficient recompense for the
service demanded. Once the conditions of accept-
ance have been established, they are unchangeable,
and it is incumbent on the bishop or religious superior,
as above, to procure the fulfilment of the obligation
imposed. A catalogue or table of these obligations
assumed by a church is to be posted conspicuously in
the sacristy — a general one for the diocese is reserved
in the chancery office — while among the parochial
books is one in which the satisfaction of these obliga-
tions is noted. The supreme law to be observed in
this matter is the will of the founder of an endowment,
to fulfil which the zealous vigilance of the Church is
ever directed. If, however, the property or invested
funds of an endowment entirely disappear through no
fault of the church, the latter is exempt from its part
of the contract. If a disproportion anse between the
service required and the recompense, a proportionate
reduction of the obligation entailed is permitted,
under certain conditions, by the Holy See. Bishops
are not allowed to lessen the original obligation, e. g.
to reduce the number of Masses to be offered annually,
though where the mind of the donor is not sufficiently
clear, they may determine minor details, such as the
hour of the service, or the altar at which it is to take
place. Founders of churches frequently reserved to
themselves, with the approbation of Rome, the right
to administer the temporal concerns of such founda-
tions and io suggest candidates for vacant benefices
in said churches (see Patronage), though ordinarily
these trusts are under the supervision of a corporation
or board of trustees.
Addis and Arnold, A Catholic Dictionary (London, 1903),
8. v.; Pbrmanbdkr and Stein in Kirchenlex., s. w. Dotalgut,
Armenpflege; Ducanok, Gloss, med. et inf. Lot., s. v. Dot Eccle-
*ict; Hbrgknrothbr-Hollwbck, Lehrb. des hath. Kirchenr.
(Freiburg, 1905), 875-77: Meurer, Begrxff and Eigenth. der
kirehl. Sachm (Dusaeldorf); Wkrns, Jua Decretal., Ill, 218-
Austria, and Hungary.
Andrew B. Meehan.
Energumeni. See Demoniacs.
Energy, The Law op the Conservation op.^
Amongst the gravest objections raised by the progress
of modern science against Theism, the possibility of
miracles, free-will, the immateriality of the human
soul, its creation and immortality, are, according to
many thoughtful men, those based on the Law of the
Conservation of Energy. Consequently, as full a
treatment of this topic in its philosophical aspects as
the limits of space will allow, is here attempted.
Explanation op the Doctrine. — The word energy
comes from the Greek Mpy«at " operation", " actual-
ity". This term is itself a compound of iv and tpyor,
"work". In modern physical science the notion of
energy is associated with mechanical work. It is
commonly denned as "the capacity of an agent for
doing work". By "work" scientists understand the
production of motion against resistance. Such energy,
whilst existing in many forms, is considered especially
in two genencally distinct states known as kinetic
energy, or energy of motion, and potential energy, or
energy of position. The power of doing work in the
former case is due to the actual motion possessed by
the body, e. g. a cannon-ball on its course, or a swing-
ing pendulum. Potential energy, on the other hand,
is exemplified by a wound-up spnng, or by the bob of
a pendulum when at its highest point; as the bob
swings upwards its velocity and kinetic energy contin-
uously diminish, whilst its potential energy is increas-
ing. When at its highest point its potential energy is
at a maximum, and its kinetic is nil. Conversely,
when, moving downwards, it reaches its lowest point, it
will have recovered its maximum kinetic energy, whilst
its potential will have vanished. Energy is also recog-
nized in the heat of a furnace, or the fuel of the same,
in explosives, in an electric current, in the radiations
of the ether which illuminates and warms the earth.
Now, it has been found that these different forms of
energy can be changed into one another. Further, the
amount of a sum of energy in different forms can be
measured by the quantity of work it can accomplish.
A weight suspended over a pulley can be employed to
do work as it sinks to a lower level; likewise a steel
spring as it expands, heat as it passes to a cooler body,
electric current as it is expended, and chemical com-
pounds in the course of decomposition. On the other
nand, a corresponding amount of work will be required
in order to restore the original condition of the agents.
Perhaps the greatest and most fruitful achievement of
modern physical science during the past century has
been the establishment of a law of quantitative equiv-
alence between these diverse forms of energy measured
in terms of work. Thus a certain amount of heat will
produce a definite amount of motion in a body, and
conversely this quantity of motion may be made to
ENERGY
423
ENERGY
reproduce the original amount of heat — assuming that
in the actual process of transformation there were no
waste. In other words, it is now accepted as estab-
lished that, in any "conservative" or completely iso-
lated system of energies, whatever changes or trans-
formations take place among them, so long as no
external agent intervenes, the sum of the energies will
always remain constant. The Principle or Law of the
Conservation of Energy has been thus formulated by
Clerk Maxwell: "The total energy of any body or
system of bodies is a quantity which can neither be
increased nor diminished by any mutual action of
these bodies, though it may be transformed into any
of the forms of which energy is susceptible "(Theory of
Heat. p. 93). Thus stated, the law may be admitted
to hold the position of a fundamental axiom in modern
physics; the nature of the evidence for it, we shall con-
sider later. But there is a further generalization, ad-
vancing a considerable way beyond the frontiers of
positive science, which affirms that the total sum of
such energy in the universe is a fixed amount " immuta-
ble in quantity from eternity to eternity" (Von Helm-
holtz). This is a proposition of a very different char-
acter; and to it also we shall return. But first a brief
historical account of the doctrine.
History. — The doctrine of the Conservation of
Energy was long preceded by that of the Constancy of
Matter. This was held vaguely as a metaphysical
postulate by the ancient materialists and positively
formulated as a philosophical principle by Telesius,
Galileo, and Francis Bacon. Descartes assumed in a
somewhat similar a priori fashion that the total
amount of motion (MV) in the universe is fixed —
certain tamen et determinaiam habet quantUatem (Prin-
cip. Philos., II, 36). But the effort to establish such
assumptions by accurate experiment begins later.
According to many we have the principle of the conser-
vation of energy virtually formulated for the first time
in Newton's Scholion developing his third law of
motion (action and reaction are equal and opposite),
though his participation in the current erroneous con-
ception of neat as a "caloric", or independent sub-
stance, prevented his clearly apprehending and expli-
citly formulating the principle. Others would connect
it with his second law. Huyghens, in the seventeenth
century, seems to have grasped, though somewhat
vaguely, the notion of momentum, or vis viva (MVa).
This was clearly enunciated by Leibniz later. The
fundamental obstacle, however, to the recognition of
the constancy of energy lay in the prevalent " caloric
theory " . Assuming heat to be some sort of substance,
its origin and disappearance in connexion with fric-
tion, percussion, ana the like seemed a standing con-
tradiction with any hypothesis of the constancy of
energy. As early as 1780, Lavoisier and Laplace, in
their "M6moire sur la chaleur", show signs of ap-
proaching the modern doctrine, though Laplace sub-
sequently committed himself more deeply to the
caloric theory. Count Rumford's famous experiments
in measuring the amount of heat generated by the
boring of cannon and Sir Humphry Davy's analogous
observations (1799) on the heat caused by the friction
of ice, proved the death-blow to the caloric theory.
For the view was now beginning to receive wide ac-
ceptance among scientists, that heat was "probably a
vibration of the corpuscles of bodies tending to sep-
arate them". Dr. Thomas Young, in 1807, employed
the term energy to designate the vis viva or active
force of a moving body, which is measured by its mass
eight multiplied by the square of its velocity
or wei
(MV»). Sadi Carnot (1824), though still labouring
under the caloric theory, advanced the problem sub-
stantially in his remarkable paper, " Reflexions sur la
puissance motricedu feu", by considering the question
of the relation of quantity of heat to amount of work
done, and by introducing the conception of a machine
with a reversible cycle of operations. The great
epoch, however, in the history of the doctrine occurred
in 1842, when Julius Robert Mayer, a German physi-
cian, published his " Remarks on the Forces of Inani-
mate Nature", originally written in a series of letters
to a friend. In this little work, " contemptuously
rejected by the leading journals of physics of that
day" (Poincar6), Mayer clearly enunciated the princi-
ple of the conservation of energy in its widest gener-
ality. His statement of the law was? however, in
advance of the existing experimental evidence, ana he
was led to it partly by philosophical reasoning, partly
by consideration of physiological questions. At the
same time, Joule, in Manchester, was engaged in de-
termining by accurate experiments the dynamical
equivalent of heat — the amount of work a unit of heat
could accomplish, and vice versa; and "Colding was
contributing important papers on the same subject to
the Royal Scientific Society of Copenhagen, so that no
particular man can be described as the Father of the
doctrine of the Conservation of Energy" (Preston).
Between 1848 and 1851, Lord Kelvin (then Sir William
Thomson), Clausius, and Rankine developed the ap-
plication of the doctrine to sundry important problems
m the science of heat. About the same time Helm-
holtz, approaching the subject from the mathematical
side, and starting from Newton's Laws of Motion, with
certain other assumptions as to the constitution of
matter, deduced the same principle, which he termed
the "Conservation of Forces". Subsequently, Fara-
day and Grove illustrated in greater detail the extent
and variety of the transformation and correlation of
forces, not only heat being changed, in to work, but
light occasioning chemical action, and this generating
heat, and heat producing electricity, capable of being
again converted into motion, and so on round the
cycle. But it further became evident that in such a
series there inevitably occurs a waste in the usableness
of energy. Though the total energy of a system may
remain a constant quantity, since work can be done by
heat only in its transition from a warmer to a cooler
body, in proportion as such heat gets diffused through-
out the whole system it becomes less utilizable, and the
total capacity for work diminishes owing to this dissi-
pation or degradation of energy. This general fact is
formulated in what has been called the principle of
Carnot or of Clausius. It is also styled the second law
of thermodynamics and has been made the basis of very
important conclusions as to the finite duration of the
universe by Lord Kelvin. He thus enunciates the
law: " It is impossible by means of inanimate material
agency to derive a mechanical effect from a portion of
matter by cooling it below the temperature of the
coldest surrounding bodies. "
Living Organisms, — The successful determination
of the quantitative equivalent of one form of energy in
some other form, obviously becomes a far more diffi-
cult problem when the subject of the experiment is not
inanimate matter in the chemical or physical labora-
tory, but the consumption of substances in the living
organism. Scientific research has, however, made
some essays in this direction, endeavouring to estab-
lish by experiment that the principle of the constancy
of energy holds also in vital processes. By Hie nature
of the case the experimental evidence is of a rougher
and less accurate character. Still it tends to show at
all events approximate equivalence in the case of
some organic functions. Among the best investiga-
tions so far seem to be those of Rubner, who kept dogs
in a calorimeter, measuring carefully the quantity of
food received and the heat developed by tnem. The
chemical energy of the substances consumed manifests
itself in heat and motion, and the heat generated in the
consumption of different substances by the animals
seems to have corresponded rather closely to that re-
sulting in laboratory experiments; hence it is affirmed
that the observations all point to the conclusion that
" the sole cause of animal neat is a chemical process"
ENERGY
424
ENERGY
(Schafer). This, however, is a long way from experi-
mental proof that the conservation of energy holds in
all vital processes with such rigid accuracy that every
faintest change in the motor or sensory nerve-cells of
the brain must have been completely determined by a
preceding physical stimulus. Whether this proposi-
tion be true or not, there is not as vet even a remote
approach to experimental proof of it (cf. Ladd).
The Law Considered. — Character and Range, —
About the character and range of the law, and its bear-
ing on sundry philosophical problems, there has been
and still is much dispute. As a rule, however, the
most eminent scientists, e. g. men like Clerk Maxwell
and Lord Kelvin, are most cautious and guarded in
their enunciation of the law. Be it noted that, when
strictly stated, this proposition, "The sum of the
kinetic and potential energies of a conservative system
amid all changes remains constant", first applies only
to an isolated or closed system. But such systems are
hypothetical or ideal. As a matter of fact, no group
of agents in the present universe is or can be thus
isolated. Next, the proposition may be stated, as a
legitimate generalization, only of inanimate bodies and
material energies. The law affords no j ustification for
the assertion that the only energies in any particular
system, still less in the universe as a whole, are mate-
rial energies. Clerk Maxwell himself explicitly re-
minds us that " we cannot assert that all energy must
be either potential or kinetic, though we may not be
able to conceive of any other form". Again, many
physicists insist that this concept of energy con-
tained in the formula proves, when examined closely,
to be vague and elusive. H. Poincare* asks: "What
exactly remains constant?" And he concludes a
searching analysis with the statement that "of the
principle nothing is left but an enunciation: There is
something which remains constant" (Science and Hy-
pothesis, p. 127). As eminent a physicist as George
F. Fitzgerald tells us that " the doctrine of the conser-
vation of energy is most valuable, but it only goes a
very little way m explaining phenomena" (Scientific
Writings, p. 391). Helniholtz's extension of the prin-
ciple in the statement, that " the total quantity of all
the forces capable of work in the whole universe re-
mains eternal and unchanged throughout all their
changes", is a hazardous leap from positive science
into very speculative metaphysics. This should be
recognized. For even supposing the proposition true,
it cannot be demonstrated a priori. It is not self-
evident. It is obviously beyond the possibility of
experimental proof. It assumes the present universe
to be a closed system into which new agents or beings
capable of adding to its energy have never entered.
Lucien Poincar6's contention is just: "It behooves us
not to receive without a certain distrust the extension
by certain philosophers to the whole Universe of a
property demonstrated for those restricted systems
which observation can alone reach. We know noth-
ing of the Universe as a whole and every generalization
of this kind outruns in singular fashion the limit of
experiment." James Ward's account of its character
is much the same: "Methodologically, in other words
as a formal and regulative principle, it means much,
really it means very little. It furnishes very little
information about the past, present, or future of the
universe.
Proof of the Law. — On what evidence precisely,
then, does the principle rest? Here again we find con-
siderable disagreement. £. Mach tells us: "Many
deduce the principle from the impossibility of per-
petual motion, which again they either derive from
experience or deem self-evident. . . Others frankly
claim only an experimental foundation for the princi-
ple." He himself considers the justification of the
law to be in part experimental, in part a logical or
formal postulate of the intellect. We have already
alluded to the view that it is implicit in Newton's laws
of motion. The principle of causality, according to
others, is its parent. Mayer himself quotes ex nxhUo
nil fttt and argues that creation or annihilation of a
force lies beyond human power. Even Joule, who
laboured so diligently to establish an experimental
proof, would reinforce the latter with the proposition,
that "it is manifestly absurd to suppose that the
powers with which God has endowed matter can be
destroyed". Preston judiciously observes: "The
general principle of the conservation oi energy is not
to be proved by mathematical formula. A law of
nature must be founded on experiment and observa-
tion, and the general agreement of the law with facts
leads to a general belief in its probable truth. Fur-
ther, the conservation of energy cannot be absolutely
proved even by experiment, for the proof of a law
requires a universal experience. On tne other hand,
the law cannot be said to be untrue, even though it
may seem to be contradicted by certain experiments,
for in these cases energy may be dissipated in modes of
which we are as yet unaware ' ' ( p. 90;. In view of the
extravagant conclusions some writers have attempted
to deduce from the doctrine, it is useful to note these
serious divergencies of opinion as to what is its true,
justification among those who have a real claim to
speak with authority on the subject.
We shall best approximate to the truth by distin-
guishing three different parts of the doctrine of energy:
the law of constancy; tne law of transformation; and
the law of dissipation or degradation. The law of
transformation, that all known forms of material
energy may be transmuted into each other, and are
inconvertible, is a general fact which can only be ascer-
tained and proved by experience. There is no a priori
reason requiring it. The law of dissipation, that, as a
matter of fact, m the course of the changes which take
place in the present universe there is a constant ten-
dency for portions' of energy to become unusable,
owing to the equal diffusion of heat through all parts
of the system — this truth similarly seems to us to rest
entirely on experience. Finally, with respect to the
principle of quantitative constancy, the main proof
must be experience — but experience in a broad sense.
It has been shown by positive experiments with por-
tions of inanimate matter that the more perfectly we
can isolate a group of material agents from external
interference, and tne more accurately we can calculate
the total quantity of energy possessed by the system-
at the beginning and ena of a series of qualitative
changes, the more perfectly our results agree. Fur-
ther, modern physics constantly assumes this principle
in most complex and elaborate calculations, and the
agreement of its deductions with observed results veri-
fies the assumption in a manner which would seem to
be impossible were the principle not true. In fact, we
may say that the assumption of the truth of the law.
when correctly formulated, lies now at the basis of all
modern physical and chemical theories, just as the
assumption of inertia or the constancy of mass is fun-
damental to mechanics. At the same time we must
not forget the hypothetical character of the conditions
postulated, and the limitations in its application to
particular concrete problems. Bearing tnis in mind,
even if there occurs some novel experience, as, e. g.,
the fact that radium seemed capable of sustaining it-
self at a higher temperature than surrounding objects
and of emitting a constant supply of heat without any
observable diminution of its own store of energy,
science does not therefore immediately abandon its
fundamental principle. Instead, it rightly seeks for
some hypothesis by which this apparently rebellious
fact can be reconciled with so widely ranging a general
law — as, for example, the hypothesis that this eccen-
tric substance possesses a peculiar power of constantly
collecting energy from tne neighbouring ether and
then dispensing it in the form of heat; or, that the
high complexity of the molecular constitution of
?-•
ENERGY 425 ENERGY
• *
radium enables it, while slowly breaking down into tion, deep as the very nature of the mind. Its author-
simpler substances, to continue expending itself in ity transcends all other whatever, for not only is it
heat for. an extraordinarily long time. Such an efccep- given in the constitution of our consciousness, but it is
tion, however, is a useful reminder of the unwarranted impossible to imagine a consciousness so constituted
rashness of those who, ignoring the true character and as not to give it " (First Principles, p. 162) . The value
limitations of the law, would, in virtue of its alleged of this assertion may be gauged from the fact that
universal supremacy, rule out of existence, whether in Newton and all the ablest scientists down to the mid-
living beings or in the universe as a whole, every agent die of last century were ignorant of the principle, and
or agency which may condition, control, or modify in that it required the labour of Mayer, Joule, Heunholtz,
any way the working of the law in the concrete. As and others to convince the scientific world of its truth.
we have before indicated in regard to some changes of " Evolution is an integration of matter and concomi-
a chemical and mechanical character in the living be- tant dissipation of motion during which matter passes
ing, the principle of conservation may hold in much from an indefinite incoherent homogeneity to a definite
the same way as in non-living matter j whilst, in regard heterogeneity, and during which the retained motion
to other physiological or psycho-physical processes, the undergoes a parallel transformation. Owing to the
necessary qualifications and limitations may be of a ultimate principles the transformation among all kinds
different order. The kind of evidence most cogent in of existence cannot be other than we see it to be. The
regard to inanimate matter — both direct experiment redistribution of matter and motion must everywhere
and verified deduction — is wanting here; and many of take place in those ways and produce those traits
the vital processes, especially those connected with which celestial bodies, organisms, societies alike dis-
consciousness, are so unlike mechanical changes in play, and it has to be shown that this universality of
many respects that it would be scientifically unjustifi- process results from the same necessity which deter-
able to extend the generalization so as to include them, mines each simplest movement around us. . . In
The possibility of reversion, for instance, applicable in other words the phenomena of evolution have to be
a cycle of changes in inanimate matter, is here un- deduced from the Persistence of 'Force'." Spencer's
thinkable. We could conceivably recover the gaseous proof is merely a description of the changes which
and solid products of exploded gunpowder and con- have taken place. He does not show, and it is impos-
vert them into their original condition, but the effort sible to show, from the mere fact that the quantity of
to imagine the reversion of the process of the growth energy has to remain constant, that the particular
of a man or a nation brings us face to face with an forms in which it has appeared — the Roman Empire,
absurdity. Shakespeare's plays, and Mr. Spencer's philosophy —
Philosophical Deductions. — The philosophical must have appeared. The principle can only tell us
conclusions which some writers have attempted to that a constant quantitative relation has been pre-
deduce from the law affect the question of God s exist- served amid all the qualitative transformations of the
ence and action in the world, the possibility of Divine physical universe, and that it will be preserved in the
interference in the form of miracles, the nature of the future. But it furnishes no reason for the order and
human soul, its origin and relation to the body, and its seemingly intelligent design which abounds, and it
moral freedom. offers not the faintest suggestion of an explanation
The Materialistic Mechanical Theory, which seeks to why the primitive nebulae should have evolved into
conceive the world as a vast self -moving machine, self- life, minds, art, literature, and science. To describe
existing from all eternity, devoid of all freedom or the process of building a cathedral is not to deduce a
purpose, perpetually going through a series of changes, masterpiece of architecture from so many tons of stone
each new state necessarily emerging out of the previ- and mortar. To show even that the law of gravita- -
ous and passing into the subsequent state, claims to tion prevailed during every event in the history of
find its justification in this law of the conservation of England would not be a deduction of the history of
energy. To this it may be replied in general, as in the England from the law of gravitation. Yet this is pre-
case of the old objections to Theism based on the inde- cisely the sort of undertaking Spencer's " Synthetic
structibility of matter, that the constancy of the total Philosophy" is committed to in seeking to deduce the
quantity of energy in the world or the convertibility present world from the conservation of energy, and so
of different forms of material energy, does not affect to dispense with an intelligent Creator. The same
the arguments from the evidences oT intelligent design holds for every other project of a similar kind. A more
in the world, the existence of self-conscious human remarkable feature still in Spencer's handling of the
minds, and the moral law. These things are realities present subject is that he seats this " Persistence of
, of the first importance which every philosophical creed Force " in the Absolute itself. It really " means the
that pretends to be a rational system of thought must persistence of some Power which transcends our knowl-
atterapt to explain. But the mere fact that the sum edge and conception. . . the Unknown Cause of the
of material energies, kinetic and potential, in any phenomenal manifestations" of our ordinary expe-
isolated system ot bodies, or even in the physical uni- rience. This is a complete misconception, misrepre-
verse as a whole, remains constant, if it be a fact, sentation, and misuse of the principle of conservation,
affords no rational account or explanation whatever of as known to soience. Mayer and Joule never at-
these realities. tempted to establish that some noumenal power or
Herbert Spencer's Doctrines. — As Spencer is the unknown cause behind the phenomena of the universe
best-known writer who attempts to deduce a philoso- has a constant quantity of energy in itself. Nor is it
phy of the universe from the doctrine of energy, we a self-evident datum of our consciousness that, if there
shall take him as representative of the school. Though be such an unknown cause, its phenomenal manifesta-
the term force is confined by physicists to a nar- tions must be always quantitatively the same
rower and well-defined meaning — the rate of change of " throughout all past and future time". The scien-
energy per distance— Spencer identifies it with energy, tific principle merely affirms constant quantitative
and styles the conservation or constancy of energy the equivalence amid the actual transmutations of certain
" Persistence of Force". To this general principle, he known and knowable realities, heat, mechanical work,
tells us, an ultimate analysis of all our sensible expe- and the rest. This, however, would afford no help to-
rience brings us down, and on this a rational synthesis wards an explanation of the universe. Consequently,
must build up. Consequently, from this principle his it had to be transformed into something very dif-
" Synthetic Philosophy seeks to deduce all the phe- ferent to serve as the basis of the Synthetic Philo*
nomena of the evolution of the universe. With re- sophy.
spect to its proof he assures us that " the principle is rrofessor Ostwald, on the other hand, apparently
deeper than demonstration, deeper than definite cogni- opposed to mechanical theories, carries us little farther
ENERGY
426
KMEBOT
by hia special doctrine of energy. Matter, the sup-
posed vehicle or support of energy, he rejects as a use-
less hypothesis. Every object in the universe is
merely some manifestation of energy of which the
total amount retains a constant value. Energy itself
is work, or what arises out of work, or is converted
back into work. It is the universal substance of the
process of change in the world. Mass is merely capac-
ity for energy of movement, density is volume-
energy. All we can know of the universe may be
expressed in terms of energy. To accomplish this is
the business of the savant. Hypotheses are to be
abandoned as worthless crutches; and the aim of
science is to catalogue objects' as forms of energy.
But surely this is merely to abandon all attempt at
explanation. The mere application of a generic com-
mon name to diverse objects furnishes no real account
of their qualitative differences. We do not advance
knowledge by the easy process of assigning new prop-
erties to energy, any more than the ancients did by the
liberal allotment of occult qualities. The simple truth
is that the quantitative law of constancy supplies not
the faintest clue to the fundamental problem, how
and why the present infinitely varied allotropic forms
of reality have come into existence.
The Law and its Consequences. — Not only does
the modern scientific doctrine of energy fail to provide
a foundation for a materialistic theory of a mechanical
self-existing universe, but a most important part of
that doctrine — the second law of thermodynamics and
its consequences — presents us with the materials for a
very powerful argument against that theory. Lord
Kelvin, the most eminent authority on this point,
working from data established by Carnot and Clau-
sius, has shown that " although mechanical energy is
indestructible, there Is a universal tendency to its dis-
sipation, which produces throughout the system a
gradual augmentation and diffusion of heat, cessation
of motion and exhaustion of the potential energy of
the material Universe" (Lectures, vol. II, p. 356).
The heat becoming thus diffused at an equally low
temperature throughout the entire universe, all living
'organisms will perish of cold. In fact, the conclusion
which Kelvin deduces from the modern scientific doc-
/ trine of energy is that the physical world, so far from
being a self-existing machine endowed with perpetual
motion, much more closely resembles a clock which
has been put together and wound up at some definite
date in the past and will run down to a point at which
it will stop dead in the future.
Conservation op Energy and the Human Soul.
—According to the ordinary Catholic doctrine, philo-
sophical and theological, the soul is a spiritual princi-
ple, distinct from matter, yet, by its union with the
organism constituting one substantial being, the living
man. It is the source of spiritual activities, thought,
and volition. It is endowed with free-will. It ori-
ginates and controls bodily movements. In its origin
it has been created; at death it is separated from the
body and passes away from the material universe.
Now if the soul or mind, though itself not a form of
material energy, acts on the body, originates, checks,
or modifies bodily movements, then it seems to per-
form work and so to interfere with the constancy of the
sum of energy. Moreover, if thus being sources of
energy individual souls are created and introduced
into this material universe and subsequently pass out
of it, then their irruptions seem to constitute a contin-
uous infringement of the law. For clearness we will
handle the subject under separate heads.
I. Does the soul or mind initiate or modify in any
way movements of matter, or chances in the forms of
energies of the material world? Yes, assuredly; the
soul through its activities, does thus act on matter —
Clifford, Huxley, Hodgson notwithstanding. The
thoughts, feelings, and volitions of men have had some
influence on the physical events which have consti-
tuted human history. All the movements of every
material particle in the world would not have been
precisely the same if there had been no sensation or
thought. Art, literature, science, invention have had
their origin in ideas, and they involve movements of
material bodies. The mental states called feelings
and desires have really influenced war and trade. If
these feelings and ideas had been different, war, trade,
art, literature, and invention would have been differ-
ent. The movements of some portions of matter
would have been other than they have been. The
mind or soul, therefore, does really act on the body.
II. Is the soul, or the activities by which it acts on
the body, for instance its conscious states, merely a
particular form of energy interconvertible with the
other material forms of heat, motion, electricity, and
the rest? Or is the soul and psychic activity some-
thing distinct in kind, not interchangeable with any
form of material energy? Yes. That mental or psy-
chical states and activities are realities, utterly dis-
tinct in kind from material energy, is the judgment of
philosophers and scientists alike. These states are
subjective phenomena perceptible only by the internal
consciousness of the individual to whom they belong.
Their existence depends on their being perceived. In
fact, their esse is percipi. They are not transmutable
into so much material energy. As Tyndall says, " the
chasm between the two orders of reality is intellec-
tually impassable11. The phenomena of conscious-
ness are not a fixed sum; though incapable of proper
quantitative measurement they seem to prow exten-
sively and intensively and to rise in quality in the world.
Wundt, indeed, embodies this fact in his contrasted
" principle of the increase of psychical energy ' ', a law of
qualitative value, which he attaches as the reverse or
subjective side of the quantitative constancy of physical
energy. The psychical increase, being indefinite, holds
only under the condition that the psychical processes
are continuous. Mental states or activities are thus
proved on the one hand to exert a real influence on the
movements of matter, whilst on the other hand they
are different in nature from all material energies and
unconvertible with any of the latter. The soul, mind,
or whatever we call the subject or source of these im-
material states or activities, must be therefore some
kind of hyperphysical agent or power.
III. This brines us to the central crux of the sub*
ject. If the soul, or mind, or any of its activities,
causes or modifies the movement of any particle of
matter, then it seems to have produced an effect equiv-
alent to that of a material agent, to have performed
"work", and thereby to have augmented or dimin-
ished the previously existing quantity of energy in the
area within which the disturbance took place. The
vital question then arises: Can this real influence of
the soul, or of its activities, on matter be squared with
the law of conservation? At all events, if it cannot,
then so much the worse for the law. The law is a gen-
eralization from experience. If its present formula-
tion conflicts with any established fact, we may not
deny the fact; we must instead reformulate the law in
more qualified terms. If our experience of radium
seems to contradict the law of conservation, we are
not at liberty to deny the existence of radium, or the
fact that it emits heat. We must either give up the
universality of the law, or devise some hypothesis by
which the law and the new fact may be reconciled.
Now we are certain that volition and thought do
modify the working of some material agents. Conse-
quently, we must devise some hypothesis by which
this fact may be reconciled with the law, or else alter
the expression of the law.
Diverse solutions^ however, have been advanced.
(1) Some writers simply deny the application of the
law to living beings, or at least its rigid accuracy,
if referred to the entire collection of vital and psy-
chical phenomena. They urge with much force thai
ENERGY
427
ENERGY
the living, conscious organism, endowed with the
power of self-direction, differs fundamentally in
nature from a mere machine, and that it is there-
fore illegitimate to extend the application of the
law to organisms in precisely the same sense as to
inanimate matter until this extension is rigidly justi-
fied by experimental evidence. But evidence of this
quantitative accuracy is not forthcoming — nor at all
likely to be. As a consequence, scientists of the first
rank, such as Clerk Maxwell and Lord Kelvin, have
always been careful to exclude living beings from their
formulation of the law. Moreover, they remind us
that, in certain respects, the animal structure resembles
a very delicate mechanism in which an extremely mi-
nute force may liberate or transform a relatively large
store of latent energy preserved in a very unstable con-
dition, as, e. g., the pressure of a hair-trigger may
explode a powder magazine.
(2) Again, many physicists of high rank (Clerk
Maxwell, Tait, Balfour Stewart, Lodge, Poynting),
who suppose, for sake of argument, the strict applica-
tion of the law even to living beings, claim to harmo-
nize the real action of the soul on the body with the law
by conceiving this action as exercised merely in the
form of a guiding or directing force. They generally
do so, moreover, in connexion with the established
truth of physics that an agent may modify the direc-
tion of a force, or of a moving particle, without alter-
ing the quantity of its energy, or adding to the work
done. Thus, a force acting at right angles to another
force can alter the direction of the latter without affect-
ing its intensity. The pressure of the rail on the side
of the wheel guides the tram-car; the tension of gravi-
tation keeps the earth in its elliptical course round the
sun without affecting the quantity of energy possessed
by the moving mass. If the enormous force of gravi-
tation were suddenly extinguished, say, by the annihi-
lation of the sun, the earth would flyaway at a tangent
with the dame energy as before. The axiom of phys-
ics, that a deflecting force may do no work, is un-
doubtedly helpful towards conceiving a reconciliation,
even if it does not go the whole way to meet the
difficulty.
(3) At the same time, the philosophy of Aristotle
and St. Thomas provides us with a clue which assists
us farther than any modern theory towards the com-
plete solution of the problem. For this, four distinct
factors must be kept in mind: —
(a)- The entire quantity of the work done by the
living being must in this view be accounted for by the
material energies — mechanical, chemical, electrical,
etc. — stored in the bodily organism. The soul, or
mind, or vital power merely administers these, but
does not increase or diminish them . The living organ-
ism is an extremely complex collection of chemical
compounds stored in blood and cellular tissue. Many
of these are in very unstable condition. A multitude
of qualitative changes are constantly going on, but the
quantity of the work done is always merely the result
of the using up of the material energies of the organ-
ism. The soul, within limits, regulates the qualitative
transformation of some of these material energies
without altering the sum total.
(b) The action of the soul, whether through its con-
scious or its merely vegetative activities, must be
conceived as primarily directive.
(c) But this is not all. The soul not only guides but
initiates and checks movements. The most delicate
hair-trigger, it is urged, requires same pressure to
move it, and this is work done, and so an addition to
that of the machine. The trigger, too, presses with
equal reactive force against the finger, and through
this emits some of its energy back to another part of
the universe. Consequently, any action of the soul
upon the body, even ir the pressure or tension be rela-
tively small, involves, it is said, a double difficulty:
the pressure communicated by the soul to the body
and that returned by the body to the soul. In reply:
First, what is needed in order to originate, guide, or
even inhibit a bodily movement is a transformation of
the quality of some of the energy located in certain cells
of the living organism. Whilst physics, which seeks to
reduce the universe to mass-points in motion, is pri-
marily interested in quantity, qualitative differences
cannot be ignored or ultimately resolved into quanti-
tative differences. Direction is the qualitative ele-
ment in simple movement, and it is" as important as
velocity or duration. Now, although the initiation of
movement, or the origination of a change in the qual-
ity of the material energy located in particles of inani-
mate matter, needs a stimulus involving the expendi-
ture of some energy, however small, it does not seem
necessary, and there is no proof, that every transfor-
mation of energy-in living beings requires a similar
expenditure of energy to occasion the change. Be it
noted also that the energy of the stimulus often bears
no relation to the magnitude of the change and that in
many cases it is not incorporated in the main transfor-
mation. Indeed, the explosive materials of the earth
might conceivably be so collocated that the action of
an infinitesimal force would suffice to blow up a conti-
nent and effect a qualitative transformation of energy
vaster than the sum total of all the changes that have
gone on in all living beings since the beginning of the
world. This should be remembered when it is alleged
that any action of the human mind on the body would
constitute a serious interference with the constancy of
the sum total of energy.
However, as a matter of fact, some qualitative
changes of energy in the living organism which result
in movement at least appear not to be excited by any-
thing of the nature of physical impact. Psycho-
physics teaches that concentration of thought on cer-
tain projected movements, and the fostering of certain
feelings, are speedily followed by qualitative changes
in organic fluids with vascular and neuromotor proc-
sesses. States of consciousness becoming intense
seem to seek expression and find an outlet in bodily
movement, however this is actually realized. This
brings us to the further step in the solution of the prob-
lem which the Aristotelico-Scholastic conception of
the relation, of body and mind, as "matter" and
" form/ ', contributes. In that theory the soul or vital
Erinciple is the " form " or determining principle of the
ving being. Coalescing with the material factor,
it constitutes the living being. It gives to that
being its specific nature. It unifies the material
elements into one individual. It makes them and
holds them a single living being of a certain kind.
Biology reveals that the living organism is a mass
of chemical compounds, many of them most com-
plex and in very unstable equilibrium, constantly
undergoing change and tending to dissolution into
simpler and more stable substances. When life ceases,
the process of disintegration sets* in with great rapid-
ity. The function, then, of this active informing
principle is of a unifying, conserving, restraining
character, holding back, as it were, and sustaining the
potential energies of the organism in their unstable
condition. From this view of the relation of the soul
to the material constituents of the body, it would fol-
low that the transformation of the potential energies of
the living organism is accomplished in vital processes
not by anything akin to positive physical pressure, but
by some sort of liberative act. It would in this case
suffice simply to unloose, to "let go", to cease the act
of restraining, and the unstable lorms of energy re-
leased will thereby issue of themselves into other forms.
In a sack of gas or liquid, for instance, the covering
membrane determines the contents to a particular
shape, and conserves them in a particular space.
Somewhat analogously, in the Scholastic theory the
soul, as "form", determines the qualitative character
of the material with which it coalesces, while it con-
tf
ENOADDI
428
ENOADDI
serves the living being in its specific nature. A
" form " endowed with consciousness exerts a control,
partly voluntary, partly in voluntary, over the qualita-
tive character of the constituents of the. organism, and
in this view it would occasion qualitative changes in
some of these by a merely liberative act, without add-
ing to or taking from the quantity of physical energy
contained in the material constituents of the organism.
The illustration is of course imperfect, like all such
analogies. It is given merely to aid towards a concep-
tion of the relations of mind and body in the Aristo-
telean theory.
(d) Finally, in this theory, the action of the soul, or
vital principle, upon the material energies of the living
organism, must be conceived not as that of a foreign
agent, but as of a co-nrincinle uniting with the former
to constitute one specific being. This most important
factor in the solution is not sufficiently emphasized, or
indeed realized, by many physicists who seek to har-
monize the law with the real action of the soul. Ac-
cepting the philosophy of Descartes, many of these
adopt a very exaggerated view of the separateness and
mutual independence of soul and body. In that
Ehilosophy soul and body are conceived as two distinct
eings merely accidentally conjoined or connected.
The action of either upon the other is that of an
extrinsic agent. If an angel or a demon set a barrel
rolling down a hill by even a slight push, the action of
such a spirit would involve the mvasion of the system
of the material universe by a foreign energy. But
this is not the way the soul acts, according to the philos-
ophy of St. Thomas and Aristotle. Here the soul is
part of the living being, a component principle capable
of liberating and guiding the transformation of ener-
gies stored up in the constituents of the material organ-
ism, which along with itself combines to form a single
complete individual being. This point is a vital ele-
ment in the solution, whetner the basis of the difficulty
be the conservation of energy, the conservation of
momentum, or Newton's third law. The directing
influence is not exercised as the pressure of one mate-
rial particle on another outside of it. The soul is in
the body which it animates and in every part of it.
Neither is "outside" the other.
This solution obviously provides an answer at the
same time to the objections deduced from the conser-
vation of energy against the creation of human souls
or the freedom of the will. If the soul were a fount of
energy distinct from and added to the material ener-
gies of the organism, and if the freedom of the will
mvolved incursions of a foreign physical force into the
midst of existing material energies, then infringement
of the law of constancy would seem inevitable. But if
the soul merely directs the transformation of existing
reserves of energy in the manner indicated, no viola-
tion of the law seems necessary. Similarly, the de-
parture of such an immortal soul from the physical
universe would not involve any withdrawal of material
energy from the total sum. Finally, if human thought
and volition can interfere in any degree with the move-
ments of matter, and exercise a guiding influence on
any of the processes of the bodily organism, a fortiori
must it be possible for an Infinite Intelligence to inter-
vene and regulate the course of events in the material
universe; and if the human mind can effect its pur-
poses without infringement of the law of conserva-
tion of energy, assuredly this ought to be still more
within the powers of a Divine Mind, which, according
to the Scholastic philosophy, sustains all beings in
existence and continuously co-operates with their
activity.
The extensive literature of the subject may roughly be dis-
tinguished as scientific and philosophic, though the two grade
into each other.
Among those of mainly scientific character are: — The Cor-
relation and Conservation of Forces, ed. Youmanb (New
York, 1805). This is a collection of the original papers of
Hklmholtz, Mayer, Grove, Faraday. Liebig, and Carpen-
r»a on. the subject. Joule, Scientific Papers (3 vols., London,
1884, 1887); Helmholte, Popular Lecture* on Scientific Sub'
jeets (tr. London, 1873); Kelvin, Popular Lectures and Ad*
dresses (3 vols.. New York and London, 1894), see especially
II; Grove, The Correlation of Physical forces (London, 1867);
also Tait, Recent Advances in Physical Science (London, 1876);
Maxwell, ed. Rayleigh, Theory of Heat (London and New
York, 1902); Stewart, The Conservation of Energy in Inter-
not. Sc. Series (London, 1900); Tait and Stewart, The
Unseen Universe (London, 1875); Preston, The Theory
of Heat (London and New York, 1904), I; Fitzgerald, ed.
Larmor, Scientific Writings (Dublin and London, 1902); Lu-
cie n Poincare, The New Physics (tr., London, 1907), III; H.
Poincarb, Science and Hypothesis (tr., London and New York,
1905); Mach, Die Gesch. und die Wtirhel des Satzes von der Br-
haltung der Arbeit (Prague, 1871); Idem, Popular-tpissen-
schaftliche Votiesungen (Leipzig. 1896); Carpenter, The Corre-
lation of Physical and Vital Forces in Quar. Jour, of Science
(1865); Idem, Mutual Relations of the Vital and Physical
Forces in Transactions of the Royal Society (London, 1850);
ScuAper, Text-Book of Physiology (Edinburgh and London,
1898), I; Moseo, Fatigue (New York and London, 1004), fre-
quently referred to, but contributes little to the question.
Among the philosophical works on the subject are:
Couailhac, La Liberie" et la conservation de Venergie (Paris,
1897); Mercier, La Pensie et la loi de la conservation de Venergie
(Louvain, 1900); de Munnynck in Revue Thomiste (May,
1897), a useful article; Windle, What is Life (London and St.
Ixmis, 1908); Ladd, Philosophy of Mind (London and New
York, 1895), vii; Maher, Psychology (London and New York,
1905), xxiii; Ward, Naturalism and Agnosticism (London,
1906); Lodge, Life and Matter (London, 1905); see also a very
interesting controversy on the subject in Nature (1903), in
which Sir Oliver Lodge, G. Minchin, E. W. Hobson, J. W.
Sharpe, W. Peddie, J. H. Muirhead, C. T. Preece, E. P.
Culverwell, and others took part; Gutberlkt, Das Gesetx
von der Erhaltung der Kraft (MOnster, 1882); Spencer, First
Principles (London and Edinburgh, 1900); HSffding, Out-
lines of Psychology (New York and London, 1896); Wundt
deals with the subject in papers in Philosophische Studien
(1898); also for brief treatment, see his Outlines of Psy-
chology (tr., 3rd ed., New York, 1907) ; Ootwald, Vorlesungen
uber NaturphUosophie (I^eipzig, 1902); see also Eiblbr, PhUo-
sophisches Wdrterbuch (Berlin, 1904).
Michael Maher.
Engaddi (Sept., usually 'EryaM; Hebr. 'En G&lhi,
" Fountain of the Kid ") is the name of a warm spring
near the centre of the west shore of the Dead Sea, and
also of a town situated in the same place. In II Far..
xx, 2, it is identified with Asasontnamar (Cutting of
the Palm), the city of the Amorrhean, smitten by
Chodorlahomor (Gen., xiv, 7) in his war against the
cities of the plain. Jos., xv, 62, enumerates Engaddi
among the cities of Juda in the desert Betharaba, but
Ezech., xlvii, 10, shows that it was also a fisherman's
town. Later on, David hides in the desert of Engaddi
(I Kings, xxiv, 1, 2), and Saul seeks him "even upon
the most craggy rocks, which are accessible only to
wild goats1' (ibid., 3). Again, it is in Engaddi that
the Moabites and Ammonites gather in order to fight
against Josaphat (II Par., xx, 1, 2) and to advance
against Jerusalem "by the ascent named Sis" (ibid.,
16). Finally, Cant., i, 13, speaks of the " vineyards of
Engaddi " ; the words, " I was exalted like a palm tree
in Cades" (iw alyiaXots), which occur in Ecclus., xxiv.
18, may perhaps be understood of the palm trees of
Engaddi.
To these strictly Biblical data concerning Engaddi
the following notes taken from profane sources may be
added. Josephus (Antiq., IX, i, 2) connects Engaddi
with the growth of beautiful palm trees and the pro-
duction of opobalsam. Pliny (Nat. Hist., V, xxvii,
73) places Engaddi only second to Jerusalem as far as
fertility and the cultivation of the palm tree are con-
cerned. Eusebius and St. Jerome (Onomastica sacra,
Gottingen, 1870, pp. 119, 254) testify that at their
time there still existed on the shore of the Dead Sea a
large Jewish borough called Engaddi which furnished
opobalsam. The name still lives in the Arabic form
'Ain Jedi, which is now applied to a mere oasis en-
closed by two streams, the Wady Sudeir and Wady
el-'Areyeh, and bounded by nearly vertical walls of
rock. The former vineyards and palm groves have
given place to a few bushes of acacia and tamarisk,
and the site of the ancient town is now occupied by a
few Arabs.
Haqbn. Lexicon Biblicum (Paris, 1907), II, 177 sq.; Hull
in Dictionary of the Bible (New York, 1900). J, 703; Legendre in
*
M"wM..r«,f« la fliW* (MHs, 1899). n.WBflsnq.: BiIDItu-
Bkniiqcb, PaUttina und .S[m<Ti (Sill cd.), 1US. junwu o/ H/fil-
€™/WmS«; Jfemetn (London. 1881-83). Ill, 384-86; Neu-
■.urb. La ff&ffrapnit du 7aimud (Paris, 18685, 100.
A. J. Haas.
Eag/el, Litdwio, canonist, b. at Castle Wagrein,
Austria; d. at Grillenberg, 22 April, 1674. He became
a Benedictine in the monastery of Molk (Melk), 10 Sep-
tember, 1654, and, at the order of his abbot, applied
himself to the study of law at the University of Salt-
burg, where theological studies were committed to
the care of the Benedictines. He was proclaimed doc-
tor of civil and canon law in 1657, ordained priest in
the following year, and was soon professor of canon
law at this university. His profound knowledge and
personal qualities procured for him the most honour-
able functions. In 1669 he was unanimously chosen
vice-chancellor of the university. He left Salzburg in-
1674 at the invitation of the Abbot of Miilk, who was
desirous that Engel should be known and appreciated
by the religious of this monastery, in order to be
chosen as his successor. The death of Engel, which
occurred in the same year, prevented this plan from
being realized. His principal works are: "Mamiale
parochorum" (Salzburg, 1661); "Forum conipetens"
(Salzburg, 1663); "Tractatus dc privileges et juribus
monasteriorum " (Salzburg, 1664); and especially his
"Collegium universi juris canonici", etc. (Salzburg,
1671-1674), a work remarkable for its conciseness,
clearness, and solidity. It has placed its author in
the first rank among Benedictine canonists. The
fifteenth edition appeared in 1770. - A compendium
or summary of this work was published in 1720 by
Hainardus Sch warts.
ZltQILD*DEK, fiuloria lilteraria ardinit Sanrtt Bcncdicti
(Aufsburg. 17541. Ill, 401, IV. 231, 238, 603; Scholti,
Ceickichlr drr Qvrllm find Lxleralur da oiiimibAbi Rtchti
(StnlKtart, 1875-80). Ill, 150; Eberl in KircJitnla, >. v.;
KBiBLuraam, Ouch, vm Milk (1867), I. 80S.
A. Van Hove.
Kngalberg, Abbey of, a Benedictine monastery in
Switzerland, formerly in the Diocese of Constance, but
— n that of Chur. It is dedicated to Our Lady of
uou. ±„ .a* founded in 1082 by Blessed Conrad.
Count of Seldenbdren, the first abbot being Blessed
Adelhelm, a monk of the Abbey of St. Blasien in the
Black Forest, under whom the founder himself re-
ceived the habit and ended his days there as a monk.
Numerous and extensive rights and privileges were
granted to the new monastery by various popes and
emperors, amongst the earliest being Pope Callistus II,
in 1124, and the Emperor Henry IV. The abbey was
placed under the immediate jurisdiction of the Holy
See, which condition continued until the formation of
tile Swiss Congregation in 1602, when Engelberg united
' with the other monasteries of Switzerland and be-
came subject to a president and general chapter. In
spiritual matters the abbots of Engelberg exercised
auasi-episcopal jurisdiction over all their vassals and
ependents, including the town which sprang up
around the walls of the abbey, and also enjoyed the
right of collation to all the parishes of the Canton. In
temporal matters they had supreme and absolute
authority over a large territory, embracing one hun-
dred and fifteen towns and villages, which were incor-
Sirated under the abbatial rule by a Bull of Pope
regoiy IX in 1236. These and other rights they en-
joyed until the French Revolution, in 1798, when most
of them were taken away. The prominent position in
Switzerland which the abbey occupied for so many
centuries was seriously threatened by the religious and
political disturbances of the Reformation period, espe-
cially by the rapid spread of the Zwinglian heresy, and
for a tune its privileges suffered some curtailment,
The troubles and vicissitudes, however, through which
9 EKGHSLBEBT
it passed, were happily brought to an end hy the wise
rule of Abbot Benedict Sigrist, in the seventeenth cen-
tury, who is justly called the restorer of his monas-
tery. Alienated possessions and rights were recovered
by him and the good work he began was continued
by his successors, under whom monastic discipline and
learning have flourished with renewed vigour. The
library, which is said to have contained over twenty
thousand volumes and two hundred choice MSB., was
unfortunately pillaged by the French in 1798. The
abbey buildings were almost entirely destroyed by fire
in 1729 but were rebuilt in a substantial, if not very
beautiful style and so remain to the present day. The
monastery is now (1909) in a very flourishing state,
having a community of about fifty and a school of over
a hundred boys. The monks have charge of the par-
ish of two thousand souls attached to the abbey and
also minister to the needs of seven convents of nuns in
the vicinity. In 1873acolony from Engel hereto umied
the Abbey of New Engelberg, at Conception, Missouri,
U. S. A. Abbot Leodegar Scherer, elected in 1901,
was the fifty-third abbot of the monastery.
Sainte-Mabthe. GaUia ChrUtiana (Paris. 1780. V; Miomb,
Did. da abbaya (Paris, 1856); Bsonneh, Kim S<WiifiV.„>
biifa (WQiibunt, 1880): AJoum fimediflinum (St. Vinesnt's,
PBmaylYMiu), 1880).
G. Cyprian Alston.
Kngelbert of Cologne. Saint, archbishop of that city
(1216-1225) ; b. at Berg, about 1 185; d. near Schwelm,
7 November, 1225. His father was Engelbert, Count
of Berg, his mother, Margaret, daughter of the Count
. of Gelderland. He studied at the cathedral school of
Cologne and while still a boy was, according to an abuse
of that time, made provost of the churches of St.
George and St. Sevenn at Cologne, and of St. Mary's
at Aachen. In 1199 he was elected provost of the
cathedral at Cologne. He led a worldly life and ii
the conflict between Archbishops Adolf and Brun<
aided with his cousin Adolf, ana waged war for him.
consequence excommunicated by the pope
together with his cousin and deposed in 1206. After
his submission he was reinstated in 1208 and, to atone
for his sin, joined the crusade against the Albigenses
in 1212. On 29 Feb., 1216, the chapter of the cathe-
dral elected him archbishop by a unanimous vote.
In appearance he was tail and handsome. He posses-
sed a penetrating mind and keen discernment, was
kind and condescending and loved justice and peace,
but he was also ambitious and self-willed. His archi-
episcopal see had passed through severe struggles and
suffered heavily, and he worked strenuously to repair
the damage and to restore order. He took care of its
possessions and revenues and was on that account
compelled to -resort to arms. He defeated the Duke
of Limburg and the Count of Clevee and defended
against them also the Countship of Berg, which he
had inherited in 1218 on the death of his brother. He
ENOELBEBT 430 ENGELBERT
restrained the impetuous citizens of Cologne, broke commemorated on 7 Nov. as a martyr. A convent
the stubborness of the nobility, and erected strong- for nuns was erected at the place of his death. By
holds for the defence of his territories. He did not order of Engelbert's successor, Henry I, Csesarius of
spare even his own relations when guilty. In this way Heisterbach, who possessed good information and a
he gained the universal veneration of his people and ready pen, wrote in 1226 the life of the saint in two
increased the number of his vassals from year to year, books and added a third about* his miracles. (See
Although in exterior bearing a sovereign rather than a Surius, "Vitae Sanctorum", 7 Nov.)
bishop, for which he was blamed by pious persons, . Bohmeh, Fontes rerutn Oermanicarum (StuttMirt, 1854), II,
he did not disregard his duties to the Church, but J£J^dlithVhiJd J*?1^ the Kt??K^or4tted: *lc***> *M*-
x /I 7:7*7? .. . ' %AV{zr g rr ^""*v"i ""v berl d. hi. Erzbxschof (Cologne, 1853); Winkelmann, Kaiser
Strove to uplift the religious Me of his people. The Friedr. II. in JahrbQcher d. deuUch. (ksch. (Leipzig, 18&9). I.
mendicant orders, which had been founded shortly Gabriel Meier.
before his accession, settled in Cologne during his ad-
ministration, the Franciscans in 1219, the Dominicans Engelbert, Abbot of the Benedictine monastery of
in 1221. He was well disposed towards the monaste- Admont in Styria, b. of noble parents at Vfllkersdorf
lies and insisted on strict religious observance in them, in Styria, c. 1250; d. 12 May, 1331. Ke entered the
Ecclesiastical affairs were regulated in provincial monastery of Admont about 1267. Four years later
synods. Blameless in his own life, he was a friend of he was sent to Prague to study grammar and logic,
the clergy and a helper of the poor. -After devoting himself for two years to these studies
In the affairs of the empire Engelbert exerted a he spent nine years at the University of Padua study-
strong influence. Emperor Frederick II, who had ing philosophy and theology. In 1297 he was elected
taken up his residence permanently in Sicily, gave Abbot of Admont, and after ruling thirty years he re-
Germany to his son, Henry VII, then still a minor, and signed this dignity when he was almost eighty years
in 1221 appointed Engelbert guardian of the king and old, in order to spend the remainder of his Me in
administrator of the empire. When the young king prayer and study. Engelbert was one of the most
reached the age of twelve he was crowned at Aachen, learned men of his times, and there was scarcely any
8 May, 1222, by Engelbert, who loved him as his own branch of knowledge to which his versatile pen did not
son and honoured him as his sovereign. He watched contribute its share. His literary productions include
over the king's education and governed the empire in works on moral and dogmatic theology, philosophy,
his name, careful above all to secure peace both within history, political science, Holy Scripture, the natural
and without the realm. At the Diet of Nordhausen sciences, pedagogy, and music. The Benedictine, Ber-
(24 Sept., 1223) he made an important treaty with nard Pez, mentions thirty-eight works, many of which
Denmark; in the rupture between England and France, he published partly in his Thesaurus anecdotorum
he sided with England and broke off relations with novissimus" (Augsburg, 1721). partly in his "Bibli-
France. The poet Walther von der Vogelweide extols otheca ascetica antiquo-nova (Ratisbon, 1723-5).
him as "Master of sovereigns", and "True guardian The best known of Engelbert's works is his historico-
of the king, thy exalted traits do honour to our emperor; political treatise "De ortu, progressu et fine Romani
chancellor whose like has never been". — Engelbert's imperii", which was written durmg the reign of Henry
devotion to duty, and his obedience to the pope and VII (1308-1313). It puts forth the following political
to the emperor were eventually the cause of his ruin, principles: a ruler must be a learned man ; his sole aim
Many of the nobility feared rather than loved him, and must be the welfare of his subjects; an unjust ruler
he was obliged to surround himself with a body-guard, may be justly deposed ; emperor and pope are, each in
The greatest danger threatened him from among his his sphere, independent rulers; the 'Holy Roman Em-
relations. His cousin, Count Frederick of Isenberg. pire is a Christian continuation of the pagan empire of
the secular administrator for the nuns of Essen, had ancient Rome; there should be only one supreme tem-
grievously oppressed that abbey. Honorius III and poral ruler, the emperor, to whom all other temporal
the emperor urged Engelbert to protect the nuns in rulers should be subject. He bewails the gradual de-
their rights. Frederick wished to forestall the arch- dine of both imperial and papal authority, prophesies
bishop, and his wife incited him to murder. Even the early coming of Antichrist and with it the ruin of
his two brothers, the Bishops of Munster and Osna- the Holy Roman Empire and a wholesale desertion of
bruck, were suspected as privy to the matter. " Engel- the Holy See. The work was published repeatedly,
bert was warned, commended himself to the protection first according to the revision of Cluten (Offenbach,
of Divine Providence, and amid tears made a con- % 1610) ; finally it was re-edited by Schott and printed in
fession of his whole life to the Bishop of Minden. On 7 the Supplement to the "Bibliotheca Patrum" (Col-
No v., 1225, as he was journey ing from Soest to Schwelm ogne, 1622) and in "Maxima Bibliotheca veterum
to consecrate a church, he was attacked on a dark even- Patrum " (Lyons, 1677). Following are the most im-
ing by Frederick and his associates in a narrow portant of the other works of Engelbert which have been
"denle, was wounded in the thigh, torn from his horse printed: "De gratiis et virtutibus beat® et gloriosce
and killed. His body was covered with forty-seven semper ;V.Maria3',(Pez,''Thej8aurus''1I,pt.l,6©-762);
wounds
to
bitterly we* vu« *«u*<»*u», j/uv v«*« umx^ww uuuVJ v**^ ^v. *, ^«** w«v, ~~ r«v.. «*,**««- ~~. \~~~> ~ w»«*-
ban of the empire, and saw him broken on the wheel a theca ascetica, VI, 51-150) ; " De statu defunctorum"
year later at Cologne. He died contrite, having ac- fib., IX, 113-195); "Speculum virtutis pro Alberto et
knowledge*! and confessed his guilt. His associates also Ottone Austria ducibus" (ib., Ill, entire); "Super
perished miserably within a snort time. The crime, passionem secundum Matthseum" (ib., VII, 67-112);
moreover, was disastrous for the German Empire, for De regimine principum ", a work on political science,
the young king had now lost his best adviser and soon containing sound suggestions on education in general,
met a very sad fate, to the misfortune of his house and edited by Hufnagel (Ratisbon, 1725); "De summo
country. . bono hominis in hac vita", "Dialogus concupiscentue
Engelbert, by his martyrdom made amends for his et rationis", "Utrum sapienti competat ducere uxo-
human weaknesses. His body was placed in the old rem" (the last three valuable works on ethics were
cathedral of Cologne, 24 Feb., 1226. by Cardinal edited by John Conrad Pez in " Opuscula philosophic*
Conrad von Urach. The latter also declared him a celebernmiEngelberti", Ratisbon, 1725); "De music*
martyr; a formal canonization did not take place. In tractatus", a very interesting treatise on music, illus-
1618 Archbishop Ferdinand ordered that his feast be trating the great difficulties with which teachers of
celebrated on 7 November and solemnly raised his music were beset in consequence of the complicated
remains in 1622. In the martyrology Engelbert is system of the hexachord with its solmization and mu-
*
ENGELBERT
431
ENGLAND
tation. The treatise was inserted by Gerbert in his
"Scriptores ecclesiastici de musica sacra" (St. Bla-
sien, 1784, anastatic reprint, Graz, 1905), II, 287 sqq.
Wiechnbr, Geschichte des Benedxktiner Stifles-Admont (Graz.
1874-1880), III, 1-30, 511-545; Idem, Kloster Admanl und
$eine Beziehungen zur Wissenschaft und turn Unterricht (Graz,
1892), 37-47: Fuchs, Abt Engelberg von Admont in Mitthei-
lungen des hxst. Vereins ftir Sleiermark (Gnu, 1862), XI, 90-
130; Michael, Geschichte des deutschen VoUces vom 13. Jahrh.
bis sum Auagang des Mittelalters (Freiburg ini Br., 1003), III,
125, 248-251, 274-278; Zieqelbauer, Historia Rei Littera-
ria OA.B. (Augsburg and Wttraburg, 1754i III, 175-180.
Michael Ott\
Engelbert of Saint-Riquier. See Angilbert.
Engelbrecht8enf Cornelis (also called Engel-
berts and Engelbrecht, and now more usually spelt
Engelbrechtsz), Dutch painter, b. at Leyden, 1468;
d. there 1533; is believed to have been identical with
a certain Cornelis de Hollandere who was a member
of the Guild of St. Luke at Antwerp in 1492. He is said
to have been the first artist in Holland who painted in
oils, and to have been a profound student of the works
of Jan Van Eyck. His principal paintings were exe-
cuted in Leyden and for a long time preserved in that
city, which still possesses in its picture gallery his large
" Crucifixion ", with wings representing the Sacrifice of
Abraham and the Brazen Serpent, and a "Pieta" con-
taining six scenes from the Life of Christ. There is an
important "Crucifixon" by him at Amsterdam, re-
moved from the convent of St. Bridget at Utrecht, a
" Madonna and Child " in the London National Gallery,
and a " Crucifixion' ' in the Munich Gallery, and there
are two double pictures at Antwerp. However, most of
his religious works were destroyed m Holland during the
iconoclastic movement in the sixteenth century. He
has been declared to have been the master of Lucas
Van Leyden, but nothing very definite is known on
this matter. Many of his pictures are signed with a
curious mark resembling a figure 4 supported upon
two swords, and others with a sort of star. He had two
sons: Cornelis, known as Kunst (1493-1544), and Luke,
known as Kok, born 1495. The latter came over to Eng-
land during the reign of Henry VI II, and a picture signed
by him is in Lord De L' Isle's collection at Penshurst.
Catalogues of Pictures at Leyden, Amsterdam, and Munich;
Conway, Dutch Painters; various articles in the Leyden papers;
Bryan, Dictionary of Painters (New York, 1903); AUgemeines
KunsOerUxikon (Berlin, 1870).
George C. Williamson.
England. — This term is here restricted to one con-
stituent, the largest and most populous, of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain ana Ireland. Thus under-
stood, England (taken at the same time as including
the Principality of Wales) is all that part of the Isl-
and of Great Britain which lies south of the Solway
Firth, the River Liddell, the Cheviot Hills, and the
River Tweed; its area is 57,668 square miles, i. e. 10,-
048 sq. m. greater than that of the State of New York,
but 11,067 sq. m. less than that of Missouri; its total
resident population in 1901 was 23,386,593, or 78*2
per cent of the population of the United Kingdom.
The history of England will be considered in the
present article chiefly in its relations with the Catholic
Church — I. Before the Reformation; II. Since
the Reformation. The concluding section will be
III. English Literature.
Before the Reformation. — For the history of
England down to the Norman Conquest the reader
may be referred to the article Anglo-Saxon Church
(in Vol. I, 505-12). We begin our present account of
pre-Reformation England with the new order of
things created by William the Conqueror.
a Although the picture of the degradation of the Eng-
lish Church in the first half of the eleventh century
which has been drawn by some authorities (notably
by H. Boehmer, "Kirche und Staat", 79) is very ex-
asperated, it is nevertheless certain that even King
Edward the Confessor, with all his saintliness, had not
been able to repair the damage caused partly by the
anarchy of the last ten years of Danish rule, but not
less surely, if remotely, by the disorders which for
many generations past had existed at the centre of
Christendom. Of the prevalence of simoniacal prac-
tices, of a scandalous and widespread neglect of the
canons enjoining clerical celibacy, and of a -general
subordination of the ecclesiastical order to secular in-
fluences, there is no room for doubt. These evils were
at that time almost universal. In 1065, the year of St.
Edward's death, things were no better in England
than on the Continent of Europe. Probably they
were rather worse. But the forces which were to
purify and renovate the Church were already at work.
The monastic reform begun in the tenth century at
Cluny had spread to many religious houses of France
and among other places had been cordially taken up in
the Norman Abbey of Fecamp, and later at Bee. On
the other hand this same ascetical discipline had done
much to form the character both of Brun, Bishop of
Toul, who in 1049 became pope, and is known as St.
Leo IX, and of Hilde brand his chief counsellor, after-
wards still more famous as St. Gregory VII. Under
the auspices of these two popes a new era dawned for
the Church. Effective action was at last taken to re-
strain clerical incontinence and avarice, while a great
struggle began to rescue the bishops from the immi-
nentdanger of becoming mere feudatories to the em-
peror and other secular princes. William the Con-
queror had established intimate relations with .the
Holy See. He came to England armed with the di-
rect authorization of a papal Bull, and his expedition,
in the eyes of many earnest men, and probably even
his own, was identified with the cause of ecclesiastical
reform. The behaviour of Normans and Saxons on
the night preceding the battle of Hastings, when the
former prayed and prepared for Communion while the
latter caroused, was in a measure significant of the
spirit of the two parties. Taken as a whole, the Con-
queror's dealings with the English Church were worthy
of a great mission. All the best elements in the Saxon
hierarchy he retained and supported. St. Wulstan
was confirmed in the possession of the See of Worces-
ter. Leofric of Exeter and Siward of Rochester, both
Englishmen, as well as some half-dozenprelates of for-
eign birth who had been appointed in Edward's reign,
were not interfered with. On the other hand, Stigand,
the intriguing Archbishop of Canterbury, and one or
two other bishops, probably his supporters, were de-
posed. But in this there was no indecent naste. It
was done at the great Council of Winchester (Easter,
1070), at which three papal legates were present.
Shortly afterwards the vacant sees were filled up, and,
in procuring Lanfranc for Canterbury and Thomas of
Bayeux for York, William gave to his new kingdom
the very best prelates that were then available. The
results were undoubtedly beneficial to the Church.
The king himself directly enjoined the separation of
the civil and ecclesiastical courts, for these jurisdic-
tions in the old shiremoots and hundredmoots had
hardly been distinguished. It was probably partly as
a consequence of this division that ecclesiastical
synods now began to be held regularly by Lanfranc,
with no small profit to discipline and piety. # Strong
legislation was adopted (e. g. at Winchester in 1176)
to secure celibacy among the clergy, though not with-
out some temporary mitigation for the old rural
priests, a mitigation which proves perhaps better than
anything else that in the existing generation a sudden
and complete reform seemed hopeless. Further, sev-
eral episcopal sees were removed from what were then
mere villages to more populous centres. Thus bishops
were transferred from Sherborne to Salisbury, from
Selsey to Chichester, from Lichfield to Chester, and
not many years after from Dorchester to Lincoln, and
from Thetford to Norwich. These and the like
changes, and, not perhaps least of all, the drafting of
Lanfranc 's new constitutions for the Christ Church
U
fcNGLANfc
432
ENGLAND
monks, were all significant of the improvement intro-
duced by the new ecclesiastical regime. With regard
to Rome, the Conqueror seems never to have been
wanting in respect for the Holy See, and nothing like a
breach with the pope ever took place during his life-
time. The two archbishops went to Rome in 1071 to
receive their pallia, and when (c. 1078) a demand was
made through the papal legate, Hubert, for the pay-
ment of arrears of Peter's-pence, the claim was ad-
mitted, and the contribution was duly sent. Gregory,
however, seems at the same time to have called upon
the King of England to do homage for his kingdom,
regarding the payment of Romescot as an acknowledg-
ment of vassalage, as in some cases, e. g. that of the
Normans in Apulia (See Jensen, "Der englische
Peterspfennig", p. 37), it undoubtedly was. But on
this point William's reply was clear. "One claim
[Peter's-pence] I admit," he wrote, " the other I do not
admit. To do fealty I have not been willing in the
past, npr am I willing now, inasmuch as I have never
promised it, nor do I discover that my predecessors
ever did it to your predecessors." It is plain that all
this had nothing whatever to do with the recognition
of the pope's spiritual supremacy, and in fact the king
says in tne concluding sentence of the letter: " Pray
for us and for the good estate of our realm, for we have
loved your predecessors and desire to love you sin-
cerely and to hear you obediently before all (et vos
pre omnibus sincere diligere et obedienter audire
aesideramus). Possibly the incident led to some
slight coolness, reflected, for example, in the rather
negative attitude of Lanfranc towards the antipope
Wibert at a later date (see Liebermann in " Eng. Hist.
Rev.", 1901, p. 328), but it is also likely that William
and his archbishop were only careful not to get en tan-
fled in the strife oetween Gregory and the Emperor
lenry IV. In any case, the more strictly ecclesiasti-
cal policy of the great pontiff was cordially furthered
by them, so that St. Gregory, writing to Hugh, Bishop
of Die, remarked that although the King of England
does not bear himself in all things as religiously as
might be wished, still, inasmuch as ne does not destroy
or sell the churches, rules peaceably and justly, refuses
to enter into alliance with the enemies of the Cross of
Christ (the partisans of Henry IV), and has compelled
the priests to give up their wives and laymen to pay
arrears of tithe, he has proved himself worthy of
special consideration. As has been recently pointed
out by an impartial authority (Davis, England
under Normans and Angevins , p. 54) " Lanfranc 's
correspondence and career prove that he and his mas-
ter conceded important powers to the Pope not only in
matters of conscience and faith but also in administra-
tive questions. They adm itted for example the neces-
sity of obtaining the pallium for an archbishop and
the Pope's power to invalidate episcopal elections.
They were scrupulous in obtaining the Pope's consent
when the deposition or resignation of a bishop was in
question and they submitted the time-honoured quar-
rel of York and Canterbury to his decision.11
No doubt a strong centralized government was then
specially needed in Church as well as State, and we
need not too readily condemn Lanfranc as guilty of
personal ambition because he insisted on the primacy
of his own see and exacted a profession of obedience
from the Archbishop of York. The recent attempt
that has been made to fasten a charge of forgery upon
Lanfranc in connexion with this incident (see Boehmer,
"Falschungen Erzbischof Lanfrankg") breaks down
at the point where the personal responsibility of the
great archbishop is involved . Undoubtedly many of the
documents upon which Canterbury's claims to suprem-
acy was based were forgeries, and forgeries of that pre-
cise period, but there is no proof that Lanfranc was the
forger or that he acted otherwise than in good faith (see
Walter in " Gotting. gelehrte Anzeigen ' \ 1905, 582; and
Baltet in "Revue des Sciences Eccles.", 1907, p. 423).
Well was it for England that William and Lanfranc.
without any violent overthrow of the existing order of
things, either in Church or State, had nevertheless in-
troduced systematic reforms and had provided the
country with good bishops. A struggle jras now at
hand which ecclesiastically speaking was probably
more momentous than any other event in history down
to the time of the Reformation. The struggle is
known as that about Investitures, and we may note
that it had already been going on in Central Europe for
some years before the question, through the action of
William II and Henry I, sons of the Conqueror,
reached an acute phase in England. Down to the
eleventh century it may be said that, though the elec-
tion of bishops always supposed the free choice, or at
least the acceptance, of their flocks, the procedure was
very variable. In these earlier ages bishops were
normally chosen by an assembly of the clergy and peo-
ple, the neighbouring bishops and the king or civil
magnates exercising more or less of influence in the
selection of a suitable candidate (see Imbart de la
Tour, "Les elections Episcopates "). But from the
seventh and eighth century onwards it became in-
creasingly common for the local Churches to find
themselves in some measure of bondage. From the
ancient principle of ''no land without a lord" it was
easy to pass to that of "no church without a lord",
and whether the bishopric was situated upon the royal
domain or within the sphere of influence of one of the
great feudatories, men came to regard each episcopal
see as a mere fief which the lord was free to bestow
upon whom he would, and for which he duly exacted
homage. This development was no doubt much
helped by the fact that as the parochial system grew
up, it was the oratory of the local magnate which in
rural districts became the parish church, and it was
his private chaplain who was transformed into the
parish priest. Thus the great landowner became the
patronus ecclesuB, claiming the right to present for or-
dination any cleric of his own choice. Now the rela-
tion of a sovereign towards his bishops came in time to
be regarded as precisely analogous. The king was held
to be the lord of the lands from which the bishop de-
rived his revenues. Instead of the possession of these
lands being regarded as the apanage of the spiritual
office, the acceptance of episcopal consecration was
looked upon as the special condition or service upon
which these lands were held from the king. Thus the
temporal sovereign claimed to make the bishop, and,
to show that he did so, he "invested" the new spirit-
„ ual vassal with his fief by presenting to him the episco-
pal ring and crosier. The episcopal consecration was
a subordinate matter which the king's nominee was
left to arrange for himself with his metropolitan and
the neighbouring bishops. Now, as long as the su-
preme authority was wielded bv religiously-minded
men, princes who took thought for the spiritual well-
being of their kingdoms, no great harm necessarily re-
sulted from this perversion of right order. But when,
as too often happened during the iron age, the monarch
was godless and unprincipled, he either kept the see
vacant, in order to enjoy the revenues, or else sold the
office to the highest bidder. It must be obvious that
such a system, if allowed to develop unchecked could
only lead in the course of a few generations to the utter
demoralization of the Church. When the bishops, the
shepherds of the flock, were themselves licentious and
corrupt, it would have been a moral miracle if the rank
and file of the clergy had not degenerated in an equal
or even greater degree. Upon the bishop depended
ultimately the admission of candidates to ordination,
and he also was ultimately responsible for their educa-
tion and for the maintenance of ecclesiastical dis-
cipline.
Now the fact cannot be disputed that in the tenth
century a very terrible laxity nad come to prevail al-
most everywhere throughout Western Christendom*
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433
ENGLAND
The great monastic reform of Cluny and many indi-
vidual saints like Ulric, at Augsburg, and Dunstan
and jEthelwold, in England, did much to stem the
tide, but the times were very evil. Worldly minded
men, often morally corrupt, were promoted by sover-
eigns and territorial magnates to some of the most im-
portant sees of the Church, many of them obtaining
that promotion by the payment of money or by simo-
niacal compacts. The lower clergy as a rule were
grossly ignorant and in many cases unchaste, but
under such bishops they enjoyed almost complete im-
munity from punishment. No doubt the corruptions
of the age have been exaggerated by writers of the
stamp of H: C. Lea, tyichelet, and Uregorovius, but
nothing could more conclusively prove the gravity
of the evil than the fact that for two centuries the
Church had to struggle with the abuse by which bene-
fices threatened to become hereditary, descending
from the priest to his children. Happily help was at
hand. Many individual reformers strove to introduce
higher religious ideals and met with partial success,
but it wasr the merit, of the great pontiff, St. Gregory
VII, to go straight to the root of the evil. It was use-
less to fulminate decrees against the concubinage of
priests and against their neglect of their spiritual func-
tions if the great feudal lords could still nominate un-
worthy bishops, bestowing investiture by ring and
crosier and enforcing their consecration at the hands
of other bishops as unworthy as the candidates. Gre-
gory saw that no permanent good could be effected
until this system of lay investitures was utterly over-
thrown. Those who have accused Gregory of insuf-
ferable arrogance, of a desire to exalt without measure
the spiritual authority of the Church and to humble
all secular rulers to the dust, make little allowance for
the gravity of the evils he was combating and for the
desperate nature of the struggle. When feudalism
seemed on the point of so completely swallowing up all
ecclesiastical organization, it was pardonable that St.
Gregory should nave believed that the remedy lay not
jn any compromise or balance of power, but in the un-
qualified acceptance of the principle that the Church
was above the State. If, on the one hand, he consid-
ered that it was the function of the Vicar of Christ to
direct and, if need be, chastise the princes of the*earth,
it is also clear from the history of his life that he de-
signed to use that power impartially and well.
In England the struggle over investitures developed
somewhat later than on the Continent. If, in the mat-
ter of the election of bishops, Gregory VII forbore to
press the claims of the Church to extremities under
such a ruler as William the Conqueror, this was surely
not to be attributed to pusillanimity. The pope's for-
bearance was due quite as much to the fact that he
was satisfied that the king made good appointments,
as to the circumstance that his own energies were for
the time absorbed in the greater struggle with the em-
peror. Even under the rule of William Rufus no
great abuses declared themselves before the death of
Lanfranc (1089). It is very noteworthy that William
of St. Calais, Bishop of Durham, in 1088, having been
accused of treason before the King's Court, questioned
the competence of the Court and appealed to the pope.
Practically speaking, his appeal was allowed, and he
was granted a safe-conduct out of the kingdom, though
only after the surrender of his fief. This was virtually
an admission that a bishop held only the temporalities
of his see from the crown, and that as a spiritual person
he was free to challenge the decision of any national
tribunal. Such an incident can with difficulty be rec-
onciled with those theories of the independence of the
English Church which commonly prevail among mod-
ern Anglicans.
With the death of Lanfranc, however, all that was
evil in the nature of William Rufus seems to have
come to the surface. Under the influence of the man
who was his evil genius, Ralph Flambard, a cleric
V.— 28
whom he eventually made Bishop of Durham, the king
during nearly the whole of his reign set himself to undo
the good effected by his father and Lanfranc. In the
words of the chronicler, "God's Church was brought
very low". Whenever a bishop or abbot died, one of
the king's clerks was sent to take possession of all the
rents for the use of the crown, leaving but a bare pit-
tance to the monks or canons. The prelacies whose
revenues were thus confiscated were long kept vacant,
and no new appointment was made except upon pay-
ment of a large sum of money by way of a relief".
For the credit of one or two really good men like Ralph
Luffa and Herbert Losinga, who during these bad
times became respectively Bishops of Chichester and
Norwich (the latter paying a thousand pounds for his
nomination), it should be pointed out that a certain
pretext of feudal custom lent a decent veil to the
simony involved in these transactions. The obsolete
doctrine that a fief was a precarious estate, and
granted only for a lifetime, was revived by Flambard,
and, as a corollary, large sums of money, as "reliefs"
(from relevare, "to take up again"), were demanded,
when any fief, lay or spiritual, was conceded to a new
possessor. But bishops and abbots were made to pay
proportionately more than earls or barons, and a re-
lief was exacted in some cases even from all the subor-
dinate tenants of episcopal sees the moment the estate
came into the king s hands (see Round, " Feudal Eng-
land", p. 309). All this only illustrates further the
evils inherent in the system of regarding a spiritual
office as a fief held from the king. In the case of the
metropolitan See of Canterbury, no successor was ap-
pointed until four years after Lanfranc's death. Even
then William Rufus only yielded to the solicitations
made to him because he had fallen grievously ill and
was lying at the point of death. Most providentially,
this illness coincided with the presence in England of
Anselm, Abbot of Bee, whom all men regarded as
marked out for the primacy alike by his learning and
his holiness of life. The king summoned Anselm to
his bedside, and the latter extorted a solemn promise
of radical reform in the administration of both Church
and State. Shortly afterwards, in spite of all his pro-
tests, Anselm himself was invested, literally by force,
with the insignia of the primacy, and he was conse-
crated archbishop before the end of the year. But
though the saint s firmness secured the restoration of
all the possessions which belonged to the See of Can-
terbury at the time of Lanfranc's death, the king soon
returned to his evil ways. In particular he still clung
to the theory that by accepting investiture Anselm
had become his liege man (ligeus homo), liable to all
the incidents of vassalage. When an aid was de-
manded for the war in Normandy, Anselm at first re-
fused. Then, not wantonly to provoke a conflict, he
offered 500 marks; but when this sum was rejected as*
insufficient, he distributed the money to the poor.
Early in 1095 the archbishop asked permission to go to
the pope to receive the pallium. Rufus objected that,
while the antipope Clement III was still disputing the
title, it was for nim and his Great Council to decide
which pope should be recognized. When asked to rec-
ognize the jurisdiction of this council, Anselm replied:
"In the things that are God's I will tender obedi-
ence to the Vicar of St. Peter; in things touching the
earthly dignity of my lord the King I will to the best
of my ability give him faithful counsel and help."
The other bishops seem to have been cowed by Rufus
and to have supported the king's claim to decide which
of the rival popes he should recosnize. But Anselm
refused in any way to surrender the allegiance which,
when Abbot of Bee. he had sworn to Urban. He rec-
ognized no right of king or bishops to interfere, and he
declared he would give his answer "as he ought and
where he ought". These words, writes Dean Ste-
phens (History of The English Church, II, 99), were
understood to mean, that, as Archbishop of Canter-
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434
ENGULND
bury, Anselm "refused to be judged by any one save
the pope himself, a doctrine which it seems no one was
prepared to deny". Through the saint's firmness
Urban was recognized, and the pallium brought from
him to England ; but a little later Anselm agam asked
leave to go to Rome, and when it was refused he de-
clared in the plainest terms that he must go without
leave, for God was to be obeyed rather than man.
Pope Urban received him with all possible respect, and
publicly spoke of him as "ai terms orb is papa"; a
phrase much quoted by Anglicans, as though it im-
plied the recognition in the Archbishop of Canterbury
of a jurisdiction independent of Rome.
But the whole lesson of Anselm's life centred in his
belief that it lay with the pope to decide what course
was to be followed in matters affecting the Church even
at the risk of the king's displeasure, and despite any
pretended national customs. Neither does it appear
that the rest of the English bishops maintained the
contrary as a matter of principle, though they consid-
ered that Anselm's attitude was needlessly provoca-
tive and uncompromising. There are not wanting
signs that Eadmer's desire to exalt his own beloved
master has led him to be somewhat less than just to
Anselm's suffragans and to the Holy See itself. The
archbishop remained in exile until after the death of
Rufus, when Henry, who succeeded, made generous
promises of freedom to the Church, explicitly renounc-
ing any sort of payment or relief for the appointment
of new bishops or abbots, and promising that church
revenues should not be seized during vacancies. He
recalled Anselm to England, but came into conflict
with him almost immediately over the same old ques-
tion of investitures. At the Councils of Bari (1098)
and Rome (1099), at whicn the saint had personally
assisted, anathema had been pronounced on those
bishops or abbots who received investiture at the
hands of laymen. Anselm accordingly refused either
to do homage himself for the restitution of the posses-
sions of the archbishopric or to consecrate other
bishops who had received ring and crosier from the
king. Eventually, by the consent of both parties, the
matter was referred to Rome. In three different em-
bassies that were sent, the pope upheld Anselm's
view, despite the efforts made by Henry's envoys to
extort some concession. Then Anselm himself went
to Rome (1103) while a fresh set of royal emissaries
were dispatched to work against him at the Curia.
Nothing was settled, for Henry still held out, and An-
selm accordingly remained abroad. But at last, when
Anselm was on the point of launching an excommuni-
cation against the King, the latter, being in political
straits, accepted such modified terms as his envoys
could obtain from the Holy See. Anselm was allowed
to consecrate those who had previously received in-
vestiture, but the king at a great council (1107) re-
nounced for the future the claim to invest bishop or
abbot by ring and crosier. On the other hand it was
tacitly admitted that bishops might do homage to the
king for the temporal possessions of their sees. This
settlement of the investiture question in England was
fifteen years earlier than that arrived at on very simi-
lar lines between Pope Callistus II and the Emperor
Henry V. The importance of the struggle can hardly
be exaggerated, for, as already pointed out, the whole
ecclesiastical order was in danger of being reduced to
the status of vassals sharing all the vices of secular
princes. Moreover this resolute stand made by St.
Anselm and the popes was not without its political
importance. The clergy as a body had now become
sufficiently independent to take a leading part in that
resistance to despotism to which the people during the
next two centuries were to owe their most fundamental
liberties. During all this time England as a whole was
in no wise in sympathy with the monarch in his quar-
rel with the pope. As Dr. Gairdner writes of a later
period, "It was a contest not of the English people,
but of the King and his government with Rome. . . .
As regards national feeling, the people evidently re-
garded the cause, of the Church as the cause of liberty "
(Lollards and the Reformation, I, 6). Nothing con-
tributed so much to win the confidence of the nation
as the independence shown by the Church in such
struggles as those that are associated with the names
of St. Anselm, St. Thomas Becket, and Cardinal
Stephen Langton.
St. Anselm died peacefully at Canterbury in 1109,
but Henry I lived on until 1135. During the re-
mainder of Henry's reign and throughout the anarchy
which prevailed under the rule of Stephen (1135-
1154), good bishops were for the most part elected.
The chapters were ostensibly* left free in their choice,
though they no doubt responded in some measure to
the known preferences of the kins. In any case si-
moniacal compacts are no longer heard of, while the
Holy See had generally much to say to the final ac-
ceptance of the archbishops and of the more important
prelates. A certain impatience of dictation from
Home, shown, for example, in occasional unwillingness
to receive a legate or to allow appeals to the pope, may
be noted at this as at other periods, but the principle
of papal authority was never disputed. For example,
the pallium, " taken from the body of Blessed Peter ",
a symbol of archiepiscopal jurisdiction which still ap-
pears in the arms of the English Sees of Canterbury
and York? was personally fetched from Rome or at
least petitioned for by every archbishop, as it had been
in the Anglo-Saxon Church from the very beginning.
In cases when the pall was brought to England instead
of being conferred at the papal court, archbishops like
St. Anselm and Ralph d'Escures went to meet it bare-
foot. To legates of the Holy See, notwithstanding the
fact that their presence was not always desired, ex-
treme deference was shown. Even a mere priest like
Cardinal John of Crema, when he came to the country
as papal legate, took precedence of the two arch-
bishops in the Council of Westminster (1125). More-
over, when protests were made against the sending of
legates, it was not so much that the presence of a papal
representative in England was resented, as because
men believed that such legatine powers, by old tradi-
tion, wight to be conferred on the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, as had been done, for example, in the case of
Tatwine, Plegmund, and Dunstan. As Eadmer re-
ports (Histona Novorum, p. 58), "Inauditum scili-
cet in Britannia . . . , quemlibet hominem supra se
vices apostolicas gerere nisi solum archiepiscopum
CantuarisB" (It was surely an unheard-of thing in
Britain • . . that any man should bear the Apostolic
delegation over him except only the Archbishop of
Canterbury). In the spirit of this protest Archbishop
William de Corbeil almost immediately after Crema s
departure eagerly sought the office of legate for him-
self, and from that tune, though Henry, Bishop of
Winchester, was made legate by Innocent II in 1129.
the Archbishop of Canterbury was usually constituted
legatua natus (native, or ordinary, legate), a term used
in contradistinction to the legatus a latere dispatched
on extraordinary occasions "from the side of the
sovereign pontiff in Rome. But in any case the sig-
nificance of the ordinary legatine appointment, first
associated with the person of William de Corbeil (d.
1136), is unmistakable. It was, as Dean Stephens
truly observes, " an acknowledgment of the supreme
authority of the Pope. The primate shone with a re-
flected glory, his preeminence was not inherent but
derivative" (Hist, of the Eng. Church, II, 142).
Evil as were the times during the first half of the
twelfth century the English Church was by no means
lacking in vivifying influences. This was the period
of the chief development in England of the Cluniac
Order (see Cluny, Congregation of), a great Bene-
dictine reform already alluded to, of which the first
English house, that of Lewes, had been established hy
«
ENGLAND
435
ENGLAND
William de Warrenne and Gundrada his wife c. 1077.
But the priory of Lewes later on became the mother of
several other Cluniac priories, of which the best known
are those of Wenlock, Thetford, NBermondsey, and
Pontefract. ~ Still ,more intimately associated with
England was the Cistercian Order, another Benedic-
tine reform of which the virtual founder was a Som-
ersetshire man, St. Stephen Harding. His fame has
been eclipsed by the glory of St. Bernard, the last of
the Fathers and the founder of the Abbey of Clairvaux,
but it was Stephen who received St. Bernard and his
comrades at Citeaux in 1113, and who gave them the
white habit prescribed by the Cistercian rule. The
first abbey of the order in England was that of Wa ver-
ier in Surrey (1128), which itself became the mother
of several other foundations. But Waverley was
eclipsed by the Yorkshire Abbey of Rivaulx estab-
lished (c. 1133) by monks sent directly from Clairvaux
by St. Bernard. Among the earliest recruits of
Rivaulx was St. iElred, perhaps the most eloquent of
pre-Reformation English preachers. The founda-
tions of the white monks throve and multiplied ex-
ceedingly. By the year 1152 there were fifty Cister-
cian houses in England (Cooke in " Eng. Hist. Rev.",
Oct., 1893), of which the best known are Fountains,
Tintern, and Meaux. Unfortunately, this rapid de-
velopment seems to have been followed before long by
some relaxation of primitive austerity and fervour, but
the movement while it lasted must have contributed
greatly to the diffusion of more spiritual ideals and to
the correction of the manifold moral evils of the times.
The Carthusian rule, the most austere of all, was not
introduced into England until somewhat later — the
first house, that of Witham in Somerset, was founded
by Henry II in 1180, one of the indirect results of the
martyrdom of St. Thomas. Probably the extreme
rigour of the life prevented the Carthusian founda-
tions from ever becoming numerous. But the Char-
terhouse at Witham gave to England one of her great-
est and holiest bishops, St. Hugh of Lincoln (d. 1200),
and the Charterhouse of London at a later date played
a noble part in the resistance it offered to the first
stages of Henry VIII's revolt from Rome.
The houses of the Austin Canons, or "Black
Canons", were more numerous and oi earlier date
than those of the Carthusians. Their first foundation
was that of Colchester, in 1105, and they possessed
two great establishments in London: St. Bartholo-
mew^ Smithfield, and Bt. Saviour's South wark. At
Carlisle they formed the cathedral chapter, the only
exception to the rule that all the cathedrals which
were not served by Benedictines were in the hands of
secular canons. And here we may conveniently notice
the fact that, owing, probably, to the initial impulse of
St. Dunstan and the monastic sympathies of Lan-
franc, who virtually reorganized the English Church
after the Conquest, England stood almost alone among
the nations of Europe m the number of her cathedrals
that were served by monks. Canterbury, Durham,
Winchester, Rochester. Worcester, Norwich, Ely,
Coventry, and Bath all had Benedictine chapters. If
this arrangement led to some gain in point of piety,
there was also a proportionate disadvantage in the
additional friction that was likely to result when it
came to the election by religious of successors to the
see. The Benedictines, the " Black Monks ", were of
course always the most numerous monastic body in
' England, and, while they had been firmly established
in tne country from the very beginning, there was at
all times a pretty steady increase in the number of
abbeys and cells which belonged to them. Bound
> specially by their rule to show hospitality to strangers,
ajtd being for the most part good farmers and good
landlords, they formed a great element of stability and
peace throughout the country, helping to bind district
with district through their relations with their depend-
ent cells and with one another. They were also the
great centres of leaping, more particularly in the col-
lection and multiplication of books, and they were not
only patrons of art but they provided in many cases
the nearest approach to schools for architecture,
painting, sculpture, embroidery, and other useful
works. If their revenues were vast, so, it must be also
remembered, were their charities. Neither would it
be easy to imagine a more worthy object upon which
to expend the superfluous wealth of the country than
in the erecting of those magnificent abbeys and
churches which the monastic builders left to posterity.
Speaking of the religious orders generally, it may be
said that no more misplaced charge was ever made
than that which describes their members as idle and
useless. Of all the sections of the community they
almost alone in that day were profitably busy. The
industrious man-at-arms, the industrious lawyer, the
industrious forester, huntsman, or jongleur were too
often only a scourge to the land in which they lived.
For this reason we conceive that a quite unnecessary
outcry has been raised by a number of Anglican writers
against a practice which undoubtedly oecame very
prevalent in the twelfth century, namely that of mak-
ing over — technically called "impropriating" — to re-
ligious houses the tithes or other sources of revenue of
the parish churches. By this arrangement the mon-
astery so benefited received nearly all the funds
properly belonging to the parish, but supplied for the
religious needs of the parishioners, either by deputing
one of the monks to act as parish priest or by paying a
small stipend to some secular vicar. No doubt this
practice was open to abuse, and various synodal de-
crees were passed to keep it under control accordingly.
Thus as early as 1102 the Council of Westminster bud
down the principle that monasteries were not to im-
propriate churches without the consent of the bishop,
and required that churches should not be stripped so
bare of revenue as to reduce the priests who served
them to penury. Later synodal legislation insisted
that "perpetual vicars " should be appointed (i. e.
priests who would not be liable to removal, and who
would consequently have a permanent interest in their
cure), and that "competent stipends", for which a
minimum amount was determined, should be paid
them for their services. Where, however, these and
similar precautions were observed it is certain that
many of the wisest and holiest of the English prelates
regarded the impropriations of churches to religious
communities with no disfavour. St. Hugh of Lincoln
made many such grants (see Thurston, "Life of St.
Hugh", p. 463), and it seems indisputable that in the
then condition of the secular clergy, who were far, as
yet, from having recovered completely from the state
of ignorance ana demoralization into which they had
fallen in the preceding century, the churches for which
some monastic community made themselves responsi-
ble were likely to be spiritually better cared for than
those livings to which the crown or some secular mag-
nate presented at will. Strange to say, it is precisely
those writers who declaim against the degradation of
the medieval clergy, and against their general neglect
of the canons enjoining celibacy, who -dso are loudest
in denunciation of the scandal that monks should en-
joy the revenues intended for the parish priests. — Can
it be supposed that the possession of larger incomes
would have tended to make the secular clergy more
zealous or more continent? — That there were two
sides to the question has, however, been recognized by
more thoughtful Anglicans and one such writer, for
example, remarks with point: "The secular priests
living in solitude on a remote country benefice had
more temptations to sink into ignorance and indo-
lence, if not vice, than the member of a brotherhood,
who was responsible to it for the discharge of his trust,
and might from time to time be refreshed by a visit to
the monastic house, or by visitors from it." (Ste-
phens, Hist. Eng. Church, II, 272.)
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With the accession of Henry II, in 1154, England,
after years of strife, once more passed into the hands
of a strong and capable ruler. Without being a whit
less selfish or more patriotic than other princes of that
age, Henry had the sense to see that good government
meant stable government. His legal reforms and the
new machinery of justice which he Drought into being
are of the highest possible importance to the jurist
and to the student of constitutional history, but they
do not specially concern us here. Henry at the begin-
ning of his reign seems to have been well viewed in
Rome, and believing, as the present writer does, that
the Bull "I^udabiTiter" is unquestionably genuine
(see Adrian IV, and cf . " the Month ", May and June,
1906), the religious mission entrusted to the king, no
doubt upon his own representations, in the proposed
conquest of Ireland, bears a close resemblance to the
pretext advanced for William the Conqueror's inva-
sion of Great Britain. In both cases, also, the Roman
{>ontiff seems to have claimed dominion, granting the
and to the invader as a fief upon payment of a certain
tribute. The fact, that, according to the Bull " Laud-
abiliter", Henry himself had admitted (quod tua
etiam nobilitas recognoscit) that "Ireland and all
other islands upon which Christ, the Sun of Justice,
has shone belong to the prerogative of St. Peter ana
the Holy Roman Church", deserves to be borne in
mind in connexion with King John's formal surrender
of his kingdom to the Holy See at a later date.
But what specially interests us here in the reign of
Henry II is the disputes between the king and Thomas,
his archbishop, culminating, in 1170, in the martyr-
dom of the latter. Thomas Becket, a clerk in the
household of Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury,
having been strongly recommended to Henry, had
been taken into his intimate friendship and made
Chancellor of the Kingdom, an office which he had dis-
charged with splendid ability for seven years. After
the death of Theobald, Thomas, at the instance of the
king himself, was elected Archbishop of Canterbury.
He vainly tried to escape from the proposed dignity,
but, once appointed, his consecration marked the be-
ginning of a complete change of life. He renounced
the chancellorship and all secular pursuits, while he
devoted himself to the practice of rigorous asceticism.
It was not long before he found himself in conflict with
the king, as indeed he had foreseen from the first.
The first question which caused an open breach be-
tween them was a purely secular one. Henry de-
manded that a certain tax called " the sheriff's aid "
should be paid directly into the Exchequer. Thomas,
in a Great Council, declared that he was willing to
make his contribution to the sheriffs, as had been cus-
tomary, but absolutely refused to pay if the money
was to be added to the revenue of the Crown.
Whether this tax was really the Danegeld, as Bishop
Stubbs supposes, is very questionable, but in any case
we may share his admiration for this, "the first in-
stance of any opposition to the King's will in the mat-
ter of taxation which is recorded in our national his-
tory ". and, as he adds, " it would seem to have been,
formally at least, successful" (Const. Hist., I, 463).
This incident, however, was soon thrown into the
shade by the more serious quarrel over the Constitu-
tions of Clarendon. What was put by the king in the
forefront of the dispute was the alleged inadequacy of
the punishment meted out to clerics who were guilty
of criminal offences. The statement then made that
a hundred homicides had been committed by cler-
ics within ten years rests on no adeauate evidence,
neither are the cases of which we have definite particu-
lars much more satisfactory (see Morris, " Life of St.
Thomas ". pp. 1 14 sqq.). It may be that the king was
honestly intent on a scheme of judicial reform, and
that he found that the growing jurisdiction of the
ecclesiastical courts (the publication of the " Decretum
Gratiani " and the increased study of the canon law had
made them very popular) was an obstacle in his way.
But Becket, who knew him well, suspected that Henry
was deliberately striking at the privileges of the
Church, and the manner m which a promise was ex-
torted from the bishops to observe the "avit® con-
suetudines" before anyoF~ knew what these were, as
well as the pretence that v*ie Constitutions of Claren-
don represented nothing but the customs said to have
been observed in the time of Henry I, do not leave the
impression of straightforward dealing. The general
purport of the Constitutions, when they were at last
made known, was to '"*ansfer certain causes — for ex-
ample, those regardw^ presentations to benefices —
from the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical to that of the
King's Courts, to restrain appeals to Rome, to prevent
the excommunication of the king's officers and great
vassals, and to sanction the king's appropriation of the
revenues of bishoprics and abbacies. On one clause,
that dealing with criminous clerks, much misappre-
hension has prevailed. It was formerly supposed
that Henry wanted all clerks accused of crimes to be
tried in the King's Courts. But this impression, as F.
W. Maitland has shown (Roman Canon Law, pp. 132-
147), is certainly wrong. A rather complicated ar-
rangement was proposed by which cognizance of the
case was first to be taken in the King's Court; if the
culprit proved to be a clerk, the case was to be tried in
the ecclesiastical court, but an officer of the King's
Court was to be present, who. if the accused were found
guilty, was to conduct him back to the King's Court
after degradation, where he would be dealt with as an
ordinary criminal and adequately punished. The
king's contention was that flogging, fines, degradation,
and excommunication, beyond which the spiritual
courts could not go, were insufficient as punishment.
The archbishop urged that, apart from the principle of
clerical privilege, to degrade a man first and to hang
him afterwards was to punish him twice for the same
offence. Once degraded, he lost all his rights, and if he
committed another crime he might then be punished
with death like any other felon. And here also it
must not be forgotten that " the forces at the back of
St. Thomas represented not only the respect which
men feel for a bold fight for principle, but also that
blind struggle against the hideous punishments of the
age, of which the assertion of ecclesiastical privilege,
covering widows and orphans as well as clerks ana
those that injured them, was a natural expression"
(W. H. Hutton in "Social England", I, 394). After
a moment of weakness in the earlier stage of the dis-
cussion, St. Thomas, in spite of Henry's fury, refused
to have anything to say to the Constitutions. Among
the rest of the bishops he met with little help, but the
pope, Alexander III, loyally supported him. The
rest of the story is well known. The archbishop soon
found himself compelled to leave the kingdom. For
nearly six years he remained abroad, an exile and
bereft of his revenues. In 1170 a hollow reconcilia-
tion was patched up with the king, and Becket. re-
turned to Canterbury. But in a few weeks fresh
cause of offence was given, and the king in a fit of pas-
sion uttered the rash words which led to the terrible
tragedy of the martyrdom. St. Thomas fell in the
transept of his cathedral, close beside the steps leading
to the high altar, in the late afternoon of 29 December,
1170. All Christendom was horrified, and Henry II,
whether from policy or genuine remorse, surrendered his
former pretensions while, in 1 174, he performed humili-
ating penance at the martyr's tomb. Within a very
few years Canterbury had become a place of pilgrimage
celebrated throughout Europe. No one wno studies
carefully the history of the times can fail to see the
immense moral force which such an example lent to
the cause of the weak and to the liberties both of the
Church and the people, against all forms of absolutism
and tyranny. The precise quarrel for which St.
Thomas gave his life was relatively a small matter.
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What was of supreme importance was the lesson that
there was something higher, /stronger, and more en-
during than the will of the most powerful earthlj
despot.
The life of the Carthusian, St. Hugh, whom Henry
II himself . caused to be elected Bishop of Lincoln in
1186, forms an admirable pendant to that of St.
Thomas. It may be noted in the first place, in view of
the outcry raised a little later against the provision of
foreigners to English sees, that St. Hugh was a Bur-
gunaian, who even at the end of his life hardly under-
stood the language of the people. But no man ruled
his diocese better, no man was more beloved alike by
his own secular canons of Lincoln and by the numer-
ous religious in his diocese; while, owing to his holi-
ness, his fearlessness, and his merry humour, he was
the only bishop who without yielding an inch of his
high principles, preserved the respect and even the
friendship of three such monarchs as Henry II, Rich-
ard Cceur de Lion, and John. Very memorable was
his firm refusal in the national council to grant Richard
an aid in knights and money for foreign warfare.
Though the reign of Richard, like that of his predeces-
sor Henry II, still continued to be a period of reform
in law, it was also a period of unparalleled exactions in
money. In this case the great Justiciar, Hubert Wal-
ter, who was also Archbishop of Canterbury, had
made himself the instrument of the king's designs.
Though all the temporal lords submitted, St. Hugh
offered an uncompromising and successful resistance.
" This ", says Bishop Stubbs, " which was done not on
ecclesiastical but on constitutional grounds, is an act
which stands out prominently by the side of St.
Thomas's protest against Henry's proposal to appro-
priate the sheriffs' share of Danegeld (Select Char-
ters, p. 28).
Richard's extreme need of money had no doubt been
caused in part by his participation in the Crusades and
by the huge ransom he had had to pay when captured
on his way home by Duke Leopold: of Austria. Eng-
lishmen, both now and at an earlier date, had played
their part in the Crusades. Baldwin, Archbishop of
Canterbury, who accompanied Richard, and who had
been a most earnest preacher of the holy war, left his
bones in Palestine, and Bishop Hubert Walter, who
was destined to succeed him in the archbishopric, be-
came the virtual commander of the English forces
upon his death. But the Crusades exercised no great
influence upon the national life of England. For our
present purpose they are chiefly memorable as em-
phasizing the truth, so often ignored by Anglican
writers, that medieval Christendom, while recognizing
many different peoples and many different govern-
ments, conceived of the Church of God not as mani-
fold, but as one. According to that " political theory
of the Middle Age" which, founded by Gregory VII,
had already imposed itself almost universally upon the
speculative philosophy of Europe, the Church, em-
bracing and controlling every form of civil govern-
ment, was cosmopolitan and all-pervading. It was
precisely the fact that she was not identified with any
country or people, and that she appealed for her sanc-
tions to forces outside of this visible world, that gave
to the head of the Church his great position as the
arbiter of nations. In principle no temporal ruler dis-
puted the supremacy of the Vicar of Christ so long as
the question remained in the abstract and so long as it
was some other sovereign who was the sufferer. It
was only when his own will was thwarted that active
resistance was made, and then it was nearly always on
some side issue, some technicality of law that the
monarch and his advisers sought to evade the force of
an unwelcome pronouncement. The very persistence
with which monarchs at times sought to prevent the
introduction into England of papal Bulls, provisions,
or excommunications, was an acknowledgment rather
than a repudiation of the papal authority; just as a
man who barricades himself in his house that a writ
may not be served on him is really giving proof of his
supreme respect for the majesty of the law. This
point of view is one that has carefully to be borne in
mind in connexion with the resistance to the papal
exactions of the thirteenth century and with such ap-
parently unfriendly legislation as the Statutes of Prae-
munire and Provisors which we shall have to consider
later on.
The reign of John (1199-1216) was a time of terrible
suffering for the country, but it had results of untold
importance in the consolidation of England as a na-
tion. The very loss of her foreign possessions — for in
Henry II 's day more than half France had recognized
the suzerainty of the King of England — contributed to
that result. But within Great Britain itself, ever
since the Norman Conquest, the political constituents
of the nation had been divided between two strongly
marked parties more or less in opposition. The firsts
or feudal, element consisted of the great nobles of the
Conauest, with their vassals and the influences they
wielded. The tendency of this party was centrifugal
or disruptive, and they looked upon the country and
its people as their lawful prey. The second, which for
convenience1 sake may be called the national element,
was less homogeneous. It comprised the king, the
newer nobility which represented mainly the great offi-
cials of the Crown appointed under Henry I and Henry
II, and with these the bishops and clergy almost to a
man. Taken as a whole, all these recognized the ad-
vantage of a centralized government ana sympathized
with the native population, wishing their rights to be
respected and justice to be done. Now it was the
work of John's lawless and despotic rule, especially
after the restraining influence of Hubert Walter was
withdrawn by death, to break up this combination and
to unite all parties against himself. In this the action
of Pope Innocent III, culminating in the Interdict and
the sentence of deposition pronounced against John,
played a most vital part. It is needless to recapitulate
the story of the election of Stephen Langton as Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, over which John's quarrel with
the Holy See practically began. But it is well to re-
call that Langton, who rendered such splendid service
to the liberties of his country, and whose name is im-
perishably associated with Magna Charta, was the
pope's own nominee, elected at his instance by the
Christ Church monks who had been dispatched to
Rome. Under stress of the Interdict and of John's
exactions, the old feudal lords, the clergy, and the new
" ministerial " nobility gradually drew together. John
found that he had none but a tew personal partisans
upon whom he could count, and Philip of France with
a great following threatened invasion to enforce the
pope's sentence of deposition. Under these circum-
stances John made his submission to the legate, Pan-
dulf , promising to receive all the exiled bishops and to
make restitution for the injuries and losses the Church
had sustained. A few days later, on 13 May, the vigil
of the Ascension, 1213, he went even further, for he
surrendered his crown and kingdom into the hands of
the legate to be received back from him as a fief which
he and his successors were to hold of the pope for an
annual rent of one thousand marks. It is not unnat-
ural, perhaps, that this transaction should have been
denounced by historians in the language of unmeas-
ured indignation. Even Lingard in his day described
it as " heaping everlasting infamy on the memory of
John" j but the considerations he puts forward in ex-
tenuation of the act have not been without weight
with later students. It may be said to be now gener-
ally acknowledged that the idea of such a surrender
probably did not originate with the pope, but with
John himself (see Davis, "England under the Nor-
mans and Angevins", 1905, p. 368; Norgate, "John
Lackland ", 1902, p. 181). As the second of these two
writers explains, there is a quite intelligible motive for
ENGLAND
438
ENGLAND
such an act: " John felt that he must bind the Pope to
his personal interest by some special tie of such a na-
ture that the interest of the papacy itself would pre-
vent Innocent from casting it on or breaking it." But
secondly, the statement formerly made about the cry
of indignation heard in England when the news was
known has little or no foundation. The vehement de-
nunciation of the act by the partisan Matthew Paris,
as "a thing to be detested for all time", was written
many years afterwards. " Some", says Davis, " stigma-
tised the transaction as ignominious, but the most
judicial chronicler of his day calls it a prudent move,
for, he adds, there was hardly any other way in which
John could escape from all his dangers. Even the
hostile barons whose plans received an unexpected
check did not venture either now or later to dispute
the validity of the transaction" (cf. Adams, " Political
Hist, of Eng.", II, 315). For such vassalage there
were abundant precedents, both within and without
the British Isles. Only twenty years earlier, as Ho ve-
den states, Richard Cceur de lion resigned his crown
to the Emperor Henry, engaging to receive it as a fief
of tfre empire for an annual payment of five thousand
pounds; while the Scottish patriots a century later,
to defeat the claims of Edward I, acknowledged the
pope as their feudal lord and pretended that Scotland
tad always been a fief of the Holy See. It would be
most misleading to interpret these and other similar
transactions merely in the light of modern sentiment.
Perhaps one of the most regrettable features in the in-
cident of John's submission and absolution is the en-
couragement which the sense of papal protection
seems to have given him to proceed in his career of
wrongdoing. His later action toward his subjects was
no more straightforward or constitutional than be-
fore, and he seems to have deceived or gained over the
legate to his side. But Archbishop Langton and his
barons by this time knew him well, and by inflexible
persistence they forced John to accept their terms.
Taking as their foundation an earlier document
granted by Henry I at the beginning of his reign, they
drew up a charter of liberties, many times confirmed
with slight variations in the course of the next cen-
tury, and destined to be famous through all time as
Magna Charta. This great treaty between the king
and his people, which Stubbs has described (Const.
Hist., II, p. 1) as "the consummation of the work for
which unconsciously kings, prelates and lawyers had
been labouring for a century, the summing up of one
period of national life and the starting point of an-
other", begins with a religious preamble declaring
that John was moved to issue this charter out of rever-
ence for God. for the benefit of his own soul, for the
exaltation of Holy Church, and for the amendment of
his kingdom, and, further, that he had acted therein
by the advice of Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury,
of the other bishops, and of Pandulf " subdeacon of the
Lord Pope and member of his household ", as also of
the secular lords, the more important of whom are
mentioned by name. As in the charter of Henry I, so
here, the first article promises freedom to the tinurch
in England (quod ecclesia Anglicana libera sit et
habeat jura sua integra et libertates suas ilkesas) and
specifies in particular the freedom of election of bish-
ops, which, as the document further explains, had al-
ready been promised by the king and ratified by Pope
Innocent. For the rest it will be sufficient to say that
Magna Charta in substance lays down the principle
that the king has no right to violate the law, and, if he
attempts to do so, may be constrained by force to
obey it. In particular, justice is not to be sold, or de-
layed, or refused to any man. No freeman is to l>e
taken or imprisoned or outlawed except by the lawful
judgment of his peers. No scutage or tax, other than
the three regular aids, is to be imposed except by the
consent of the common council of the kingdom.
Twenty-five barons were appointed to watch over the
execution of the Charter, but they were far from re-
taining the sympathy of all. " Before the conference
at Runnymede came to an end", says Mackechnie,
" confidence in the good intentions of the 25 executors, .
drawn it must be remembered entirely from* the sec-
tion of the baronage most unfriendly to John, seems to
have been completely lost" (Mackechnie, "Magna
Carta", p. 53). The indignation, .therefore, formerly
expressed at the subsequent action of Innocent III
in declaring the charter null and void is now gen-
erally admitted to be unreasonable. The barons nad
themselves claimed the credit of making England a
papal fief (Lingard, II. 333; Rymer, 1, 185), and it was
certainly contrary to feudal usage for a vassal to con-
tract obligations of this serious kind without reference
to the overlord.
That the papal condemnation was not directed in
principle against English popular liberties, may be in-
ferred from the fact that the Charter was confirmed
in November, 1216, upon the accession of the child
king, Henry III, at a time when the papal legate
Gualo was all-powerful, and was strongly supported
by the new pope, Honorius III. The long reign which
then began with a rejgency, despite the personal piety
of Henry, was a period of much distress in England.
The king's weakness and his partiality for foreign
favourites involved him in a vast expenditure, while,
on the other hand, the taxation thus necessitated
could only have been carried through without dis-
turbance by a strong central government, which was
here entirely lacking. Cabals and intrigues of all
kinds abounded, and the situation was complicated by
constant demands for money made by the Holy See.
The exactions of the various legates and the never
ending "provisions" of papal nominees to canonries
and rich livings were undoubtedly the cause of very
bitter feeling at the time, and have formed the favour-
ite theme of historians ever since. It would be use-
less to deny the existence of very serious abuses, more
especially the fact that a large number of French and
Italian clergy provided to English benefices never
visited the country at all, and were content with sim-
ply drawing the revenues. But on the other hand
there is much to be said in extenuation of the papal
action, which unfortunately has been set before Eng-
lish readers in the most unfavourable light, owing to
the bitter antipapalist feeling of the great St. Albans
chronicler, Matthew Paris. How much Paris's judg-
ment was warped by his prejudices, may be clearly
seen in his unfriendly references to the friars, though
they were then, at least relatively, in their first fer-
vour. Lingard says of him that he seems to have col-
lected and preserved every scandalous anecdote that
would gratify his censorious disposition, and he adds a
very strong personal expression of opinion regarding
Paris's untrustworthiness (Hist, of Eng., II, 479). It
is not wonderful that in that outspoken age Matthew
Paris and others like him, finding their pockets touched
by the papal demands, should nave raised an outcry
which went a good deal beyond the actual damage in-
flicted. This very period, when England, it is alleged,
was ground under the heel of papal tyranny, " was in
all other fields of action, except the political, an epoch
of unexampled progress" (Tout in "Polit. Hist, of
England ", III^ 81). Again, the pope's need of money,
owing to the hfe-and-death struggle with the Hohen-
staufen, was real enough. In the eyes of Gregory IX
and Innocent IV the wars with the excommunicated
German emperor were as genuine a crusade in behalf
of the Church of God as that undertaken against the
Turks. Moreover^ with regard to the provision of
foreigners to English benefices, even after making all
allowances for the bitter feeling against aliens which
manifested itself so often in the reign of Henry III, it
is impossible to deny that the world in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, and especially the ecclesias-
tical world, was cosmopolitan to a degree of which we
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439
ENGLAND
can now form no conception. In the early part of the
thirteenth century pearly all the oldest ana most in-
fluential men in England had made at least part of
their studies in Paris. The two Archbishops of Can-
terbury, Stephen Langton and St. Edmund Rich, both
men of pure English descent, might be instanced as
conspicuous examples, and if Englishmen had to com-
glain of the many foreign ecclesiastics provided for in
Sngland, it must not be forgotten that there was quite
a considerable number of Englishmen occupying for-
eign sees and other positions of emolument on the
Continent. The fact is indisputable — as indisputable
as the fact that Englishmen formed a large proportion
,of the freebooters who roamed through Italy a century
later and accepted the pay of anyone who would hire
them — but it is interesting to find it proudly insisted
upon by Matthew Paris, who in his indignation at the
nomination of foreign ecclesiastics to English bene-
fices, declares that England has no occasion to go
abroad to beg for suitable candidates, seeing that she
herself was rather accustomed to supply dignitaries for
other distant lands ("Nee indiget Anglia extra fines
Buos in remotis regionibus personas regimini ecclesi-
arum idoneas mendicare, quse solet tales aliis ssepius
minis trare". — Historia Major; IV, 61).
The cosmopolitan tendencies just alluded to were
very much increased in the thirteenth century by one
of the greatest religious revivals which the world has
seen, viz., that resulting from the foundation and
rapid development of the mendicant orders. There is
no reason to suppose that the effects produced by the
preaching of the Franciscan and Dominican friars,
who first came to England in 1224 and 1221 respec-
tively, were more remarkable in this country than
abroad, but all historians are agreed that the impres-
sions produced by this popularizing of religion were
very marked. The work of spiritual regeneration
which they performed at the first was wonderful, and
they were warmly encouraged by such holy men and
patriotic prelates as the great Bishop Grosseteste. It
is perhaps more important to note that, despite the
accusations of idleness and world liness made against
them at a later date, their zeal was not extinguished,
even if it flagged. An impartial historian who has
given special attention to the subject says: " For more
than three hundred years the mendicant Friars in
England were on the whole a power for good up and
down the land, the friends of the poor and the evange-
lisers of the masses. During all that long time they
were supported only by the voluntary offerings of the
people at large — just as the hospitals for the sick and
incurable are supported now, — and when they were
driven out of their houses and their churches were
looted in common with those of the monks and nuns,
the Friars had no broad acres and no manors, no real
property to seize, and very little was gained by the
Xiling of their goods, but inasmuch as they were at
times the most devoted servants and subjects of
the Pope of Rome, they had to go at last, when Henry
VIII had made up his mind to rule over his own king-
dom and to be supreme head over State and Church
(Jessopp, " History of England", 34).
It was during the thirteenth and fourteenth cen-
turies that the relations between the medieval English
Church and the Holy See may be considered to have
assumed their final shape. At least this was the
period when with such an outspoken champion as the
great Bishop Robert of Lincoln (Grosseteste), or later,
under so masterful a ruler as Edward I, or, again,
amid the growing independence of Parliament, encour-
aged by such promoters of ecclesiastical disaffection as
Wyclif and John of Gaunt in the reign of Edward III,
the " Ecclesia Anglicana", according to the theory re-
cently most prevalent, began to assert herself and
resolutely set to work to put the pope in his place.
And here it may be said once for all that the not un-
natural impatience of papal supervision and papal in-
terference which was often shown by strong kings like
Edward I, and also at times by the clergy themselves,
proves absolutely nothing against the acceptance of
the pope's supreme authority as head of the Church.
That subordinates should wish to be left free to enjoy
a large measure of independence is a law of human
nature. England's colonies, for example, may be
quite loyal. They may fully recognize in principle
the supreme right of the imperial Government, and yet
any dictation from home which goes beyond what is
customary, and especially when it is of a kind which
touches the colonial pocket, provokes resentment and
is apt to be angrily resisted. Even in a fervent reli-
gious order a proposed visitation of some outlying
house or province may be met with remonstrance and
an appeal to precedent on the part of those who, how-
ever docile, are doubtful of the ability of a foreign
authority to understand local conditions. An entire
acceptance of the spiritual supremacy of the Holy See
is not in the least inconsistent with the belief that an
individual pontiff, and still more the officials who form
the entourage of that pontiff, may be influenced by
mercenary or unworthy motives. There is not any
form of authority in the world which is not at times
disobeyed and defied under more^ or less specious pre-
texts by those who fully recognize in principle their
own subordination. Thus it happens that the sup-
porters of " Anglican Continuity theories are able to
3uote many utterances of medieval writers that sound
isaffected or rebellious in tone, they are able to ap-
peal to many individual acts of disobedience, but they
fail altogether in producing any, even the faintest,
repudiation in principle of the pope's spiritual su-
Eremacy by the accredited representatives of the pre-
formation Church. By no historian has this truth
been more clearly recognized than by the distin-
guished j urist, F. W . Maitland. Challenging the state-
ment of the Ecclesiastical Courts Commission ~bf 1883,
which, largely under the guidance of the eminent his-
torian, Bishop Stubbs, reported that " papal law was
not binding in [medieval] England even m questions of
faith and morals unless it had been accepted by the
national authorities", Professor Maitland, with an
irrefragable array of illustrations drawn mainly from
the classical canon-law book of the English pre-
Reformation Church, the "Provinciate" of Bishop
Lynd wood (1435), maintains the exact contrary. Ac-
cording to Lyndwood, as Dr. Maitland clearly proves,
" The Pope is above the law, ... to dispute the au-
thority of a papal decretal is to be guilty of heresy, at
a time when deliberate heresy was a capital crime".
"The last", Dr. Maitland continues, "is no private
opinion of a glossator, it is a principle to which arch-
bishops, bishops and clergy of the province of Canter-
bury have adhered by solemn words" (Roman
Canon Law, 17). As the same authority goes on to
show, not only did the pope claim and obtain recogni-
tion of his right to take into his own hands the judg-
ment of every ecclesiastical cause over the head of the
bishop, but it was largely through the questions and ap-
peals of English bishops to Rome, asking for decisions,
that the fabric of Roman canon law was built up (loc.
cit. , 53, 66, etc.) . In full accord with this we find Arch-
bishop Peckham telling such a monarch as Edward I
that the emperor of all has given authority to the de-
crees of the popes, and that all men, all kings are
bound by those decrees. So we find the Archbishop
of Canterbury with all his suffragans writing a joint
letter to the pope and telling him that all bisnops de-
rived their authority from him as rivulets from the
fountainhead (Sandale's "Register", 90-98). We
find the pope carving a big slice from the jurisdiction
of English bishoprics, as in the case of the Abbey
of St. Albans or of Bury St. Edmunds, and making it
absolutely and entirely exempt from episcopal au-
thority. We find the very kings who are supposed by
their Statutes of Provisors and Praemunire to have
i
ENGLAND
440
ENGLAND
shaken off their allegiance to Rome, begging the sov-
ereign pontiff in most respectful language to issue
letters of provision or Bulls of confirmation in favour
of such and such an ecclesiastic who enjoys the royal
favour. No doubt these statutes of rrovisors and
Praemunire do in some sense .play an important part
in the history of the English Church during the four-
teenth century, though it is admitted that they were so
continually set aside that the permanent result of the
legislation was greatly to strengthen the development
of the king's dispensing power. The Statutes of Pro-
visors, of which the first was passed in 1351, claimed
for all electing bodies and patrons the right to elect or
to present freely to the benefices in their gift, and
moreover declared invalid all appointments brought
about by way of papal " provision ", i. e. nomination.
Two years later this legislation was supplemented by
the first Statute of Praemunire, which enacted that
those who brought matters cognizable in the King's
Courts before foreign courts should be liable to for-
feiture and outlawry. It has been maintained that
these acts prove that the English Church did not ac-
knowledge any providing power in the Holy See. To
this we may reply (1) that, like all the other English
bishops, even Grosseteste, who is so constantly repre-
sented as the champion of English resistance to papal
authority, in this matter fully recognized the right in
principle, though he protested against abuses m the
use of it; (2) that the legislation at least professed to
be passed not in a spirit of hostility to Rome, but as a
remedy for manifold abuses caused by "Rome-run-
ners"— priests thronging to Rome and importuning
the Holy See for benefices. It was the lay patrons of
livings whose interests suffered by the papal provisions
who were the chief promoters of the Acts. (3) That
the bishops refused to consent to the Acts (Stubbs,
"Const. Hist.", Ill, 340) and caused their formal pro-
test to be entered on the rolls of Parliament; (4) that
the bishops and clergy petitioned spontaneously and
repeatedly for their repeal (ibid., 342), that the uni-
versities, in 1399, declared that the Acts operated to
the detriment of learning, and that in 1416 the Com-
mons also petitioned the lung for the abolition of the
Statute of Pro visors; (5) that the kings themselves
disregarded the Acts ana constantly asked the popes to
provide to the sees; (6) that it is universally admitted
that papal provisions were more numerous after the
passing of the Acts than before. In the 300 vears pre-
ceding the Reformation 313 bishops are known to
have been provided by the popes; of these 47 were
before the passing of the Statute, 266 after it (see
Moves in "The Tablet", 2 Decv 1893). One thing is
certain, that England in several instances owed some of
her best and holiest prelates to the action of the popes
in providing to English sees in opposition to the
known wishes of the king. Stephen Langton, in
1205, St. Edmund Rich, in 1232, and John Peckham,
in 1279, are conspicuous examples. We have already
said above that a reaction against current Anglican
theories regarding the position of the pope in the
medieval English Church has been steadily growing
during the last quarter of a century. The complete
agreement of such writers as Professor F. M. Maitland,
Dr. James Gairdner, and Mr. H. Rashdall, approach-
ing the subject along quite different lines of research,
is very remarkable. The following passage from one
of the most distinguished of the younger school of
English historians, Prof. Tout, of Manchester, states
the case as frankly as it could have been* stated by
Lingard himself. After insisting that the Statutes of
Provisors and Praemunire, like that of Labourers, or
the sumptuary laws, remained a dead letter in prac-
tice, and after declaring that to the average clergy-
man or theologian of the day the pope was the one
Divinely appointed source of ecclesiastical authority,
the shepherd to whom the Lord had given commission
to feed His sheep, Prof. Tout continues: ".The anti-
papal laws of the fourteenth century were the acts of
the secular not of the ecclesiastical power. They
were not simply antipapal, they were also anticlerical
in their tendency, since to the man of the age an attack
on the Pope was an attack on the Church. . . . The
clergyman, though his soul grew indignant against the
cunalists, still believed that the Pope was the divinely
appointed autocrat of the Church universal. Being a
man, a Pope might be a bad Pope; but the faithful
Christian, though he might lament and protest, could
not but obey in the last resort. The papacy was so
essentially interwoven with the whole Church of the
Middle Ages, that few figments have less historical
basis than the notion that there was an antipapal .
Anglican Church in the days of the Edwards" (rolit.
Hist, of Eng., Ill, 379) . No one who carefully studies
the language and acts of such a man as Grosseteste can
fail to realize the truth that in spite of all his fearless
criticism of the Roman Curia, his attitude of mind is
thoroughly reverential to papal authority. The
most famous! as being the least temperately worded,
of all his pronouncements is now known to have been
addressed, not, as formerly thought, to Pope Innocent
IV himself, but to one of his subordinates. On the
other hand, as Maitland points out, Grosseteste
throughout nis life proclaimed in the strongest terms
his belief in the plenitude of the papal power. "I
know", he says, "and I affirm without any reserve
that there belongs to our lord the Pope, and to the
Holy Roman Church, the power of disposing freely of
all ecclesiastical benefices. " And this and similar
language, acknowledging, for example, the pope to be
the sun from which other bishops, like the moon and
stars, receive whatever powers they have to illumi-
nate and fructify the Church, was not only maintained
by Grosseteste to the end (see "The Month", March,
1895), but re-echoed by Bishop Arundel nearly two
centuries afterwards.
So again the occurrences which followed the publi-
cation by Boniface VIII of the Bull "Clericis laioos",
in the days of Edward I and Archbishop Winchelsea,
tend to show that even when the pope took up a posi-
tion which was too extreme and from which he was
forced ultimately to retire, the English Church was
not less, but more, loyal to the Apostolic See than
other, Continental, nations. Nothing could be less
true to the facts of history than the idea that England
stood apart from the rest of Christendom, with an
ecclesiastical law, a theology, or in any essential mat-
ter even a ritual, of her own. The cosmopolitanism
of the religious orders, especially the mendicants, and
of the universities, would alone have sufficed to render
this isolation impossible. England's isolation began
when she broke away from the Roman obedience, sup-
pressed the religious orders, banished every Catholic
priest, and adopted a pronunciation of Latin which no
Continental scholar could understand.
The great disturbing force in the ecclesiastical life of
England during the fourteenth century, much more
than the Statutes of Provisors or even the Black
Death, was the rise and spread of Lollardy. We
may perhaps doubt if the significance of the move-
ment in this country was by any means as great
as that which historians, partly on account of the
Bohemian upheaval under John Hus which grew out
of Wyclif's doctrines, partly through the favourite
modern theory that Lollardy produced the Reforma-
tion, have generally attributed to it. Dr. James
Gairdner, however, who has recently investigated the
whole movement and its sequel© with a thoroughness
and knowledge of original materials to which no pre-
vious writer can lay claim, has arrived at conclusions
which tend very seriously to modify the views hitherto
very commonly received. In his idea the novelty and
the socialistic tendency of the opinions so boldly pro-
claimed by Wyclif did constitute a grave political
danger, a danger which was not, perhaps, so acute in
ENGLAND
441
ENGLAND
the reformer's lifetime because the most startling of
his views developed late, only ten years or less before
his death (1384), but which were eagerly caught up
and even exaggerated by ignorant disciples at a time
of weak rule and political unrest. The fact that the
Great Schism of the West broke out only six years
before Wyclifs death added to the complications by
leaving the greater part of Christendom in a state of
uncertainty as to which c* the rival popes had the
better claim to men's allegiance, and to this cause
most probably is due the fact that Wyclif was left
during his last years to propagate his doctrines practi-
cally undisturbed. That his doctrines were utterly
revolutionary, as judged by any standard of opinion
tolerated up to that tune it would be absurd to deny.
No one can fail to see the danger of teaching that there
was no real dominion, no real authority, no real own-
ership of property without the grace of God. From
this he deduced the conclusions that a man in mortal
Bin had no right to anything at all, that among Chris-
tians there ought to be community of goods, and that,
as to the clergy having property of their own, it was a
gross abuse. Similarly he held that every layman had
Christ Himself for priest, bishop, and pope; that a
pope was only to be obeyed when he taught according
to Scripture, and that a king might take away all the
endowments of the Church. With these were com-
bined in his later years theological opinions regarding
the sacraments and Transubstantiation which were
offensive in the extreme to the Christian sense of that
day. Wyclif, no doubt, in his philosophical teaching
provided safeguards which mitigated the practical
consequences of the principles he held, but these were
8ubtilties which were lost upon the more ignorant and
fanatical of his followers, more especially after their
master's death. The points that they clearly under-
stood were that tithes were pure alms, and that if the
Carish priests were not good men the tithes need not
e paid; that a priest receiving any annual allowance
by compact was simoniacal and excommunicated;
that a priest who said Mass in mortal sin did not
validly consecrate, but rather committed idolatry;
that any priest could hear confessions (without facul-
ties), and m fact that any holy layman predestined by
God was competent to administer the sacraments
without ordination. Such opinions as these, debated
among the ignorant and uninstructed, and reinforced
by a constant railing against devotional practices, such
as pilgrimages, and against the Roman Court, the
friars and all ecclesiastical authority, were obviously
full of danger to social order at a time when the Black
Death ana the question of villeinage which resulted
from it, had already provided many elements of dis-
turbance.
Speaking of the proceedings against the foremost
representative of Lollard opinions, Sir John Oldcastle,
in 1413, Dr. Gairdner says: " It seems to have been a
life-and-death struggle between established order and
heresy": and Bishop Stubbs, while doing too much
honour by far to the fanatic creed of the Wyclifite
leader, remarks: "Perhaps we shall most safely con-
clude from the tenor of history that his doctrinal creed
was far sounder than the principles which guided either
his moral or his political conduct." These comments
really sum up the situation. The Wyclifite heresy
became for a while a real danger to the peace of the
country, as Oldcastle's insurrection proved. On the
other hand, there was very little that was either sane
or ennobling in the dreams which inspired the leaders,
and which were imparted to their often very ignorant
followers. Given the ideas then, and long after, uni-
versally prevalent in regard to heresy ana the meas-
ures of repression necessary to prevent infection from
spreading, there was nothing exceptionally cruel or
intolerant about the statute "De haeretico com-
burendoJ, of 1401 1 which provided that heretics con-
victed before a spiritual court, and refusing to recant,
were to be handed over to the secular arm and burnt.
There can be no doubt that before this extreme meas-
ure was resorted to much provocation had been given
by the preaching of doctrines which all Christians then
deemed blasphemous, and which were not confined to
the vilifying of the Holy Eucharist, the pope, and the
clergy, but touched upon the sanctity of marriage and
the observance of Sunday as a day of rest. Dr.
Gairdner, after a very careful survey of all the evi-
dence, is satisfied that Archbishop Arundel and his
suffragans acted in the interests of public order and
showed no inclination to enforce the statute either in-
temperately or tyrannically. In point of fact after
the suppression of Oldcastle's insurrection and his exe-
cution at the stake, Lollardy was no longer to be
feared as a political power. Wyclifs ideas nad little
hold in England upon men of any weight or considera-
tion. They lingered on for a while and perhaps never
entirely died down, though prosecutions for heresy
became very rare long before the end of the fifteenth
century, but they certainly cannot be regarded as a
direct and primary cause of the religious changes
which took place in the reign of Henry VIII.
Perhaps the most important in its ultimate conse-
quences of all Wyclifs tenets was the supreme im-
portance which he attributed to Holy Scripture. In
nis treatise " De Veritate Sacra Scripture ", written
about 1378, he practically adopts the position that
Scripture is the sole rule of faitn. It followed in his
idea that the word of God ought to become accessible
to all, and that all men were free to interpret it for
themselves. We are told, moreover, by a contem-
porary and hostile authority, the chronicler Knighton,
that Wyclif himself translated the Gospel into Eng-
lish. Upon this and other evidence it has been com-
monly supposed that Wyclif was the first to bring the
Bible to tne knowledge of English readers and that the
medieval Church uniformly adopted the practice of
withholding the Scriptures from the laity. It is to the
credit of modern students of medieval history that the
grave misrepresentations involved in this traditional
Protestant view are now generally abandoned (see e. g.
Gairdner, " Lollardy ", I, 10O-17; "Cambridge Hist,
of Eng. Literature , II, 56-62). We may summarize
from tne former of these writers the following conclu-
sions, which represent what is best worth recalling
upon this subject. The Church was not opposed in
principle to the use of vernacular translations. Un-
doubtedly, translations into Engjish of separate books
of Scripture existed as far back as in the days of Bede.
It is improbable, however, that a whole Bible in Eng-
lish, as distinct from Anglo-Saxon, existed before
Wyclifs time; neither was it much required, for
nearly all who could read, could read the Bible either
in the Latin of the Vulgate, which the Church pre-
ferred, or in French. There was, however, no express
prohibition to translate the Scriptures into English
until the prohibition of the Provincial Synod of Oxford
published in 1409. This prohibition was not seem-
ingly occasioned by corrupt renderings or anything
liable to censure in the text, but simply by the fact
that it was composed for the general use of the laity,
who were encouraged to interpret it in their own way
without reference to the tradition and teachingof the
Church. In fine, Dr. Gairdner concludes: "To the
possession by worthy laymen of licensed translations
the Church was never opposed, but to place such a
weapon as an English Bible in the hands of men who
had no regard for authority, and who would use it
without being instructed to use it properly, was dan-
gerous not only to the souls of those wno read, but to
the peace and order of the Church." The view has of
late years been strongly urged by Abbot Gasquet, that
the English version (or versions, for there are really
two) commonly known as the Wyclifite Bible, has no
connexion with Wyclif, but is simply the fourteenth-
century translation approved by ecclesiastical author-
ENGLAND
442
ENGLAND
ity and existing probably before Wyclif' s time. There
are not wanting arguments in support of such a con-
tention, but the difficulties are also serious, and the
theory cannot be said to have found general accept-
ance.
The fifteenth century, owing mainly to the long
minority of King Henry VI, and to the Wars of the
Roses, was a period of political disturbance, and it
does not add much to the ecclesiastical history of the
country. We shall do well, however, to note that the
invention of printing in England, as elsewhere, was
cordially welcomed by the Church, and that it was
under the shadow of the English Abbeys of Westmin-
ster and St. Albans that the earliest presses were
erected. Despite the religious indifference which is
supposed to have heralded the Reformation, the tone
of the literature given to the world at these presses
seems to bear witness to' the prevalence of a very
genuine spirit of piety.
As the story of the English Reformation is more fully
told in the second part of this- article, while many sepa-
rate articles are to be found in The Catholic En-
cyclopedia pealing with particular phases and leading
personalities of that period, a brief outline of the great
change will suffice to conclude this sketch of pre-Re-
formation England. Catholic historians and all
others, except a small minority representing a particu-
lar school of Anglicanism, are agreed that, so far as
England was concerned, even after the Wyclif move-
ment, the Great Schism of the West, and the humanist
revival of learning had done their worst, the position
of the Church under the jurisdiction of Rome re-
mained as secure as it had ever been. Lollardy no
doubt had inoculated a certain section of the nation,
and there were here and there stirrings indicative of a
doctrinal revolt even during the early days of Henry
VIII's reign, but with an episcopate thoroughly loyal
to the Holy See and with the support of the king's
strong government, these rumblings threatened no
danger to the religious peace of the kingdom at large.
Neither does there seem to have been any great decay
of morals among clergy or laity. The public opinion
of the learned world has in all substantial respects en-
dorsed Abbot Gascniet's vindication of the discipline
observed in the religious houses prior to the suppres-
sion. Occasional scandals there probably were, and
even a great abbey like St. Alban's may possibly have
given some cause for the very grievous charges re-
hearsed against it in 1491 by Archbishop Morton,
though the matter is seriously contested (see bibliog-
raphy), but there is not the least reason to believe that
any wave of moral indignation at ecclesiastical corrup-
tion or any resentment of Roman authority had made
themselves felt amongst the people of England until
many years after Luther had thrown down the gaunt-
let in Germany. What produced the English Refor-
mation was simply the passion of an able and unscru-
pulous despot who had the cleverness to turn to his
own account certain revolutionary forces which are
always inherent in human nature and which are al-
ways especially liable to be awakened into activity by
the dogmatic teaching and the stern censures of the
Church of Rome. Of course the movement was much
helped forward by the wider distribution of a modicum
of learning which had been effected by the invention of
the printing press, and which, while enabling people to
read and interpret the text of Scripture for themselves,
had too often filled them with conceit and with con-
humanism of a coterie of scholars had in a measure
spread to the masses. There was general talk of the
" New Learning" — by which, however, as Abbot Gas-
Siet has pointed out, men meant not the revival of
assical studies, but rather the bold and often hereti-
cal speculations about religion which were agitating so
many minds. A great part of Germany was already in
revolt, and England was not so isolated but that the
echoes of controversy reached her shores. All these
things made Henry's task easier, but for the severance
of England from the obedience of the pope he. and he
alone, was responsible. So far as Parliament Lad any
share in the matter, the Parliament was Henry's tool.
This estimate of the situation, which was long ago put
forward by such writers as Dodd and Lingara, has
impressed itself of late years with ever-increasing
force upon Anglican opinion and will nowhere be found
more clearly enunciated than in the writings of Dr.
Brewer and Dr. James Gairdner, who, by their inti-
mate first-hand acquaintance with all the manuscript
materials for the reign of Henry VIII, are entitled to
speak with supreme authority.
The fact that Henry was himself an amateur theolo-
§ian and had vindicated against Luther the Catholic
octrine of the sacraments, thereby earning from Leo
X the title of " Defender of the Faith "; was probably
fraught with tremendous consequences in the situation
created by his attempted divorce from Queen Cath-
erine. Profoundly impressed with his own dialectical
skill, he persuaded himself that his case was thoroughly
sound in law, and this probably carried him, almost
without his being aware of it, into positions from
which no retreat was possible to a man of his tempera-
ment. It was in 1529 that the papal commission to
Wolsey and Campeggio, to pronounce upon the valid-
ity of the dispensation granted to Henry many years
before to marry his deceased brother's wife, termi-
nated by the pope's revocation of the cause to Rome.
The failure of the divorce commission was quickly fol-
lowed by the disgrace and death of Wolsey, and Wol-
sey's removal allowed all that was least amiable in
Henry's nature to come to the surface. Two very
able men, Thomas Cranmer and Thomas Cromwell,
were ready at hand to second his designs, skilfully an-
ticipating and furthering the king's wishes. To
Cranmer is undoubtedly due the suggestion that
Henry might obtain sufficient authority for treating
his marriage as null if only he procured a number of
opinions to that effect from the universities of Christen-
dom. This was acted upon, and, by various arts
and after the expenditure of a good deal of money, a
collection of highly favourable answers was obtained.
From Cromwell, on the other hand, the idea came that
the king should make himself supreme head of the
Church m England and thus get rid of the imperium in
imperio'. This was ingeniously contrived by the out-
rageous pretence that the clergy had collectively in-
curred the penalties of Praemunire by recognizing Wol-
sey's legislative jurisdiction; though this, of course,
had been exercised with the royal knowledge and au-
thority. Upon this preposterous pretext the clergy in
convocation were compelled to make a huge grant of
money and to insert a clause in the preamble of the
vote acknowledging the King as " Protector and Su-
Ereme Head of the Church of England, as far as the
iw of Christ allows". This last qualification was
only inserted after much debate, though it seems that
at that period Henry was willing that the phrase "Su-
preme Head " should be understood in a way that was
not inconsistent with the supremacy of the pope. At
any rate, even after this, bisnops still continued to re-
ceive their Bulls from Rome, and the royal divorce
still continued to be pleadea there. Early in 1532
another move was made. The Commons were per-
suaded to frame a supplication against the Clergy of
which drafts remain in the handwriting of Cromwell,
showing from whom it emanated. This, after various
negotiations and a certain amount of pressure, resulted
in the "Submission of the Clergy , by which they
promised not to legislate for the future without sub-
mitting their enactments for the approval of the king
and a mixed committee of Parliament. To bring
pressure to bear on the pope, the king caused Parlia-
443
ENGLAND
meet to leave It In Henry's power to withhold from rendered him service. True, the railing translation of
the Holy See altogether the payment of annates, or the New Testament by Tyndale, which luul been
first-fruits of bishoprics, which consisted in the amount printed and brought to England as early aa 1520, was
of the first year's revenue. By such gradual steps the prohibited, as was Cover-dale's Bible later on, in 1546,
breach with Rome was brought about, though even as very near the close of his reign. It is plain that the
late as January, 1533, application in a form moat din- scurrility of the more revolutionary led him to regard
creditably insincere was still made to Rome for the such teaching as dangerous to public order. Very re-
Bulla of the new Archbishop of Canterbury, Cranmer, markable are the words used by Henry in his last
who had been elected on War ham's death, and who speech in Parliament, when he deplored the results of -
took the oaths of obedience to the pope, though he promiscuous Bible- reading: " I am very sorry to know
had previously declared that he regarded them aa null how that most precious jewel, the Word of God, iadis-
and void. Almost immediately afterwards Cranmer puled, rhymed, sung and jangled in every alehouse. I
' ' """'" " ■ ■■ ■' dually sorry that readera of the same follow it so
faintly and coldly in living; of
"-"s Ian '" ' '
intense of divorce between Henry and
Anne Boleyn crowned, and t
of Succession was passed next
year with a preamble and an oath
to be taken by every person of
lawful age. Parliament all sub-
mitted and took the oath, but
More and Fisher refused and were
sent to the Tower. The climax
of the whole work of disruption
may be considered to have been
reached in November, 1534, by
the passing of the Act of Suprem-
acy, which declared the king Su-
E-cme Head of the Church of
ngland, this time without
any qualification, and which
annexed the title to his imperial
A reign of terror now began for
all who were unwilling to aecept
exactly that measure of teaching
about matters religious and politi-
unpose.
been sent to the block, and others.
like the Carthusians, who rivalled
them in their firmness, were dis-
patched by that ghastly and i
&r. BoToij'H'i, Boston. Lii
among Christians n
reverenced, honoured and served . "
If ever a moral and religious cata-
clysm was the work of one man,
most assuredly the first stage of
the Reformation in England was
the wort of Henry VIII. One
could wish we knew that the sense
of his own personal responsibility
for the evils he deplored had
come home to him before the
hour when, on 28 January,
1547, he was summoned to his
account.
Perhaps the most remarkable
feature in the religious condition
of England during the last year
of Henry's reign was the fact that,
besides the king himself, there
were probably not a score of per-
sons who were contented with the
existing settlement. One large
section of the nation was in com-
plete sympathy with the doctrines
of the German reformers, and to
kind, etc..
,_, death-penalty as- ....
signed to cases of high treason. In virtue of this mar- themtheHass,eonfe8Bion,uuiuiuu>nuiiuiuiicuuu,cw.,
tyrdom these and many moreare now venerated upon which had been preserved untouched throughout all
our altars as beatified servants of God. The rising in the changes, were simply as gall and wormwood. The
the North known as the Pilgrimage of Grace followed, great numerical majority, on the other hand, especi-
and, when this dangerous movement had been frus- ally in the more remote and thinly populated districts,
trated by the astuteness and unscrupulous perjury of longed for the restoration of the old order of things.
the king's representatives, fresh horrors were witnessed They wished to see the monks back, St. Thomas of
in a repression which knew no mercy. Previous to this Canterbury and the shrines of Our Lady once more in
had taken place the suppression of the smaller monas- honour, and the pope recognized as the common father
teries; and that of the larger houses soon followed, of Christendom. During the two short reigns which
while an Act for the dissolution of chantries and free intervened before Elizabeth came to the throne each
hospitals was passed in 1545, which there was not time of these parties alternately gained the ascendant.
to cany entirely into execution before the king's Under Edward VI, the Protector Somerset, and after
death. Probably all these things, even the destruc- him the Duke ol Northumberland, in full harmony
tion of shrines and images, reflect a certain rapacity in with Cranmer, Hooper, and other bishops even more
the king's nature rather than hostility to what would Calvinistically minded, abolished all remnants of pop-
now be called popish practices. In his sacramental ery. Chantries and guilds were suppressed, and their
theology he still clung to the positions of the" Assertio revenues confiscated, images in the churches, and then
septem sacramexitorum", the book he had written to altars and vestments were removed and destroyed,
refute Luther. Both in the Six Articles and in the while the material desecration was only typical of the
" Necessary Doctrine" the dogma of Transubstanti- outrages done to the ancient liturgy of Catholic wor-
ation is insisted upon; and indeed more than one un- ship in the first and second Books of Common Prayer,
fortunate reformer who denied the Real Presence was (See Anglicanism; Anglican- Ohdeks; BookofCom-
sent to the stake. It was on this side that Henry's mon Prayer.) The bishops who were more Catholic--
a hardest. Against the Papalist sympathizers ally minded, like Bonner and Gardiner, were sent to
' * ' " --'' :.-:. -j - the Tower. Princess Mary was subjected to the mean-
est and most petty forms of persecution. Neither
can it be maintained that those in power were ani-
mated by any disinterested devotion to Reformation
principles. Spoliation in its most vulgar form was
the order of the day. It is only of late years that
n subjects he consistently maintained
ruthless severity, neither did he relent until all were
cowed into submission. Towards men of Calvinist
and Lutheran tendencies, who were represented in
high places by Cranmer, Cromwell, and many more,
the lung had intermittently shown favour. He had
used them to do his work. They had been of the
greatest assistance in prejudicing the cause of the
fuller
pope, and even the most violent and scurrilous had of destruction — the foundation of the grammar
ENGLAND
444
ENGLAND
schools which are known by. the name of King Ed-
ward VI. We have now learned that not one of these
schools was originally of Edwardian creation (see
JLeach, " English Schools at the Reformation ") . Edu-
cational resources had already been seriously impaired
under Henry VIII, and " the schools which bear the
name of Edward VI owe nothing to him or his govern-
ment but a more economic establishment. A good
many of them had been chantry schools, for if the
chantry priest of old wasted his time in singing for
souls he not infrequently did good work as a school-
master." So says a judicious summarizer of Mr.
Leach's researches.
There can be no doubt that these violent measures
provoked a reaction. Already in 1549 there had been
serious insurrections all over the country, and more
particularly in Devonshire and in Norfolk. On the
death of the boy king, in July, 1553, an attempt was
made by Northumberland to secure the succession for
Lady Jane Grey, but Mary, at least for the time, had
the people completely with her, and now it was the
turn of Bonner, Gardiner, and the Catholic reaction.
Overtures were made to tne reigning pope, Julius III,
and eventually Cardinal Pole, whose mission as legate
was unfortunately delayed by the Emperor Charles V
for diplomatic reasons connected with the marriage of
Queen Mary to his son Philip II, reached England
in November, 1554, where he was warmly received.
After the Houses of Parliament through the king and
queen had petitioned humbly for reconciliation with
tne Holy See, Pole, on St. Andrew's day, 30 November.
1554, formally pronounced absolution, the king ana
queen and all present kneeling to receive it. The re-
storation of ecclesiastical property confiscated during
the previous reign was not insisted upon.
Tne reign of Mary is, unfortunately, chiefly remem-
bered by the severity with which the statutes against
heresy, now revived by Parliament, were put into
force. Cranmer had been previously sentenced to
death for high treason, and the sentence seems to have
been politically just, but it was not at once executed.
There seems to have been no desire upon the part of
Mary or any of her chief advisers for cruel reprisals,
but the reactionary forces always at work seem to have
frightened them into sterner measures, and, as a re-
sult, Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley, and a multitude of*
less conspicuous offenders, most of them only after
refusal to recant their heresies, were condemned and
executed at the stake. No one has judged this miser-
able epoch of persecution more leniently than the his-
torian who of all others has made himself live in the
spirit of the times. Dr. James Gairdner, stanch
Anglican as he is, in his recent work, "Lollardy and
the Reformation", seems only to press farther the
apology which he has previously offered for their ter-
rible measures of repression. Thus he says: "With
all this one might imagine that it was not easy for
Mary to be tolerant of the new religion, and vet toler-
ant she was at first, as far as she well could be. . . .
The case was simply that there were a number of per-
sons determined not to demand, mere toleration for
themselves, but to pluck down what they called idol-
atry everywhere and to keep the Edwardine service in
the parish churches in defiance of all authority, and
even of the feelings of their fellow parishioners. In
short, there was a spirit of rebellion still in the land
which had its root in religious bitterness; and if Mary
was to reign in peace, and order to be upheld, that
spirit must be repressed. Two hundred and seventy-
seven persons are recorded to have been burnt in vari-
ous parts of England during those sad three years and
nine months, from the time the persecution began to
the death of Mary. But the appalling number of the
sufferers must not blind us altogether to the provoca-
tion. Nor must it be forgotten that if it be once
judged right to pass an Act of Parliament it is right to
put it in force." And as the same authority else-
where says, "Amongst the victims no doubt, there
were many true heroes and really honest men, but
many of them would have been persecutors if they had
had their way." Queen Mary died 17 ' November,
1558, and Cardinal Pole passed away on the same day
twelve hours later.
To discuss at any length the monastic chronicles, the charters,
rolls, and other records which constitute the ultimate sources of
our information regarding the medieval history of England
would be out of place in the present article. Only a small selec-
tion can in any case be made of the many serviceable works that
have been nublished in recent years. It will be convenient to
set down first the names of some Catholic books and studies
which the reader is likely to find generally useful, and then to
add a section of miscellaneous works and of books written from
a standpoint which is at any rate not distinctively Catholic.
Catholic. — Linqard, History of England (10 vols.. London,
1849); Ruud, Life of St. Anselm (2 vols., London, 1883); Raoey,
Histotre de S. Anselme (2 vols., Paris, 1890); Dklarc, Le Saint-
Siege et la conquHe cTAngUterre in Revue dee Quest. Hitter., XLI
(1887); Raoey, Badmer (Paris, 1892); Morris, Life of St.
Thomas Beckett (London, 1885); L'Huillier, S. Thomas de
Canterbury (Paris, 1891); Thurston, Life of St. Hugh of Lincoln
(London, 1898); Bishop, Cathedral Canons in Dublin Review
(London, 1898), CXXIII: Wallace, Life of St. Edmund (Lon-
don, 1893); Ward, St. Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury (Lon-
don, 1903): De Paravicini, Life of St. Edmund of Abingdon
(London, 1898); Knkller, Des Richard Lbwenherz deutsche
Gefangcnschaft (Freiburg, 1893); Felten, Robert QrossetesU
Bxschof von Lincoln (Freiburg, 1887); Gasqubt. Henry 111 and
the Church (London, 1905); Strickland, Ricerche stortche *opra
il B. Banff ado Archivescovo di Cantorbery (Turin, 1895);
Palmer, Fasti Ordinis FF. Pnedicatorum (London, 1878);
Motes, How English Bishops were made before the Reformation in
The Tablet, Nov., 1893, and many other articles in the same peri-
odical; Gasqubt, The Great Pestilence (London, 1893); Id., Thes
Old English Bible and other Essays (London, 1897); Stevenson,
The Truth about John Wyclif (London, 1885); Stone, Reforma-
tion and Renaissance Studies (London, 1904); Gasqubt, The
Eve of the Reformation (London, 1900); Bridoett, Life of
Blessed John Fisher (London, 1888): Id., Life and Writings of
Sir Thomas More (London, 1891); Gasqubt, Henry VIII and
the English Monasteries (London, 1888); Kivinoton, Rome and
England (London, 1897); Bridoett, Blunder* and Forgeries
(London, 1893); Gasqubt, The Last Abbot of Glastonbury (Lon-
don, 1895); Id. (ed.)f Cobden, Hist, of the Reformation: Stone,
Mary I of England (London, 1901); Zimmbrmann, /Cardinal
Pole, sein Leben und seine Schriften (Katisbon. 1893); Gasqubt
and Bishop, Edward VI and the Book of Common Prayer (Lon-
don, 1890).
Upon the religious life of England generally, see: Bridoett
History of the Holy Eucharist in Great Britain (new ed., 1908)
Gasqubt, Parish Life in Mediaval England (London, 1906)
Watbrton, Pietas Mariana Briiannica (London, 1879).
Bridoett, Our Lady's Dowry (London, 1875); Gasqubt, Eng-
lish Monastic Life (London, 1904); Taunton, The English Black
Monks of St. Benedict (2 vols., London, 1897); Gasqubt, Arch-
bishop Morton and St. Albans in The Tablet. Oct. 17, 1908. and
Jan. 23, 1909; but cf. Gairdner in Eng. Hxst. Rev., Jan., 1909.
Among shorter Histories of England written from a Catholic
standpoint, may be mentioned: Burke. Abridgment of Lingard,
re-edited and continued by Birt (London, 1903); Allies, His-
tory of the Church in England (London, 1902); Cath. truth
Society, A Short History of the Church in England (London
1895); Gasqubt, Short Hist, of the Cath. Church in England
(London, 1903); Wtatt-Davibs, School History of England
(London, 1902); Stone, The Church in Eng. History (London,
1907).
Non-Catholic Works. — Of general histories, three different
series produced within the last few years may be recommended
as representative of the best modern scholarship and as aiming
conscientiously at impartiality in the treatment of religious
questions: The Political History of England, of which the five vol-
umes reaching from 54 b. c. to a. d. 1547 are written respec-
tively by T. Hodgkin, G. B. Adams, T. F. Tout, C. Oman, H.
A. L. Fisher (London, 1904-1905). — Mr. Tout's volume in par-
ticular is excellent. — A History of England in Six Volumes. —
The first four volumes, reaching from the beginning to the age
of Elizabeth, are written respectively by C. Oman, H. W. C.
Davis, Owbn Edwards, and A. D. Innbs (London, 1905-1906).
By far the best contribution in this series is that of Mr. Davis. —
A History of the English Church. — The first four volumes, which
extend to the death of Queen Mary, have respectively for au-
thors W. Hunt, Dban Stephens, Canon Capbs, and Dr. J.
Gairdner (London, 1901-1902). Dr. Gairdner's work is indis-
pensable to the student of the Reformation period. — The works
of the late Bishop Stubbs have exercised an immense influ-
ence on historical study in England. The most noteworthy are
tiie Constitutional History (3 vols.); the Select Charters, and the
Prefaces to various contributions to the Rolls Series (e. g..
Hovbdbn, Benedict, etc.), which have lately been collected ana
published separately. Stubbs's views on the tenure of land
etc. during the Norman period are now somewhat out of date,
but the chief defect of his work from a Catholic point of view is
his adherence to the fiction of a national English Church inde-
pendent of Rome. — Freeman, Norman Conquest (5 vols.) and
William Rufus (2 vols.) show an immense command of detail,
but are biassed by the author's rather eccentric views of British
imperialism. Many of the less reliable conclusions of Stubbs
and Freeman will be found corrected in the works of Maitulnd,
sc
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THEl>IA7TMew8-NORTMRUP WORKS. BUFFALO, *.y. THE COMPtClE PRESS 1
ich 1 0 East 1
COPYRIGHT. (IM. BV ROBERT APPtETON CO.
XNQLAND
445
ENQLAND
whioh are of primary Importance in more than one field. His
Roman Canon Law in the Church of England < 1898) ia of the very
highest value as correctly stating the position of the English
Church in regard to the Holy See. His History of English Law
(1805), Domesday Book and Beyond (1897), ana various contri-
butions to Tbajll, Social England (1001), are of great moment
from a legal and constitutional point of view. For the later
period ending in the reign of Henry VIII or Mary, the writings
of J. 8. Brbwbb, particularly the Prefaces to the Calendars re-
edited under the title of The Reign of Henry VIII to the Death of
Wolsey (2 vols., 1884), and of Dr. J. Gairdner are of primary
importance, especially as correcting the reckless inaccuracy of
Froude. Dr. uairdnsr in particular has recently published a
work entitled LoUardy and the Reformation (2 vols., 1908), which
does fullest justice to the Catholic position.
Among other works of note may be mentioned: BShmkr,
Kirche und Stoat in England und in der Normandie {Leipzig,
1800); Id., Die Falechungen Erzbischof Lanfranks (Leipzig,
1002) — inconclusive, as Saltet and others have shown; Round,
Feudal England (Lonflon, 1805) ; Noroatk, England under the
Angevin Kings (2 vols., London, 1887); Id., John Lackland
i London, 1002); Stevenson, Robert Grosseteste (London, 1800);
I libs and Twemlow, Calendars of Entries in Papal Registers
Relating to Great Britain and Ireland (8 vols, already published);
Jensen, Der englische Peterspfennig (Heidelberg, 1003):
Crrighton, Historical Essays (London, 1002); Id., Historical
Lectures (London, 1003) — both these able works are much biased
by the writer's Anglican standpoint; Jessopp, The Coming of the
Friars (London, 1880); Brewer, Preface to the Monumenta
Franciscana in R. S., and to the works of Giraldus Cambren-
ms; Makower, Constitutional History of the Church of England
(London, 1805); Wtlie, History of England under Henry IV
(4 vols., 1882-06); Workman, John Wyclif (London, 1002);
Dr. Gasquet and the Old English Bible in the Church Quarterly
Review, Vol. LI (1001); Lano, The Maid of France (London,
1008); Gairdner, The Paston Letters (3 vols., London, 1872-5);
Dixon, History of the Church of England from 1529 (6 vols., Lon-
don, 1878-1002); Ehses, Rom. Dok. zur Gesch. der Ehescheidung
Heinrichs VIII (Paderborn, 1002)— a Cath. work. Of the
Divorce the best aceount is by Gairdner, New Lights on the
Divorce in Bng. Hist. Rev., XI-XII (1806-07). Tytlsr, Eng-
land under Edward Viand Mary (2 vols., London, 1830); Leach,
English Schools at the Reformation (London, 1806); Pocock, on
The Reign of Edward VI in English Historical Review, July, 1805.
For social and economic condition of England, see Ashley,
An Introd. to Eng. Economic Hist, and Theory (2 vols., London,
1803); Cunningham, The Growth of Eng. Industry and Commerce
(2 vols., Cambridge, 1806): Thorold Rogers, Hist, of Eng.
Agriculture and Prices (6 vols., London, 1866-87); Id., Six Cen-
turies of Work and Wages (2 vols., 1801): Rashdall, Universi-
ties of the M.A. (3 vols., Oxford, 1805); Chambers, The Medie-
val Stage (2 vols., Oxford, 1003).
Herbert Thurston.
England Since the Reformation.— The Protest-
ant Reformation is the great dividing line in the his-
tory of England, as of Europe generally. This mo-
mentous Revolution, the outcome of many causes,
assumed varying shapes in different countries. The
Anglican Reformation did not spring from any reli-
gious motive. Lord Macaulay is well warranted in
saying in his essay on Hallam s " Constitutional His-
tory^, that " of those who had any important share
in bringing it about, Ridley was, perhaps, the onlv
person who did not consider it a mere political job' ,
and that "Ridley did not play a very prominent
part". We shall now proceed, first, to trace the his-
tory of the so-called Reformation in England, and
then to indicate some of its results.
It was not until the twenty-sixth year of the reign
of Henry the Eighth — the year 1 535-— that the Eng-
lish Schism was consummated. The instrument by
which that consummation was effected was the " Act
concerning the King's Highness to be the Supreme
Head of the Church of England, and to have authority
to reform and redress all errors, heresies and abuses in
the same". This statute severed England from the
unity of Christendom and transferred tne jurisdiction
of the supreme pontiff to " the Imperial Crown " of that
realm. That is the unique peculiarity of the Anglican
Reformation — the bold usurpation of all papal au-
thority by the sovereign. " The clavis potential and
the clavis scientue, the universal power of Government
in Christ's Church, the power to rule, to distribute,
suspend or restore jurisdiction, and the power to de-
fine Verities of the Faith and to interpret Holy Scrip-
ture has descended on the shoulders of the Kings and
Queens of England. The actual bond of the Church
of England, her characteristic as a religious commu-
nion, that which makes her a whole, is the right of the
civil power to be the supreme judge of her doctrine."
(Allies, " See of S. Peter h, 3rd ed., p» 64.) The Act of
Supremacy was the outcome of a struggle between
Henry VIII and the pope, extending over six years.
Assuredly no such measure was originally contem-
plated by the king, who, in the earlyf part of his reign,
manifested a devotion to the Holy See which Sir
Thomas More thought excessive (Roper's Life of
More, p. 66). The sole cause of his quarrel with the
See of Rome was supplied by the affair of the so-called
Divorce. On 22 April, 1509, he ascended the English
throne, being then eighteen years old; and on 3 June
following he was wedded, by dispensation of Pope
Julius, to the Spanish princess, Catherine, who had
previously gone through the form of marriage with his
elder brother Arthur. That prince had died in 1502,
at the age of sixteen, five months after this marriage,
which was held not to have been consummated; and
so Catherine, at her nuptials with Henry, was arrayed
not as a widow, but as a virgin, in a white robe, with
her hair falling over her shoulders. Henry cohabited
with her for sixteen years, and had issue three sons,
who died at their birth or shortly afterwards, as well
as one daughter, Mary, who survived. At the end of
that time the king, never a model of conjugal fidelity,
conceived a personal repulsion for his wife, who was
six years older than himself, whose physical charms
had faded, and whose health was impaired; he also
began to entertain scruples as to his union with her.
Whether, as an old Catholic tradition avers, these
scruples were suggested to him by Cardinal Wolsey, or
whether his personal repulsion prepared the way for
them, or merely seconded them, is uncertain. But
certain it is that about this time, to use Shakespeare's
phrase, " the King's conscience crept too near another
lady", that lady being Anne Boleyn. Here, again,
exact chronology is impossible. We know that in
1522 Cardinal Wolsey repelled Lord Percy from a pro-
ject of marriage with Anne on the ground that the
King intended to prefer her to another " . But there is
no evidence that Henry then desired her for himself.
However that may have been, several years elapsed
before his passion for her, whatever the date of its
origin, gathered that overmastering force which led
him to resolve with fixed determination to put away
Catherine in order to possess her. For marriage was
the price on which, warned by experience, she in-
sisted. Henry's relations with her family had been
scandalous. There is evidence, strong if not abso-
lutely conclusive — it is summed up in the Introduc-
tion to Lewis' translation of Sander's work, "De
Schismate Anglicano1' (London, 1877) — that he had
had an intrigue with her mother, whence the report, at
one time widely credited, that she was his own
daughter. It is certain that her sister Mary had been
his mistress, and had been very poorly provided for by
him when the liaison came to an end, a fact which
doubtless put Anne upon her guard. That the king
had contracted precisely the same affinity with her, by
reason of this intrigue, as that which he alleged to be the
cause of his conscientious scruples with regard to Cathe-
rine, did not in the least weigh with her, or with him.
The first formal step towards the putting away of
Catherine appears to have been taken in 1527, when
Henry caused himself to be cited before Cardinal Wol-
sey and Archbishop Warham on the charge of living
incestuously with his brother's widow. Tne proceed?
ings were secret, and the Court held three sessions,
then adjourning sine die for the purpose of consulting
the most learned bishops of the kingdom on the ques-
tion whether marriage with a deceased brother's wife
was lawful. The majority of the replies were in the
affirmative, with the proviso that a papal dispensation
had been obtained. Henry, thus baffled, then deter-
mined to proceed in common form of law, and Sir
Francis Geary in his learned work, "Marriage and
Family Relations", has summed up the proceedings as
ENGLAND
446
ENGLAND
follows: "By a process well known to Ecclesiastical
Law, the King wished to institute his suit in the Ap-
peal Court for this purpose given original jurisdiction.
With this object, instead of, as originally intended,
suing in an English Consistory or Arches Court, from
which appeal la^ to Rome, then menaced or actually
occupied by the armies of Charles V, a commission
from Pope Clement, dated June 9, and confirmed by a
poUicitatio dated July 13, 1528, was obtained consti-
tuting the two cardinals a Legatine Papal Court of
both original supreme and ultimate jurisdiction and to
proceed judicially. The Court opened May 21, 1529;
there followed citation, articles, examination, and
publication, and on Friday, July 23, 1529, the cause
was ripe for judgment. At that day Campeius [Cam-
peggioj adjourned till October, on the ground that the
Roman Vacation, which he was bound to observe, had
already begun. But in September the advocation of
the cause to Rome, and inhibition of the Legatine
Court, given by Clement contrary to his written prom-
ise on the word of a Pope, had arrived in England, and
the Court never sat again. Henry waited for more
than three years, negotiating to have the suit brought
to judgment, till at last, in November^ 1532, he mar-
ried Anne Boleyn, and in the following year, May,
1533, Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, gave sen-
tence of nullity. At Rome the cause dragged on, —
there is a gap at this epoch in the reports ofthe Rota,
and it does not appear if there was any argument
either by the advocates of the ' orator ' or oratrix ', or
by the defensor, — till at last, on March 25, 1534, the
Pope, in a Consistory of Cardinals, of whom a minority
voted against the marriage, pronounced the marriage
with Katherine valid, and ordered restitution of con-
jugal rights."
The Statute of 1535 (26 Hen. VIII, c. 1) above
quoted — it is commonly called the Act of Supremacy
— which transferred to the king the authority over the
Church in England hitherto exercised by the pope,
may be regarded as Henry's answer to the papal sen-
tence of 1534. But, as Professor Brewer remarks, " to
this result the King was brought by slow and silent
steps". The Act of Supremacy was in truth simply
the last of a series of enactments whereby, during the
whole progress of the matrimonial cause, the king
sought to intimidate the pontiff and to obtain a de-
cision favourable to himself. Seven statutes in par-
ticular may be noted as preparing the way for, and
leading up to, the Act of Supremacy. The 21 Hen.
VIII, c. 13. prohibited, under pecuniary penalties, the
obtaining from the Holy See of licences tor pluralities
or non-residence. The 23 Hen. VIII, c. 9, forbade the
citation of a person out of the diocese wherein he or she
dwelt, except in certain specified cases. The 23 Hen.
VIII, c. 20, which is entitled "Concerning the restraint
of payment of annates to the See of Rome", was not
only an attempt to intimidate, but also to bribe the
pope. It forbade, under penalties, the payment of
firstfruits to Rome, provided that, if the Bulls for a
bishop's consecration were in consequence denied, he
might be consecrated without them, and authorized
the king to disregard any consequent ecclesiastical
censure of "our Holy Father the Pope" and to cause
Divine service to be continued in spite of the same;
and further empowered the King by letters patent to give
or withhold his assent to the Act, and at his pleasure to
suspend, modify, annul and enforce it. The Act was in
fact what Dr. Lingard has called it, " a political ex-
periment to try the resolution of the Pontiff". The ex-
periment failed, and in the next year the royal assent
was given to the Act by letters patent. In this year
also was passed the Statute, 24 Hen. VIII, c. 12, pro-
hibiting appeals to Rome in testamentary, matrimo-
nial, and certain other causes, and requiring the clergy
to continue their ministrations in spite of ecclesiasti-
cal censures from Rome. The next year witnessed
the passing of the Act (25 Hen. VIII, c. 19) "for the
submission of the clergy to the King's Majesty",
which prohibited all appeals to Rome. The Act fol-
lowing this in the Statute Book abolished annates, for-
bade, under the penalties of pnemunire, the presenta-
tion of bishops and archbishops to "the Bishop of
Rome, otherwise called the Pope", and the procuring
from him of Bulls for their consecration, and estab-
lished the method still existing in the Anglican Church
(of which more will be said later on) of electing, con-
firming, and consecrating bishops. It was immedi-
ately followed by an Act forbidding, under the same
penalties, the king's subjects to sue to the pope, or the
Roman See, for licenses, dispensations, compensa-
tions, faculties, grants, rescripts, delegacies or other
instruments or writings", to go abroad for any visita-
tions, congregations, or assembly for religion, or to
maintain, allow, admit, or obey any process from
Rome. The net effect of these enactments was to
take away from the pope the headship of the Church of
England. That headship the Act of Supremacy con-
ferred on the king.
This sudden falling away of a whole nation from
Catholic unity, is an event so strange and so terrible as
to require some further explanation than Macaulay's,
who refers it to the "brutal passion " and "selfish
policy" of Henry VIII. In fact the struggle between
that monarch and the pope was the last phase of a con-
test between the papal and the regal power which had
been waged, witn longer or briefer truces, from the
days of the Norman Conquest. The Second Henry
was no less desirous than the Eighth to emancipate
himself from the jurisdiction of the supreme pontiff,
and .the destruction and pillage of the shrine of St.
Thomas a Becket was not merely a manifestation of
uncontrollable fury and unscrupulous greed; it was
also Henry VIII's way of redressing a quarrel of
nearly four hundred years' standing. The reason why
Henry VIII succeeded where Henry II, a greater man,
had failed must be sought in the political and religious
conditions of the times. Von Ranke has pointed out
that the state of the world in the sixteenth century
was "directly hostile to the Papal domination . . .
The civil power would no longer acknowledge any
higher authority" (Die romischen Papste, I, 39). In
England' the monarch was virtually a tyrant. The
Wars of the Roses had destroyed the old nobility,
formerly an effective check upon regal despotism.
"The prerogative", Brewer writes, "was absolute
both in theory and practice. Government was identi-
fied with the will of the Sovereign; his word was law
for the conscience as well as the conduct of his sub-
jects. He was the only representative of the nation.
Parliament was little more than an institution for
granting subsidies" (Letters and State Papers, II,
Part I, p. cxciii, Introd.). The lax lives lea by too
many of the clergy, the abuses of pluralities, the
scandals of the Consistorial Courts, had tended to
weaken the influence of the priesthood; "the papal
authority", to quote again Brewer, "had ceased to be
more than a mere form, a decorum to be observed."
The influence of the ecclesiastical order as a check
upon arbitrary power was extinct at the death of
Wolsey. "Thus it was that the royal supremacy was
now to triumph after years of effort, apparently fruit-
less and often purposeless. That which had been
present to the English mind was now to come forth in
a distinct consciousness, armed with the power that
nothing could resist. Yet that it should come forth in
such a form is marvellous. All events had prepared
the way for the King's temporal supremacy: opposi-
tion to Papal authority was familiar to men; 4)ut a
spiritual supremacy, an ecclesiastical headship as it
separated Henry VIII from all his predecessors by an
immeasurable interval, so was it without precedent
and at variance with all tradition" (Brewer, Letters
and State Paters, I, cvii, Introd.).
Henry VIII made full proof of his ecclesiastical
ENOLAHU 4
ministry. la 1535 he appointed Thomas Cromwell his
vicegerent, vicar-general, and principal official, with
full power to exercise all and every that authority
appertaining to himself aa head of the Church. The
viear-generai's function was, however, confined to
ecclesiastical discipline. The settlement of doctrine
Henry took under his
17 IHOLAKD
"conformed forwards and backwards aa the Kins
changed his mind". During the minority of Edward
VI, no longer cowed by the" vultusinatantistyranni".
he favoured first Lutheranism, then Zwingtianism, anil
lastly Calvinism, so that it may seem doubtful what
form of Protestantism, if any, he really held. Certain
however, that he
•M
lated in the preamble to
the "Act abolishing
diversity of opinions
(31 Hen. VIII, c. 14),
"most graciously
vouchsafed, in his own
princely person, to de-
scend and come .into his
High Court of Parlia-
ment" and there ex-
pounded his theological
views, which were em-
bodied in that Statute,
commonly called " The
Statute of the Six Ar-
ticles". It was in 1539
that th is Ac t was passed .
It asserted Transub-
stantiation, the suffi-
ciency of communion under . ,.
clerical celibacy, the validity "by the law of God
vows of chastity, the excellence of private masses, the
necessity of the sacrament of penance. The penalty
for denial of the first article was the stake; of the rest
imprisonment and forfeiture as of felony. But while
thus upholding, after bis own fashion, Catholic doc-
trine, Henry had possessed himself of a vast amount
e kind, the obligatioc
had "the ct
his own interests", and
that these were bound
up with the anti-Cath-
olic party. He had ju-
dicially pronounced the
invalidity of Henry's
marriage with Cut henne
and the illegitimacy of
Mary, thereby deeply
offending and scanda-
lizing Catholics, who
were by no means mol-
lified because, not long
" afterwards, he had simi-
larly prostituted his
judicial office in deal-
ing with Anne Boleyn
and her daughter Elis-
abeth. He was mar-
ried, contrary to the Statute of the Six Articles, to a
daughter of the Protestant divine Osiander, whom,
according to a tradition preserved by 8ander and
Harpsfield (both first-rate authorities), he was in the
habit of carrying about in a chest until, in the latter
part of Henry VIII's reign, he judged it prudent to
send her, for greater security, to Germany, Shortly
after the death of the 'king, he reclaimed her, showing
South Front
\
.JLaM
cj,-iJL«u
i 1 1 frrtnaaiinn if"
llpggs
gjjjffi'- ,-ri ■ ■.rti.iijfr, ' ^Vj
ecclesiastical affairs passed chiefly into the hands of
Thomas Cranmer. Lord Maeaulay has described him
accurately as "a supple, timid, interested courtier,
who rose into favour by serving Henry in the dis-
graceful affair of his first divorce . who was " eaually
false to political and religious obligations", and who
i nun thb Thames
legalization of the marriage of the clergy (2, 3 Ed. VI,
c. 21), the desecration and destruction of altars,for
which tables were substituted, and of images and pic-
tures, which gave place to the royal arms. He had
the chief part in the inspiration and compilation of the
first Prayer Book of Edward VI (1548) in supersession
of the Breviary and the Missal, a work which, in the
preamble of the Act of Parliament sanctioning and
enjoining it, is said to have "been drawn up by the aid
x\
XNQLAND 448 ENGLAND
of the Holy Ghost". Notwithstanding this enco- can bishops became, and are still, nominees- of the
inium, it was superseded, within four years, by a second Crown, election by the dean and chapter, where it ex~
Cranmerian Prayer Book, not similarly commended in ists — in some of the newer dioceses there are no
the Act prescribing it, in which the slight outward chapters, and the bishops are appointed by Letters
similarity to the Mass, preserved in the Communion Patent— being a mere farcical form of which Emerson
Service of the first Prayer Book, was obliterated. The has given a pungent description: " The King sends the
Ordinal underwent similar treatment; the sacrificing Dean and Canons a conge* d '61 ire, or leave to elect, but
priest, like the Sacrifice, was abolished. Another of also sends them the name of the person whom they
Cranmer's exploits was the compilation of Forty-two are to elect. They go into the Cathedral, chant and
Articles of Religion which, reduced to Thirty-nine and pray; and after these invocations invariably find that
slightly recast, still form the Confession of Faith of the the dictates of the Holy Ghost agree with the recom-
Anglican Communion. In 1556, under Mary, he met mendation of the King. If they arrived at any other
his death at the stake, after vainly endeavouring by conclusion, they would be involved in the penalties of
copious recantations— Sander avers that "he signed a praemunire. The Convocations of York and Canter-
them seventeen times with his own hand ' ' — to save his bury are similarly fettered. They cannot proceed so
life. This severity, though doubtless impolitic, can much as to discuss any project of ecclesiastical legisla-
hardly be deemed unjust if his career be carefully con- tion without " Letters of Business'* from the Crown,
sidered. But his work lived after him and formed the The sovereign is the ultimate arbiter in causes,
basis of the ecclesiastical legislation of Elizabeth, whether of faith or morals within the Anglican
when Mary's brief reign came to an end, and with it Church, and his decisions of them given by the voice
the ineffectual endeavour to destroy the new religion of his Privy Council, are irreformable. But of course
by the fagot. Mary 's fiery zeal for the Catholic Faith in these days the sovereign practically means the
failed to undo the work of her two predecessors, and Legislature. "The National Church", Cardinal New-
unquestionably did ill service to the Catholic cause, man writes in his "Anglican Difficulties1', "is strictly
It would be foolish to blame her for not practising a part of the Nation, just as the Law or the Parliament
toleration utterly alien from the temper of the times, is part of the Nation." " It is simply an organ or de-
But there can be no question that Green is well war- partment of the State, all ecclesiastical acts really pro-
ranted in writing that to her is due " the bitter remem- ceeding from the civil government." "The Nation
brance of the blood shed in the cause of Rome which, itself is the sovereign Lord and Master of the Prayer
however partial and unjust it must seem to an his- Book, its composer and interpreter."
toric observer, still lies graven deep in the temper of Queen Elizabeth's Acts of Supremacy and Uniform-
the English people" (Short History, p. 360). ity form, in the words of Hallam, "the basis of that
The first act of Elizabeth, when she found herself restrictive code of laws which pressed so heavily, for
firmly seated on the throne, was to annul the religious more than two centuries, upon the adherents of the
restorations of her sister. "All Laws and Statutes Roman church". It is not necessary here to describe
made against the See Apostolic of Rome since the in detail that "restrictive code". An account of it
twentieth year of King Henry VIII" had been abol- will be found in the first chapter of "A Manual of the
ished by the 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, c. 8, which " en- Law specially affecting Catholics", by W. S. Lilly and
acted and declared the Pope's Holiness and See Apos- J. P. Wallis (London, 1893). But we may observe
tolic to be restored, and to have and enjoy such au- that the queen who originated it was animated by very
thority, pre-eminence and jurisdiction as His Holiness different motives from those which influenced her
used ana exercised, or might lawfully have used and father in his revolt against Rome. Sander has cor-
exercised, by authority of his supremacy, before that rectly said, " he gave up the Catholic faith for no other
date". Elizabeth, by the first Act of Parliament of reason in the world than that which came from his lust
her reign, repealed this Statute, and revived the last and wickedness"; and, indeed, while severing himself
six of the seven Acts against the Roman pontiff from Catholic unity, and pillaging the possessions of
passed between the 21st and 26th year of Henry VIII the Church, he was as far as possible from sympathiz-
of which we have given an account, and also certain ing with the doctrinal innovations of Protestantism
other anti-papal Statutes passed subsequently to the and savagely repressed them. Elizabeth, by the very
enactment of Henry's Act of Supremacy. That Act necessity of her position, was driven — we speak ex
was not revived, doubtless because Elizabeth, as a humane die — to espouse the Protestant cause. No
woman, shrank from assuming the title of Supreme doubt, as Lingard writes, " it is pretty evident that she
Head of the Church bestowed oy it on the sovereign, had no settled notions of religion , and she freely
But, although she did not take to herself that title, she exhibited her contempt for her clergy on many occa-
took all the authority implied therein, by this first Act sions — notably on her death-bed, when she drove away
of her reign. It vests the plenitude of ecclesiastical from her presence the Archbishop of Canterbury and
jurisdiction in the Crown and the Queen's Highness, certain other Protestant prelates of her own making,
who is described as "the only Supreme Governor of telling them "she knew full well that they were hedge
this realm as well in all spiritual and ecclesiastical priests, and took it for an indignity that they should
things or causes as temporal", and it prescribes an speak to her" (Dodd, "Church History", III, 70).
oath recognizing her to be so for all holding office in But. like Cranmer, if she had no religious convictions,
Church and State. The next Act on the Statute Book she had the convictions of her interests. Her lot was
is the Act of Uniformity. It orders the use in the plainly cast in with the Protestant party. Rome had
churches of the second Prayer Book of Edward VI, in declared her mother's marriage null, and her own birth
the place of the Catholic rites, and provides penalties illegitimate. Catholics, in general, looked upon Mary
for ministers disobeying this injunction. It also en- Queen of Scots as the rightful claimant to the throne
forces the attendance of the laity at the parish church which she occupied. Throughout her reign
on Sundays and holidays, for the new service. This Church policy and State policy are conjoint:
was the definite establishment of the new religion in But Janus-faces, looking different ways.
England, the consummation of the revolution initi- The Anglican Church, as established by ner, was a
ated by Henry VIII. The bishops, with the excep- mere instrument for political ends* in her own phrase,
tion of Kitchen of Llandaff, refused to accept it, as did she tuned her pulpits. The maxim, Cujus regio ejus
about half the clergy. The majority of the laity pas- religio.was currently accepted in her time. It seemed
sively acquiesced in it, just as they had acquiesced in according to the natural order of things that the people
the ecclesiastical changes of Henry, and Eaward, and should profess the creed of the prince. Elizabeth ie
Mary. Its effect was, virtually, to reduce the Church not open to the charges made against her sister of re-
of England to a department of the State. The Angli- ligious fanaticism. But she was given up to that
ENGLAND
449
ENGLAND
"self will and self worship1' which Bishop Stubbs
justly attributes to her father. And, in the well-
weighed words of Hallam, " she was too deeply imbued
with arbitrary principles to endure any deviation from
the mode of worship she should prescribe1'.
It was on the feast of St. John Baptist, 1559, that
the statute took effect which abolished throughout
England the old worship, and set up the new. Thence-
forth Catholic rites could be performed only by
stealth, and at the risk of severe punishment. But
during the first decade of the queen's reign Catholics
were treated with comparative lenity, occasional fines,
confiscations, and imprisonments being the severest
penalties employed against them. Camden and
others assert that they enjoyed "a pretty free use of
their religion". But this is too strongly put. The
truth is that a vast number who were Catholics at
heart temporized, resorting to the new worship more
or less regularly, and attending secretly, when oppor-
tunity offered, Catholic rites celebrated by the Marian
clergy commonly called " the old priests ". Of these a
considerable number remained scattered up and down
the country, being generally found as chaplains in pri-
vate families. These occasional conformists were sup-
ported by the vague hope of political change which
might give relief to their consciences. Elizaoeth and
her counsellors calculated that when the old priests
dropped off, through death and other causes, people
generally would be won over to the new religion. But
it fell out otherwise. As the old priests disappeared,
the question of a supply of Catholic clergy began to
engage the minds of those to whom theyhad minis-
tered. Moreover, stricter conceptions of their duty in
respect of heretical worship were gaining ground
among English Catholics, partly on account of the
decision of a congregation appointed by the Council of
Trent, that attendance at it was "grievously sinful1',
inasmuch as it was " the offspring ofschism, the badge
of hatred of the Church". Then a man appeared
whom Father Bridgett rightly describes as "the
father, under God, of the Catholic Church in England
after the destruction of the ancient hierarchy , to
whom "principally, we owe the continuation of the
priesthood, and the succession of the secular clergy".
That man was William Allen, afterwards cardinal.
He conceived the idea of an apostolate having for its
object the perpetuation of the Faith in England, and
in 1568 he founded the seminary at Douai, then be-
longing to Spanish Flanders, which was for so many
generations to minister to the wants of English Cath-
olics. It is notable as the first college organized ac-
cording to the rules and constitution of the Council of
Trent. The missionaries, full of zeal, and not count-
ing their fives dear, who were sent over from this in-
stitution, revived the drooping spirits of the faithful in
England and maintained the standard of orthodoxy.
Elizabeth viewed with much displeasure this frustra-
tion of her hopes, nor was the Bull " Regnans in excel-
sis", by which, in 1570, St. Pius V declared her de-
posed and her Catholic subjects released from their
allegiance, calculated to mollify her. Increased se-
verity of the penal laws marks the rest of Elizabeth's
reign. By the Act of Supremacy Catholics offending
against that statute had been made liable to capital
punishment as traitors, the queen hoping thereby to
escape the odium attaching to the infliction of death
for religion. Few will now dissent from the words of
Green in his "Short History": "There is something
even more revolting than open persecution in the
policy which brands every Catholic priest as a traitor,
and all Catholic worship as disloyalty. " But, for a
time, the policy succeeded, and the martyrs who suf-
fered for no other cause than their Catholic faith were
commonly believed to have been put to death for
treason. In 1581 this offence of spiritual treason was
the subject of a far more comprehensive enactment
(23 Eliz., c. 1). It qualified as traitors all who should
V.— 29
absolve or reconcile others to the See of Rome, or will-
ingly be so absolved or reconciled. Many English
historians (Hume is the most considerable of them)
have affirmed that "sedition, revolt, even assassina-
tion were the means by which seminary priests sought
to compass their ends against Elizabeth ". But this
sweeping accusation is not true. No doubt Cardinal
Allen, the Jesuit Persons [see Persons (Parsons),
Robert], and other Catholic exiles were cognizant of,
and involved in, plots which had for their end the
queen's overthrow, nor would some of the conspirators
have shrunk from taking her life any more than she
shrank from taking the life of Mary Queen of Scots.
But, in spite of all their sufferings, the great body of
English Catholics maintained their loyalty. From
the political intrigues in which the exiles were so
deeply involved they held aloof, nay, many of them
viewed with suspicion not only the exiles, but the
whole Society of which Persons was a foremost repre-
sentative, and desired the exclusion of Jesuits from
English Colleges and from the English mission.
When the Armada was expected they repaired in
every county to the standard of the Lord Lieutenant,
imploring that they might not be suspected of barter-
ing the national independence for their religious be-
lie!. They received from Elizabeth a characteristic
reward. " The Queen," writes Lingard, " whether she
sought to satisfy the religious animosities of her sub-
jects, or to display her gratitude to the Almighty by
punishing the supposed enemies of His worship, cele-
brated her triumph with the immolation of human
victims" (History of England, VI, 255). In the four
months between 22 July and 27 November, of 1588,
twenty-one seminary priests, eleven laymen, and one
woman were put to death for their Catholic faith.
During the rest of Elizabeth's life her Catholic sub-
jects groaned under incessant persecution, of which
one special note was the systematic use of torture.
" The rack seldom stood idle in the Tower during the
latter part of her reign", Hallam remarks. The total
number of Catholics who suffered under her was one
hundred and eighty-nine, one hundred and twenty-
eight of them being priests, fifty-eight laymen, and
three women. To them should be added, as Law re-
marks in his "Calendar of English Martyrs" (London,
1870), thirty-two Franciscans who were starved to
death.
Notwithstanding the severities of Elizabeth, the
number of Catholic clergy on the English missions
in her time was considerable. It has been esti-
mated that at the end of the sixteenth century they
amounted to three hundred and sixty-six, fifty being
survivors of the old Marian priests, three hundred
priests from Douai and the other foreign seminaries,
and sixteen priests of the Society of Jesus. On the
aueen's death the eyes of the persecuted remnant of
tne old faith turned hopefully towards James. Their
hopes were doomed to disappointment. Thatprince
took himself seriously as head of the English Church.
He chose rather to be the successor of Elizabeth than
the avenger of Mary Stuart, and continued the savage
policy of the late queen. The year after his accession
an Act was passed " for the due execution of the Stat-
utes against Jesuits, Seminary priests and other
priests , which took away from Catholics the power
of sending their children to be educated abroad, and of
providing schools for them at home. In the course of
the same year a proclamation was issued banishing all
missionary priests out of the kingdom. The next
year is marked by the Gunpowder Plot, "the contri-
vance", as Tierney well observes, "of half a dozen
persons of desperate fortunes, who, by that means,
Drought an odium upon the body of Catholics, who
have ever since laboured under the weight of the cal-
umny, though no way concerned''. Soon afterwards
a new oath of allegiance was devised, rather for the
purpose of dividing than of relieving Catholics. It
ENGLAND
450
ENGLAND
was inoprporated in "An Act for the better discovery
and repression of Popish recusants'1 (a recusant Cath-
olic was simplv one who refused to be present at the
new service of the Protestant religion in the parish
church), and was directed against the deposing power.
The Holy See disallowed it, but some Catholics took it,
among them being Blackwell the Archpriest. Twenty-
eight Catholics, of whom eight were laymen, suffered
under James I. but that prince was more concerned to
exact money from his Catholic subjects than to slay
them. According to his own account he received a
net income of £36,000 a year from the fines of Popish
recusants (Hardwick Papers, I, 446).
With the accession of Charles I (1625) a somewhat
brighter time began for English Catholics. He was
unwilling to shed their innocent blood — indeed only
two underwent capital punishment while he bore rule
— and this reluctance was one of the causes of rupture
between him and the Parliament. His policy, Hal-
lam writes, "with some fluctuations, was to wink at
the domestic exercise of the Catholic religion, and to
admit its professors to pay compensations for clem-
ency, which were not regularly enforced". The num-
ber of Catholic clergy in England received a consid-
erable augmentation in his reign. Panzani reported
to the Holy See that in 1634 there were on the English
mission five hundred secular priests, some hundred
and sixty Jesuits, a hundred Benedictines, twenty
Franciscans, seven Dominicans, two Minims, five Car-
melites, and one Carthusian lay brother, besides the
clergy, nine in number, who served the queen's chapel.
This large increase in the number of Jesuits was not
regarded by all as an unmixed gain, unquestionable as
was their zeal and devotion. It was considered by
some as the cause of rivalries and dissensions, un-
pleasant to read of, among the small remnant who
kept the faith. The Jesuits seem to have been, at
times, open to the charge of aggressiveness, and
certainly they did not succeed in dissipating the preju-
dice so universal against them. One of the burning
questions among English Catholics was concerning the
episcopal succession . The secular clergy desired a bish-
op, and Allen hadproposed to Gregory XIII that one
should be sent. Through Persons' influence at Rome,
which was very great, instead of a bishop an archpriest
was appointed (1598) in the person of George Black-
well, who has been already mentioned, a friend of
his own, who was deprived by the Holy See ten years
later for taking the oath of allegiance under James I.
Birkhead succeeded him, and Harrison succeeded
Birkhead, until, in 1623, Dr. William Bishop was ap-
pointed Vicar Apostolic of England. He died in 1624,
and was succeeded by Dr. Richard Smith. Shortly
afterwards there was an outbreak of persecution occa-
sioned by the Puritan party in the House of Commons
led by Sir John Elliot, and Bishop Smith withdrew to
France at the end of 1628, never to return to England,
which remained without a bishop till 1685.
When war broke out between Charles I and the Par-
liament, English Catholics, to a man, espoused the
cause of the king. They could not do otherwise.
Hatred of Catholicism was a dominant note of the
Parliamentary party, who bitterly resented the quasi-
toleration which the Catholics had for some years en-
joyed ; and between the meeting of the Long Parlia-
ment and the death of Cromwell twenty-four adher-
ents of the Faith suffered martyrdom. The Catho-
lics, as Hallam points out, were " the most strenuous
of the King's adherents"; they were also the greatest
sufferers for their loyalty. One hundred and seventy
Catholic gentlemen lost their lives in the royal cause;
and Catholics were especially oppressed under the
Commonwealth.
At the Restoration of Charles II, in 1660, English
Catholics expected, not unnaturally, to receive some
recompense tor their unswerving devotion to the royal
Cause, and this more especially as the new king's per-
sonal obligations to them were very great. After his
total overthrow at the battle of -Worcester, he owed
his life to the Catholics of Staffordshire, the Huddle-
stones, the Giffards, the Whitegreaves, the Penderells.
But " Let not virtue seek remuneration for the thing it
was" is a lesson written on every page of the history
of the Stuarts. Catholics asked, in a petition pre-
sented to the House of Lords by Lord Arundeil of
Wardour, that they might receive the benefit of the
Declaration of Breda. Charles was inclined to give
them "liberty of conscience", but Lord Chancellor
Hyde, afterwards Earl of Clarendon, we read in Ken-
neth's "Register and Chronicle", "was so hot upon
the point, that His Majesty was obliged to yield rather
to his importunities than his reasons". The king,
who, as he himself expressed it, was not minded to set
out again on his travels, recognized that there was in
the nation a strong anti-Catholic feeling, and bowed to
it, though himself intellectually convinced of the
truth of the Catholic religion. The laws against
Papists remained on the statute book, and, from time
to time, proclamations — they were, it is true, for the
most part brutum /uZm*n^-were issued requiring
Jesuits and other priests to quit the kingdom under the
statutory penalties. A singular instance of overmas-
tering anti-Catholic prejudice prevailing In the nation
is supplied by the monument erected by the Corpora-
tion of London to commemorate the Great Fire of
1666. It bore an inscription in which Catholics were
accused of being the authors of that calamity, a mon-
strous assertion for which no shred of evidence was
ever adduced. —
Where London's column pointing to the skies,
Like a tall bully lifts its head and lies,
Pope had the courage to write. But not until the
nineteenth century was well advanced was the cal-
umny erased.
It is not possible here to follow, even in briefest out-
line, the course of Charles II 's reign. We may, how-
ever, point out that two things are necessary to a right
view of it: to understand the character and aims of
Charles II, and to realize the dominant temper of the '
English nation. Idle, voluptuous, and good-humour-
edly cynical, Charles certainly was; but he possessed
deep knowledge of human nature, great political tact,
and remarkable tenacity of purpose. That he pre-
ferred the Catholic religion to any other, is certain;
and he was glad to embrace it on his death-bed. But
he recognized the strong Protestant feeling of the peo-
ple over whom he ruled, and was not prepared to im-
perii his crown by defying it. He was, however,
really desirous to do what he could, without risk to
himself, for the relief of Catholics; and this was the
motive of his Declaration of Indulgence in 1672, by
which he ordered "that all manner of penal laws on
matters ecclesiastical against whatever sort of Non-
conformist or recusants" should be suspended, and
gave liberty of public worship to all dissentients, ex-
cept Catholics, who were allowed to celebrate the rites
of religion in private houses only. This declaration
was sovereignly displeasing to all parties in the House
of Commons, who answered it by a resolution "that
penal statutes in matters ecclesiastical cannot be sus-
pended except by consent of Parliament", and refused
supplies until the declaration was recalled. That was
a convincing argument to Charles. He recalled the
declaration forthwith. Parliament then proceeded to
pass a bill — it went through both Houses without
opposition, and Charles dared not refuse his royal as-
sent to it — which required every one in the civil and
military employment of the Crown to take the oaths
of allegiance and supremacy, to subscribe a declara-
tion against Transubstantiation, and to receive the
Eucharist according to the rites of the Church of Eng-
land. One effect of this Act (25 Car. II, o. 2) was to
deprive James, Duke of York, who had become $
Cathode, of his office of Lord High Admiral,
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During the next nine years the struggle between the
kins and the Parliament continued?.. The popular
leader was Ashley, Earl of Shaftesbury — for some
time Chancellor — whose character has been delineated
by Dryden with merciless severity, but with substan-
tial accuracy, in "Absalom and Achitophei". This
statesman's own Protestantism was of the haziest
kind, but he was zealous, from political motives, for
the national religion, and for that reason was bent
upon excluding the Duke of York from the succession
to the throne. To accomplish this end, he fought
strenuously, unremittingly, nor was any weapon too
vile for his use. . The Second Test Act, passed through
his exertions in 1678, rendered Catholics incapable of
sitting in Parliament, and thus deprived twenty-one
Catholic peers of their seats in the House of Lords;
but the king contrived to procure the insertion of a
clause exempting the Duke of York from the opera-
tion of the Statute. It was in this same year that
Titus Oates appeared on the scene with his pretended
Popish Plot. There is no evidence that Ashley was
the instigator of the colossal villainy, but he did not
scruple to employ it for his own purposes. "The ori-
gin of the Plot", says a recent well-informed writer in
"Blackwood's Magazine" (May, 1908), "is a mystery.
We know no more than that the English people, being
mad, interrupted the course of justice, insisted that
the judges should condemn every man brought before
them, suspected of papistry, and easily believed the
crazy stones of hired perjurers. It is most probable
that Oates himself contrived the death of Sir Edmund
Godfrey." However that may have been, certain it is
that the calumnies of Oates and his confederates and
imitators awakened the Elizabethan Statutes into
fresh activity. The king was far too shrewd to give
credence to what Macaulay has well called " a hideous
romance resembling rather the dream of a sick man
than any transaction which ever took place in this
world." But he was powerless to save the victims of
popular fanaticism; "I cannot pardon them", he
said, " for I dare not." And so, in 1679, the horrors of
1588 were repeated, eight priests of the Society of
Jesus, two Franciscans, five secular priests, and seven
faymen being put to death, while many more died in
their foul prisons. The next year witnessed the judi-
cial murder of Lord Stafford, his peers being unable to
withstand the madness of the people. In 1681 Oliver
Plunket, the Archbishop of Armagh, was executed at
Tyburn, after a mock trial. His was the last blood
shed for the Catholic religion in England. The perse-
cution, which had begun with the execution of the
three saintly Carthusian friars in the twenty-sixth
year of Henry VIII, had lasted, with little intermis-
sion, for a century and a half. Three hundred and
forty-two martyrs had sealed their faith with their
blood, while some fifty confessors, in the reign of
Elizabeth and her successors, ended their lives in
prison. The king's long struggle with the popular
party ended in his complete victory. No more con-
summate master of political strategy ever perhaps
existed ; and the violence of the party led by Shaftes-
bury played into his hands. Shaftesbury himself
was arrested on a charge of suborning false witnesses
to the Plot; although the Grand Jury of Middlesex
ignored the bill of his indictment, he saw that the tide
of popular feeling, which had begun to ebb with the
execution of Lord Stafford, was now turned com-
pletely against him, and at the end of 1682 he fled to
Holland, where, two months afterwards, he died.
Charles II was the most popular of kings during the
last two years of his reign, and he was careful not to
mar his popularity by illegal acts or by measures op-
posed to the feelmg of the nation. The statute for
the regulation of printing, passed immediately after
the Restoration, had expired in 1679; Charles made
no attempt for its renewal. In the same year the
Habeas Corpus Act — that great charter of the liberty of
the subject — was passed; Charles acquiesced in it.
He did mdeed infringe the Test Act by the Duke of
York '8 readmission to the Council and restoration to
the office of lord high admiral. But, in the recrudes-
cence of loyalty, this tribute to fraternal affection
passed unblamed. In his last illness the churches were
thronged with crowds praying that God would raise
him up again to be a father to his people ; and on his
death, in February, 1685, all sorts and conditions of
his subjects made great lamentation over him.
In the first year of the reign of James II Dr. Ley-
burn was appointed by the Holy See as vicar Apos-
tolic. In the next year Dr. Giffard received a like
appointment, as did Dr. Ellis and Dr. Smith the year
after that, England being divided into four districts:
the London, the Midland, the Western, and the
Northern, in each of which the papal vicar exercised
all the authority possessed by an ordinary. The new
king came to the throne with advantages which he
could hardly have hoped for. He inherited, in some
sort, the popularity of his brother, and his religion was
forgotten in his blood. He began his reign by a solemn
pledge to keep the laws inviolate and to protect the
Church of England, and the nation believed him.
" We have the word of a king", it was said, " and of a
king who was never worse than his word." The say-
ing, whoever was its author, went abroad. It ex-
pressed the general conviction, and his first Parlia-
ment made proof of exuberant loyalty, granting to the
monarch, without demur, a revenue of nearly two
millions for life. Argyll's rebellion in the North and
Monmouth's in the West but served to bring out the
devotion of the nation at large to the sovereign. But
the cruelties of Kirke and the savageries of Jeffreys in
the "Bloody Circuit" caused a change in the general
feeling. The king's popularity began to wane, and
the measures to which ne now resorted soon put an
end to it. Monmouth's revolt was made the pretext
for raising the army to twenty thousand men, and it
soon appeared that James supposed himself able, with
this force at his command, to place himself above the
law. He attempted to nullify the provisions of stat-
utes by the exercise of his dispensing power. Judges
who refused to fall in with his plans were dismissed;
and it was held by a bench packed with his creatures
that his dispensation could be pleaded in bar of an
Act of Parliament. Armed with this decision, the
king proceeded to set aside the disabilities of Catho-
lics and the restraints upon the exercise of their re-
ligion. They were admitted to civil and military
offices closed to them by the law; members of reli-
gious orders appeared in the streets of London in their
habits; the Jesuits opened a school which was soon
crowded. Further, the king found himself ex officio
supreme head of the Anglican Communion, and he re-
solved to use his supremacy as a weapon for its over-
throw. Following the precedent of Elizabeth, he ap-
pointed an Ecclesiastical Commission, in defiance of an
Act of Charles I which declared that court illegal ; and
he placed Jeffreys at the head of it. He forbade the
clergy to preach against popery, and suspended the
Bishop of London for refusing to carry out this order.
At Oxford he presented a Catholic to the deanery of
Christ Church and converted Magdalen College into a
Catholic society. Among English Catholics most
men of reputation stood aghast at this reckless vio-
lence. Few approved it but converts of broken for-
tune and tarnished reputation. Rome gave no
countenance to it. Macaulay is absolutely warranted
in writing: "Every letter which went from the Vati-
can to Whitehall recommended patience, moderation
and respect for the prejudices of the English people".
"The Pope", he observes in another page, with equal
justice, "was too wise a man to believe that a nation
so bold and stubborn could be brought back to the
Church of Rome by the violent and unconstitutional
exercise of the royal authority. It was not difficult to
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see that if James attempted to promote the interests of
his religion by illegal and unpopular measures, his
attempt would fail: the hatred with which the hereti-
cal islanders regarded the true faith would become
fiercer and stronger than ever: and an indissoluble
association would be created in men's minds between
Protestantism and civil freedom, between Popery and
arbitrary power." This is precisely what happened.
And indeed it is not too much to say that British
Catholics have, in great measure, to thank the two last
Catholic sovereigns for the strong feeling which so lone
existed against them throughout the nation, ana
which, even now, has not wholly disappeared. The
severities of Mary appeared to give countenance to the
popular Protestant opinion that Catholics rely chiefly
on the argument from fire and are always ready, if
they can, to burn dissidents from their religious belief.
The conduct of James II seemed an object lesson con-
firmatory of the vulgar conviction that Catholics are
not bound to keep faith with heretics, and that any
violation of law, any " crooked and indirect bye- ways
are justifiable means to the end of advancing the Cath-
olic religion.
The reign of James II lasted only three years. It is
not too much to say that before two of them were out
he had succeeded in alienating the devotion of the en-
tire nation. The famous Declaration of Indulgence
supplied the supreme proof of his folly and was the
immediate occasion of his downfall. The gist of it
was that by the royal authority all laws against all
classes of Nonconformists were suspended, that all
religious tests imposed upon them Dy statute as a
qualification for office were abrogated. Only an ab-
solute monarch could claim to exercise such a preroga-
tive. It is true that the Declaration was full of pro-
fessions of love of liberty of conscience — professions
which came oddly from a monarch with James's record.
Moreover, as we now know, upon the very eve of pub-
lishing it he had written to congratulate Louis XIV
upon his revocation of the Edict of Nantes, an exam-
Ele which Barillon, a very competent judge, thought
e would have only too gladly followed if he had been
able. Those hollow and palpably false professions
deceived no one, and the failure of the Declaration to
conciliate the support of those who would have chiefly
benefited by it, might have suggested caution to a
wiser man. But James would brook no opposition;
and on 27 April, 1688, he ordered the Anglican clergy
to read his Declaration of Indulgence during divine
service on two successive Sundays. Nearly all the
clergy refused to obey, and Sancroft, the Archbishop
of Canterbury, with six of his suffragans, addressed to
the king a respectful and temperate protest. The
document was treated as a libel, and the famous trial of
the seven bishops was the result. The acquittal of the
prelates was greeted throughout the country with a
tumult of acclaim, which was the signal for the Revo-
lution, whereby the ancient liberties of England were
vindicated, and a Parliamentary title to the crown
was substituted for an hereditary one.
The disfavour with which Catholics were viewed
when William and Mary were placed on the throne
vacated by James II, was natural enough. They
shared in the hatred inspired by the perfidy, cruelty,
and tyranny of the absconded sovereign. William,
indeed, would have gladly extended to them the same
measure of toleration which, in spite of Tory opposi-
tion, he was able to secure for Protestant Nonconform-
ists. He was under great obligations not only to the
emperor, but also to the pope, whose sympathy and
diplomatic support had been of much help to him in his
perilous enterprise. He was, by temperament and by
conviction, averse from religious persecution. More-
over, as Hallam justly observes, no measure would
have been more politic, for it would have dealt to the
Jacobite cause a more deadly wound than any which
double taxation or penal laws were able to effect.11
♦* And this, no doubt, was one of the reasons why the
High Tories persistently opposed it. But the Legisla-
ture did not content itself with leaving on the statute
book the former statutes against Catholics; it en-
acted new disqualifications and penalties. The Bill
of Rights provides that no member of the reigning
house who is a Catholic, or has married a Catholic, can
succeed to the throne, and that the sovereign, on be-
coming a Catholic, or marrying a Catholic, thereby
forfeits the crown. This article of the constitution
was confirmed by the Act of Settlement (12 & 13
Will. Ill, c. 2). which conferred the succession on the
descendants of the Electress Sophia, (a daughter of
James I), being Protestants. Another statute, of the
first year of William and Mary, prohibited Catholics
from residing within ten miles of London and em- '
powered justices to tender to reputed Papists " the oath
appointed by law", providing that any who refused it,
and yet remained within ten miles of London, was to
forfeit and suffer as a Papist recusant convict. A
third Act of the same year (1 W. & M., c. 15) pro-
vides that no suspected Papist who shall neglect to
take the oath appointed by law, when tendered to him
by two justices of the peace, and who shall not appear
before them upon notice from one authorized under
their hands and seals, shall keep any arms, ammuni-
tion, or horse above the value of five pounds in his pos-
session, and in that of any other person to his use
(other than such as shall be allowed him by the ses-
sions for defence of his ,house and person) ; that any
two justices may authorize by warrant any person to
search for all such arms, ammunition, and horses in
the daytime, with the assistance of the constable or
his deputy or tithing-man, and to seize them for the
king's use ; and that if any person shall conceal such
arms, ammunition, or horses, he shall be imprisoned
for three months and shall forfeit to the king treble
the value of such arms, ammunition, or horse. The
7 & 8 Will. Ill, c. 24, closed to Catholics the profes-
sions of counsellor-at-law, barrister, attorney, and
solicitor; and the 7 & 8 Will. Ill, c. 27, declared that
any person who refuses to take the oaths of allegiance
and supremacy, when lawfully tendered, should be
liable to suffer as a Popish recusant convict; and that
no person who should refuse the said oath should be
admitted to give a vote at the elections of any member
of Parliament. In 1700 an Act was passed which, Sir
Erskine May observes, "cannot be read without as-
tonishment . It incapacitated every Roman Catho-
lic from inheriting or purchasing land, unless he ab-
jured his religion upon oath; and on his refusal it
vested his property, during his life, in his next of kin
being a Protestant. He was even prohibited from
sending his children abroad, to be educated in his own
faith. And while his religion was thus proscribed, his
civil rights were further restrained by the oath of
abjuration. It prescribed imprisonment for life for all
Catholic priests, and enacted that an informer, in the
event of their being convicted of saying Mass, was to
receive a reward of one hundred pounds.
Concerning this Act of William III Hallam remarks,
"So unprovoked, so unjust a persecution is the dis-
grace of the Parliament that passed it." But he goes
on to add, "The spirit of Liberty and tolerance was
too strong for the tyranny of the law and this statute
was not executed according to its purpose. The Cath-
olic landholders neither renounced their religion nor
abandoned their inheritance. The judges put such
constructions upon the clause of forfeiture as eluded its
efficiency." No doubt this is generally true. But, as
Charles Butler tells us in his "Historical Memoirs"
(London, 1819-21), "in many -instances the laws
which deprived Catholics of their landed property
were enforced." He adds that " in other respects they
were subject to great vexation and contumely .
They were a very small and very unpopular minority
in an age when a common creed was regarded, in every
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European country, as the chief bond of civil polity and
dissidents from it were more or less rigorously re-
pressed. As a matter of fact, it is to a great English
magistrate that we owe the ruling which placed an
almost insuperable difficulty in the way of the tribe of
informers. At the trial of the Rev. James Webb on
the 25th of June, 1768, at Westminster, at the suit of a
notorious common informer named Payne, Lord
Mansfield told the jury that the defendant could not
be condemned " unless there were sufficient proof of his
ordination". Such proofs, of course, were not forth-
coming. Lord Mansfield; as Charles Butler relates in
his above-mentioned "Historical Memoirs1', discoun-
tenanced the prosecution of Catholic priests and took
care that the accused should have every advantage
that the form of proceedings, or the letter or spirit
of the law, could allow. And at that period the same
temper animated English judges generally.
As the second half of the eighteenth century wore
on, English Catholics ceased to be regarded by the
Government as politically dangerous. A certain
number of them had taken part in the rising of 1715,
and in the far more serious rising of 1745, and had in
some instances been executed for their pains. But in
1766 the Old Pretender died, and the Young Pre-
tender, upon whom his claim devolved, had ceased to
excite either dread or enthusiasm. Men no longer
took him seriously, and English Catholics in time — it
was no very long time — acquiesced in the Revolution
of 1688. Nay, they did something more than ac-
?uiesce. "'In 1778 an address was presented to George
II, bearing the signatures of the Duke of Norfolk and
nine other peers, and of one hundred and sixty-three
commoners, on behalf of the Catholic body. It repre-
sents to the sovereign their "true attachment to the
civil constitution of the country, which having been
perpetuated through aU changes of religious opinions
and establishments, has been at length perfected by
that Revolution which has placed your Majesty's illus-
trious house on the throne of these Kingdoms, and
inseparably united your title to the crown with the
law and liberties of your people ' '. In this year, 1778.
the first Catholic Relief Act was passed. It repealed
the worst portions of the Statute of 1699 above men-
tioned, ana set forth a new oath of allegiance which a
Catholic could take without denying his religion.
Though a very modest measure of relief, it was ex-
tremely distasteful to some bigoted Protestants,
among whom it is distressing to find the name of John
Wesley. But in truth Wesley — it is not a rare case —
was no less ignorant and narrow-minded than zealous
and devout, as is sufficiently evident from his " Letter
concerning the Principles of Roman Catholics". In
this document, besides other equally foolish asser-
tions, he alleges that they hold an oath not binding if
administered by heretics, and that they believe in the
remission of future sins through the Sacrament of
Penance.' The conclusion he draws is that no govern-
ment " ought to tolerate men of the Roman Catholic
persuasion". There can be no doubt that the dia-
tribes of Wesley and his followers largely swelled the
agitation for the repeal of the Act of 1778, which was
conducted by the Protestant Association, and which
issued in the Lord George Gordon Riots.
It would be an error to impute the prevalence of a
milder spirit towards Catholics at this period to sym-
pathy with their religion. It arose rather from the
relaxation of dogmatic belief, the latitudinarianism, the
indifferentism which is a notable sign of those times,
and which infected Catholics as well as Protestants
throughout Europe. In England it was manifested,
among other ways, in the apostasy of nine Catholic
peers, while many other Catholic laymen, of position
and influence, assumed a quite un-Catholic attitude
towards the episcopate and towards the Government.
They desired, legitimately enough, further deliverance
from the penal laws; and to compass this end they had
recourse to means not at all legitimate. In May, 1783,
five of these constituted themselves " a Committee ap-
pointed to manage the further affairs of Catholics in
this kingdom", to use their own words. " It was in
some respects", writes Canon Flanagan (History of the
Church m England. II, 393), "a useful institution,
working zealously tor the supposed interests of the
Catholic body. Its zeal, unfortunately, was not ac-
cording to knowledge. It sought to win emancipa-
tion by making to Protestants every concession that it
believed it could in conscience, but it forgot meantime
that minute theological knowledge would be necessary
for so delicate a task; or rather it forgot that it was
unintentionally perhaps, but not the less certainly,
usurping the place of trie bishops and of the Holy See.
It was now in treaty with the government for fresh
measures of relief. It complained that the Catholics
were not allowed their own ' mode of worship ' ; were
punished severely for educating their children 'in
their own religious principles', whether at home or
abroad; could not practise any of the professions of
the law, or serve in the Army or Navy, or vote in the
elections, or hold a seat in either House; and it
prayed William Pitt, who was now prime minister, to
aid them in their intended application for redress".
Pitt was favourably inclined towards the committee,
whose proceedings, however, were soon marked by
great unwisdom. Protestant Nonconformists were at
that time striving; to obtain a complete toleration, and
held out the right hand of fellowship to Catholics.
The Catholic committees were well pleased by the pro-
S>sed alliance, and in a bill which tney drafted for the
ouse of Commons, they inserted a clause providing
that the relief to be given by it was to be available to
those only who subscribed their names, in a Court of
Justice, in the following form: "I, A.B., do hereby
declare myself to be a Protesting Catholic Dissenter.
The four vicars Apostolic, in an encyclical letter, con-
demned this and other vagaries of the Catholic Com-
mittee, and declared that none of the faithful clergy or
laity under their care ought to take any oath or sub-
scribe to any instrument wherein the interests of re-
ligion are concerned without the previous approbation
of their respective bishops. The Holy See approved
this letter. In the Relief Act which was passed in
1791 the foolish phrase "Protesting Catholic Dis-
senters" was struck out, and the oath proposed by the
Catholic Committee was utterly discarded^ the inof-
fensive Irish oath of 1778, with slight variations, being
substituted for it. Catholics taking this oath were
relieved from the penalties of the Statutes of Recu-
sancy and from the obligation of takingthe oath of
supremacy prescribed by the Statute of William and
Mary. Various disabilities were removed, and tolera-
tion was extended to Catholic schools and worship.
Shortly after this Act was passed the Catholic Com-
mittee turned itself into the Cisalpine Club and con-
tinued under that name, for thirty years, to trouble
more or less the vicars Apostolic.
There can be little doubt that the passing of the
Relief Act was facilitated by the outbreak of the
Revolution in France. Another result, at first ex-
tremely prejudicial to the Catholic Church in England,
of that great upheaval was the closing of the semin-
aries on the Continent, which had furnished to that
country a supply of priests. Douai was seized by the
French Revolutionary Government in 1793. The
English Benedictine nouses in France also disap-
peared. The closing of the English Catholic colleges
m France was, however, to some extent compensated
by the influx of clergy from that country. No less
than eight thousand of these confessors of the Chris-
tian Faith sought the hospitality of Protestant Eng-
land, and it was ungrudgingly given. The King^s
House at Winchester sheltered a thousand of them,
and for several years a considerable sum was voted for
their relief by Parliament and was largely supple-
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mented by voluntary subscriptions. A certain num-
ber of these priests sought and found work on the Eng-
lish Mission. By far the greater part of them returned
home when Napoleon had concluded his Concordat
with the Holy See and re-established Christian worship
in France. Of those who remained a few were irre-
concilably dissatisfied with the new ecclesiastical
arrangements in their country. They were known as
Blanchardists, from their leader Blanchard, and were
a source of much annoyance to the vicars Apostolic.
The heroic Milner was especially prominent in com-
bating them, and in asserting the rights of the Holy
See. That strenuous champion of orthodoxy had, at
the same time, to contend with Catholics of his own
nationality. The spirit which had animated the
Catholic Committee and the Cisalpine Club was by no
means extinct, and led to the formation, in 1808. of
what was called a "Select Board" which professed as
its object the organization of an association for " the
general advantage of the Catholic body". That
"general advantage" turned out to be the further
removal of Catholic disabilities, and the price which
the Select Board was prepared to pay for such re-
moval was the vesting in the Crown of an effectual
negative upon the appointment of Catholic bishops —
commonly called the Veto. The Irish episcopate
unanimously opposed this arrangement, and passed a
vote of thanks to Dr. Milner for his "apostolic con-
stancy" in withstanding it. On 30 April, 1813, Grat-
tan brought forward a Catholic relief bill in the House
of Commons, which substantially provided for the
Veto. It was thrown out on the third reading. Eight
years later a similar bill passed the House of Com-
mons', but was rejected by the House of Lords. Of the
eventual emancipation of Catholics Dr. Milner had no
doubt. Twelve years before his death, which took
place in 1826, he assured the pope that it was certain
to come. But he would not purchase it by the slight-
est sacrifice of Catholic principle. In 1826 a declara-
tion was put forward by all the vicars Apostolic of
England explanatory of various articles of the Catholic
Faith greatly misunderstood by many Protestants.
It was widely read and doubtless helped to remove
prejudice. In the same year Sidney Smith published
his masterly "Letter on the Catholic Question".
Not, however, till March, 1829, was the long desired
boon conceded to Catholics. It was wrung, so to
speak, from statesmen who had always opposed it.
The Clare election convinced Peel and the Duke of
Wellington, who were then in power, that the settle-
ment of the Irish question was a political necessity.
The duke reminded the House of Lords that when the
Irish Rebellion of 1798 had been suppressed the Leg-
islative Union had been proposed in the next year
mainly for the purpose of introducing this very meas-
ure of concession, and not obscurely intimated his
opinion that further to refuse it must lead to civil war.
This relief bill passed both Houses by large majorities.
The king's consent was reluctantly given, and the
Emancipation Act became law. It should be noted
that before the passing of the Emancipation Act the
friction of which we have been obliged to speak, be-
tween certain prominent members of the Catholic
laity and the vicars Apostolic, was virtually at an end.
The Cisalpine Club still existed; but, as Monsignor
Ward remarks (Catholic London A Century Ago, p.
38), "there was very little Cisalpinism in it". This
was largely due to the personal influence of Dr. Poyn-
ter, Vicar Apostolic of the London District, whose
gentleness and meekness triumphed where tne fiery
seal of Milner failed.
When the nineteenth century opened, the Catholics
of Great Britain were, to quote Cardinal Newman's
words, "a gens lucifuga, found in corners and alleys
and cellars and the nousetops, or in the recesses of tne
country". Their chapels were few and far between,
and were purposely placed in quarters where they were
unlikely to attract observation. It Was common to
locate them in mews, and in their exterior they were
hardly distinguishable from the adjoining stables.
George Eliot has well remarked in Felix Holt, "Till
the agitation about tne Catholics in '29, rural English-
men had hardly known more of Catholics than of the
fossil mammoths." Their political emancipation was
the beginning of a great change in their social condi-
tion. " The steps were higher that men took"; their
ostracism began to pass away. Moreover, the reaction
which had followed the French Revolution had told in
favour of Catholicism even in England. Chateau-
briand 's " Genie du christianisme ' ' had a world-wide in-
fluence, and some of the historical novels of Sir Walter
Scott, however deficient in accuracy, presented a
much kinder view of the ancient faith than had been
commonly taken in Protestant countries. In the
history of the Catholic Church in England since 1829
two events require special notice. One was the rise
of what is called " The Oxford Movement ' '. Cardinal
Newman used to date that movement from the year
1833, when Keble preached dt Oxford his famous
assize sermon on "National Apostasy". But indeed
it was simply the bodying-forth of tendencies which
had been long in the air. The old notion of the medie-
val period as "a millennium of darkness" had passed
away: and from the contemplation of its masterpieces
in architecture and painting men proceeded to study
its intellectual and spiritual life. They were also led
to investigate, in the light of facts and first principles,
the claims of Anglicanism. No doubt the " Lectures
on the History and Structure of the Prayer Book of the
Church of England" delivered by Dr. Lloyd, the
Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, set many of
his nearera thinking, Newman among them. But the
object of the leaders of the Oxford Movement at its
beginning was not to examine, but to defend, the An-
glican Church. This was the intention of the " Tracts
for the Times", begun in 1833. It is not here possi-
ble, or indeed necessary, to follow the course of the
movement, which, as it went on, departed ever more
and more widely from the standards — even the high-
est—of Anglicanism, and approximated ever more and
more closely to the Catholic ideal. It culminated in
the famous "Tract XC", the theme of which was that
the Thirty-nine Articles were susceptible of a Catholic
interpretation and could be accepted by one who held
all the dogmas of the Council of Trent. Of course the
movement greatly interested Catholics, and by no one
was it more closely and anxiously followed than by Dr.
Wiseman, who had made the acquaintance of New-
man and Froude upon the occasion of their visiting
Rome in 1833. In September, 1840, Wiseman ar-
rived at Oscott from Rome — where almost allliis pre-
vious life had been spent — to take up his residence as
S resident of that college and Vicar Apostolic of the
[idland District. He felt from the day of his arrival
there, as he wrote in a memorandum eight years after-
wards, that a new era had commenced in England.
To help forward that era was the end to which his
great gifts and his large heart were utterly devoted.
The majority of hereditary English Catholics were
much prejudiced against the Tractarians. Dr. Lin-
gard warned Bishop Wiseman not to trust them. Dr.
Griffiths, the Vicar Apostolic of the London District,
used similar language. But Wiseman did trust them.
He held that Catholic principles, if honestly enter-
tained, must lead to the Catholic Church, and he fullv
believed in the honesty of Newman and Newman s
followers. How Newman was influenced by a paper
of his on the Donatists,. published in the Dublin Re-
view in 1839, is well known. The Oxford Movement
had been directed to the impossible aim of iinprotes-
tantizing the Anglican Church. Newman ana many
of his fnends came gradually to see that the aim was
impossible. The kindly light which they had so faith-
fully followed step by step led them on to Rome*
UfOLAHD 41
Wiseman testified: "The Church has not received at
any time a convert who has joined her in more docility
and simplicity of faith than Newman."
Wiseman had earnestly desired "an influx of fresh
blood" into the Catholic Church in England. The
accession of the converts due to the Oxford Movement
brought it. And no doubt it accelerated the restora-
tion of the hierarchy which had been so strongly de-
sired by generations of Catholics. In 1840 Gregory
VI had increased the number of English vicars Apos-
tolic from four to eight. Ten years afterwards Pius
IX decreed that "the hierarchy of Bishops ordinary,
taking their titles from their sees, should, according to
the usual rules of the Church, again flourish in the
Kingdom of England". The whole of the country was
formed into one province consisting of the metropolitan
See of Westminster, and the twelve suffragan sees of
castle, Beverley, Nottingham, Birmingham, North-
ampton. This restoration of the hierarchy was cer-
tainly not designed as an act of war; it was indeed
" unattended by any suspicion that it would give
offence to others". But it did give dire offence, and
the country resounded with denunciations of what
waa called "The Papal Aggression". An "insolent and
insidious aggression", Lord John Russell, the pre-
mier, pronounced it to be, and shortly afterwards in-
troduced into the House of Commons a bill by which
the Catholic bishops were prohibited, under penalties,
from assuming the territorial titles conferred upon
them by the pope. The bill became law after long
and angry debates, but was, from the first, a dead
letter. There can be no question that Cardinal Wise-
man's appeal to the people of England largely contrib-
uted to allay the popufar passion which his pastoral
letter "From without the Flaminian Gate" had had
no small share in exciting. Though a somewhat
lengthy pamphlet, it was printed in extenao in "The
Times and in four other London newspapers, and its
men, to "the love of honourable dealing and fair play,
which is the instinct of an Englishman", and he did
not appeal in vain.
Cardinal Wiseman filled the metropolitan See of
Westminster from 1850 to 18G5,and it would be hard
to overrate the greatness of his services to the Catholic
cause in England. Manning truly said in the sermon
preached al his funeral: " When he closed his eyes he
had already seen the work he had begun expanding
everywhere, and the traditions of three hundred years
everywhere dissolving before it." When he began
that work, there were less than five hundred priests in
England; when he ceased from it there were some
fifteen hundred. The number of converts during
these fifteen years had increased tenfold, and fifty-
k.... .„^„„ v.- a m u^ beings jjut mere gt^.
the Catholic Church under Wiseman's rule, a progress
directly due to him in large measure. Not the least
important item of his service to religion was the way in
which he presented the Church to his countrymen.
Mr. Wilfrid Ward is well warranted when he writes:
" Wiseman may claim to have been the first effectively
to remind Englishmen in our own day of the historical
significance ofthe Catholic Church, which so much im-
pressed Macaulay, and which affected permanently
such a man as Comte, which kindled the historical
enthusiasm of a Be Malstre, a Gorres and a Frederick
Schlegel." The organization of the Catholic Church,
as it now exists, in England, may be said to be due to
him. He himself drew up, almost entirely, the de-
crees regarding it for the First Provincial Synod, held
at Oscott (1852). His work, indeed, was not done in
the tranquillity which he loved. "Without were
fightings, within were fears." Some of the converts
did not fuse with the hereditary Catholics, " the little
remnant of Catholic England", whom they judged to
be ill-educated and behind the times, and this preju-
dice Wiseman regarded as ungenerous, even if, to
some extent, it was not unfounded. He deprecated
strongly the spirit of party and sought in all gentle-
ness, to put it down and to guide his flock into the
way of peace. On the other hand, some of the old
clergy, taking their stand upon the ancient ways,
regarded with distrust certain innovations of disci-
pline and devotion introduced by the more zealous of
the converts. They looked upon the Oratorians as
extravagant. They viewed Monsignor Manning with
suspicion. It is unnecessary to enter into the dissen-
sions which embittered Wiseman's declining years.
The last two, indeed, were passed in comparative
quiet, but amid much physical suffering. Not long
before he died he said: " I have never cared for any-
thing but the Church. My sole delight has been m
everything connected with her."
Cardinal Wiseman's successor in the See of West-
minster— the successor he desired — was the provost of
his chapter, Monsignor Manning, whose episcopate
lasted until 1892. They were twenty-seven years of
fruitful activity, through evil report and through good
report. For some time he was certainly unpopular,
not only among his Protestant fellow countrymen but
five monasteries had o
(Cathednd)
among his own clergy, who did not like his strict dis-
cipline and some of whom by no means sympathised
with what was called his " ultra-papal ism ". But
gradually the prejudice against him wore off, and his
great qualities obtained general recognition. It waa
the victory of .his faith unfeigned, his deep devotion,
his spotless integrity, his indomitable courage, his
singleness of aim, his entire devotion to the cause
which, in his heart of hearts, he believed to be the only
cause worth living for. One who knew him well said
of him: " He was an Archbishop who lived among his
people", " the door-steps of hia house were worn with
1SN0LAND
456
ENGLAND
the footsteps of the fatherless and the widow, the poor,
the forlorn, the tempted and the disgraced, who came
to him in their hours of trouble and sorrow." No
doubt he made mistakes, some of them grave enough
—as, for example, his persistent opposition to the fre-
quentation of the Universities of Oxford and Cam-
bridge by young Catholic men and his abortive and
costly attempt to supply the loss of academical training
by a college of higher studies at Kensington under the
direction of Monsignor Capel. But it is certainly true
that the active part which he played in every depart-
ment of social reform revealed nim not only as a great
philanthropist and a great churchman, but also as a
statesman of no mean order. It was said by an able
writer, upon the occasion of the twenty-fifth anni-
versary of his consecration: "To him, more than to
any man, it is due that English Catholics have at last
outgrown the narrow cramped life of their past of per-
secution, and stand in all things upon a footing of
equality with their fellow countrymen." No doubt
this happy result was largely due to Manning; but per-
haps it was more largely due to another. The revela-
tion of his inner life which John Henry Newman
thought himself obliged to put before his countrymen
in order to vindicate himself from the wanton attacks
of Charles Kingaley, in 1864, came like a revelation to
multitudes of what Catholicism as a religion really is.
The "Apologia pro Vita Sua" was like a burst of sun-
light putting to flight the densest mists of Protestant
prejudicer And the " Letter to the Duke of Norfolk ' '
(1875), in reply to Gladstone's pamphlet on the Vati-
can decrees which appeared in 1874, may "be said to
have made an end of the old error that a loyal Catholic
cannot be a loyal Englishman. • It was enough for
Newman to affirm that there was no incompatibility
between the two characters. His countrymen be-
lieved him on his word. Lord Morley of Blackburn, a
very competent judge, writes: "Newman raised his
Church to what would, not so long before, have
seemed a strange and incredible rank in the mind of
Protestant England" (Miscellanies, Fourth Series,
p. 161).
Herbert Vaughan, who succeeded Cardinal Manning
in the See of Westminster, ruled the diocese as arch-
bishop, and the province as metropolitan for nearly
eleven years. It was reserved for nim to take up a
work which his predecessor had put aside — the erec-
tion of a cathedral for Westminster. The first public
act which Manning had to perform after his nomina-
tion to the archbishopric — it was even before his conse-
cration— was to preside over a meeting summoned to
gromote the building of a cathedral in memory of
ardinal Wiseman. He declared on that occasion: "It
is a work which I will take up and will to the utmost
of my power promote — when the work of the poor
children in London is accomplished, and not till then."
This work for the poor Catholic children of London
— provision for then* education in their religion — was
Cardinal Manning's life-work ; and before he passed
awayit was accomplished. The building of the cathe-
dral he left, as he announced in 1874, to his successor.
The magnificent fane conceived by the genius of John
Francis Bentley may, in some sort, be considered as
Cardinal Vaughan 's monument, as being the outcome
of his energy and seal. It is a memorial of him, as
well as of Cardinal Wiseman.
So much must suffice regarding the history of
Catholicism in England from the so-called Reforma-
tion to the present day. We now proceed to give some
account of the actual position of the Church in that
country. We have already seen that in 1850 Pope
Pius IX reconstituted the hierarchy, making England
one ecclesiastical*provinoe under the metropolitan See
of Westminster, with the twelve suffragan Sees of
Southwark, Hexham and Newcastle, Beverley, Liver-
pool, Salford, Newport and Menevia, Clifton, Ply-
mouth, Nottingham, Birmingham, and Northampton.
In 1878 the Diocese of Beverley was divided into the
Dioceses of Leeds and Middlesborough ; in 1882 the
Diocese of Southwark was divided into the Dioceses of
Southwark and Portsmouth, and in 1895 Wales, ex-
cepting Glamorganshire, was -separated from the Dio-
cese of Newport and Menevia, and formed into the
Vicariate Apostolic of Wales. Three years later this
vicariate was erected into the Diocese of Menevia, so
that the Archbishop of Westminster now has fifteen
suffragans. Hitherto, since the Reformation, Eng-
land had been regarded as a missionary country and
had been immediately subject to the Congregation of
Propaganda. But Pius X, by his Constitution, " Sapi-
enti Consilio", transferred (1908) England from that
state of tutelage to the common law of the Church.
The number of priests, secular and regular, in Eng-
land, according to the most recent list, is three thou-
sand five hundred and twenty-four, and the number
of churches, chapels, and institutes, one thousand
seven hundred and thirty-six. Of the regulars who
are over a thousand in number, many are French ex-
iles, and a considerable number of them are not en-
gaged in parochial or missionary work. There are
three hundred and eleven monasteries and seven hun-
dred and eighty-three convents, a great increase dur-
ing the half-century which has passed away since
1851, when there were only seventeen monasteries and
fifty-three convents. During the same period many
churches of imposing proportions, adorned with more
or less magnificence, nave been erected. Conspicuous
among them is the cathedral of Westminster of which
mention has been already made. It is in the Byzan-
tine style and is certainly one of the noblest of modern
religious edifices. Nearly two hundred and fifty
thousand pounds have already been expended on it,
and, although still unfinished, it has been open for
daily use since Christmas, 1903.
Catholics in England are still subject to various legal
disabilities. We have already seen that by the Bill of
Rights (1 Will, and Mary st. 2, c. 2) no member of
the reigning house who is a Catholic, or has married a
Catholic, can succeed to the throne, that the sovereign,
on becoming a Catholic, or marrying a Catholic,
thereby forfeits the crown, and that the Act of Settle-
ment (12 and 13 Will. Ill, c. 2, s. 2), by which, the suc-
cession was confined to the descendants of the Eleo-
tress Sophia, being Protestants, confirms this article of
the Constitution. This last-mentioned statute further
enacts "that whosoever shall hereafter come to the
possession of the Crown of England shall join in
communion with the Church of England as bylaw
established". The Emancipation Act (10 Geo. IV, c.
7), which was largely a disabling Act, provides that
nothing contained in it "shall extend or be construed
to enable any person otherwise than he is now by law
entitled, to hold the office of Lord Chancellor of Eng-
land or Lord Lieutenant of Ireland", and the common
opinion is that Catholics cannot now fill these great
positions, but this view appears questionable. The
point is discussed at length m Lilly and Wallis's " Man-
ual of the Law specially affecting Catholics", pp. 36-
43. The Emancipation Act also contains sections
imposing fresh disabilities upon " Jesuits and members
of other religious orders, communities or Societies of
the Church of Rome, bound by monastic or religious
vows1'. These sections have never been put in force;
still, as they remain on the statute book, they have
the serious effect of disabling religious orders of men
from holding property. An Act of 1860 (23 and 24
Vict., c. 134) has, however, somewhat mitigated this
hardship, as also a like hardship regarding beauests
for what are deemed superstitious uses, such as Masses
for the dead. Such bequests are held by English law
to be void, but the Irish courts do not follow the Eng-
lish on this point. It should be noted that up to the
passing of trie Emancipation Act, trusts for the pro-
motion of Catholic charities were held to be illegal.
J
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457
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Nor did that enactment expressly refer to them, so
that three years later, in order to remove all doubts
concerning them, the Roman Catholic Charities Act
was passed, by which such charities were made subject
to the same laws as Protestant Dissenting charities.
The English law as to trusts for Catholic purposes,
which are neither charitable nor void as being for
"superstitious uses" or for support of forbidden
orders, is the same as that which applies to other be-
quests which are lawful but not charitable.
The only other Catholic disability which need be
noticed here is that no person in Holy orders of the
Church of Rome is capable of being elected to serve in
Parliament as a Member of the House of Commons.
This disability is shared by the clergymen of the
Church of England, who, however, can escape from it
by the legal process vulgarly, though incorrectly,
called renouncing their orders, but not by Protestant
Dissenting ministers.
It should be noticed that in England provision is
made for securing religious liberty for pauper and
criminal Catholics. In every workhouse a creed
register is kept in which the religion of every inmate is
entered by the master, upon admission, and the
Guardians of the Poor are empowered to appoint
Catholic clergymen, at suitable salaries, to minister to
the Catholic paupers. Similarly, Catholic chaplains
may be appointed in public lunatic asylums. Catho-
lic pauper children may be transferred from the work-
house schools to schools of their own religion, and, if
boarded out, provision is made for their attending the
Catholic church. Catholic ministers to prisons are
appointed by the Home Secretary, and are duly
remunerated. There are sixteen commissioned army
chaplains paid by the State. In the Navy there are
twenty-three Catholic chaplains, and a hundred and
thirty priests receive capitation allowances.
We go on to say some words on Catholic education
in England since the Reformation. Of course it
hardly existed when the penal laws were enforced in
their full rigour. The clergy, as we have seen, were
trained abroad at Rome, atDouai, at Lisbon, at Val-
ladolid. The young laity benefited in intermittent
and uncertain fashion by the teaching of the priests.
Shakespeare, whom there is strong reason For ac-
counting a Catholic (see Lilly's "Studies in Religion
and Literature"), was "reared up", according to an
old tradition, by an old Benedictine monk, Dom
Thomas Combe, or Coombes. In Pope's time a few
Catholic schools were found here and there, and he
was sent to one of them, a "Roman Catholic semi-
nary ' % it is called, at Twytord, kept by Thomas Deane,
an ex-fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford. But these
"seminaries" were carried on with difficulty, being
illegal, and it was not until the outbreak of the French
Revolution that much was effected for the cause of
Catholic education in England. The professors and
pupils of the University of Douai, after enduring
many hardships, returned to England in 1795, some
going to Herefordshire, in the South, and some to
Tudhoe, in the North. The Herefordshire establish-
ment developed in time into St. Edmund's College.
The school founded at Tudhoe, and removed first to
Crook Hill, has expanded into the great college of
Ushaw, which now also serves as a seminary for the five
northern Dioceses of Hexham and Newcastle, Leeds,
Middlesborough, Salford, and Shrewsbury. Thus
these two noble institutions may claim as their far-off
founder Cardinal Allen. The magnificent Jesuit col-
lege of Stonyhurst may in like manner derive its origin
from Father Persons, for it was founded by the relig-
ious who fled from the house established by him at St-
Omer. The not less magnificent college of Downside
is the descendant of St. Gregory's, Douai, i. e. of the
Benedictine monastery and college founded there in
1606. The monks fleeing from the fury of the French
Revolution were received at Acton Burnell in Shrop-
shire by Sir Edward Smith who had been one of theii
pupils. It was in 1814 that they settled at Downside.
The great college of Oscott is now a seminary in which
priests are trained for the southern dioceses and is
under the joint direction of the Archbishop of West-
minster and the Bishops of Birmingham, Clifton,
Menevia, Newport, Northampton, and Portsmouth.
St. Joseph '8 Missionary College was founded by
Cardinal Vaughan, who ever took the deepest interest
in it, and who is buried in the grounds. Of Catholic
higher schools two deserve special mention; that at
Eagbaston, founded by Cardinal Newman, and that at
Beaumont, established by the Jesuits. Until 1895
Catholic young men were discouraged — nay were in-
hibited, without special permission of the ecclesiasti-
cal authorities — from frequenting the Universities of
Oxford and Cambridge, but in that year a letter from
the Congregation of Propaganda to Cardinal Vaughan
announced that the Holy See had removed this restric-
tion, the bishops, however, being enjoined to make
proper provision for Catholic worship and instruction
for Catholic young men resorting to these ancient
seats of learning. Elementary education has also
been largely provided for by Catholics in England.
Before the Protestant Reformation all the great mon-
asteries had, attached to them, primary schools for
poor children. These of course disappeared with the
monasteries. In the eighteenth century a number of
Protestant charity schools were founded, but it was
not until the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth
century that provision for elementary public instruc-
tion began to be recognized as a public duty. In 1833
a Parliamentary grant was first made "for the pur-
pose" of education. It was divided between two
Protestant societies, the British and Foreign School,
which ignored dogmatic religious teaching, and the
National, which represented the Church of England.
In 1847 Catholic elementary schools, which had much
increased in numbers, were admitted to share in the
government grant, and the Catholic Poor School Com-
mittee was founded to supervise and direct them, a
duty which this body, now called the Catholic Educa-
tion Council, still fulfils.
Catholic journalism in England is zealously repre-
sented by "The Tablet" newspaper, which was
founded so long ago as 1840. It is published weekly.
Other Catholic journals are the "Catholic Times ,
"Catholic Weekly", "Catholic Herald", "Catholic
News", and "Universe". The chief Catholic review
is the "Dublin Review", founded by Cardinal Wise-
man, long edited by W. G. Ward, and now by his son
Mr. Wilfrid Ward. It is published quarterly. "The
Month", a magazine of general literature edited by
Fathers of the Society of Jesus, is issued monthly,
as its name denotes. An extremely important pub-
lication is the "Catholic Directory", which in its
present form dates from the year 1838. But for
nearly a century previously there had been a Directory
which, however, in its earliest issues was merely an
Ordo,or Calendar, for the use of priests reciting Office.
It remains now to speak of certain Catholic societies
existing in England. In the first place mention must
be made of the Catholic Union of Great Britain,
founded in' 1871. The earliest meeting recorded in
the minute book was held at Norfolk House, on the
10th of February of that year, when it was unani-
mously agreed, " that a Society of Catholics be found-
ed, under the title of the Catholic Union of Great
Britain, to promote all Catholic interests, especially
the restoration of the Holy Father to his lawful Sov-
ereign rights". The establishment of the society was
sanctioned by the archbishops and bishops of Eng-
land and by the vicars Apostolic of Scotland (the
hierarchy in that country was not restored until 1878),
and was emphatically approved by Pius IX. In the
rules of the Catholic Union the following means of
effecting its objects are specified: "1. By meetings of
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458
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the Union and of the Council ; 2. By public meetings;
3. By petitions or memorials, or deputations to the
Authorities; 4. By local branches; 5. By correspond-
ence with similar societies in other countries; 6. By
procuring and publishing information on subjects of
interest to Catholics; 7. By co-operation with ap-
proved Confraternities, Institutions,, and 'Charitable
Associations, for the furtherance of their respective
objects; which co-operation shall, in each case, be
sanctioned by the Bishop of the Diocese; 8. By any
other mode approved of by the Council and the
Bishops." For thirty-seven years the Catholic Union
has worked steadily and successfully on the lines thus
indicated. It has also been of great utility in affording
advice and assistance to Catholics, especially the
clergy, in matters of doubt and difficulty, legal and
administrative. It is governed by a president and
council elected by the general body of members.
From the first the office of president has been held by
the Duke of Norfolk, and for many years the Marquis
of Ripon has been the vice-president. On its list of
members will be found most British Catholics of posi-
tion and influence.
The Catholic Truth Society was founded in 1884 by
the late Cardinal Vaughan, then rector of the Foreign
Missionary College at Mill Hill, and has since had a
career of much usefulness. Its main objects are to
disseminate among Catholics small and cheap devo-
tional works : to assist the uneducated poor to a better
knowledge of their religion ; to spread among Protest-
ants information about Catholic truth ; to promote the
circulation of good, cheap, and popular Catholic books.
It holds every year a Conference for the elucidation
and discussion of questions affecting the work of the
Catholic Church m England. During the twenty
years of its existence it has issued publications, great
and small, at the rate of about a million a year. It
has formed a lending library of books for the blind ;
and it has a collection of about forty sets of lantern
views, with accompanying readings on subjects con-
nected with Catholic faith and history. It has been
copied by societies bearing the same names in Scotland
and Ireland, in the United States, Canada, Bombay,
and Australia.
The Catholie Association was originally founded in
1801. Its objects are stated in its Rules as being
" (I) To promote unity and good fellowship among
Catholics by organizing lectures, concerts, dances,
whist tournaments, excursions, and other gatherings
of a social character, and (II) to assist, whenever pos-
sible, in the work of Catholic organization, and in the
protection and advancement of Catholic interests." It
has been particularly successful in the organization of
pilgrimages to Rome and other places of Catholic
interest.
We cannot better bring to an end this brief survey
of the career of Catholicism in England since the
Protestant Reformation than in some eloquent and
touching words with which Abbot Gasquet concludes
his "Short History of the Catholic Church in Eng-
land":— "When we recall the state to which the long
years of persecution had reduced the Catholic body at
the dawn of the nineteenth century, we may well
wonder at what has been accomplished since then.
Who shall say how it has come about? Where out of
our poverty, for example, have been found the sums
of money for all our innumerable needs? Churches
and colleges and schools, monastic buildings and con-
vents, have all had to be built and supported; how,
the Providence of God can alone explain. . . . From
the first years of the nineteenth century, when the
grinciple 'suffer it to be1 was applied to the English
atholic Church, there have been signs of the dawn of
the brighter, happier days for the old religion. Slight
indeed were the signs at first, slight but significant,
and precious memories to us now, of the workings of
the Spirit, of the rising of the sap again in the old
trunk, and of the bursting of bud and bloom in mani-
festation of that life which, during the long winter of
persecution, had been but dormant. Succisa virescit.
Cut down almost to the ground, the tree planted by
Augustine has manifested again the divine life within
it; it has put forth once more new branches and
leaves, and gives promise of abundant fruit."
Anything like a complete bibliography of the subject treated
in the foregoing article would attain to the dimensions of a large
library catalogue. But the following books may be men tioned:
Bbllcsreim, WQhdm Cardinal Allen, 16S2-159U, und die
englischen Seminars auf dem Feetiande (Mains, 1885); Butler,
Historical Memoir* of English, Scottish, and Irish Catholics (3
vols., London, 1819-21); Id., Historical account of the Laws
respecting the Roman Catholics (London, 1795) ; Id., The Book of
the Roman Catholic Church (London, 1825); Brewer, Gaird-
nbr. and Brodib, eds., Calendar of Letters and Papers foreign
and domestic of the reign of Henry VIII (18 vols., London, 1862-
1902): Challoner, Memoirs of the Missionary priests and other
Catholics that suffered death in England, 1577-1681* (2 vols.,
Manchester, 1803: Derby, 1843); Collier, History of the Church
of England (London, 1708-09); Dodd, Church History of Eng-
land from 1500 to 1688 (Brussels, 1737-42), and new edition by
Tiernet (5 vols., London, 1839); Foley, Records of the English
Province of the Society of Jesus (7 vols., London, 1880); Gas-
quet, Henry VIII and the English Monasteries (5th ed., London,
1893); Id. and E. Bishop, Edward VI and the Book of Common
Prayer (London, 1890); Gillow, Literary and biographical his-
tory of Roman Catholics (5 vols., London, 1886); Gillow ed..
Hay dock Papers (London, 1888); Hallam, Constitutional His-
tory of England from the accession of Henry VII to death of
George II (3 vols., tenth ed., London, 1863); Haudecosur, La
Conservation provtdentieUe du CathoHctsme en Angleterre (Reims,
1898); Husenbbth. Notices of the English Colleges and Convents
on the Continent after the dissolution of the religious houses in
England (Norwich, 1849); Knox, Records of the English Catho-
lics under the Penal Laws (2 vols., London, 1882-4); Law, A
Calendar of the English Martyrs of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries (London, 1876): Lilly and Wallis, A Manual of the
Law specially affecting Catholics (London, 1893); Macaulat,
Works (8 vols., London, 1866); Mat (Lord Farnborough),
Constitutional History of England, 1760-1860 (2 vols., 2nd ed..
London, 1863-5); Milner, Letters to a Prebendary; ans. to Re-
flections on Popery by J. Sturges, remarks on the opposition of
Hoadlyism to the doctrines of the Church of England (7th ed.,
London, 1822); Id., Supplementary Memoirs of English Catholics
(London, 1820); Id., The End of Religious Controversy; Id..
Vindication of the end of religious controversy from exceptions of
T. Burgess and R. Grier (London, 1822); Paneani, Memoirs,
Ifiving account of his agency in England, 16SU-6, tr. by Berino-
ton, added, Stale of English Catholic Church (Birmingham,
1793); von Ranks, Die r&m. Papste in d. letxten vier Jhdtn (3
vols., 7th ed., Leipsig, 1878); dander, Rise of the Anglican
Schism (1585), with continuation by Rishton, tr., with notes,
etc., by Lewis (London, 1877); Simpson, Edmund Campion
(London, 1867); Statutes at Large: Strtpe, Annals of Reforma-
tion (London, 1708-09); Ward, Catholic London a Century ago
(London, 1905).
W. S. Lilly.
English Literature. — It is not unfitting to com-
pare English Literature to a great tree whose far
spreading and ever fruitful branches have their roots
deep down in the soil of the past. Over such a tree,
since the small beginnings of its growth, many vicissi-
tudes of climate nave passed ; periods of storm, of
calm, of sunshine, and of rain ; of bitter winds and of
genial life-bearine breezes; each change leaving its
trace behind in the growth and development of the
living plant. It is obvious, then, that to present the
complete history of such an organism in a few pages is
impossible ; all that can be attempted in this article is
to describe the main lines of its life.
It should not be forgotten, at the outset, that Eng-
lish literature has been no isolated growth. It has
sprung from the common Aryan root, has branched
off from the primal stem, and has' received, and con-
tinues to receive, in the course of its growth, multi-
tudinous influences from other literatures growing up
around it, as well as from those of an earlier tune.
Yet, as Freeman said, "We are ourselves, and not
somebody else", and one of the most remarkable
things about English literature is its power of assimila-
tion. Latin, French, Italian, Greek, Spanish litera-
tures, to name only a few, have poured their influ-
ences upon us, not once only, but time after time
leaving their trace, and yet our character, our lan-
guage, our literature, remain unmistakably English.
The ancestors of the English (the Teutonic tribes of
Angles, Saxons, Jutes, and some Frisians) spent nearly
been abandoned by the Roman colonisers nearly fifty
Crs earlier, in 410. Little by little these fierce and
dy heathen tribes, after much fighting among
themselves for the supremacy, settled down, and a
slow process of civilization made itself felt among
them. Christianity, preached by St. Augustine in
597, bringing in its train education, science, and the
arts, was the main factor in this refining change. Such
British tribes as had escaped the English destroyer re-
mained fur a time almost entirely apart, though they
and their literature were afterwards to have no small
influence upon the literary development of England.
It is not unlikely that the written literature may
have begun as early as the sixth century, but at any
rate, by the middle of the seventh century the traces
of it are clear in the work of Ctedmon, according to
the testimony of Bede. Be-
tween this date and the
Norman Conquest, Anglo-
Saxon or Old English writers
(recent scholars often pre-
fer the latter term as pre-
serving the idea of conti-
nuity) produce a body of
literature in prose and verso
such as was furnished by no
other Teutonic nation either
in amount or quality dur-
ing the same centuries.
There are extant at least
' 20,000 lines of verse, and of
prose somewhat more. It
is almost certain, too, that
a good deal has been lost.
The language in which we
possess it is English of the
oldest form, before any
notable foreign admixture
bad taken place. The verse,
with rare exceptions, is of
the Teutonic alliterative
type. Speaking generally,
this body of literature may
be classed under two great
periods: the first, when the
monasteries of Northum-
bria were the homes of learn-
ing, between about 670 After* painting id i
and 800, when, according to the legend, Cssdmon, a
lay brother of Whitby, received the gift of poetry and
passed it on to not unworthy followers ; and the sec-
ond, from the time of King Alfred (871), with' some
spaces of interruption, to the early part of the eleventh
century, when literature, driven from the North by the
Danes, came South and spoke in prose of the vernacu-
lar. In all this work, more particularly in the verse,
there is great variety. Growth may be traced and
changes of style.
Putting aside minor verse we come first upon the
' 'Beow ulr ', a narrative poem which, together with a few
its present form. It is a storehouse of the thinking
and feeling of the forefathers of the English people
when they were still heathen and before they came to
Britain, even though the poem may not have been
actually put together in its present form until the
ninth or tenth century. It gives a picture of very
great interest of certain aspects of the actual life of the
people. The English temper of mind at its beat, en-
during and heroic, pervades it throughout.
But this was before Christianity and the monas-
teries. After the introduction of the new religion the
first important record of literature comes under the
patriarchal name of Cssdmon. It is clear from recent
V9 EBOLAITD
research that Ctedmon himself only wrote a very
small portion of the so-called Ctedmonian poems, but
the story of his vision, given by Bede, even if only
legend, testifies clearly that the first poetry produced
in England began among the people and in religion.
The chief interest of the work lies, not in the actual
subject-matter, Scriptural paraphrase, but in the way
the matter is treated, a Teutonic aspect being fre-
auently given to the narrative. The craving for free-
om, the exultation in war, the longing for morel
goodness, the respect for women, all these and many
other things come out in the rendering of the "Fall of
the Angels", the "Temptation of Man", and else-
where. It is quite clear that several hands have
worked at the Ctedmonian poems, but in the next
great group, a hundred years later, we come upon one
individual poet who has signed at least four poems
with his name, Cynewulf, and he insists upon our
knowing him as the Ancient
Mariner constrained the
Wedding Guest. He reveals
his personality, he becomes
real to us. His poems are
religious, and perhaps the
finest is the " Christ''. He
is a poet of high order.
Among the rest of Old
English poetry the elegies
and the war poems stand
out as the most original.
Old English prose, if we
except Sfe Bede's lost trans-
lation of St. John's Gospel,
groups itself round two
names, those of Alfred and
.sElfric. Alfred (849-901)
was eager for his people's
education, and his literary
work consists chiefly of
translations of important
books of his time:-—Gregory
the Great's "Pastoral
Care", Orosius's "History
of the World", Boethiuss
" Consolation of Philoso-
phy", and (probably done
under his superintendence)
Bede's "Ecclesiastical Hist-
ory"and Bishop Werfrith's
theEndofKionoun ''Dialogues". To some of
these he added prefaces and notes in simple, unaffected
English, which make us realise his remarkable and
lovable character, both as man and king.
Many years after, jEIfric (c. 955-1025). Abbot of
Eynsham. a much more cultivated scholar, and a
more finished, though not more attractive, prose writer
than Alfred, put forth volumes of homilies, saints'
lives, translations of books of the Old Testament, and
other works, which were greatly and justly priced by
his hearers and readers.
The "Old English Chronicle" of which there are
seven MSS-, a record of events in England from the
sixth century to 1164, was meanwhile being written in
the monasteries, undisturbed by the many changed
passing over England. It is almost certain that Al-
fred encouraged this work and set it on a surer founda-
tion, perhaps himself adding portions of the record
where it concerned his own reign. One other piece of
prose literature must be mentioned. In Wulfstan's
Address to the English ", with its vivid indignation at
the sufferings of the people from the Danes, the author
is often as impassioned as an English reformer might
be over the abuses of present-day society. It brings
us up in date to the last half-century before the Nor-
man Conquest.
The Norman Conquest is as important in the history
of English literature as in that of England's politic*!
ENGLAND
460
ENGLAND
and social life. It h rough t a new and invigorating inftu- supreme artist, Geoffrey Chaucer. We trace, too,
ence to bear upon the English genius, though in the during these ages the rise of the drama in the miracle-
immediate present of the eleventh century it seemed a and morality-plays.
crushing disaster for the nation. For nearly one hun- On the threshold of the revival stand two works:
dred and fifty years the race, tho language, and the lit- "The Brut" (1205), a poem of 30,000 lines concerning
erature of the people were apparently stifled. It the history of Britain, written by Layamon, a patn-
seemed as if everything became Norman-French, otic English priest of Worcester; full of more or less
But as long as the down-trodden English kept life in historical stories, partly translated from French
them the springs of poetry and art could not dry up; sources and written in an alliterative metre; and it
and though Robert of Gloucester says that only "low gives us the first account in English of King Arthur,
men" held to English at this time, yet there were a the British hero. The second, a religious work, "The
good many of these "low men", and we have proof Ormulum", a series of metrical homilies upon the
that the native population had still their songs and daily Gospels of the Church, was written by Ormin, an
their wandering bams, while in certain of the monas- Augustiman canon. After this the stream of '
tones the monks went on chronicling events in their literature is
. n chronicling events in their literature is continued in poems of great variety, of
mother tongue much as they had done when a Saxon which many are lyrics. In "The Owl and the Night-
king had ruled England. The continuity of native i«™ w *» ^i;«i.*?,,i *»*.«* ■*>•>«];>•»■ >* «i>- *.-*<! ** *v:-
verse and prose was never really broken, and just as
the English race was at last
to absorb its foreign con-
querors, and to gain infinitely
more than it had suffered from
them, so English language and
literature were by the same
means to be enriched and en-
nobled to an extent no one
then looking on could have
dreamed of.
Yet at first literature was
apparently silenced, and until
the beginning of the thirteenth
century there is no writing of
much importance except the
" Old English Chronicle ' ',
which ends in 1164. There
was, of course, ' writing in
Latin and in French, and the
French was even looked upon
by some as likely to be more
enduring than the Latin. But
the Latin writing was in reality
no enemy to English ; it was
the tongue, then as now, of
the Church, and it was the
medium for communication
between scholars and the
continued i:
any are lyrics.
igale", a delightful poem standing at the end of this
transition period", we have a happy combination of
old and new elements which
have already begun to form
a fresh native poetry. Nor
had prose been idle ; one of the
most interesting books of the
time is the"Ancren Riwle"
(q.v.), a series of exhortations
on their rule for a community
of Dorsetshire nuns.
Passing on over these fifty
years we are met by a further
outpouring of literary work,
abundant and various, if not
remarkably original, poetry
always taking the chief place.
The main kinds of literature
in this period of quick develop-
ment are romances; tales;
religious works (legends of
saints, treatises and homilies
" Portrait, National
Mimdi"; historical writings;
lyrics of love and religion, and
songs of political and social
life. In all this, French in-
fluence is very strong, but
there gradually appear among
it English elements which are
now beginning to hold their
Wiijjaii Shake
AfWr Ihe So-caUe.1 "Chandw
Portrait Gall
disappearing, revives unmistakably at the beginning cerned with the adventures of well-known heroes are
of the thirteenth century, and between that date and the most prominent among all this literature, and
thedeathof Chaucer in 1400 there is produced a great these in some cases are translated directly from the
mass of literature of endless variety but of varying French, though never without English touches. The
value. religious work of this time is edifying, but the prose
Weeomsthen to theMiddle Ages, called"of Faith"; homilies and treatises are sometimes very long and
the age of the Crusades, "of cathedrals, tourna- commonplace. Yet a simple faith and tender piety,
mente, old coloured glass, and other splendid things" together with a most sane sense of humour and some
— the age to which, in times of dryness, artists, lovers imagination, make the religious writings not unfre-
of romance, as well as pious souls of all kinds, have quently attractive, even from the literary point of
often looked back and have drawn from it fresh in- view. But regarded as literature, the lyrics of the
spiration. It has stimulated in modern times new thirteenth century are perhaps the most remarkable,
and noble movements in art and in poetry, and its They are native, and though they bear the marks of
power of inspiration is not yet exhausted. It was an artistic culture in their matter, they remind us more of
age of contrasts, of faith and of unbelief, of extraordi- the country than the town. There is a real though
nary saintlinessandofstrangewickednees.ofreverenoe un-self-conscious love of nature in them, and the
and of ribaldry. It was the great Catholic age, when promise of that peculiar and fine quality of the later
the sacred robe of the Church, spotted though it might English lyric which is one of the glories of our litera-
be in places through human frailty, was still unrent, ture. Nature, love, and religion are the inspiration of
whole, and she herself was everywhere acknowledged these little medieval poems.
in Europe as the Divinely appointed mother of men. This multitudinous work formed a discipline and
The history of English literature from the beginning of preparation, and resulted in the achievements of the
its revival in the thirteenth century is first that of tatter half of the century. The period 1360 to 1400 is
transition (up to about 1250), then of development for marked by a strong reassertion of the national spirit,
about eighty years, in which the work is Inrgelyanony- and in literature there is a curious reappearance of
mous, finally, a period of achievement, the second the Old English alliterative verse after 300 years of
half of the fourteenth century, in which individual apparent neglect. Amongst other poems in thia
writers of power begin to emerge, and among them one metro there are four by an anonymous writer of high
ENGLAND 4
poetic power, one of them, "The Pearl", of great
beauty and of deep religious feeling. To this allitera-
tive class belongs too the well-known " Piers the Plow-
man". Chaucer's work, coming almost at the same
time, has to some extent overshadowed this poem, but
as a picture of the society and ideals of the time it
forms a complement to Chaucer's "Canterbury Tales ".
In "Piers the .Plowman" we have that grave outlook
upon life which marks the English character at its
best, carried almost to excess. The author (or au-
thors, we ought now to say, for it has been recently
Cived that at least three writers must have had a
nd in its making) looks upon the society of his time
as a "realist". He describes the world almost en-
tirely on its dark side, and though the remedies he
offers are good ("Love is the physician of Life"),
and though he never altogether loses his belief in a
Divine over-ruling order,
yet there is an accent of un-
certainty and sometimes of
despair in his voice.
Chaucer (1340-1400), on
the other hand, does not
care for problems of Uf e or
dark thinking. His picture
of society is, on the whole,
from its bright side, when
men are out on holiday,
and when over-seriousness
would seem out of place.
Poetically, and in its struc-
ture, " Piers the Plowman "
is much below Chaucer's
work, but its forcefulness,
its pathos, its sincerity, its
grim humour, its realistic
descriptiveness, and its
dramatic moments make it
a great poem. Chaucer's
work marks the full flower-
ing of English literature in
the Middle Ages, and it was
be who first raised English
poetry to a European posi-
,1 ENGLAND
a framework in which to show the full power of his art
in his picture of the life of his own, and, to some extent
of all, time; and into this frame he fitted tales he had
already written, as well as new ones. But, of it all,
nothing exceeds the power and truth of the "Pro-
logue" to the "Tales . His picture of life and the
commentary upon it comes straight out of his own
observation and character. As he saw men so he
i them, the good, the bad, the indif-
It ii
the e
n of
historians of literature to
divide the literary life of
Chaucer into a French, an
Italian, and an English jeakcib
period, according as his Af»r Painting b
work was influenced by
the manner of each national literature. This division
represents a fact if it be remembered that he carried
on, all through his career, certain of the lessons he had
learned from the foreign source in the earlier time.
There is little doubt that the impulse to write verse
came to Chaucer from France. Old English literature
was practically unknown to him, hut he was saturated
with French poetry, for the literature of France was
then^u tside the classics, the most influential in Europe.
Among many shorter poems of this early time, the
very first of which is a hymn to the Blessed Virgin,
the translation (in part) of the long French allegorical
poem of the "Romance of the Rose", and his original and
most interesting elegy on the "Death of Blanche the
Duchess", are the most important. It is, however,
after he has come upon the literature of Italy —
Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio — that his true genius
begins to show itself. "Troilusand Cressida", "The
Parlement of Foules", "The House of Fame , and
"The Legend of Good Women" (the two last unfin-
ished), as well as some of the "Canterbury Tales", be-
long to this time. They show him as a true artist,
feeling his way through experiment to greater perfec-
tion of work and developing his unique sense of hu-
mour. Then, in the later years of hie life, he strikes
upon the fruitful idea of the Canterbury piljr^ "
time, and it is just possible that the apology placed at
the end of the MS. of " The Parson's Tale " was written
by himself at the close of his life. But, however that
may be, over all he writes be throws his own sunny
humour and wide charity, and in this as in the width
of his sympathies he is not unworthy to be named
with Shakespeare. He is the one supreme literary
artist before Spenser, and
the best brief summary of
him and his work is given
in that proverb quoted by
Dryden in his criticism of
Chaucer, "Here is God's
plenty ". The name of John
Gower (1330-1408) is linked
by custom with that of
Chaucer, but we recognize
now what his contempor-
aries did not, that Gower's
lengthy books in verse are
the work rather of an ex-
pert journey man- than of a
geniuS. But we may legiti-
mately class together the
two writers in their influence
on the language. Both be-
ing widely read, they helped
to make the East Midland
dialect in which they wrote
the literary language of
England, and by their
choice or rejection of French
words welded the language
into greater stability and
unity. The English lan-
guage, at the end of the four-
teenth century, had begun
to assume nearly that mod-
u KCOIf em form we know. People.
Paul van Somer language, and literature had
now become wholly English.
After reviewing this brilliant half-century of poetry,
the prose of the same time seems a poor matter.
There is no great progress to record, notbing really
original of importance was written, and the style fol-
lows Latin models rather than the simpler natural
manner of the Old English prose. Chaucer wrote
Ewe which in its mediocrity is a curious contrast to
poetry. Sir John Mancfeville's "Travels" was a
translation of an amusing book, and Wyclif's transla-
tion or paraphrase of the Vulgate (in which, however,
several other hands than his own had a share), to-
gether with his vigorous but heretical tracts and ser-
mons, form the chief prose work of this time.
After the death of Chaucer, poetry declined in qual-
ity with Btrange swiftness. For the next one hundred
and fifty years there is no great poet; the art of poetry,
chiefly owing to the scarcity of native poetical genius,
but also partly to the swift changes the language was
undergoing and to the carelessness of those who at-
tempted verse, ceased to be finely exercised. The
tradition of Chaucer almost disappeared. In the
earlier part of the fifteenth century Lydgate (1370?-
1451?) and Hoccleve (1370-1450?) tried to follow in
the footsteps of the master they revered, but frankly
recognized their own failure. Their voluminous and
mediocre wbrk, especially Lydgate 's, is not without
KKOLASD
462
ZHOLAND
interest to the student, but certain anonymous poets, la ted the human mind both to good and to evil. In
such as the authors of "The Flower and the Leaf" and England the "New Learning" movement, in the hands
"London Lickpenny" (formerly given to Lydgate), of men like More and Colet tended to enlightenment
succeeded better than they, and the latter poem ahowa and true learning. The "Utopia" of Sir Thomas
that Chaucer's power of social satire had not disap- More, a book of the noblest ideals, represents its spirit
peared. Satire, as always in the decline after a rich at the best. But the effect of the Renaissance on the
imaginative period of verse, came to the front as sub- manners and morals of those Englishmen who came
ject-matter for verse, and later in the century the back imbued with its intoxication from Italy, was
scathing verse of John Skelton (14607-1529), though much lamented by contemporary writers, as we find in
poor as art, is of interest in the light it throws upon Ascham's" Schoolmaster". Yet it is to this acquaint'
the social life of the times. This poet and Stephen ance with Italy and its literature that we owe the re-
" *';P(U!tj- " '" ...... ....
vival of English poetry after its long relapse si
ethe
the century. In Scotland, however, the followers of and felt the beauty and power of the great Italian
Chaucer, of whom the chief were King James I. Dun- poets, we discover a new beginning, a new poet
bar, Henryson, and Gawain Douglas, were producing It was yet uncertain of itself, experimental, hear
and continued to produce poetry worthy of immor- ' .... ....
tality
Fifteenth-century prose was less barren than the
poetry of the age. Since the
Conquest, nearly all serious sub-
ject-matter, withfew exceptions,
had been written of in Latin,
but with the invention of print-
ing, and as the power to read
and write spread downwards,
English prose became more
widely recognized as a medium
for the treatment of many
varied as well as more popular
kinds of matter. Four names —
Pecock, Fortescue, Cakton, Mal-
ory—are recognized as leaders
of this movement, but out of
their work only Sir Thomas
Malory's has become classic.
His "Morte D'Arthur", which
draws together as many stories
and series of stories about King
Arthur as he could lay hands
upon, is a work of genius, and
_ remains a living book. Its
matter is of great intrinsic value
and interest, but it is the beauty
of its strange childlike style, its
un-self-conscious appreciation
of lovely and noble things in
man and nature, and its underlying religious mysti
cism, which make it a book of the first order.
, leaitating,
and not engaged with deep or very noble subject-mat-
ter, but, while observing certain common laws of scan-
-— and diction which the last one hundred years had
ignored, attempted new and
better melodiei
The publication of Tottel's
"Miscellany" in 1557, which
contains the work of these two
poets, marks an epoch in litera-
ture. It set up a standard of
John Miltov
After Painting by Pirter van der Flaa,
"-: ' T' ■-*— '- Gallery, London
National Pun™
who should embody still i
fully the poetic ideals of the
The new poet came in Edmund
Spenser (1552-1599). Seldom
has a young writer been so im-
mediately recognized and ac-
claimed by the accredited liter-
ary judges of his own time as
Spenser was. And posterity has
agreed with their judgment. He
forms the second great land-
mark in English poetry after
Chaucer, from whom he received
inspiration. He had been bred
in the stimulating atmosphere
of the new learning and was
Ctly influenced by classic and Italian literature,
he also appreciated earlier English literature.
The medieval drama, which grew up during these and the only master he openly acknowledged was
centuries, was, with one or two exceptions, not the Chaucer. Spenser's poetry throughout is of wonder-
work of poets or literary artists, yet it was one of the ful beauty in its art, and is marked by nobility of aim,
most educative influences of the time. Beginning in purity of spirit, and reverence for religion. His
connexion with the liturgy of the Church, there gradu- minor poems" are many, and as Professor Saints-
ally developed a whole cycle of religious plays, show- bury remarks, would be "major poems" for any
ing forth the history of the world from the Creation to smaller poet. He was, for example, a satirist of no
the Last Judgment. These, acted in a series, in public mean order and a sonneteer, but in the general i udg-
places of the towns, at certain great church festivals, ment, and rightly, Spenser is the poet of the "Faerie
provided as much instruction as amusement. There Queene". All his special powers are shown there, and
is no doubt that, in spite of passages in them which all his character, one might almost say all his history,
may now seem to us materialistic or irreverent, these The large allegorical ground-plan of the " Faene
simple and rude dramatic representations, both mira- Queene , not half completed, interesting as it is, does
cle-plays and the later developed moralities, pressed not form the great attraction of the poem. That lies
home great religious truths upon the people. From in the pure and appealing beauty of the versification,
the point of view of the development of drama, we in the varied and glorious description, often minutely
may say that English tragedy and comedy have, at detailed, in the wealth of i map nation, and in the im-
least to some extent, their roots in these crude plays in passioned love of everything beautiful which enthrals
doggerel verse. the reader as it did the poet. That there are flaws in
Leaving the Middle Ages behind us, we come now to the poem goes without saying, more especially as
the threshold of the most fateful epoch in the history Spenser died leaving it half finished.
of the English people — the disruption of the Church, The complete plan of the work cannot be gathered
or the so-called "Reformation". This was preceded from the poem itself. Spenser's letter to Sir Walter
and accompanied by the earlier movement called the Raleigh, prefixed to all editions, is necessary to make
"Renaissance", which, having opened up fresh it clear. "The centre falls outside the circle." For
branches of classical learning, more especially that of Catholics, too, the historical allegory is seriously
Greek poetry and philosophy, awakened and stimu- marred by the anti-Catholic bias of the poet's time.
ENGLAND 4
In places, the Church is bitterly assailed, though in
other passages Spenser clearly deprecates the dese-
cration of monasteries, churches, altars, and images
as the work of the " Blatant Beast of Calumny". Nor
does he give by any means undiluted approval to the
Anglican Church or the Puritans. Modern criticism,
however, places little emphasis upon any portion of
the historical allegory, regarding it as an antiquated
hindrance rather than a living help to the true appre-
ciation of the poem. The more purely spiritual ele-
ments of the allegory, such as the struggles of the hu-
man will against evil, aided by Divine power, are those
which are valued by discerning readers. Considered in
its essential aspect, the "Faerie Queene" is " the poem of
the noble powers of the human soul struggling towards
union with God ". Spenser holds the supreme place
among a multitude of other poets of as real though of
leas genius than his in the
sixteenth century, and the
work of these, outside the
drama, is perhaps seen at
its best in the song and the
sonnet, two forma which
hod now an extraordinary
vogue. Nearly a dozen
anthologies of Elizabethan
lyrics, of which the finest is
England's "Helicon " (1600),
osho^
lb the s\
After Pi
ness, beauty, and rarity of
these songs. The sonnets,
one of the new Italian poetic
forms, introduced by Surrey
and Wyatt, are less original,
and many of them are trans-
lations from foreign sources,
but those of Sidney ana
Shakespeare, at least, stand
out by their exceptional force
and beauty. -
Among the many lesser
gets of the time Miehael
rayton (1563-1631) has
been singled out as especial-
ly representative of the gen-
eral character of Elizabeth-
an poetical genius. He
wrote every sort of poetry
that was the fashion except
moral allegory. His work de-
serves more notice than is often given to it, and his name
is sometimes only associated with his long historical
poem of the "Polyolbion". This type of poetry re-
flects the patriotism of the age, and Samuel Daniel and
William Warner, both poets of some genius, also
worked at it. The huge "Mirror for Magistrates",
begun in 1555, and not in its final edition until James
I's reign, had encouraged this kind of verse. Poetry
of an argumentative and philosophic type was pro-
duced towards the end of the century, but very little of
value that was religious, except the work of Robert
Southwell. This heroic young Jesuit and martyr
wrote with a high object: to show to the brilliant
young poets of his time, whose love poems often ex-
pressed unworthy passion, "how well verse and virtue
sort together". And he did this by using the literary
manner of the age, "weaving", as he himself says, " a
new web in their old loom". His book had a distinct
influence on contemporary and later poetry, touching
even Ben Jonson and perhaps Milton himself. Its
Saint ness of wit (allying it somewhat to the " meta-
ysical" school of the next generation) are shot
through with warm human feeling which makes its
direct appeal to the reader. And sincerity is the very
note of it all.
But it is, of course, in the drama that we find all the
well-known poets — with the one exception of Spenser
3 ENGLAND
— putting forth their greatest force. The sudden rise
of the drama in the latter half of the sixteenth century
is the most remarkable phenomenon of this supremely
remarkable literary age. It has never been fully ac-
counted for. Many of the contemporary records con-
cerning plays and the theatre have undoubtedly been
lost, so that we have to form our own judgment of
Elizabethan dramatic literature and its causes upon,
_ comparatively speaking, insufficient grounds. Out of
" some 2000 plays known to have been acted, only about
500 exist, as far as we know, and discoveries of new
contemporary testimony or work might revolutionize
our judgment on the history of Elizabethan drama.
However that may be, the facts, as we have them, are
that in the earlier half of the sixteenth century we
find scarcely any dramatic work that would enable us
to foresee the rise of the great romantic drama. Mir
acle-plays were acted up to
1579 but clearly no great
development could come
from these, and still less,
perhaps, from the scholarly
movement towards a so-
called classical drama, imi-
tations of the Latin come-
dies of Plant us and Terence,
such as "Ralph Roister
Doister", named the "first
English comedy", or of the
dramas of Seneca, as in " Gor-
bodiic", the "first English
tragedy". There was also
a popular tragi-comic drama
of a somewhat rude kind
(such as Shakespeare trav- -
estied in theplay of " Pyr-
amus and Thtsbe" in the
"Midsummer Night's
Dream"), but this was no
more prophetic than the
others. Then suddenly there
appear between 1580 and
1590 plays with life, inven-
tion, and imagination in
them, often faulty enough,
but living. The predeces-
sors of Shakespeare, Peele,
Greene, Kyd, and others, but
most of all that wild and
poetic genius. Marlowe,
" whose raptures were all air and fire ' ', ana who prac-
tically created our dramatic blank verse, prepare the
way for Shakespeare. Rejecting, gradually, by a sort
of instinct, those elements m the drama of the past that
were alien to the English genius, they struck out, little
by tittle, the now well-known type of Elizabethan ro-
mantic drama which in Shakespeare's hands was to
attain its highest. And Shakespeare's genius made of
it not only a vehicle for the expression of Elizabethan
ideals of drama and of life, but a mouthpiece of hu
manity itself.
Shakespeare belongs not to England but to the
whole world, and most modern nations have vied with
each other in acute and wondering appreciation of his
genius. A mass of critical literature has grown up
round his name, discussing problems literary, artistic,
personal, of every kind, and continues to grow.
Shakespeare and his work furnish inexhaustible mat-
ter for meditation upon almost every human interest
and problem. After his time there are some fine
dramatists, but none can approach him in complete-
ness and height of genius. Ben Jonson, Chapman,
Webster, Ford, Massinger, and Shirley — the two last
Catholic converts — with others, cany on the line of
dramatic writing with genius, skill, and energy, but the
glory gradually departs until one is led to think that if
the theatres had not been closed in 1643 on account of
ENGLAND 4
the civil war,they wokild have ceased of themselves for
want of good plays. Not only had the technical skill
in versification, dialogue, and plot decayed, but the
moral tone had so much degenerated that most of the
hard charges brought against the drama by the Puri-
tans at this time seem well justified.
When we turn to Elizabethan prose we find it a
much inferior and less practised form of art than verse.
No standard of good prose towards which writers
might aim was recognized, and the masterpieces of the-
Elizabethan age are few. Hooker's "Ecclesiastical
Polity" has rightly, by its weighty argument and its
grave eloquence, won a place among classics. I.yly in
E is two volumes of "Eupbues" was the first, perhaps,
to treat prose as equally worthy with poetry of artistic
elaboration, and his book, a medley of story-telling
and moralizing, often most excellent as well as inter-
esting in its ethical musing, instituted a fashion of
speech and writing from which for some years few
writers stood aloof Sir Philip Sidney's "Arcadia",
a long pastoral romance of senti-
ment, however, broke the spell
and in its turn created a vogue.
The novels of this time follow the
"Euphues" or the "Arcadia"
in most examples, but there is
also a third type in the work of
Nash, the novel of wild and reck-
leBs adventure, which was after-
wards to become famous in the
greater work of Smollett. Criti-
cism of poetry, history, often
in the form of chronicles, geog-
raphy, and adventure, such as
in Hakluyt's collection of " Voy-
Sss", together with innuraer-
le translations from classical
and modern authors, were some
of the matters treated in prose.
In the novel, as in the drama,
the foreign influences, especially
those of Spain and Italy, are
easy to trace. Though not of
the first order of art, tbe Eliza-
bethan prose is yet most attrac-
tive, for it reflects the varied in- After~Pa[ntini
terests and the complex char-
acter of the strange and wonderful time of the sixteenth
century, and it exhibits in their early stages certain
forms of literature, such as criticism and the novel,
which were afterwards to develop into orders of the
first importance. It is scarcely needful to say that
Catholics, of necessity, in this epoch, for them, of dis-
aster and persecution, took little part in the great out-
put of literature.
From one point of view the history of English poetry
would seem to be a record of action and reaction, of a
st niggle between one type of poetry and another, be-
tween that in which the matter delivered is all impor-
tant, and that where correctness of form is the chief
end at which the poets aim— -between, in fact, the ro-
mantic and the classical schools. This general trend
may be most clearly seen in the work of the crowd of
secondary poets in any age, but the few who excel will
be found to combine and reconcile in themselves, more
or less, the opposing elements, though, naturally, both
small and great poets will exhibit some individual
bias, however slight, towards one type of work or an-
other. This statement is practically true of the seven-
teenth century. In the very heart of the romantic
Getry of the immediate successors of the Eliza-
thans, there arose, in the early years of the century,
a few young men who began to write verse of another
kind altogether, whose work was not developed to its
full meaning, however, until Dryden took it up.
Meanwhile, one matchless poet, John Milton, living
through the greater part of the century, went his own
■'
4 SHCtLAND
way ("his soul was like a star and dwelt apart"), tak-
ing little notice of prevailing types or subject-matter,
fusing romantic and classical elements into one superb
kind of work that we can find no name for but "Mil-
Before looking in any detail at seventeenth-century
verse, it is well to glance at the general character of the
age. It is a contrast to that which had preceded it.
The Elizabethan time had been exuberant almost to
intoxication, rejoicing in the great range of possibili-
ties for human life that new knowledge; exploration,
and learning seemed to open out before it. But over
this mood at the end of the century there passed a
change. Questioning succeeded the brilliant joy in
things as they had appeared; self-consciousness fol-
lowed the almost impersonal delight in life; the very
foundations of religion, politics, and social life were
called up for investigation. There had in reality
always been a good deal of unrest beneath the surface.
even after the settlement of these matters attempted
and apparently in part accom-
plished by Elizabeth. Now the
unrest increased, and a sceptical
spirit, light or sad, according to
the author's temperament, per-
vades much of the most capable
writing. At the same time there
are religious writers who express
both in prose and verse the best
spirit of the Anglican Church
when under the sway of Arch-
bishop Laud, and now there
rises also to its full height the
great Puritan movement (al-
ready, however, split up into a
growing number of sects),
strongly and narrowly affirma-
tive of certain views concerning
Divine and human things, pass-
ing oftener than not into in-
tolerance and wild fanati-
cism. Milton, on the whole,
represents this movement at
its best, though its weaknesses
may be discovered, especially
by"JohnOple "1 hifl Prose work, even in
At the beginning of the reign of James I we find the
group of poets whose inspiration was Spenser, amongst
whom the chief are the two Fletchers, William Browne,
and George Wither. All have a sweetness and fullness
in their work which links them to the Elizabethans.
Passing on to the reign of Charles I, we are struck by a
more widely spread order of poets, men who, at their
best, are all more or less touched by the desire to find
behind material objects an imaginative idea, "the
search for the after-sense", and who in trying to ex-
press that which they thought they found used an
over-abundance of imagery, sometimes beautiful,
but often pedantic and fantastic to the point of ab-
surdity. To these Dr. Johnson gave the name of
"metaphysical", and to see them at their worst one
should look at his quotations from them in his "Life
of Cowley". The movement was not confined to
England; Italy, France, and Spain had felt it earlier.
John Donne (whose verse belongs in date to the reign
of Elizabeth) is reckoned as the founder ol this school
in England. Herrick and the amourists known as
"Cavalier Lyrists" form one group in it, and Cra-
shaw, Herbert, and Vaughan, religious poets, together
with Herrick, are the only ones whose work has se-
cured immortality. Crashaw, a fervent Catholic con-
vert, whose religious verses are often very beautiful,
shows in a marked degree the great strength and the
great weakness of this school. Professor Saintsbury,
the most discerning critic of this poetical group, has
said that if Crashaw "could but have kept himself at
1HGUUID 4f
his best be would have l>een the greatest of English
poets". Of another Catholic poet, William Habing-
ton, Crasha w's contemporary, but less than he, though
occasionally writing fine passages, the same critic re-
marks that he is " creditably distinguished " from too
many others "by a very strict and remarkable de-
cency of thought and language".
But this was poetry which could not develop; it
was a kind of second crop from the Elizabethan held,
and it gradually withered away. Some time before its
end, certain young poets, several of whom had been in
France, exiled with the Queen, Henrietta Maria, and
had caught a new spirit, turned to fresh ways of verse.
Edmund Waller {1905-1687) led the way as early as
1620. Denham, Cowley, and Davensnt (a Catholic
and romantic, brought up in the house of I^ord Brooke,
Sir Philip Sidney's friend) followed him in varying
degrees. These young poets initiated a change of far-
reaching effect. In their hands poetrv took on an-
other aspect. It discarded nearly all forms of metre
except the heroic couplet, re-
fused to use any but rather
commonplace imagery, and
turning away from all passion-
ate emotion, tended to treat
of subjects which belonged to
the intellect rather than to im-
agination or feeling. Satire or
didactic poetry gradually
usurped almost the whole fiela.
But this was not accomplished
in full until Drydcn came. It
was he who stamped this school
with its leading marks, and gave
the heroic couplet its "long
prosaic subject-matter of this
verse — satiric, didactic, and
argumentative work on religion
("The Hind and the Panther"
was written in the cause of the
Church) and politics — has made
some critics deny to it, un-
justly, the name of poetry. It
is poetry of a certain restricted
kind.
John Dryden (1631-1700), had he lived in a time
more favourable to imaginative work, would hare
written verse more purely poetic. He had about him
something of the amplitude, inventiveness, and free-
dom of the Elizabethans, and the history of his poetic
development shows him passing from stage to stage of
excellence. Though he was the crown and chief of
the so-called "classical school", he was indeed deeply
tinged with romantic feeling, and he himself knew and
acknowledged that poetry was capable of a higher
flight and wider range than it had ever taken in his
own day. He was, moreover, a man of many powers.
He was a prolific dramatist, and his critical writings
have made an epoch in the history of English prose.
in the course of hia life he changed his politics and his
religion; and though doubts have been cast upon his
good faith in this respect, the most recent criticism is
of opinion that he had nothing but spiritual ends to
gain by his conversion to Catholicism. It is unfortu-
nate that we cannot exonerate him as an author from
the charge of that sensuality which mars a good deal of
his dramatic writing — it is no better and sometimes
worse than the immoral though brilliantly witty
drama, of his time. He himself at the close of his life
wrote a full apology for this trait in his work.
Dryden's lines on Milton show the exalted estimate
he had formed of his greater and earlier contemporary,
and time has proved the general truth of it. The
poetry of Milton (1608-1674) has become an English
classic, and " Paradise Lost" has been translated into
V— 30
After P»iritii
of Milton's earlier work — "L'Allegro",
"Comus", and "Lycidas" — poems within their own
limits as perfect as anything he ever did. It is when we
turn to his prose that we realize, from the immeasurable
difference Ijetween it and his verse, how comparatively
low the received standard of prose must have been.
"Milton, the great architect of the paragraph and the
sentence in verse, seems to be utterly ignorant of the
laws of both in prose, or at least utterly incapable or
Careless of obeying those laws." Yet it contains some
splendid passages more like poetry than prose, but the
controversial matter which is the subject of most df
it-— to say nothing of its often violent manner — is
scarcely interesting to the present generation. Prose in
the seventeenth century had an eventful history, and
in spite of the lack of a high common standard, pro-
duced some masterpieces. At the beginning of it
there is the weighty work of Sir Francis Bacon (1561-
1626), embracing in many vol-
umes matters of natural science,
philosophy, history, ethics,
worldly wisdom, even fiction,
and in the "Essays" and the
"Advancement of Learning"
especially, adding to English
classics. Lord Clarendon's
"History" presents a noble gal-
lery of portraits; there is Sir
Thomas Browne (accounted by
his enthusiastic admirers one of
the greatest prose writers in all
the range of English), the finest
of the rhetorical, fantastic, and
wholly delightful set of writers
who arose at this time, treating
in a semi-speculative fashion a
wide, various range of subject-
matter. A number of religious
and devotional works appear,
among which the sermons of
Jeremy Taylor stand high, and
John Bunyan in "The Pilgrim's
Progress" produced a master-
Riece of English. Nor must we
irget the Authorized Version of
the Bible, in 1611 — a work of a wonderful prose style,
eclectic, drawn from many sources, and yet having the
appearance of absolute naturalness and simplicity.
Preaching was a notable feature of the time, and the
very long sermons of Tillotson, Barrow, Stillingfleet.
and others make good literature. Dryden claimed
Archbishop Tillotson as his master in prose, and it is
when we come to Dryden's own work in the latter half
of the century that we find prose beginning to take its
place as "the other harmony" of verbal artistic ex-
pression. On the whole, it is the mark of Restoration
prose to become conversational, and we may say that
modem prose, easy, flexible, and fitted for general use,
arose in Dryden's critical prefaces.
Dryden died in 1700, and with the opening of the
eighteenth century we pass into an age of strongly
marked characteristics. The Revolution "toy which
the Stuart dynasty was displaced had been accom-
plished, involving, naturally, great changesin the
fortunes of religious and political life, particularly
disastrous to the Catholic Faith in England. In its
earlier stages the century is filled by the party strife of
Whigs and Tories, and by the religious movements
known as Methodism and Deism — two strange oppo-
sites. In the upper classes there was a general lower-
ing of spiritual and emotional temperature — to be
enthusiastic was " bad form " — and religion and litera-
ture equally suffered. The growing middle class
seems to some extent to have escaped this tepidity,
and the preaching of Methodism touched their hearts.
Washington Allslon
ENGLAND 4
Hie "Church of England", now the State "estab-
lished" Church, was, however, in a state of spiritual
poverty — many of her best clergy having left her for
conscience' sake at the time of the Act of Uniformity.
As far as the current stream of poetry was concerned,
it had become an affair of a circle of leisured and fash-
ionable people, A great admiration prevailed for the
classics and classical principles, seen generally through
the eyes of French critics.
The century opened badly for literature. For
years there had not been such a barren literary time.
Dry den had just died, and though much verse was be-
ing written, it was mostly poor. In prose, there were
few men of any mark. The only work showing power
was the drama, in the brilliant and unmoral comedies
of Congreve, Vanburgh, and Farquhar. But within
ten years there was a remarkable change. Pope came
to the front in verse, and for many years poetry was to
be almost synonymous with his name. In prose there
was a galaxy of genius, Swift (1667-1746), Addison
( 1(172-1 7 19),Steele (1671-1 726),
Berkeley (1685-1753), to men- -
tion only a few, in whose hands
modern prose — mature, varied,
capable, combining, when at its
best, strength, sweetness, grace,
aud magnificence — becomes
henceforth a secure possession of
English literature. But this
was not all at once. Prose had
first to go through a discipline
from the hands not. only of
writers just mentioned, together
with the great novelists in the
first half of the century, but
from Dr. Johnson and those
who followed him, especially
the historians Gibbon and Rob-
ertson. It thus took on a cer-
tain formality and statelineas
not known before.
Pope and Johnson are the two
names that dominate almost
tyrannically the first and second
half respectively of the eigh-
teenth century. Most of the
elements of his age are more
or less represented in the work of Alexander Pope
(1688-1744), though, as a Catholic, his religious
sympathies lay in another direction than those of
his day. His first important poem, the "Essay on
Criticism", lays down rules for the guidance of
critics according to the prevalent classical ideals; his
"Rape of the Lock", perhaps his best poem, gives a
brilliant and witty picture of the high society of his
time ; his translation of Homer is a Greek story told in
an eighteenth-century manner; his "Essay on Man"
is a versifying of Shaftesbury's philosophy; and the
"Essays and Epistles "and the "Dunciad" are didac-
tic and satiric. Dryden and Pope share between them
the chief honours of English satire. Pope's picture of
Atticus (Addison) and Dryden's of Zimri (Bucking-
ham) have no equals in our satiric literature. The
subject-matter of Pope's poetry may sometimes fail to
interest us, but the versification always claims atten-
tion. Pope refined and polished and super-refined the
heroic couplet until it became the most perfect instru-
ment for satiric verse. It has not the original vigour
and variety of Dryden's couplet, but it has a finer fin-
ish and a more subtle thrust.
The greatest strength of literature, however, at this
time went into prose, and the prose writers contem-
porary with Pope are men ofgenins, with Swift by far
the greatest of them. His "Tale of aTub" and " Gul-
liver's Travels"— to mention only the two greatest of
his writing — show a power of intellect and imagina-
tioB worthy to be employed ipon much finer subject-
After Painting by Amelia Currsn at Bine
3 ENGLAND
matter. The first part of "Gulliver's Travels" finds
him, perhaps, at his happiest, and is less marred by the
bitter rage against' men and life, and the touches of
foulness, which spoil so much of his work. He is, too,
one of the great humourists, and his style is marked by
sincerity, clearness, force, flexibility, and sometimes
grace.
But the greatest work in prone, on the whole, wss
done by Addison and Steele in the essays of "The Tal-
ler " and " The Spectator ". They were men of less gen-
ius than Swift, but who looked at life humanly and
wished to add to men's peace and happiness. They ex-
pressed with wit, kindliness, and literary skill their
views and their intentions. Their definite aim was to
bring together the opposing parties in politics and relig-
ion by showing them how much of life and interests they
possessed in common, and by gentle raillery and well-
bred exhortation, to " rub off their corners". They did
accomplish much of this; everybody, regardless of poli-
tics, read the Essays, which came out several times a
week, or daily, and every one
''! enjoyed and talked them over.
Polite literature by this means
permeated and helped to refine
the great and growing middle
Another form of prose which
arises now, and was destined
to even a much greater future
than the essay, was the novel.
The modern novel is born with
the work of Richardson and
Fielding — the work of the one
viewing things from an emo-
tional standpoint, that of the
other giving a more comprehen-
sive and objective' picture of
life. Richardson wrote out of
his own native feeling and
somewhat restricted experi-
ence; Fielding, equally original,
was largely and beneficially in-
fluenced by Cervantes ana the
novel of Spain. Both are men
of genius, whose work grips the
reader, but their offences against
good taste and morality will
always prevent their becoming household companions
as Scott and Dickens have become. Smollett and
Sterne continue the life of the novel, and Goldsmith,
masterpiece, "The Vicar of Wakefield", has
place in the prose of this time. Samuel Johnson
(1709-1784) accomplished many kinds of literature.
His earliest attempt as well as his latest is biog-
raphy; of essays he wrote many, but his genius is not
best suited to that form, and the work is too often
ponderous and mannered; novel and ethical treatise
are combined in the delightful pages of "Kasselas".
His great dictionary is philology with an autobio-
graphical flavour; his lives of the poets are partly
biographical, but mainly critical, while criticism fills a
good space in his edition of Shakespeare. But it is
not only the range and value of all this work which
makes it so attractive, but — in spite of its limitations
— the sincere, strong, kindly character that animates
every line of it.
"That fellow calls forth all my powers", said John-
son of Burke. Edmund Burke (1729-1797) is now
looked upon as England's greatest political philoso-
pher, ana his writings belong in subject-matter to
history and politics, rather than to literature. Their
style, however, rich, imaginative, full of energy.
varied to suit its theme, moving among worlds of
knowledge, and selecting just the right word and illus-
tration in each place, puts him among the great liter-
bulwark against the flood of new thought and feeling
which, becoming apparent after the death of Pope, had
been rising little by little, especially in poetry, ever
since the twenties. The great romantic movement,
so difficult to define, and yet so easy to trace, becomes
the supreme point of interest for the literary historian
in the later eighteenth century. There is no class of
poetry written during this time but stands in some re-
lation to it, and its influence, as we have said, may be
seen, though less clearly, in many of the prose writings.
This movement was for the widening and deepening
of literature. New Gelds of subject-matter were taken
in hand, and the treatment of these gradually became
more imaginative and emotional than it had been since
the Elizabethan age. Nature and human life, after
suffering from somewhat frigid treatment at the hands
of the classical school, seemed
to unstiffen and to become
warm, living, and natural with
the romantic writers. But this
was a very gradual process,
and began id the very heart of
the classical movement ; we may
even see traces of it in the un-
realized longings of Pope him-
self, who loved Spenser, and
who wished he could write a
fairy tale. We see the change
coming in the gradual rise of
fresh metresj and especially of
blank verse, in opposition to the
heroic couplet; in fact the
struggle of romantic against
classic centred to some extent
round these two forms.
But just as marked is the
choice of new subject-matter.
" Nature for her own sake"
— natural description imbed-
ded in other matter, or even
forming the sole subject of
poems — now occupy the writer.
Human life, in aspects neg- collect inn nf ti
lected by the school of Pope,
begins to assert itself. And all this new matter,
treated first in a melancholy moralizing spirit, gradu-
:""",;"",:"" -* — ~*K — iiplicity, and
Wordsworth
is brought to
1726-30, and, even though there are many traces in it
of the school of Pope, it sounds the first clear note of
revolt. It is the first blank-verse poem of importance
in the century, and the first important poem devoted
to natural description. Many new elements are found
in it, too, such as the interest in the poor and the la-
bouring class, and in lands beyond England, as well as
a new feeling and affection for animals. In 1748, the
Kar of his death, Thomson published his "Castle of
dolence", the best imitation of Spenser's verse and
manner that exists, and this was another sign of
change. There were many poems written in blank
verse or in Spenserian stanza between this poet and
the work of Gray, whose contribution to the romantic
movement is seen perhaps most clearly in his transla-
tions from the Icelandic and Gaelic, where he opened
up a new field of subject-matter for the interest of
readers and the use of poets. And Gray's poems,
small in quantity, but exquisitely finished, were not
his only work ; as a prose writer he gives us in his let-
ters and journals first-hand and beautiful descriptions
17 ENGLAND
of nature in unaffected English. But his poetry is less
simple, and, with its restraint of manner, might in
some aspects be claimed by the classical school. It is
in the decade after his death that we find the move-
ment towards the more natural style expressing itself
unmistakably in the half-mournful glamour of Mae-
pherson's rhythmical prose "translations" of the Cel-
tic poetry of Ossian, in the poems of the unhappy boy-
genius Chatterton, and in the collection ol Percy
Ballads".
Following on these, however, there is a strong at-
tempt at reaction in the poetry of Dr. Johnson,
Churchill, and Goldsmith — though Goldsmith's charm-
ing poems are more romantic than he knew. But in
the next few years the battle is quickly won for ro-
fully recognized now than it^was then. Burns, who
wrote the nest of his poetry in a mixed Scottish dia-
lect, had been nourished on the best English poets of
the past, and the clearness and
precision of his verse as well as
its satirical and didactic subject-
matter belongs to the school of
Pope at its best. But, on the
other hand, the essential spirit
of his satire, in contrast with
the detached coldness of Pope's,
is a consuming fire, as Swin-
burne has pointed out, while
his songs, full of melody and
passionate feeling, though all in
the line of previous Scottish
poetry, were new as regards
England, and were truly roman-
tic m tone and manner. There
are poems and passages of verse
that we wish Bums had never
written, but the largest part
of his work belongs to our great
literary store of things noble
• and humane.
In William Cowper (1731-
1800) we come to a poet whose
influence is more and more
recognized as of first impor-
tance in the romantic trend
of eighteenth-century poetry.
Living the most retired of lives, and not writing
much until over fifty years of age, he has left a
body of poetry marked with his own gentle, affection-
ate, humorous, and sometimes tragic genius, much of
which has become classic in English. His best long
poem, "The Task", in blank verse, contains his most
original work in the clear and simple descriptions of
natural scenery. He also, like Gray, was one of the
best of our letter-writers. George Crabbe (1754-
IS32) wrote nearly all his poetry in the heroic couplet,
but used that form with more freedom than his con-
temporaries. Much of his work is of the story kind,
and some of his poems are like novels in verse. Though
he chose a hackneyed form -for his work, and though
all his sketches and stories tend to edification in a
didactic way, he is never dull, and his analysis of mo-
tive and temperament and his realism are strangely
modern in the antiquated setting of the heroic couplet.
His work deserves more notice than English readers
as a rule give to it. William Blake (1757-1827), the
fourth of these poets, is one of those geniuses who be-
long to no one time or place. Some of the simple and
charming poems in his two best-known little volumes,
"Songs of Innocence" and "Songs of Experience",
might have been written by an Elizabethan, while his-
long mystical works in verse, not truly poetical, show
him in the light of a dreamer whose dreams are rooted
in some spiritual reality which only a very few readers
can discern with him. But his poetry, as a whole,,
ENGLAND
468
ENGLAND
though scarcely heeded at all by the public of his own
day/oas been found, as it has received more attention
recently, to contain within itself the germs of many
later developments of thought and feeling in society
and literature. He was an engraver and painter as
well as a poet, and his work in these capacities cannot
be neglected if one wishes to understand the character
of his genius.
CraBbe and Blake carry us on into the nineteenth
century, but before their death Wordsworth and Cole-
ridge accomplished the first of their epoch-making
work. With these two poets we enter upon the story
of our modern literature. Wordsworth and Coleridge
are still in some sense with us, as their predecessors of
the seventeenth and eighteenth century are not. All
English modern poets are directly or indirectly influ-
enced by them. They deliberately determined to be
missionaries in poetry, and they accomplished a mis-
sion in the face of great discouragement and opposi-
tion. The small volume of "Lyrical Ballads1 pub-
lished in 1798, when they were young men together
under thirty, made a revolution in poetry and was the
fulfilment of nearly all that the romantic writers had
been trying half unconsciously to bring about The
"Ancient Mariner ", which opened the hook, and the
" Tintern Abbey Lines ", which closed it, to say noth-
ing of the many successes and few failures which fill up
the space between, were alone enough to set up a poetic
standard of high and peculiar significance. In these
poems there was accurate nature-description of the '
test kind, shot through with the poet'* own imagina-
tion and feeling; there was love of, and interest in,
vivid human life, regardless of class or country; there
was weighty ethical matter without dullness. It is
perhaps in this seriousness with which life is viewed
*that we find one of the key-notes of the poetical litera-
ture of the later Victorian age. It has been said of
William Wordsworth (1770-1850) that he wrote of
"what is in all men", and the leading ideas of his
poetry are indeed those in which all natural and sane
human beings can join. The healing and joy-giving
power of nature, the strength, beauty, and pathos of
the simplest human affections, more especially as seen
in the less sophisticated men and women of the poorer
classes in the country, may be realized by all. But
Wordsworth had also a philosophy of nature and her re-
lationship to human beings which was the foundation
of all his teaching, and which he expounded in poem
after poem, in passages often of very great beauty, and
in much variety of style. It may be here noticed that
Wordsworth's style varies more than the ordinary
judgment gives him credit for. In his eagerness for
freedom from conventional phrasing, he strove, as he
himself tells us in his prose critical prefaces to the
poems, for utter simplicity of language which to us at
times seems bare and even puerile in its effect; but he
is capable more than most of a richness of style and
diction, especially in his blank verse, that is the very
opposite of his own theory. He has many styles, and
no critical summing up of his manner is ever quite
satisfactory to the Wordsworthian who realizes this.
The poetry of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772-1834)
does not represent the poet with anything like the
same fullness as does that of Wordsworth. Those of
Coleridge's poems which are of the first order of poetry
are few, but they are inimitable and perfect of their
kind, and have a melody of peculiar witchery. Cole-
ridge was a greater, wider genius than Wordsworth,
and his deepest thoughts went into pedestrian prose.
He has left only fragmentary work on philosophy and
criticism behind him, but even that has affected and
still affects the thought of our own time. Had Cole-
ridge possessed the will-power and endurance of
Wordsworth in addition to his own genius, no one can
tell to what heights he might have attained. His
career is a tragedy of character.
On these two poets when young men, as well as on
Southey and others, the altruistic philosophy of the
French revolutionary movement had a profound
effect, and in Wordsworth's " Prelude " we may see to
some extent the extraordinary and stimulating influ-
ence of these ideas upon some of the young ana gener-
ous English minds. But in spite of much that was
true in it, the elements of error, inadequacy, and
crudeness in this philosophy became apparent, es-
pecially in the course of the French Revolution, and a
revulsion from it fell upon both Coleridge and Words-
worth. Wordsworth alone of the two emerged from
the trial unembittered — thanks to nature and to his
sister Dorothy — though how crucial to his life this
crisis was he has himself told us. No one can properly
understand the poetry of this time, nor of the follow-
ing age of Shelley, Byron, and Keats, if he does not to
some extent realize the high and generous hopes raised
by the ideas of the Revolution in certain ardent minds
in England. They saw countless evils and oppression in
the social life of the time, and here, in the working out of
the ideas of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, seemed
a full remedy. The three poets just mentioned lived
in the reaction from these hopes. Byron was embit-
tered, partly from personal causes, and partly because
of the state of the society in which he lived. He saw
no redemption at hand. Shelley was fired by the
revolutionary principles as he found them interpreted
by the rationalism of Godwin, even while he snared,
too, in the reaction caused by the excesses of France.
Keats never entered into them at all, but turned by a
sort of instinct away from the dreariness of life, as he
saw it around him, to nature and beauty.
But there is one great writer who was untouched
either by the action or reaction of the revolutionary
ferment. Sir Walter Scott (1771-1832) loved the
past and believed in it, and to the end of his life he was
conservative in religion and politics. In his novels
and in much of his poetry he made popular those
romantic elements in the life of the past which are
more particularly associated with the Ages of Faith.
His close and affectionate description of the Scottish
scenery he loved so much was a strong influence in de-
veloping the care for natural scenery which has become
one of the leading marks of the nineteenth century.
His poetry at its very best is found in many of his
short songs and ballads, and in detached passages of
his longer poems, and it is verse not unworthy to be
S laced beside the finest romantic work of the time,
►ut his best-known narrative poems — "The Lay of
the Last Minstrel", "MarnuW', and "The Lady of
the Lake" — have all through a great and special
charm, and their style, clear, rapid, full of energy, to-
gether with their almost faultless diction, make tnem
worthy of their place among our classics. The popu-
larity of Scott's narrative poetry was overshadowed,
however, by the narrative work of Lord Byron, but to
our gain, since this led Scott to turn to another form of
art and to produce "The Waverley Novels".
Of the three young poets of genius whose short lives
accomplished such remarkable poetic work, Lord
Byron (1788-1824) is now perhaps the least influen-
tial, though at the time his tame overshadowed every
other writer of verse. His extraordinarily vigorous
satires, marked by his study of Pope, whose poetry he
championed in a literary controversy of the time, are
unique in the energy of their style and the strength
and sting of their wit. It is unfortunate that a large
part of tnem are marred, for the ordinary reader, by
their extreme voluptuousness. His verse tales of ro-
mantic adventure are imaginative, but pall upon us by
their tendency to sentimentality. His songs and oc-
casional pieces, together with " Childe Harold "—parts
of which have fine nature-description — show him in a
more agreeable poetic light. His many dramas are
not truly dramatic, but are rather the outpouring of
his own powerful mind seeking an outlet. If we are
inclined to take an anti-Byronic attitude, it is well to
ENGLAND
469
ENGLAND
remember, first, that his brilliant, undisciplined, pas-
sionate work, though it never reached the height of the
noblest art, yet taught a lesson of force, vitality, and
sincerity to an age which, in spite of its good; was
marked by much artificiality, callousness, .and insin-
cerity in both life and literature. He did this in a
rude and melodramatic way, but he did it; And sec-
ondly, let those who judge Byron's wild private career
not forget to read the last poem that he wrote, and
realise that a change of temper, aspiration towards
nobler things, was awakening m him before he died.
Keats and Shelley invite comparison; their differ-
ence and their likeness are equally striking. They
lived the same length of time, did all their work before
thirty, dying young and with tragedy. They left be-
hind them poetry of the highest order — their lyrics are
masterpieces — containing the promise of still finer
work. They were the devoted lovers of beauty, be-
lieving in it as the supreme reality, and were in earnest
over their art, both of them lea vine behind grave
poems expressing their unfinished, and therefore often
unsatisfactory and misleading, philosophy of life.
Each poet also has written remarkable prose. It is a
great mistake to consider Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792-
1822) as the " ineffectual angel" sketched by Matthew
Arnold. He was quite half human, and not at all in-
effectual. His most ethereal lyrics will be found to
possess a basis of logical thought, while his prose writ-
ings show him as a thinker quite capable of keeping
the imagination in her place. There are signs, too, in
the development of his work that he was growing
more and more capable of preserving the balance of
the intellect and the imagination. The work that he
accomplished in his short life is much and varied.
Putting aside his early poems, there is the almost per-
fect " Adonais", the grave and beautiful lyrical drama
of "Prometheus Unbound", in which he states his
hopes (not always well grounded and apparently anti-
Christian, though he reverenced certain elements in
Christianity) for the future of the world; there is a
crowd of short and exquisite lyrics — the highest water-
mark of English poetry of this kind — as well as the
fateful and mystic "Triumph of Life", to say nothing
of many others, and amongst them some fine dramatic
work in blank verse. And he was only twenty-eight
when he was drowned. Upon his errors of thought
and of conduct we need not dwell. They are plain
before us in his life. Outside his literary work, and,
now and then intruding into it, a certain crudity of
youth appears. But all he does and says is in good
faith, and for his errors he suffered bitterly during his
short life. One of the noblest and most discerning of
tributes ever paid to his genius has been lately pub-
lished from thepen of the now well-known Catholic
poet, Francis Thompson. John Keats (1795-1821)
accomplished less actual work, but had in him, it is
generally allowed, greater potentiality of genius. He
started life handicapped in circumstance and physical
health, while he had no influence or following m his
own short lifetime, and " it is the copious perfection of
work accomplished so early and under so many disad-
vantages which is the wonder of biographers ". His
odes on "The Nightingale", "A Grecian Urn", and
"Autumn" are supreme art. Some of his narrative
poems are among the best of their kind and his frag-
ment of "Hyperion" shows what he might have ac-
complished had he lived to practise this graver type of
poetry. His fame, however, is now established, and
his poetic influence has been one of the strongest in
the nineteenth century.
After the death of Keats poetry seems for a time to
have exhausted itself. There is little to chronicle ex-
cept the chirpings of small poets until the great age of
Victorian poetry opens with Tennyson and Browning,
But, to fill up the early years of the century, there is
fine work in prose. The great series of Sir Walter
Scott's novels extend from 1814 to 1831, and many
smaller efficient writers are ranged round this central
figure. The wild enthusiasm with which the Waver-
ley novels were received can perhaps never be renewed.
A multitude of causes have tended to divert and dis-
turb the public taste for these great books, and it now
fluctuates sometimes farther from, sometimes nearer
to, them. But such work as his is immortal, and
regardless of human fluctuations, it will, and does, ap-
peal always to a multitude of readers — learned or un-
learned— whose mind and imagination are open to re-
ceive the gifts of genius apart from the trend of fashion.
Scott's novels are full of kindly humanity, of close and
accurate drawing of many types of character, only to
be equalled by Shakespeare or Chaucer, of wide and
detailed historical knowledge, though, to Catholic re-
gret, h^ never understood or adequately represented
the Church, handled magnificently with equal imagi-
nation and sanity, so that age after age lives again, not
only as the dry facts of history which have been
brought laboriously together "bone to his bone", but
as a living human world whose dwellers have been
raised out of silence to their feet by the creative voice
— " an exceeding great army ' '. Of Scott's work even
more than of Unaucer's, we may say, with Dryden,
" Here is God's plenty ".
Scott died in 1832, and the Victorian age opened in
literary faintness. Alfred Tennyson and Robert
Browning were on the verge of the horizon, but it was
not until 1840 or so that there came that dazzling re-
vival of literature such as had not been seen since the
Elizabethan age, and which in extent and swiftness of
production eclipsed that age. Into the causes of this
it is impossible here to enter. Tennyson and Brown-
ing are leaders among the poets far into the century,
while Elizabeth Barrett Browning makes a distant
third. Tennyson and Browning are representative of
the most important phases of the Victorian age, uni-
versally acknowledged, though general opinion is still
divided as to their relative merits. Both are artists
of a high order, but Tennyson is the greater and more
consistent. Both feel the importance, gravity, and
interest of life. Both take a religious view of life and
have that spirit of reverence which is lacking in many
of their followers. Both believe in their mission to
call men to forsake materialism, and each, in his own
particular way, is a lover of natural beauty. Brown-
ing's sympathies are, in a sense, wider than Tenny-
son's, but Tennyson's feeling goes deeper, perhaps, on
the great religious and moral questions than Brown-
ing's.
If we are still too near Tennyson and Browning to be
able to form a true estimate of them, we are even less
able to judge the writers of the latter half of the nine-
teenth century. The numerous streams of literature
become bewildering to follow. We distinguish before
the end of the career of the two greatest poets the fine
but smaller figures of Rossetti, William Morris, Mat-
thew Arnold, and others, doing work of true genius
though not all of equal power. None of them, how-
ever, have the vivid inspirations of great, impelling,
Impersonal ideas such as filled Wordsworth and Shel-
ley. The note of melancholy and uncertainty con-
cerning life and its meaning and the future beyond
this life, is always more or less there in undertone.
The optimism of Browning and the faith of Tennyson
are not to be found, but their love of beauty is fervent
and stimulating.
In the last quarter of the century poetry has taken
on many strange and sometimes beautiful forms. A
high level of excellence has prevailed on the whole.
Poets of remarkable promise and achievement have
appeared. Amongst these, Francis Thompson (1859-
1007), in the opinion of most, takes the commanding
place. The appreciation of him by welUknown ana
most able critics has been extraordinarily unanimous
and unstinted. He seems " to have reached the peaks
of Parnassus at a bound". He has been compared
ENGLAND 47
with almost every great previous English poet, and
whatever may be the more balanced verdict of the fu-
ture, hie poetic immortality is assured. And his
Catholic religion was his deepest inspiration.
The prose which grew up around the greatest Vic-
torian poetry was worthy of its company. A brilliant
group of writers as well as of thinkers in many spheres
of knowledge and art appeared, and in this respect the
age has surpassed the Elizabethan. The develop-
ment of the novel is the most distinguishing mark of
Victorian prose literature. Dickens and Thackeray
follow upon Scott, with a host of other novelists,
been many and splendid. There are the essayists, with
Lamb and Hazfitt as the chief; the historians with
Macaulay and Cartyle, Froude, Freeman, and Green;
Ruskin, with his immense and varied work upon art,
economics, and the conduct of life, and whose influ-
ence, all for good, in spite of the vagaries of literary
taste, is still strong and growing. The enormous ex-
tent and range of theological literature is a remarkable
feature of the last fifty years, and here the writings of
John Henry Newman (q. v.) stand out as a supreme
"literary glory". Newman touched poetry with
imagination, grace, and skill, but it is by his prose that
he is recognized as a great master of English style.
While all critics agree that the " Apologia " is a master-
piece, and that " nothing he wrote in prose or verse is
superfluous", there is some difference of opinion as to
the respective literary values of his earlier and later
work. R. H. Hutton, however, one of his acutest non-
Catholic critics, considers that " in irony, in humour,
in imaginative force, the writings of the later portions
of his career far surpass those of his theological ap-
prenticeship".
Catholic writers are now many. After long years of
repression they have their full freedom in the arena of
literature, and there is more than a promise that when
the history of the twentieth century comes to be writ-
ten many Catholic names will be found in the highest
places on the roll of honour.
K. M. Warren.
England, Established Church or. See Angli-
canism.
England, John, first Bishop of Charleston, South
Carolina, U. S. A.; b. 23 September, 1786, in Cork,
Ireland; d. at Charleston, 11 April, 1842. He was
educated in Cork until his fifteenth year, wss then
taught privately for two years, and entered Carlow
College, 31 August, 1803. In his nineteenth year
he began to deliver catechetical instructions in the
parish chapel and zealously instructed the soldiers
in garrison at Cork. He also established a female re-
formatory together with male and female poor schools.
Out of these schools grew the Presentation Convent.
He was ordained priest in Cork, 10 October, 1809, and
was appointed lecturer at the cathedral. Wherever
he preached people thronged to hear him. Pending
the opening of the Magdalen Asylum he maintained
and ministered to many applicants. In the same year
he published the "Religious Repertory", established
a circulating library in the parish of St. Mary, Shandon,
and attended the city jail. In the elections of 1812
he fearlessly exerted his influence, maintaining that,
"in vindicating the political rights of his country-
men, he was but asserting their liberty of conscience .
In the same year he was appointed president of the
new diocesan College of St. Mary, where he taught theol-
ogy. In 1814 he vigorously and successfully assailed
with tongue and pen tbe insidious Veto measure which
threatened disaster to the Church in Ireland. Next
to O'Connell's his influence was the greatest in the
agitation which culminated in Catholic Emancipation.
was appointed parish priest of Bandon. (The bigotry
and prejudice of this city at that time may be con-
jectured from the inscription over its gates: "Turk,
Atheist may enter here, but not a Papist.")
In spite of the prejudices which he found there, he
soon conciliated men of every sect and party.
consecrated Bishop of Charleston at Cork,
21 Sept., 1820, and refused to take the customary oath
of allegiance to the British Government, declaring his
intention to become a citizen of the United States as
soon as possible. He arrived in Charleston 30 Dec.,
1820. Conditions were most uninviting and unprom-
ising in the new diocese, which consisted of the three
States of South Carolina, North Carolina, and Georgia.
The Catholics were scattered in little groups over these
States. The meagre number in Charleston consisted
of very poor immigrants from Ireland and ruined refu-
gees from San Domingo and their servants. In 1832,
after twelve years of labour, Bishop England esti-
mated the Catho-
lics of his diocese
at eleven thou-
sand souls: 7500
in South Carolina, .
3000 in Georgia,
and 500 in North
Carolina. South
settled as a royal
province by the
Lords Proprietors,
who brought with
them the religion
of the Established
Church, and it was
only in 1790 that
expunged from Riobt Rmv. Jon* England
the constitution of
the new State. Religious and social antecedents and
traditions, and the resultant public opinion, were
unfavourable, if not antagonistic, to the growth of
Catholicism. The greatest need was a sufficient num-
ber of Catholic clergy. This sparsely settled section,
with scattered and impoverished congregations, had
not heretofore attracted many men of signal merit and
ability. Bishop England faced these unfavourable con-
ditions in a brave and determined spirit. The day after
his arrival he assumed formal charge of his see, and
almost immediately issued a pastoral and set out on
his first visitation of the three States comprising his
diocese. No bishop could be more regular and con-
stant in these visitations. He went wherever he
heardtherewasaCatholic, organized the scattered little
flocks, ministered to their spiritual needs, appointed
persons to teach catechism, and wherever possible
urged the building of a church. During these visita-
tions he preached in halls, court houses, State houses,
and in chapels and churches of Protestant sects, some-
times at the invitation of the pastors. When in
Charleston he preached at least twice every Sunday
and delivered several courses of lectures besides vari-
ous addresses on special occasions. He successfully
advocated before the Legislature of South Carolina
the granting of a charter for his diocesan corporation,
which had been strongly opposed through the machi-
nations of the disaffected trustees. In 1826 he deliv-
ered, by invitation, an eloquent discourse before the
Congress of the United States. It was the first time
a Catholic priest was so honoured. He was chiefly in-
strumental in having the First Provincial Council of
Baltimore convened, and pending this, formulated a
constitution for his diocese defining its relations to
civil and canon law. This was incorporated by the
State and adopted by the several congregations. He
KNOLEFBLD
471
ENGLEFIELD
alio organized conventions of representative clergy
and laity in each of the States in his diocese, to meet
annually. In 1840 these were merged into one gen-
eral convention. He held a synod of the clergy, 21
Nov., 1831. and in 1832 established a seminary and
college under the name of "The Philosophical and
Classical Seminary of Charleston", hoping with the
income from the collegiate department to maintain
the seminary. Notwithstanding his many and varied
duties he devoted himself to this institution as teacher
of classics and professor of theology. Organized
bigotry soon assailed it, reducing the attendance from
one hundred and thirty to thirty; but he continued
and it became the alma mater of many eminent lay-
men and apostolicpriests. In the Words of Chancellor
Kent, "Bishop England revived classical learning
in South Carolina". In 1822 he organized and in-
corporated a Book Society to be established in each
congregation, and in the same year his indefatigable
energy and zeal led him to establish the " United States
Catholic Miscellany", the first distinctively Catholic
newspaper published in the United States. It con-
tinued to be published until 1861 and is a treasury
of instructive and edifying reading. He also com-
piled a catechism and prepared a new edition of the
Missal in English with an explanation of the Mass.
He was an active member of the Philosophical Soci-
ety of Charleston, assisted in organizing the Anti-
duelling Society, and strenuously opposed Nullification
in a community where it was vehemently advocated.
His intense loyalty to his faith led him into several
controversies which he conducted with a dignity and
charity that commanded the respect of his opponents
and elicited touching tributes from some of them at
his death.
In 1830 he established in Charleston the Sisters of
Our Lady of Mercy "to educate females of the mid-
dling class of society; also to have a school for free col-
ored girls, and to give religious instruction to female
slaves : they will also devote themselves to the service of
the sick ". Subsequently their scope was enlarged, and
branch houses were established at Savannah, Wilming-
ton, and Sumter. In 1834 he further promoted educa-
tion and charity by the introduction of the Ursulines.
In 1835 Rt. Rev. William Clancy arrived from Ire-
land as the coadjutor of Bishop England, but, after a
year's dissatisfied sojourn, he requested and obtained
a transfer to another field. Bishop England had orig-
inally asked for the appointment of the Rev. Dr.
Paul Cullen, then rector of the Irish College, Rome
(afterwards the first Irish cardinal), as his coadjutor.
A striking phase of Bishop England's apostolic
character was manifested in his spiritual care of the
negroes. He celebrated an early Mass in the cathe-
dral for them every Sunday and preached to them at
this Mass and at a Vesper service. He was accus-
tomed to deliver two afternoon sermons; if unable to
deliver both, he would disappoint the rich and cul-
tured who flocked to hear him, and preach to the poor
ignorant Africans. In the epidemics of those days he
exhibited great devotion to the sick, while his priests
and the Sisters of Mercy volunteered their services in
the visitations of cholera and yellow fever. His per-
sonal poverty was pitiable. He was known to have
walked the streets of Charleston with the bare soles of
his feet to the ground. Several times the excessive
fatigue and exposure incurred in his visitations and
ministrations prostrated him, and more than once he
was in danger of death. Twice he visited Hayti as
Apostolic Delegate. In 1823 he was asked to take
charge of East Florida and, having been given the
powers of vicar-general, made a visitation of that
territory.
In the interests of his impoverished diocese he
visited the chief towns and cities of the Union, crossed
the ocean four times, sought aid from the Holy Father,
the Propaganda, the Leopoldine Society of Vienna,
and made appeals in Ireland, England, France, Italy,
wherever he could obtain money, vestments, or books.
After Easter, in 1841, he visited Europe for the last
time. On the long and boisterous return voyage there
was much sickness, and he became seriously ill tnrough
his constant attendance on others. Though very weak,
notwithstanding, on his arrival in Philadelphia, he
preached seventeen nights consecutively, also four
nights in Baltimore. With his health broken and his
strength almost exhausted, he promptly resumed his
duties on his return to Charleston, where he died, sin-
cerely mourned by men of every creed and every
party. His apostolic zeal, saintly life, exalted char-
acter, profound learning, and matchless eloquence
made him a model for Catholics and an ornament of
his order.
Most of his writings were given to the public
through the columns of the "United States Catholic
Miscellany", in the publication of which he was aided
by his sister, a woman of many-sided ability and
talents. His successor. Bishop Reynolds, collected
his various writings, which were published in five vol-
umes at Baltimore, in 1849. A new edition, edited
by Archbishop S. B. Messmir of Milwaukee, was pub-
lished at Cleveland in 1908.
Reynolds, The Works of the Rt. Rev. John England, 5 vols.
(Baltimore, 1849 : Cleveland ed. Messmir, 1008) ; Shea, Hist.
Cath. Ch. in U. 8. (New York, 1880-02); O'Gorman. A Hist,
of the R. C. Ch. in U. S. (New York, 1805): Clarke, Lives of
the Deceased Bishops (New York, 1872): Catholic Miscellany
(Charleston, April, 1842) files; Reubs, Btog. CycL Cath. Hier-
archy of U. 8. (Milwaukee, 1898); The Messenger (New York,
1892), 370-74; Ibid. (1800), 760-82; Am. Cath. Hist. 8oc..
Records (Philadelphia, March-June. 1805); Read, Sketch of
Bishop England; O'Connell, Catholicity in the Carolinas and
Virginia; Moran in The Seven Hills Magazine (Dublin, June,
1907). p. L. Duffy.
Englefield, Felix, a Franciscan friar, d. 1767. He
was the younger son of Henry Englefield of White
Knights, Reading, and Catherine, daughter of Ben-
jamin Poole of London. His elder brother, Henry, suc-
ceeded their cousin Charles as sixth baronet in 1728.
It is uncertain whether his own baptismal name was
Charles or Francis. He joined the Franciscans at
Douai and was ordained there, probably about 1732,
when he was approved for preacning and hearing con-
fessions. He had been teaching philosophy there be-
fore ordination, and from 1734 to 1746 he taught
theology. In 1744 and 1745 he was titular guardian of
York, but remained in residence at Douai. From 1746
to 1749 he acted as definitor, and at the end of that
period was in England, for in March, 1749, he was sent
to Rome on behalf of his own order and other regulars
to procure the repeal of the papal decree of 1745 regu-
lating the relations between tne vicars Apostolic and
the regulars. In this he failed, as Benedict XIV sup-
ported the vicars Apostolic by the "Rules of the Eng-
lish Mission", issued in 1753. In 1749 Father Felix
was titular guardian of Oxford, and in the following
year he attended the general chapter at Rome in place
of the provincial, Father Thomas Holmes, who was
too infirm to undertake the journey. In 1750-1751 he
was titular guardian of Greenwich; custos 1752-1755,
and finally, on 19 Aug., 1755, he was elected provin-
cial and held that office till 1758, living for part of the
time at Horton in Gloucestershire. While provincial
he drew up a valuable list of all the Franciscans then
(1758) in England, with their addresses. Father Thad-
deus, O.F.M. (op. cit. inf., p. 14) states that he was the
reputed author of the "Miraculous Powers of the
Church of Christ", published anonymously in 1756.
But this was really written by William Walton, after-
wards Vicar Apostolic of the Northern District, whose
name appears on the title-page of a subsequent issue.
Father Englefield died probably at Douai, though one
account says he was on tne English mission at the time.
Kirk, Biographies of Eighteenth Century Catholics (London,
1006); Gillow, Bibl. Diet. Bng. Cath. (London, 1886), II, 160;
Thaddbus, Franciscans in England, 1600-1850 (London, 1898),
Edwin Burton.
ENGLEFIELD
472
ENGLISH
Englefield, Sir Henry Charles, Bart., antiquary
and scientist, b. 1752; d. 21 March, 1822. He was the
eldest son of Sir Henry Englefield, sixth baronet, by
his second wife. Catherine, daughter of Sir Charles
Bucke. Bart. His father, who was the son of Henry
Englefield, of White Knights near Reading, had in
. 1728 succeeded to the title and the EngelfieTd estates
at Wooton Basset, Wilts; so that Henry Charles in-
herited both White Knights and Wooton Basset on
the death of his father, 25 May, 1780. He was never
married and devoted his entire life to study. In 1778
at the early age of twenty-six he was elected a Fellow
of the Royal Society, and in the following year Fellow
of the Society of Antiquaries. For many years he was
vice-president of the latter, and succeeded the Marquess
Townshend as president. Owing, however, to his
being a Catholic, objection was taken to his re-election,
and he was replaced by the Earl of Aberdeen. Under
his direction the society produced between 1797 and
1813 the series of engravings of English cathedrals, to
which series he contributed the dissertations on Dur-
ham, Gloucester, and Exeter. In 1781 Englefield
joined the Dilettanti Society and acted as its secretary
for fourteen years. Besides his antiquarian studies,
which resulted in many contributions to "Archse-
ologia", he carried on research in chemistry, mathe-
matics, astronomy, and geology. His " Discovery of a
Lake from Madder" won for him the gold medal of the
Society of Arts. He took no part in public life, owing
to Catholic disabilities, but was intimate with Charles
James Fox, and his cheerful temperament and viva-
cious conversation won him many friends. His por-
trait was painted by Sir Thomas Lawrence, and two
bronze medals were struck bearing his likeness.
In Catholic affairs Englefield took a prominent part,
being elected in 1782 a member of the Catholic Com-
mittee, formed by the laity for the promotion of
Catholic interests, a body which subsequently found
itself in conflict with the .vicars Apostolic. In the early
stages of this dispute he was one of the moving spirits
and contributed the pamphlet, mentioned below, in
answer to Dr. Horsley, tne Anglican prelate. The
latter afterwards became the friend of the Catholics,
and it was through his influence that the Catholic
Relief Bill of 1791 was modified to suit the require-
ments of the bishops. Throughout the dispute Engle-
field took an independent line, and at times went
rather far in his opposition to the vicars Apostolic, as
in 1792, when he was prepared to move a strong resolu-
tion at the general meeting of English Catholics. He
was dissuaded at the last moment by the three who un-
dertook to act as " Gentlemen Mediators" between the
two parties. During his latter years his eyesight failed ;
he died at his house, Tilney St., London, the baronetcy
thereupon becoming extinct. His works are: " Tables
of the Apparent Placesof theCometof 1661 " (London,
1788); tf Letter to the Author of 'The Review of the
Case of the Protestant Dissenters'" (London, 1790):
"On the Determination of the Orbits of Comets''
(London, 1793); "A Walk Through Southampton"
(Southampton, 1801) ; * Description of a New Transit
Instrument, Improved by Sir H. Englefield" (London,
1814}; "Hie Andrian, a Verse Translation from Ter-
ence" (London, 1814); "Description of the Principal
Beauties, Antiquities and Geological Phenomena of
the Isle of Wight", with engravings from his own
drawings, and a portrait (London, 1816); "Observa-
tions on the Probable Consequences of the Demolition
of London Bridge " (London, 1821). Gillow has printed
(op. cit. inf.} a list of papers contributed to the trans-
actions of the Society of Antiquaries, Royal Society,
Royal Institution, Society of Arts, and tne Linnsean
Society, as well as to "Nicholson's Journal" and "Til-
lock's Philosophical Magazine".
Annual Register (London, 1822). LXIV; Moses, A Collection
of Vases Formed by Sir H. Englefield (London, 1819), with por-
trait! Sothkbt, Life of Sir //. Englefield (London, 1819); Id km,
Memorial Dedicated to the Society of Dilettanti (London, 1822);
Gillow, Bibl. Did. Eng. Cath. (London, 1886), II, 171; Wjkttr
in Diet. Nat. Biog. (London, 1889), XVII; Wabo, The Dawn of
Catholic Emancipation (London, 1909).
Edwin Burton.
English College, The, in Rome. — I. Foundation.
— Some historians (e. g., Dodd, II, 168, following
Polydore Vergil, Harpsfield, Spelman, etc.) have
traced the origin of the English College back to the
Saxon school founded in Rome by Ina, King of the
West Saxons, in 727. To an antiauity so great, how-
ever, the college, venerable though it be, has no just
claim. It dates from about the middle of the four-,
teenth century, when the Hospice of St. Thomas of
Canterbury was founded. This hospice owed its es-
tablishment to the jubilees, which brought pilgrims to
the Holy City from every country of Europe. Those
who arrived from England in 1350 to perform their
devotions, found it difficult to obtain suitable accom-
modation. This suggested an institution, national in
character, where English pilgrims might receive shelter
and hospitality. The archives of the English College
seem to point to the establishment of a guild of lay-
men, which acquired certain property in the Via Mon-
serrato, the pnncipal persons who took part in the
transactions being John Shepherd and Alice his wife,
who devoted themselves and their fortunes to the
service of the pilgrims in the hospice, and William
Chandler, chamberlain, Robert de Pinea, syndic, and
John Williams, officials of the community and society
of the English of the city. The deeds show that the
property m question was acquired in the year 1362,
which therefore may be taken as the date of tne founda-
tion of the hospice. But from the time of Henry VIII
the hospice began to decline. After the persecution
had broken out anew under Elizabeth, many of the
clergy went into exile. Some of those who found
their way to Rome were received into the hospice,
and formed a permanent community therein. During
Dr. William Allen's visit to Rome in 1576. it was ar-
ranged with Pope Gregory XIII that a college should
be founded there for the education of priests for the
English Mission. As soon as he returned to Douai
(30 July, 1576) he sent ten students to Rome to form
the nucleus of the new college; six more went in 1577,
and again six in 1578. Dr. Gregory Martin, writing
on 26 May, 1578, to Father Campion, tells him that
twenty-six students are living either in the hospice it-
self or in the house next door, which has internal com-
munication with the hospice (Douai Diaries. Appen-
dix, p. 316). Indeed, tne Pope had already deter-
mined to convert the hospice into a seminary; and at
Christmas. 1578, "There came out a Breve from the
Popes Holines comanding all the ould Chaplines to
depart within 15 dayes, and assigning all the rents of
the Hospitall unto the use of the Seminary, which was
presently obayed by the said Priests'' (Father Per-
sons's Memoirs: Catholic Record Society, II, 144).
Unfortunately, however, Cardinal Morone, the Protec-
tor of England, and therefore also of the College, ap-
Eointed as its rector Dr. Clenock, the warden of the
ospice, who was assisted by two Jesuit Fathers as
prelect of Studies and procurator. Dr. Gregory Mar-
tin, again writing to Father Campion, 18 Feb., 1579
(from Reims), informs him that tnere are in the col-
lege in Rome "at the present moment forty-two of
our students, most of whom are divines, one rector,
three fathers of your Society, and six servants. They
live in the hospital and the adjoining house. The rev-
enues of the nospital have been transferred to the
seminary, except what is required for the entertain-
ment of the pilgrims" (Douai Diaries, lviii, and Ap-
pendix, p. 319). However, internal dissensions soon
arose. Most of the students of the college were, of
course, English; but there were also seven or eight
Welshmen, for no national distinction was made be-
tween the Cambrian and the Saxon, all being consid-
ered as English for the purposes of the institution,
ENGLISH
473
ENGLISH
The Welsh rector was accused of favouring his fellow-
countrymen; and finally the English students broke
out into open mutiny. They petitioned the Holy
Father that the college should oe entrusted to the
Fathers of the Society of Jesus, and declared that they
would rather leave the college than remain under Dr.
Clenock.
The students were ordered by the Cardinal Protec-
tor to submit under pain of expulsion; but they pre-
ferred to go, and began to make preparations for the
journey back to Douai and Reims, or to England.
Much sympathy, however, was shown for them in
Rome, and, intercession being made with the Pope on
their behalf, thev were reinstated in the college after
two days, and their petition was granted. Dr. Clen-
ock was removed from the rectorship and the govern-
ment of the college handed over to the Jesuits, the
famous Father Robert Persons being given temporary
charge till the appointment of the first permanent
Rector, Father Alpnonsus Agazzari. on 23 April, 1579.
This day is the real birthday of the English College
in Rome; for on this day the Bull of Foundation was
signed by Pope Gregory XIII; on this day the stu-
dents took the oath to lead an ecclesiastical life, and
proceed to England when it should seem good to their
superiors; and on this day the College Register begins.
The Bull, however, was not published till 23 Dec.,
X5&Q. Under this date, the entry occurs in the Col-
lege Annals (Liber Ruber), II, 12; of which the follow-
ing is the translation: " a.d. 1580, on the 23rd of De-
cember, to the praise and glory of the most Holy Trin-
ity and of St. Thomas the Martyr, was expedited the
Bull of the Foundation of this College, which, though
it was granted by Pope Gregory All I in April last
year, did not reach our hands before the above date,
and in whhh, as besides many faculties and spiritual
and temporal favours all the goods of the English
Hospice were united with the College, we received pos-
session of them on the 29th. Dec., which is dedicated
to St. Thomas the Martyr: and although it does not
explicitly appear in the Bull, yet the rope declared
by word of mouth that this College was bound to re-
ceive and maintain the English pilgrims according to
the statutes of the said Hospice. This Bull has been
deposited in the College Archives."
Thus the English College, the oldest but two of all
the national colleges of Rome (the German College
and the Greek College), was launched on its ca-
reer, the number of students at the time in the college
being fifty, a number which later rose to seventy-five.
That the college did its work efficiently, and fulfilled
the purpose for which it was founded, is abundantly
attested by the lists of names of the priests sent into
the mission-field, and especially by the roll of its mar-
tyrs. During the period 1682-1694, under the Car-
dinal Protector Howard, O.P., the greater part of the
college was rebuilt.
The eighteenth century was a period of decline.
Contrary to the original constitutions of the college,
boys were admitted for the course of humanities, ana
some even, of very tender years, for more elementary
studies. In August, 1773, the Society of Jesus was
suppressed, and the administration of the college was
handed over to Italian secular priests. During this
period the students were ill-treated, the college was
mismanaged, and a large portion of the archives sold
for waste-paper. "At the time of the suppression,
the number of Students was reduced to four divines,
three philosophers, and three grammarians ... Of
those divines and philosophers, only three were or-
dained priests at Rome, and two at Douay; and the
whole number of those ordained at Rome from 1775 to
the year 1798, a period of 23 years, did not exceed
seven, and of those, two never performed any mission-
ary duties, and the third but for a short time. In
that same period four died in the College, and 34, if not
more, quitted the house re infected— Six, however,
afterwards pursued their studies in other Colleges, and
were ordained priests." (Catholic Magazine, 1832,
pp. 359^-360.) Bishop Challoner, and afterwards the
three vicars Apostolic, Bishops James and Thomas
Talbot and Matthew Gibson, entreated the Pope to
restore the college to its first administrators, the Eng-
lish secular clergy; and finally, on 12 April, 1783, the
Congregation ofPropaganda answered that when the
rectorship fell vacant, an English priest might be ap-
pointed to the post. Cardinal Braschi, the Protector,
wrote to Bishop Douglas on 4 November, 1797, in-
forming him that the rector was about to resign, and
requesting him to choose, in consultation with Mgr.
(afterwards Cardinal) Erskine, an English priest for
the office. But before this could be done, the French
had invaded Rome, the college was seized and sup-
pressed, and the students sent to England. On the
30th of July, 1814, Cardinal Litta, Prefect of Propa-
Einda, wrote to Bishop Poynter, vicar Apostolic of the
ondon District, informing him that the college was
about to be reopened, and enquiring about the fitness
of the Rev. Stephen Green, who nad been recom-
mended by Bishop Milner tor the rectorship. But
Father Green died, and other obstacles arose, and
nothing more was done for three years. Then Car-
dinal Consalvi, Secretary of State, acting as protector
of the college, directed the English vicars Apostolic to
select a priest for rector, and to send him to Rome at
once. They chose the Rev. Robert Gradwell, who
received his appointment on 8 March, 1818. Ten stu-
dents, among whom was the future cardinal, Nicholas
Wiseman, arrived in the following December. Thus
the English College began to live again, and continued
to flourish in its career of usefulness to the Church in
England.
II. Scholastic Status. — In the Bull of Founda-
tion, Gregory XIII confers on the college the privi-
leges and rights of a university with the power of con-
ferring the degrees of Bachelor, Licentiate, Doctor,
and Master in Arts and Divinity. The students,
from the beginning, attended the lectures of the Ro-
man College, and then during the suppression of the
Society of Jesus, at the University of St. Apollinare
(the Roman Seminary). They returned, however, to
the Roman College, or Gregorian University, in 1855.
and still attend it, taking its degrees in philosophy ana
theology, as the English College does not exercise its
faculty of conferring degrees.. The college is imme-
diately subject to the Holy See, which is represented
by a cardinal protector. The immediate superiors are
the rector, appointed by the pope on the recommenda-
tion of the English hierarchy, and vice-rector, ap-
pointed by the rector. The first rector, Dr. Maurice
Clenock (1578-9), belonged to the English secular
clergy. The Jesuits took the reins of government in
1579, and held them for one hundred and ninety-four
years. Three of their rectors were Italians, and the
rest English, the last being Wm. Hothersall, who, on
the suppression of the society, handed the college over
to Italian secular priests. From the restoration in
1818 the rectors have always been chosen from the
English secular clergy. The college has the privilege
of extra-parochiality, the rector being parish-priest
for all its members, and exemption from the jurisdic-
tion of the cardinal vicar and other ordinaries and
tribunals.
III. Illustrious Students. — Among the names of
those included on the college lists, who have laid down
their lives for the Faith, and the supremacy of the
Holy See, six' have been beatified, and thirty-six de-
clared Venerable. The former are, Ralph Sherwin,
John Shert, Luke Kirby, Laurence Richardson (vere
Johnson), William Lacy, and William Hart. Shert
was the first missionary priest from the college to enter
England. The Veneraoles are: George Haydock,
Thomas Hemerford, John Munden, John Lowe, Rob-
ert Morton, Richard Leigh, Christopher Buxton, Ed-
ENGLISH
474
ENGLISH
ward James, Christopher Ba(y)les, Edmund Duke,
Eustace White, Polidore Plasden (Palmer), Thomas
Pormont, Joseph Lampton, John Cornelius, S.J., John
Ingram. Robert Southwell, S.J., Henry Walpole^S.J.,
Edward Thwing, Robert Middleton, Thomas Tich-
borne, Robert Watkinson (Wilson), Edward Old-
corne, S.J., John Roberts, O.S.B., Richard Smith
(Newport), John Almond, John Thules, John Lascelles
(vere Lock wood), Edward Morgan (John Singleton),
Henry Morse (alias Claxton), S.J., Brian Cansfield,
S.J., John Woodcock (alias Farrington), O.F.M.,
Edward Mico (alias Baines), Anthony Turner (alias
Ashby), S.J., John Wall (alias Marsh),- O.F.M., and
David Lewis (alias Charles Baker), S.J. The cause of
beatification of the following, who all died in prison,
has not vet been introduced: Roche Chaplain, James
Lomax, Martin Sherson, John Brushford, John Harri-
son, and Edward Turner.
The famous Father Robert Persons was rector of
the college in 1588, and again from 1598 till his death
in 1610. Father Muzio Vitelleschi, afterwards Gen-
eral of the Society of Jesus, held the rectorship from
1592 to 1594, and again from 1597 to 1598. Cardinal
Wiseman went to the college as a student in 1818, be-
came rector in 1828, and was made bishop in 1840.
The English College may claim as teachers the great
Jesuit theologians of the Roman College: Bellarmine,
Suarez, Vasquez, in the distant past; and in modern
times Perrone, Franzelin, Ballenni, Billot.
IV. Influence on the Church in England. — The
college shares with Douai and the other continental
seminaries, the honour of having kept alive the lamp
of the Faith in England during the dark days of perse-
cution. Without these colleges the supply of priests
for the English Mission would have entirely failed.
Moreover, the college in Rome was for English Catho-
lics a connecting link with the centre and Head of
Christendom; and the missionaries sent thence
formed a visible and tangible bond of union with that
Holy See for the supremacy of which the faithful in
England were suffering so much. When we turn to
the nineteenth century, it suffices to mention the name
of Cardinal Nicholas Wiseman, the "Man of Provi-
dence", who had the greatest share in the work of the
re-establishment of the Catholic Hierarchy in England
in 1850, and, as its head, by his genius reconciled the
English people to what they at first regarded as a
"Papal Aggression". It was he who put the Church
in Englandon a firm basis, and, under God, whom we
have to thank for the "Second Spring". But Wise-
man was not alone. Of the rectors ofthe nineteenth
century, all but two were made bishops, and in every
part of the country the English College alumni may
be found in positions of responsibility, vicars-general,
canons, and especially professors of the ecclesiastical
colleges and seminaries, whence the purity of the
Roman Faith is diffused throughout the length and
breadth of the land.
The Diary of the English College (1&79-1783): published in
English by Foley, S.J., Records of the English Province of the
Society of Jesus (London, 1880). VI. The title of the original
MS. is Annales Collegii, Pars I., Nomina Alumnorum (i. e. the
College Register), and Annales Collegii, Pars II (the real Diary).
Foley's version is sometimes inaccurate and defective in both
the transcript and the translation, names having been omitted
from the Register without any indication of such omission;
Catholic Record Society, Miscellanea, II (London, 1906),
The Memoirs of Father Robert Persons, S.J.; Dodd, Church His-
tory of England, Tiernet ed. (London, 1839), II and III, with
documents in the appendices; Knox, Records of the English
Catholics, I, Douai Diaries (London, 1878); //, The Letters and
Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen (London, 1882); The
Catholic Magazine (Birmingham, 1832): Various letters, relat-
ing principally to the period 1773-1818; and A Short Account of
the English College in Rome: probably by Dr. Gr ad well, rec-
tor, 1818-1828; Challonbr, Memoirs of Missionary Priests
(Derby, 1843): Camm, Lives of the English Martyrs (London,
1905). and William Cardinal Allen (London, 1908); Wiseman,
Recollections of the Last Four Popes (London, 1868); Ward,
Life of Cardinal Wiseman (London, 1897); Choke. Dublin Re-
view (July and October, 1898), and in the A Hi dd Congresso
intemaz. di Scienze stor. (Rome, 1903), The National English
Institutions of Rome during the Fourteenth Century; Gillow,
Biog. Diet, of the Eng. Cath.; Bartoli, DdV JstoriadeUa Com-
pagnia di Otesu, L* JnghUterra (Rome, 1667).
Charles J. Cronin.
English Confessors and Martyrs (1534-1729). —
Though the resistance of the English as a people to the
Reformation compares very badly with the resistance
offered by several other nations, the example given by
those who did stand firm is remarkably interesting and
instructive. (1) They suffered the extreme penalty
for maintaining the unity of the Church and the su-
premacy of the Apostolic See, the doctrines most im-
pugned by the Reformation in all lands and at all
times. (2) They maintained their faith almost en-
tirely by the most modern methods, and they were the
first so to maintain it, i. e. by education of the clergy in
seminaries, and of Catholic youth in colleges, at the
risk, and often at the cost, of life. (3) The tyranny
they had to withstand was, as a rule, not the sudden
violence of a tyrant, but the continuous oppression of
laws, sanctioned by the people in Parliament, passed
on the specious plea of political and national necessity,
and operating for centuries with that almost irresisti-
ble force which the law acquires when acting for gen-
erations in conservative and law-abiding countries.
(4) The study of their causes and their acts is easy.
The number of martyrs is many; their trials are
spread over a long time. We have in many cases the
papers of the prosecution as well as those of the de-
fence, and the voice of Rome is frequently heard pro-
nouncing* on the questions in debate, and declaring
that this or that matter is essential, on which no com-
promise can be permitted ; or by her silence she lets it
be understood that some other formula may pass.
The Cause of the Beatification of the English
Martyrs is important not for England onlv, but for
all missionary countries, where its precedents may
possibly be followed. The English cause is a very
ancient one. Pope Gregory XIII, between 1580 and
1585, made several important viva voce concessions.
Relics of these martyrs might, in default of others, be
used for the consecration of altars, a Te Deum might
be publicly sung on the receipt of the news of their
martyrdoms, and their pictures with their names at-
tached might be placed in the church of the English
College, Rome. These permissions were given with-
out any systematic inquiry that we know of. Pope
Urban VIII, in 1642, commenced such an inquiry,
and though the outbreak of the Civil War in 1642
postponed indefinitely the public progress of the cause,
a list of martyrs was drawn up by the then vicar
Apostolic, Dr. Richard Smith, Bishop of Chalcedon,
which was subsequently amplified and published by
Dr. Richard Challoner. It was not till 1855 that the
cause was revived, when Canon John Morris (a Jesuit
after 1866) became its apostle. After several unsuc-
cessful petitions, as that of the Third Synod of West-
minster in 1859, to obtain an immediate sanction of
their cultus by a papal decree, a formal "ordinary
process" was held in London, June to September,
1874. The work was one of much difficulty, first be-
cause nothing of the sort had been attempted in Eng-
land before, and secondly because of the multitude of
the martyrs. Largely, however, through the public
spirit of the Fathers of the London Oratory, who de-
voted themselves to it unitedly, success was achieved
both in gathering together a large body of evidence
and in fulfilling the multifarious ceremonial precau-
tions on which the Roman jurists so strongly insist.
After the cause had been for twelve years in the Ro-
man courts, two decrees were issued which, broadly
speaking, gave full force and efficacy to the two
ancient papal ordinations before mentioned (see
Beatification and Canonization).
Thus Pope Gregory's concession resulted in the
equivalent beatification 6f sixty-three martyrs men-
tioned by name in the pictures (at first, in 1888, fifty-
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475
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four were admitted ; in 1895 eight more were added, with
one not in the Roman pictures), while the lists drawn
up by Bishops Smith and Chailoner led to the " admis-
sion of the cause" of 241 martyrs (all but twelve post-
Gregorian), who are therefore called "Venerables".
Forty-four were left with their fate still in suspense,
and are called Dilati. Except seven, these are all
"Confessors", who certainly died in prison for their
faith, though it is not yet proven that they died pre-
cisely because of their imprisonment. There is yet
another class to be described. While the foregoing
cause was pending, great progress was being made with
the arrangement of papers in the Public Record Office
Nof London, so that we now know immeasurably more
of the persecution and its victims than before the
cause began. In short, over 230 additional sufferers
seemed possibly worthy of being declared martyrs.
They are called the PrcBtermissi, because they were
passed over in the first cause. A new cause was there-
upon held at Westminster (September, 1888, to Au-
gust, 1889), and the proceedings have been -sent to
Rome. For reasons which it is not necessary to touch
upon here, it was thought best to include every possi-
ble claimant, even those of whom there was very little
definite information, and the far-reaching cause of
Queen Mary Stuart. This, however, proved a tactical
mistake. An obscure cause needs as much attention
as a clear cause, or more. Moreover, the Roman courts
are, on the one hand, so short-handed that they
grudge giving men to a work which will lead to little
result, and, on the other hand, they are overwhelmed
with causes which certainly need attention. In order
to facilitate progress, therefore, the cause has been
split up; the case of Queen Mary has been handed
over to the hierarchy of Scotland, and other simplifi-
cations have been attempted; nevertheless the cause
of the Prcetermiasi so far hangs fire. Apostolic letters
for a Processus de Scriptia were issued by the Sacred
Congregation of Rites on 24 March, 1899, ordering the
then Archbishop of Westminster to gather up copies of
all the extant writings of the martyrs declared Vener-
able. This proved a lengthy task, and when com-
plete the collection comprised nearly 500 ecripta, and
over 2000 pages. It was not completed till 17 June,
1904. Then, t>y special concession, four censors were
appointed to draw up a preliminary Centura in Eng-
land, and this was forwarded to Rome, where, after
further consideration, a decree was drawn up and con-
firmed by the pope on 2 March, 1906, declaring that
none of the writings produced would hinder the cause
of the martyrs now under discussion. In the course
of the same year a further decree was obtained, allow-
ing altars for the beati, but not without many restric-
tions.
I. Beati. — The sixty-three Blessed will be noticed
in detail elsewhere, and the principal authorities will
be there noted. Their names are here arranged in
companies when they were tried or died together.
(1) Under King Henry VIII.— Cardinal: John
Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, 22 June, 1535. Lord
Chancellor: Sir Thomas More, 6 July, 1535. Carthu-
sians: John Houghton, Robert Lawrence, Augustine
Webster, 4 May, 1535; Humphrey Middlemore, Wil-
liam Exmew, Sebastian Newdigate, 19 June, 1535;
John Rochester, James Walworth, 11 May, 1537;
Thomas Johnson, William Greenwood, John Davye,
Robert Salt, Walter Pierson, Thomas Greene, Thomas
Scryven, Thomas Redyng, Richard Bere. June-Sept.,
1537; Robert Home, 4 Aug., 1540. Benedictines:
Richard Whiting, Hugh Famngdon, abbots, 15 Nov.,
1539; Thomas Marshal (or John Beche), 1 Dec., 1539;
John Thorne, Roger James, William Eynon. John Rugg,
15 Nov., 1539. Doctors of Divinity: Thomas Abel,
Edward Powell, Richard Fetherstone, 30 July, 1540.
Other secular priests: John Haile, 4 May, 1535; John
Larke, 7 March, 1544. Other religious orders: Rich-
ard Reynold, Brigittine (4 May, 1535); John Stone,
O.S.A., 12 May, 1538; John Forest, O.S.F., 22 Mav,
1538. Laymen and women: Adrian: Fortescue, Knight
of St. John, 9 July, 1539; Margaret Pole, Countess of
Salisbury, 28 May, 1541; German Gardiner, 7 March,
1544. (2) Under Queen Elizabeth. — Martyrs con-
nected with the Excommunication: John Felton, 8
Aug., 1570; Thomas Plum tree p., 4 Jan., 1571; John
Storey, D.C.L., 1 June, 1571; Thomas Percy, Earl of
Northumberland, 22 Aug., 1572; Thomas Woodhouse
p., 13 June, 1573. First martyrs from the seminar-
ies: Cuthbert Mayne, Protomartyr of Douai College,
29 Nov., 1577; John Nelson p. and S.J. before death. 3
Feb , 1578; Thomas Sherwood, church student, 7 Feb.,
1578; Everard Hanse p.. 31 July, 1581. Martyrs of
the CathoUc Revival: Edmund Campion, S.J., Ralph
Sherwin, Protomartyr of English College, Rome, Alex-
ander Briant p. and S.J. before death, 1 Dec., 1581;
John Payne p., 2 April, 1582; Thomas Ford p., John
Shert p., Robert Johnson p., 28 May, 1582;, William
Filby p., Luke Kirby p., Lawrence Richardson p.,
Thomas Cottam p. ana S.J. before death, 30 May,
1582. York martyrs: William Lacey p., Richard Kirk-
man p., 22 Aug., 1582; James Thompson p., 28 Nov.,
1582; William Hart p., 15 March, 1583; Richard Thir-
keld p., 29 May, 1583.
II. Venerables.— Separate notices will be given of
the more notable martyrs and groups of martyrs. But,
though they all died heroically, their lives were so re-
tired and obscure that there is generally but little
known about them. It may, however, be remarked
that, being educated in most cases in the same semi-
naries, engaged in the same work, and suffering under
the same procedure and laws, tne details which we
know about some of the more notable martyrs (of
whom special biographies are given) are generally also
true for the more obscure. The authonties, too, will
be the same in both cases.
(1) Under King Henry VIII (12).— 1537-38: An-
thony Brookby, Thomas Belchiam, Thomas Cort,
Franciscans, thrown into prison for preaching against
the king's supremacy. Brookby was strangled with
his own girdle, the others died of ill treatment. 1539:
Friar Waire, O.S.F., and John Griffith p. (generally
known as Griffith Clarke), Vicar of Wandsworth, for
supporting the papal legate, Cardinal Pole, drawn and
quartered (8 July) at St. Thomas Waterings; Sir
Thomas Dingley, Knight of St. John, beheaded, 10
July, with Bl. Adrian Fortescue, q. v. John Travers,
Irish Augustinian, who had written against the suprem-
acy; before execution his hand was cut off and burnt,
but the writing fingers were not consumed, 30 July.
1540-44: Edmund Brindholme p., of London, and
Clement Philpot 1., of Calais, attainted for having " ad-
hered to the Pope of Rome , hanged and quartered at
Tyburn, 4 Aug., 1540; Sir David GonsOn (also Genson
and Gunston), Knight of St. John, son of vice- Admiral
Gonson, attainted for "adhering" to Cardinal Pole,
hanged and auartered at St. Thomas Waterings, 1
July. 1541* John Ireland p., once a chaplain to More,
condemned and executed with Bl. John Larke, 1544;
Thomas Ashby 1., q. v.. 29 March, 1544.
(2) Under Queen Elizabeth.— 1583: John Slade 1.,
q. v., 30 Oct., Winchester, with John Bodey 1., 2 Nov.,
Andover. 1584: William Carter 1., a. v., 11 Jan., Ty-
burn; George Haydock p.. q. v., with James Fenn p.,
Thomas Hemerf ord p., John Nutter p., John Munden
mes Bell p., cj. v., with John
Lancaster; Richard White 1.,
n. 1585: Thomas Alfield p.,
q. v., with Thomas Webley L, 6 July, Tyburn; Hugh
Taylor p., q. v., with Marmaduke Bowes 1., 26 Nov.,
York. From this time onwards almost all the priests
suffered under the law of 27 Elizabeth, merely for their
priestly character. 1586: Edward Stransham p.,
q. v., with Nicholas Woodfen p., 21 Jan., Tyburn; Mar-
garet CJlitherow 1., a. y^, 25 March, York; Richard Ser-
geant p., q. v., with William Thompson p., 20 April,
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476
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Spburn; Robert Anderton p., q. v., with William
arsden p., 25 April, Isle of Wight; Francis Ingleby
§., 3 June, York; John Finglow p., 8 Aug., York; John
andys p., 11 Aug., Gloucester; John Adams p., q. v.,
with John Lowe p.. 8 Oct., Tyburn, and Richard Dib-
dale p., 8 Oct., Tyburn; Robert Bickerdike 1., 8 Oct.,
York; Richard Langley 1., 1 Dec., York. 1587:
Thomas Pilchard p., 21 March, Dorchester; Edmund
Sykes p., q. v., 23 March, York; Robert Sutton p.,
q. v., 27 July, Stafford ; Stephen Rowsham p., q. v.,* July
or earlier, Gloucester; John Hambley p., q. v., about
same time, Chard in Somerset; George Douglas p., 9
Sept., York; Alexander Crowe p., 13 Nov., York.
1588: Nicholas Garlick p., q. v., with Robert Ludlam
6 and Richard Sympson p., 24 July, Derby; Robert
orton p., a. v., and Hugh Moor I., in Lincoln's Inn
Fields; William Gunter p., Theatre, South wark;
Thomas Holford p., Clerkenwell; William Dean p., and
Henry Webley L, Mile End Green; James Claxton p.;
Thomas Felton, O.S.F., Hounslow. These eight were
condemned together and suffered on the same day, 28
Aug. Richard Leigh p., q. v., Edward Shelley 1.,
Richard Martin 1., Richard Flower (Floyd or Lloyd) 1.,
John Roche 1., Mrs. Margaret Ward, q. v., all con-
demned with the last, and all suffered 30 Aug., Ty-
burn. William Way p., 23 Sept., Kingston-on-
Thames; Robert Wilcox p., q. v., with Edward Cam-
pion p., Christopher Buxton p., Robert Widmerpool I.,
1 Oct., Canterbury; Ralph Crockett p.. q. v., with Ed-
ward James p., 1 Oct., Chichester; John Robinson p.,
1 Oct., Ipswich; William Hartley p., q. v., Theatre,
South wark, with John Weldon (vere Hewett) p., Mile
End Green, Robert Sutton l.; Clerkenwell, and Rich-
ard Williams (Queen Mary priest, who was more prob-
ably executed in 1592, and his name, erroneously
transferred here, seems to have pushed out that of
John Symons, or Harrison), 5 Oct., Holloway: Ed-
ward Burden p., 29 Nov., York; William Lampley 1.,
Gloucester, day uncertain. 1589: John Annas p.,
q. v., with Robert Dalby p., 16 March, York; George
Nichols p., q. v., with Richard Yaxley p., Thomas Bel-
son 1., and Humphrey Pritchard 1., 5 July, Oxford;
William Spenser p., q. v., with Robert Hardesty 1., 24
Sept., York. 1590: Christopher Bayles p., Fleet
Street, with Nicholas Horner 1., Smithneld, and Alex-
ander Blake 1., 4 March, Gray's Inn Lane; Miles Ger-
ard p., q. v., with Francis Dicconson p., 30 April,
Rochester; Edward Jones p., Conduit, Fleet Street,
and Anthony Middleton p., 6 May, Clerkenwell; Ed-
mund Duke p., with Richard Hill p., q. v., John Hogg
p., and Richard Holliday p.. 27 May, Durham. 1591 :
Robert Thorpe p., q. v., with Thomas Watkinson 1., 31
May, York; Monford Scott p., q. v., with George Bees-
ley p., 2 July, Fleet Street, London; Roger Dicconson
., with Ralph Milner 1., 7 July, Winchester; William
ikes 1., day not known; Dorchester; Edmund Jen-
nings p., q. v., with S within Wells 1., Gray's Inn Fields;
Eustace White p., a. v., with Polydore Plasden p.,
Brian Lacy I., John Mason 1., Sydney Hodgson 1., all
seven, 10 Dec., Tyburn. 1592: William Patenson p.,
22 Jan., Tyburn; Thomas Pormort p., q. v., 20 Feb.,
St. Paul's Churchyard, London; Roger Ash ton 1., q. v.,
23 June, Tyburn. 1593: Edward Waterson p., 7 Jan.
(but perhaps of the next year), Newcastle-on-Tyne;
James Bira 1., hanged 25 March, Winchester; Joseph
Lampton p., q. v., 27 July, Newcastle-on-Tyne; Wil-
liam Davies p., q. v., 21 July, Beaumaris. |594: John
Speed 1., condemned for receiving a priest, 4 Feb.,
Durham; William Harrington p., q. v., 18 Feb., Ty-
burn; John Cornelius, S.J., q. v., with Thomas Bos-
grave I., John Carey 1., Patrick Salmon L, 4 July, Dor-
chester; John Boste p., q. v., Durham, with John In-
gram p., q. v., Newcastle-on-Tyne, and George Swal-
fowell, a convert minister, tried together, and they suf-
fered 24, 25, and 26 July, Darlington; Edward Qsbal-
.deston p., 16 Nov., York. 1595: Robert Southwell
p., S J., q. v., 21 Feb., Tyburn; Alexander Rawlins p./
with Henry Walpole p., S.J., q. v., 7 April, York; Wil-
liam Freeman p., q. v., 13 Aug., Warwick; Philip
Howard, q. v., Earl of Arundel, 19 Oct., Tower of Lon-
don. 1596: George Errington, gentleman, William
Knight 1.,. William Gibson 1., Henry Abbot 1., 29 Nov.,
York. 1597: William Andleby p., q. v., with Thomas
Warcop 1., Edward Fulthrop 1., 4 July, York. 1598:
John Britton 1., q. v., 1 ApriL York: Peter Snowp.,q.
v., with Ralph Gnmston 1.. 15 June, York; John Buck-
ley, O.S.F., q. v., 12 July, St. Thomas Waterings;
Christopher Robinson p., 19 Aug., Carlisle; Richard
Horner p., 4 Sept., York. 1599: John Lion 1., 16 July,
Oakham; James Dowdall 1., 13 Aug., Exeter. 1600:
Christopher Wharton p., 28 March, York; John Rigby
1., q. v., 21 June{ St. Thomas Waterings; Thomas
Sprott p., q. v., with Thomas Hunt p., 11 July, Lin-
coln; Robert Nutter p., q. v., with Edward Thwingp.,
26 July, Lancaster; Thomas Palasor p., q. v., with
John Norton I. and John Talbot 1., 9 Aug., Durham.
1601 : John Pibush p., 18 Feb., St. Thomas Waterings,
Mark Barkworth, O.S.B., q. v., with Roger Filcock,
S.J. and Anne Line, q. v., 27 Feb., Tyburn; Thurstan
Hunt p., q. v., with Robert Middleton p.t 31 March,
Lancaster; Nicholas Tichborne 1., q. v., with Thomas
Hackshot 1., 24 Aug., Tyburn. 1602: James Harri-
son p., q. v., with Anthony Battle or Bates 1., 22 March,
York; James Duckett 1., q. v., 19 April, Tyburn;
Thomas Tichborne p., q. v., with Robert Watkinson
p.. and Francis Page, S.J., 20 April, Tyburn. 1603:
William Richardson p., 17 Feb., Tyburn.
(3) Under James I and Charles. — 1604! John Sugar
p., q. v., with Robert Grissold 1., 16 July, Warwick;
Lawrence Bailey 1., 16 Sept., Lancaster. 1605:
Thomas Welbourne 1., with John Fulthering 1., 1 Aug.,
York; William Brown 1., 5 Sept., Ripon. 1606: Mar-
tyrs at the time of the Powder Plot: Nicholas Owen,
I
reign the martyrs
might have saved their lives had they taken the con-
demned oath of allegiance. 1607: Robert Drury p.,
26 Feb., Tyburn. 1608: Matthew Flathers p., 21
March, Yort; George Gervase, O.S.B., q. v., 11 April,
Tyburn; Thomas Garnet, S.J., q. v., 23 June, Tyburn.
1610: Roger Cadwallador p., q. v., 27 Aug., Leomin-
ster; George Napper p., q. v., 9 Nov., Oxfora; Thomas
Somers p., 10 Dec., Tyburn; John Roberts, O.S.B.,
q. v., 10 Dec., Tyburn. 1612: William Scot, O.S.B.,
q. v., with Richard Newport p., 30 May, Tyburn; John
Almond p., 5 Dec., Tyburn. 1616: Thomas Atkinson
p., q. v., 11 March, York; John Thulis p., with Roger
Wrenno 1., 18 March, Lancaster; Thomas Maxfield p.,
S. v., 1 July, Tyburn; Thomas Tunstal p., 13 July,
orwich. 1618 : William Southerne p. , 30 April. New-
castle-under-Lyne. 1628: Edmund Arrowsmitn, S.J.
(see Edmund Arrowsmith), with Richard Herst 1., 20
and 21 Aug., Lancaster.
(4) CommoniDealth. — All these suffered before the
death of Oliver Cromwell. — 1641 : William Ward p., q.
v., 26 July, Tyburn; Edward Barlow, O.S.B., q. v.,
10 Sept., Lancaster. 1642 : Thomas Reynolds p., with
Bartholomew Roe, O.S.B., 21 January. Tyburn; John
Lockwood p., q. v., with Edmund Cathenck p., q. v.,
13 April, York; Edward Morgan p., q. v., 26 April,
Tyburn; Hugh Green p., q. v.. 19 Aug., Dorchester;
Thomas Bullaker, O.S.F., q. v., 12 Oct., Tyburn;
Thomas Holland, S.J., q. v., 12 Dec., Tyburn. 1643:
Henry Heath, O.S.F., q. v., 17 April, 'fyburn; Brian
Cansfield, S.J., 3 Aug., York Castle; Arthur Bell,
O.S.F., q. v., 11 Dec., Tyburn. 1644: Richard Price,
colonel, 7 May, Lincoln; John Duckett p., with Ralph
Corbie, S.J., q. v., 7 Sept., Tyburn. 1645: Henry
Morse, S.J., q. v., 1 Feb., Tyburn; John Goodman p.,
q. v., 8 April, Newgate. 1646: Philip Powel, O.S.B.,
30 June, Tyburn; John Woodcock, O.S.F., with Ed-
ward Bamber p., q. v., and Thomas Whitaker p., 7
Aug.! Lancaster. 1651: Peter Wright, S J., q. v., 10
ENGLISH
477
ENGLISH
May, Tyburn. 1654: John South worth p., q. v., 28
June, Tyburn.
(5) The Oates Plot.— 1G78: Edward Coleman I.,
q. v., 3 Dec., Tyburn; Edward Mioo, S.J., 3 Dec, in
Newgate; Thomas Bedingfeld, S.J., 21 Dec., in Gate-
house Prison. 1679: William Ireland, S.J., q. v.,
with John Grove 1., 24 Jan., Tyburn; Thomas Pick-
ering, 0.83., 9 May, Tyburn; Thomas Whitbread,
S.J., with William Harcourt, S.J., John Fenwick, 8. J.,
John Gavan, or Green, S.J., and Anthony Turner, S.J.,
20 June, Tyburn; Francis Nevil, S.J., Feb., in Staf-
ford Gaol; Richard Langhorne 1., q. v„ 14 July, Ty-
burn; William Plessington p., 19 July, Chester;
Philip Evans, S.J.. 22 July, with John Lloyd p., 22
July, Cardiff; Nicholas Postgate p., q. v., 7 Aug.,
York; Charles Mahony, O.S.F., 12 Aug., Ruthin;
John Wall, O.S.F., a. v., 22 Aug., Worcester; Francis
Levison, O.S.F., 11 Feb., in prison; John Kemble p.,
q. v., 22 Aug., Hereford; David Lewis, S.J., q. v., 27
Aug., Usk. 1680: Thomas Thwing p., q. v., 23 Oct.,
York; William Howard, q. v., Viscount Stafford, 29
Dec., Tower Hill. The cause of the Irish Martyr
Oliver Plunket, q. v., 1 July, Tower Hill, was com-
menced with the above martyrs. The cause of his
beatification is now being actively proceeded with by
the Cardinal Archbishop of Armagh.
III. The Forty-four DrLATL-^These, as has been
explained above, are those "put off" for further
proof. Of these the majority were confessors, who
perished after a comparatively short period of im-
prisonment, though definite proof of their death ex
ccrumnis is not forthcoming. (1) Under ($ueen Eliza-
beth (18).— Robert Dimock, hereditary champion of
England, was arrested at Mass, and perished after a
few weeks' imprisonment at Lincoln, 11 Sept., 1580;
John Cooper, a young man, brought up by tne writer,
Dr. Nicholas Harpsfield, and probably a distributor of
Catholic books, arrested at Dover, and sent to the
Tower, died of "hunger, cold and stench", 1580; Mr.
Ailworth(Ayl word), probably of Passage Castle, Water-
ford, who admitted Catholics to Mass at his house, was
arrested, and died after eight days, 1580; William
Chaplain p., Thomas Cotesmore p., Robert Holmes p.,
Roger Wakeman p., James Lomax p., perished in
1584. Cotesmore was a bachelor of Oxford in 1536;
of Wakeman 's sufferings several harrowing details are
on record* Thomas Crowther p., Edward Pole p..
John Jetter p., and Laurence Vaux p., q. v., perished
in 1585; John Harrison p., 1586; Martin Sherson p.,
and Gabriel Thimelby p.. 1587; Thomas Metham, S J.,
1592; Eleanor Hunt ana Mrs. Wells, gentlewomen, on
unknown days in 1600 and 1602. (2) Under the Com-
ntimweaUh (8). — Edward Wilkes p., died in York Cas-
tle before execution in 1642; Boniface Kempe (or
Francis Kipton) and Ildephonse Hesketh (or William
Hanson), O.S.B., professed of Montserrat, seized by
Puritan soldiery in Yorkshire, and worried to death,
26 July (?), 1644; Richard Bradley, S J., b. at Bryn-
ing Hall, Lanes., 1605, of a well-known Catholic fam-
ily, seized and imprisoned, but died before trial at
Manchester, 20 Jan., 1645; John Felton, S.J., visit-
ing another Father in Lincoln, was seized and so
badly used that, when released (for no one appeared
against him), he died within a month, 17 Feb., 1645;
Thomas Vaughan of Courtfield p., and Thomas
Blount p., imprisoned at Shrewsbury, d. at unknown
dates; Robert Cox, O.S.B., d. in the Clink Prison,
1650. (3) During the Oates Plot (10).— Thomas Jen-
nison, S J., d. after twelve months' imprisonment, 27
Sept., 1679. He had renounced a handsome inheri-
tance in favour of his brother, who, nevertheless, hav-
ing apostatized, turned king's evidence against him.
William Lloyd, d. under sentence of death at Breck-
nock, 1679. Placid Aldham or John Adland (O.S.B.),
a convert clergyman, chaplain t» Queen Catherine
of Braganza, a. under sentence in 1679. William
Atkins, SJ., condemned at Stafford, was too deaf to
hear the sentence. When it was shouted in his ear, he
turned and thanked the judge; he was reprieved and
d. in bonds, 7 March, 1681. Richard Birkett p., d.
1680 under sentence in Lancaster Castle; but our
martyrologists seem to have made some confusion
between him and John Penketh, S.J., a fellow prisoner
(see Gillow, Catholic Rec. Soc., IV, pp. 431-40).
Richard Lacey (Prince), S.J., Newgate, 11 March.
1680; William Allison p., York Castle, 1681; Edward
Turner, SJ., 19 March, 1681, Gatehouse; Benedict
Constable, O.S.B., professed at Lamspring, 1669, 11
Dec., 1683, Durham Gaol; William Bennet (Bentney),
S.J., 30 October, 1692, Leicester Gaol under William
III. (4) Others Put off for Various Causes. (8).— John
Mawson, assigned to 1614, is not yet sufficiently dis-
tinguished from John Mason, 1591; there is a similar
difficulty between Matthias Harrison, assigned to
1599, and James Harrison, 1602; William Tyrrwhit,
named by error for his brother Robert; likewise the
identity of Thomas Dyer, O.S.B.. has not been fully
proved; James Atkinson, killed under torture by
Topcliffe, but evidence is wanted of his constancy to
the end. Father Henry Garnet, S.J., q. v.; was he
killed ex odio fidei, or was he believed to be guilty of the
Powder Plot, by merely human mis judgment, not
through religious prejudice? The case of Lawrence
Hill and Robert Green at the time of the Oates Plot is
similar. Was it due to odium fidei, or an unpreju-
diced error?
IV. The Prjbtbrmissi (242). — (1) Martyrs on the
Scaffold.— 1534: Elizabeth Barton, q. v. (The Holy
Maid of Kent), with five companions: John Dering,
O.SJ8., Edward Booking, O.S.B., Hugh Rich, O.S.F.,
Richard Masters p., Henry Gold p., 1537. Monks,
28.— After the Pilgrimage of Grace, and the Rising
of Lincolnshire many, probably several hundred, were
executed, of whom no record remains. The following
names, which do survive, are grouped under their
respective abbeys or priories. — Barling: Matthew
Mackerel, abbot and Bishop of Chalcedon, Ord. Pram.,
Bardney: John Tenant, William. Coe, John Francis,
William Cowper, Richard Laynton, Hugh Londale,
monks. Bridlington: William Wood, Prior. Foun-
tains: William Thyrsk, O. Cist. Guisborough: James
Cockerell, Prior. Jervaulx: Adam Sedbar, Abbot;
George Asleby, monk. Kirkstead: Richard Harrison,
Abbot, Richard Wade, William Swale, Henry Jenk-
inson, monks. Lenton: Nicholas Heath, Prior; Wil-
liam Gylham, monk. Sawley: William Trafford,
Abbot; Richard Eastgate, monk. Whalley: John
Paslew, Abbot; John Eastgate, William Haydock,
monks. Woburn: Robert Hobbes, Abbot; Ralph
Barnes, sub-prior; Laurence Blonham, monk. York:
John Pickering, O.S.D., Prior. Place unknown:
George ab Alba Rosa, O.S.A. Priests: William Bur-
raby, Thomas Kendal, John Henmarsh, James Mal-
let, John Pickering, Thomas Redforth. Lords:
Darcy and Hussey • Knights : Francis Bigod, Stephen
Hammerton, Thomas Percy. Laymen (11): Robert
Aske, Robert Constable, Bernard Fletcher, George
Huddeswell, Robert Leeche, Roger Neeve, George
Lomley, Thomas Moyne, Robert Sotheby, Nicholas
Tempest, Philip Trotter. 1538 (7) : Henry Courtney,
the Marquess of Exeter; Henry Pole, Lord Montague;
Sir Edward Neville and Sir Nicholas Carew: George
Croft p. and John Collins p.; Hugh Holland 1. Their
cause was "adhering to the Pope, and his legate Car-
dinal Pole". 1540 (6): Lawrence Cook, O. Carm.,
Prior of Doncaster; Thomas Empson, O.S.B.; Robert
Bird p.; William Peterson p.; William Richardson p.;
Giles Heron 1. 1544 (3) : Martin de Coudres, O.S A., and
Paul of St. William, O.S.A.; Darby Genning 1. 1569,
1570 (8): Thomas Bishop, Simon Digby, John Ful-
thorpe, John Hall, Christopher Norton, Thomas Nor-
ton, Robert Pennyman. Oswald Wilkinson, laymen
who suffered, like Blessed Thomas Percy, Earl of North-
umberland, q. v., on occasion of the Northern Rising.
ENGLISH
478
ENNODIUS
Various Yean (6): Thomas Gabyt, O. Cist., 1575;
William Hambledon p., 1585; Roger Martin p., 1592;
Christopher Dixon, O.S.A., 1616; James Laburne,
1583; Edward Arden, 1584.
(2) Martyrs in Chains. — Bishops (2): Richard
Creagh, Archbishop of Armagh, in Tower of London;
Thomas Watson, Bishop of Lincoln, in Wisbeach
Castle. Priests in London Prisons (18): Austin Ab-
bot, Richard Adams, Thomas Belser, John Boxall,
D.D., James Brushford, 'Edmund Cannon, William
Chedsey, D.D., Henry Cole, D.D., Anthony Draycott,
D.D., Andrew Fryer, Gretus, Richard Hatton,
Nicholas Harpsfield, Harrison, Francis Quashet,
Thomas Slythurst, William Wood, John Young, D.D.
Laymen in London Prisons (35): Alexander Bales,
Richard Bolbet, Sandra Cubley, Thomas Cosen, Mrs.
Cosen, Hugh Dutton, Edward Ellis, Gabriel Empring-
ham, John Fitzherbert, Sir Thomas Fitzherbert, John
Frier, Anthony Fugatio (Portuguese), ;— Glynne,
David Gwynne, John Hammond (alias Jackson),
Richard Hart, Robert Holland, John Lander, Anne
Lander, Peter Lawson, Widow Lingon, Philippa
Lowe, May, John Molineux, Henry Percy, Earl
of Northumberland, Richard Reynolds, Edmund Sex-
ton, Robert Shelley, Thomas Somerset, Francis Spen-
cer, John Thomas, Peter Tichbourne, William Trav-
ers, Sir Edward Waldegrave. Richard Weston.
Priests in York (12): John Ackridge, William Baldwin,
William Bannerslev, Thomas Bedal, Richard Bowes,
Henry Comberford, James Gerard, Nicholas Grene,
Thomas Harwood, John Pearson, Thomas Ridall,
James Swarbrick. Laymen in York (31): Anthony
Ash, Thomas Blenkinsop, Stephen Branton, Lucy
Budge, John Chalmar, Isabel Chalmer, John Con-
stable, Ralph Cowling, John Eldersha, Isabel Foster,
Foster, Agnes Fuister, Thomas Horsley, Stephen
Hemsworth, Mary Hiitton, Agnes Johnson, Thomas
Layne, Thomas Luke, Alice Oldcorne, — Reynold,
Robinson, John Stable, Mrs. Margaret Stable,
Geoffrey Stephenson, Thomas Vavasour, Mrs. Dorothy
Vavasour, Margaret Webster, Frances Webster,
Christopher Watson, Hercules Welbourne, Alice Wil-
liamson. In Various Prisons: Benedictines (11):
James Brown, Richard Coppinger, Robert Edmonds,
John Feckenham, Laurence Mabbs, William Middle-
ton, Placid Peto, Thomas Preston, Boniface Wilford,
Thomas Rede, Sister Isabel Whitehead. Brigittine:
Thomas Brownel (lay brother). Cistercians (2) : John
Almond, Thomas Mudde. Dominican: David Joseph
Kemys. Franciscans: Thomas Ackridge, Paul At-
kinson, q. v. (the last of the confessors in chains, died
in Hurst Castle, after thirty years' imprisonment, 15
October, 1729), Laurence Collier, Walter Coleman,
Germain Holmes. Jesuits (12): Matthew Brazier
(alias Grimes), Humphrey Browne, Thomas Foster,
William Harcourt, John Hudd, Cuthbert Prescott,
Ignatius Price, Charles Pritchard, Francis Simeon,
Nicholas Tempest, John Thompson, Charles Thursley.
Priests (4): William Baldwin, James Gerard, John
Pearson, James Swarbrick. Laymen (22): Thurstam
Arrowsmith, Humphrey Beresford, William Bred-
stock, James Clayton, William Deeg, Ursula Foster.
Green, William Griffith, William Heath, Richard
Hocknell, John Jessop, Richard Kitchin, William
Knowles, Thomas Lynch, William Maxfield,
Morecock, Alice Paulin, Edmund Rookwood, Richard
Spencer, — Tremaine, Edmund Vyse, Jane Vyse.
V. The Eleven Bishops. — Since the process of the
Prcdermissi has been held, strong reasons have been
shown for including on our list of sufferers, whose causes
ought to be considered, the eleven bishops whom
Queen Elizabeth deprived and left to die in prison, as
Bonner, or under some form of confinement. Their
names are: Cuthbert Tunstall, b. Durham, died 18
Nov., 1559; Ralph Bayle, b. Lichfield, d. 18 Nov.,
1559; Owen Oglethorpe, b. Carlisle, d. 31 Dec.,
1559; John White, b, Winchester, d. 12 Jan., 1560;
Richard Pate, b. Worcester, d. 23 Nov., 1565; David
Poole, b. Peterborough, a. May, 1568; Edmund
Bonner, b. London, a. 5 Sept., 1569; Gilbert
Bourne, b. Bath and Wells, d. 10 Sept., 1569; Thomas
Thirlby, b. Ely., d. 26 Aug., 1570: James Turber-
ville, b. Exeter, d. 1 Nov., 1570; Nicholas Heath,
Archbishop of York, d. Dec., 1578.
Lives of the English Martyrs, ed. Camm (2 vols., London,
1004), covering the lives of the Beali; the other lives are now in
ocurse of preparation; Challonbb, Missionary Priests (Lon-
don, 1878); Gillow, Bibl. Did. Eng. Cath.; Polltn, Ads of
English Martyrs (1891); Id., English Martyrs (1584-1603), in
Cath. Rec Soc.. Vol. V (1908); Stanton, Menolooy for Eng-
land (London, 1892); Dodd. Church History (London, 1839-
43); Phillips, Extinction of the Ancient Hierarchy (London,
1906).
J. H. Pollen.
English Ladies, See Institute of the Blessed
Virgin Mart.
English Versions of the Bible. See Versions of
the Bible.
Enniscorthy. See Ferns, Diocese of.
Ennodius, Magnus Felix, rhetorician and bishop,
b. probablv at Aries, in Southern Gaul, in 474; d. at
Pavia, Italy, 17 July, 521. When quite young he
went to Pavia, where he was educated, was betrothed,
and eventually became a priest, his fiancee at the same
time becoming a nun. It does not appear certain
that he ever married. Shortly after the death of his
benefactor, Epiphanius (496), he received minor orders
at Milan, attracted thither no doubt by his uncle Lau-
rentius, bishop of that city. Soon he was ordained
deacon and taught in the schools. About this time
(498) two popes were elected simultaneously, the dea-
con Symmachus and the archpriest Laurentius. King
Theodoricwas in favour of the former, and convened a
council at Rome in 501, the famous Synodus Palmaris,
to settle this question and put an end to much scandal.
On this occasion Ennodius acted as secretary to Lau-
rentius of Milan, who was the first to sign the decrees
of the council. The adherents of the archpriest Lau-
rentius, who was rejected by the council, wrote against
the decisions of the latter. Ennodius answered them
and defended the synod in a still extant work entitled
"Libellus adversus eos qui contra synodum scribere
praesumpserunt". After referring to the objections
urged against the incompetency and irregularity of
the council, he attacks the enemies of Symmachus and
proclaims the inability of human judges to decide mat-
ters pertaining to popes: " God no doubt consented to
the affairs of men being settled by men; He reserved
to Himself the passing of judgment upon the pontiff
of the supreme see1' (Libellus, {93). In 513 Enno-
dius was still at Milan, but shortly afterwards he was
made Bishop of Pavia. In 515 and 517 he headed two
successive embassies which Pope Hormisdas sent to
Emperor Anastasius at Constantinople, both of which,
however, were barren of results. The unrelenting
enmity of the emperor endangered the lives of the en-
voys in 517. Of the remaining years of his episcopate
nothing is known. His epitaph, found by accident,
gives the date of his death.
The works of Ennodius comprise poems for special
occasions and epigrams, particularly inscriptions for
churches or other religious monuments. His defence
of the synod of 502, often known as "Libellus pro
Synodo , his autobiography (Eucharisticum),
pro
his
panegyric on King Theodoric, and the biographies of
Lis predecessor Epiphanius of Milan, ana a monk.
Antonius of Lerins, are interesting from an historical
point of view; the first four especially. As much can
be said of his numerous letters, addressed to various
correspondents. Notwithstanding their verbosity,
they contain much useful information concerning the
addressees and the customs of the time. Ennodius is
the last representative of the ancient schools of rhet-
oric. His "Parsnesis didascalica" (511) celebrates
ENSDTGrEN
479
BNTHRONIZATION
the wonderful power of that foremost of the liberal
arts, by which a guilty man is made to appear inno-
cent, and vice versa. He illustrates his own method
in a few declamatory exercises called "Dictiones";
they deal with themes once the delight of pagan rhet-
oricians, e. g. grief of Thetis on beholding the corpse
of Achilles; Menelaus contemplating the ruins of
Troy; the lament of Dido forsaken bv ASneas, etc.
Again, with all the resources of his rhetoric he de-
nounces a man who placed a statue of Minerva in a
Elace of ill-repute; a player who gambled away the
eld in which his parents lay buried; etc. He shared
the popular fallacy of his contemporaries who saw in
the reign of Theodoric a revival of the Roman Empire
under the control of men of letters. Ennodius re-
mained to the end faithful to the academic traditions
of the Roman schools, whose mythological apparatus
he was the last to retain; thus in an epithalamium he
describes the beauty of the nude Venus, and makes
love a/gue against virginity. Nevertheless, he refutes
elsewhere the fables of the poets and points out that
the understanding of the Christian Scriptures is the
highest intellectual ideal. In him are visible the two
tendencies whose conflict is never quite absent from
Christian life; outwardly he remains true to classic
tradition. His diction is exuberant and florid, but oc-
casionally manifests vigour. The best editions of his
writings are those of Hartel, in the sixth volume of the
"Corpus ecclesiasticorum latinorum" (Vienna, 1881),
and of Vogel In " Monumenta Germanise Hist.: Auct."
(Berlin, 1885), VII.
Maoani, Bnnodio (Pa via, 1886); Tanzi, La chronologia degti
ecritti di Bnnodio (Trieste, 1889); Habenstab, Studien zu En-
nodius (Munich. 1890): Vogel in the Neuee Archiv fur altere
deuteche GeechichUkunde (1898), XXIII. 51; MacTOire, St. En-
nodiue and the Papal Supremacy in Am. Caih. Quart. Rev.t
XXVI, 317, 523; Bard en hewer, Patrology, tr. Shahan (Fret*
burg im Br., St. Louis, 1908), 622-24.
Paul Lejay.
Ensingen (Ensinger), Ulrich, belonged to a
family of architects who came from Einsingen near
Ulm, Wurtemberg, and who shared as master-builders
in the construction of the most important Gothic
buildings of the fifteenth century in Southern Ger-
many. Ulrich, the founder of the family, is known
from the year 1391 ; d. at Strasburg, 10 Feb., 1419.
Apparently he learned his craft in the stonemason's
Siild of Ulm, and was also, perhaps, a pupil of Master
einrich the Younger of Ulm. In 1391 he was asked
to take charge of the work on the Milan cathedral, but
he seems at that time to have stayed in Ulm, where
he was architect of the cathedral until his death. At
first his engagement at Ulm was for five years only,
but in 1397 he was appointed master architect for life.
Ulrich completed the choir, began the nave, and made
the ground-plan of the tower. In 1394-95 he worked
on the cathedral of Milan, but, disagreeing with the
Duke of Milan as to questions of artistic detail, he went
back to Ulm. His connexion with the work on the
Strasburg cathedral, however, lasted longer; at Stras-
burg he was master-builder during 1399-1419 and
built the north tower from the platform to the great
window. At the same time he completed the nave and
the lower part of the tower of the church of Our Lady
at Esslingen. Besides two daughters Ulrich had three
sons; his sons all followed the calling of their father.
At first they used Ulrich 's official title Kirchenmeister
as a family name, but later adopted that of Ensingen
(Ensinger).
(2) Caspar Ensingen was the oldest son; very
little is known of him.
(3) Matthias Ensingen, another son, d. 1438.
There is evidence that he was employed on the Ulm
cathedral from 1427 and at Esslingen during 1436-38.
(4) Matthaus Ensingen, the youngest and most
sifted son, can be traced during the years 1420-1463.
in 1420 he worked at Strasburg; in the same year he
was appoint^} master-builder for the work on the
minster at Berne. The cornerstone of this was laid in
1421, and Matthaus conducted the work until 1449.
In addition he had his father's position as architect at
Esslingen (1419-1463). It can be proved that he was
engaged on the cathedral of Ulm from 1446, but it was
not until 1451 that he had charge of its construction
as master-builder; before this last appointment he
worked (1449-51) on the cathedral at Strasburg with-
out occupying any well-defined position. On the Ulm
cathedral he completed the vaulting of the choir and
built the tower as high as the nave. During his last
years he was for a short time again at Berne.
(5) Vincenz Ensingen, son of Matthaus, employed
at Berne from 1448; during 1462-85 he worked at
Constance, and in 1472 he built the small cloister at
Basle.
Klemm. Wurttemberg. Baumeister und BUdhauer in WUrUem-
bergische Vierteljahnheft (Stuttgart. 1882), V, 55 sqq., 61 sqq.;
Kraub, Kunst und AUertum in Euaee-Lothringen, I, 385 sqq.,
699,704.
Joseph Sauer.
Entablature. — A superstructure which lies horizon-
tally upon the columns in classic architecture. It is
divided into three parts: the architrave (the support-
ing member carried from column to column); the
frieze (the decorative portion) ; and the cornice (the
crowning and projecting member). Each of the
orders has its appropriate entablature, of which both
the general height and the subdivisions are regulated
by a scale of proportion derived from the diameter of
the column. It is occasionally used to complete,
architecturally, the upper portion of a wall, even when
there are no columns, and in the case of pilasters or
detached or engaged columns is sometimes profiled
round them.
Anderson and Spiers, Architecture of Greece and Rome (Lon-
don, 1903), 278; Parker, Gloeeary of Architecture (Oxford and
London, 1845).
Thomas H. Poole.
Enthronization (from Greek Mportfrp, to place
on a throne). — This word has been employed in dif-
ferent meanings: (1) formerly, it meant the solemn
placing of the relics upon the altar of a church which
was to be consecrated, hence a newly consecrated
church was called naos enthroniasmenos (rafc Mpo-
vuufUros). (2) In the Middle Ages we find the
inihronizatio matrimonii, or enthronization of mar-
riage, which was nothing else than the blessing in the
nuptial Mass (benedictio nuvtiarum). (3) In the East
it was employed, but seldom, to denote the induction
into a parochial benefice. (4) It was used especially
to designate the ceremony of enthronization which
accompanies the consecration of a bishop. After
receiving episcopal consecration, the newly conse-
crated bishop was solemnly conducted to the episcopal
throne, of which he took possession. He received the
kiss of peace and listened to the reading of a passage of
Holy Scripture, whereupon he pronounced an address
or nermo inthronisticus. The letters which it was cus-
tomary for him to send to the other bishops in token of
his being in communion with them in the same faith,
were called litterce inthronistuxBj or 8yUab<rienthroni8H-
kai (<rv\\aPal MpoiwruraQ, and the gifts which
it was customary for him to present to the bishops
who had consecrated him, and to those who had taken
part in the ceremonies were called the inthronisticon
(iwBpoviffTiKbv). At present, after the consecration
has taken place, the new bishop is conducted by
the consecrating bishop and one of the assistants to
the throne occupied by the consecrator during the
ceremony, or to the seat usually taken by the bishop,
if the consecration has taken place in the cathedral
church. The enthronization can also take place in-
dependently of the consecration; in this case, the
bishop, after taking his seat upon the throne, receives
there the homage of all ecclesiastics present in the
cathedral. These ceremonies have no longer the
ENTHUSIASTS 480 BPAOT
slightest juridical importance (see Bishop). (5) The Irish martyrologies, and he is also included in the
enthronization of the pope in the Chair of St. Peter, "Acta Sanctorum "; but no reliable data as to his life
Cathedra Petri, was formerly a very important cere- is forthcoming. His feast is celebrated on 28 May.
mony, which took place at St. Peter's in Rome, or, (5) Eoghan op Cranfield (Co. Antrim) has been
exceptionally, in the church of St. Peter ad Vincvla, described as Abbot of Moville, but there is reason to
where there was also a Cathedra Petri, This ceremony believe that he is to be identified with the preceding
was performed immediately after the election, if the saint of the same name, especially as the Bollandists
latter had taken place in the church of St. Peter, or style him Episcopus et Sapiens de-MaghrcremhcaiUe.
before the coronation. Its object was to proclaim to A St. Ernan of Cremhcaille (Cranfield) is honoured on
the Christian world that the newly elected pope was 31 May, but this is also the feast day of St. Eoghan.
the lawful successor of St. Peter. Before this cere- However, "Ernan" may be a scribal error for "Eo-
mony had taken place, he was forbidden to take part ghan". and this would account for the seeming mis-
in the administration of the Church. In 1059 Pope take of name in regard to the patron of Cranfield.
Nicholas II declared that the omission of the enthroni- There are other Irish saints of this name, but their
zation did notprevent the pope from administering history is somewhat obscure, and it is not easy to
the Church. This custom disappeared in the thir- reconcile their chronology,
teenth century, owing to the fact that in that period Acta Sanct. Hib. (Louvain, 1645); Todd and Reeves, Mar-
the popes seldom resided in Rome. Equivalent to J&f^ftKSJ?^ *&&££?%% %?C&%
enthronization is the adoratvo of the pope by the car- (Dublin, 1884), III.
dinals, which is performed in St. Peter's after the elec- W. H. Grattan-Flood.
tion of the pontiff. It is a simple ceremony and does .
not confer the slightest right. (6) The Roman Pontif- Epact (Gr. frarrcu iuUpai; Lat. dies adjecti), the
ical mentions enthronement amongst the ceremonies surplus days of the solar over the lunar year; hence,
which accompany the solemn consecration of a king. more freely* the number of days in the age of the
It is still practised in the Anglican Episcopal Church moon on 1 January of any given year. The whole
at the coronation of the King of England (see Corona- system of epacts is based on the Metonic Lunar Cycle
tion). " (otherwise known as the Cycle of Golden Numbers),
Bingham, Oriairusa aive ontiguitaies ecclesiastic* (Halle, 1724), and serves to indicate the days of the year on which
Bk. II, ch. xi, §10; Kraub, Heal-Encyklopadie der chrisUichen the new moons OCCUT.
£2ster, ^"a^affti J^«Kra^n k th« 9™ l«ka» CAi.ENDAB.-it « a***?*
(Freiburg, 1886), IV, 183 (on the inthronizatio matrimonii)', held that the Last Supper took place on the Jewish
5?£!7"u IMt«£??'*H^£rw^SrX/- '"f^'S XIV- /tfrhundert Feast of the Passover, which was always kept on the
iSSHSSaST ^ Papstwahl (Cologne, fourteenth day of the' fi^ month of &e Qft Jewish
A. Van Hove. calendar. Consequently, since this month always be-
gan with that new moon of which the fourteenth day oc-
Enthusiasts. See Messalians. curred on or next after the vernal equinox, Christ arose
from the dead on Sunday, the seventeenth day of the
Eoghan, Saints. — (1) Eoghan of ARosTRAWwasa so-called paschal moon. It is evident, then, that an
native of Leinster, and, after presiding over the Abbey exact anniversary of Easter is impossible except in
of Kilnamanagh (Co. Wicklow) for fifteen years, set- years in which the seventeenth day of the paschal
tied in the valley of Mourne (Co. Tyrone), his mother's moon falls on Sunday. In the early days of Christian-
country, about the year 576. He was followed by ity there existed a difference of opinion between the
many disciples including St. Kevin of Glendalough, Eastern and Western Churches as to the day on which
who completed his studies under this saint. As a boy Easter ought to be kept, the former keeping it on the
he had been carried off to Britain, and subsequently he fourteenth day and the latter on the Sunday following,
was taken captive to Brittany, together with St. To secure uniformity of practice, the Council of Nicaea
Tighernach, who is best known as the founder of the (325) decreed that the Western method of keeping
Abbey of Clones, Co. Monaghan. So great was the Easter on the Sunday after the fourteenth day of the
fame of the sanctity and learning of St. Eoghan, at moon should be adopted throughout the Church, be-
Mourne, that he was consecrated first Bishop of Ard- lieving no doubt that this mode fitted in better with
straw about the year 581. It is difficult to give his the historical facts and wishing to give a lasting proof
chronology with any degree of exactness, but the Irish that the Jewish Passover was not, as the Quartodeci-
annalists give the date of his death as 23 Aug., 618. man heretics believed, an ordinance of Christianity.
His name is generally latinized as Eugenius, but the As in the Julian calendar the months had lost all
Irish form is Eoghan (Owen), hence fir Eoghain, or their original reference to the moon, the early Chris-
Tyrone. • tians were compelled to use the Metonic Lunar Cycle
Ardstraw continued as an episcopal see until 1150, of the Greeks to find the fourteenth day of the paschal
when it was translated to Rathlure and subsequently moon. This cycle in its original form continued to be
to Maghera, but in 1254 it was definitely removed to used until 1582, when it was revised and embodied in
Deny. In all these changes St. Eoghan was regarded the Gregorian calendar. The Church claims no astro-
as the clan patron, and hence he is the tutelary guar- nomical exactness for her lunar calendar; we shall
dian of the See of Deny to this day. His feast is cele- show presently the confusion which would necessarily
brated on 23 August. result from an extreme adherence to precise astro-
O'Hanlon, Lives of the Uriah Saints (Dublin, s. d.), VIII; nomical data in determining the date of Easter. She
USS^SkSSL $&£ '{gtfJTtJ^l 2%T& ^es merely to ensure that the fourteenth day of the
(London, 1888); O'Dohebty, Derriana (Dublin, 1902). calendar moon shall fall on or shortly after the real
fourteenth day but never before it, since it would be
(2) Eoghan op Cloncullbn, Co. Tipperary, has chronologically absurd to keep Easter on or before the
been identified with Eoghan, son of Saran of Cloncul- Passover. Otherwise, as Clavius plainly states (Ro-
len, for whom St. Ailbe of Emly composed a rule. He mani Calendarii a Gregorio XIII P.M. restituti ex-
is entered in the Martyrologies of Tallaght and Done- plicatio, cap. V, § 13, p. 85), she regards with in-
gal, and is venerated on 15 March. difference the occurrence of the moons on the day
(3) Eoghan, Bishop, is commemorated in the Mar- before or after their proper seats and cares much more
tyroloey of Tallaght on 18 April, and is included by for peace and uniformity than for the equinox and
the Bollandists under that date, but the particulars of the new moon. It may be mentioned here that
his life are scanty in the extreme. Clavius's estimate of the accuracy of the calendar, in
(4) Eoghan the Sage (Sapiens) finds a place in the the compilation of which he took such a leading
EPAOT
481
EPAOT
part, is extremely modest, and the seats assigned by
dim to the new moons tally with striet astronomi-
cal findings in a degree which he seems never to have
anticipated. The impossibility of taking the astro-
nomical moons as our sole guide in finding the date of
Easter will be best understood from an example: Let
us suppose that Easter is to be kept (as is at least im-
plied by the British Act of Parliament regulating its
date) on the Sunday after the astronomical full moon,
and that this full moon, as sometimes happens, occurs
just before midnight on Saturday evening in the
western districts of London or New York. The full
moon will therefore happen a little after midnight in
the eastern districts, so that Easter, if regulated strictly
by the paschal full moon, must be kept on one Sunday
in the western and on the following Sunday in the
eastern districts of the same city. Lest it be thought
that this is carrying astronomical exactness to extremes,
we may say that, if Easter were dependent on the as-
tronomical moons, the feast could not always be kept
•on the same Sunday in England and America. Seeing,
therefore, that astronomical accuracy must at some
point give way to convenience and that an arbitrary
•decision on this point is necessary, the Church has
drawn up a lunar calendar which maintains as close a
relation with the astronomical moons as is practicable,
and has decreed that Easter is to be kept on the Sunday
after the fourteenth day of the paschal moon as indi-
cated by this calendar.
Mbtonic Lunar Cycle or Cycle of Golden Num-
bers.— In the year now known as 432 b. c, Meton, an
Athenian astronomer, discovered that 235 lunations (i.
e. lunar months) correspond with 19 solar vears, or, as
we might express it, that after a period of 19 solar years
the new moons occur again on the same days of the
solar year. He therefore divided the calendar into
periods of 19 years, which he numbered 1, 2, 3, etc. to
19, and assumed that the new moons would always fall
on the same days in the years indicated by the same
number. This discovery found such favour among
the Athenians that the number assigned to the current
year in the Metonic Cycle was henceforth written in
golden characters on a pillar in the temple, and,
whether owing to this circumstance or to the impor-
tance of the discovery itself, was known as the Golden
Number of the year. As the 19 years of the Metonic
Cycle were purely lunar (i. e. each contained an exact
number of lunar months) and contained in the aggre-
gate 235 lunations, it was clearly impossible that all
the years should be pf equal length. To twelve of the
19 years 12 lunations were assigned, and to the other
seven 13 lunations, the thirteenth lunation being
known as the embolismic or intercalary month.
Length of the Lunations. — The latest calculations
have shown that the average duration of the lunar
month is 29 days, 12 hours, 44 mine., 3 sees. To avoid
the difficulty of reckoning fractions of a day in the cal-
endar, all computators, ancient and modern, have as-
signed 30 and 29 days alternately to the lunations of the
year, and regarded the ordinary lunar year of 12 luna-
tions as lasting 354 days, whereas it really lasts some
8 hours and 48 mins. longer. This under-estimation
of the year is compensated for in two ways: (1) by the
insertion of one extra day in the lunar (as in the solar)
calendar every fourth year, and (2) by aligning 30
days to six of the seven embolismic lunations, although
the average lunation lasts only about 291 days. A
comparison of the solar and lunar calendars for 76
years (one cycle of 19 years is unsuitable in this case,
since it contains sometimes 4, sometimes 5, leap
years) will make this clearer: — 76 solar years = 76 X
365+19, i. e. 27,759 days. Therefore 940 calendar
lunations (since 19 years equal 235 lunations) contain
27,759 dayB (29 d., 12 hrs., 44 mins., 3 sees. X 940=
27,758 d., 18 hrs., 7 mins.). But 940 lunations averag-
ing 29$ dayB equal only 27,730 days. Consequently, if
we assign 30 and 29 days uninterruptedly to alternate
V— 31
lunations, the lunar calendar will, after 76 years, antici-
pate the solar by 29 days. The intercalation of the'
extra day every fourth year in the lunar calendar re-
duces the divergence to 10 days in 76 years, i. e. 2 J days
in 19 years. The divergence is removed by assigning
to the seven embolismic months (which would other-
wise have contained 7X29$, or 206$, days) 209 days,
30 days being assigned to each of the first six and 29
to the seventh.
Manner of Insertion of the Embolismic Months.
— As the Gregorian and Metonic calendars differ in the
manner of inserting the embolismic months, only the
former is spoken of here. It has just been said that
seven of the 19 years of the lunar cycle contain a thir-
teenth, or embolismic, month, consisting in six cases of
30 days and in the seventh of 29 days. Granted that the
first solar and lunar years begin on the same day (i. e.
that the new moon occurs on 1 January), it is evident
that, as the ordinary lunar year of 12 lunations is 1 1 days
shorter than the solar, the lunar calendar will, after
three years, anticipate the solar by 33 days. To the
third lunar year, then, is added the first embolismic
month of 30 days, reducing the divergence between
the calendars to three days. After three further
years, i. e. at tne ena of the sixth year, the divergence
will have mounted to 36 (3X11 +3) days, but, by the
insertion of the second embolismic lunation, will be
reduced to six days. Whenever, then, the divergence
between the calendars amounts to more than 30 days,
an embolismic month is added to the lunar year; at
the end of the nineteenth lunar year, the divergence
will be 29 days, and, as the last embolismic month con-
sists of 29 days, it is clear that after the insertion of
thia month the nineteenth solar and lunar years will
end on the same day and that the first new moon of the
twentieth (as of the first) year will occur on 1 January.
The divergence, therefore, at the end of the 19 succes-
sive years of the lunar cycle is: 11, 22, 3, 14, 25, 6, 17,
28, 9, 20, 1, 12, 23, 4, 15, 26, 7, 18, and 0 days.
Cycle of Epacts.— We have denned an epact as
the age of the moon on 1 January, i. e. at the beginning
of the year. If, then, the new moon occurs on 1 January
in the first year of the Lunar Cycle, the Epact of the year
is 0 or, as it is more usually expressed, * ; and, since the
lunar year always begins with the new moon, it is
clear that the divergence between the solar and lunar
calendars, of which we have just been speaking, gives
the Epacts of the succeeding years. Thus, after the
first year, the divergence between the calendars
amounts to 11 days; therefore, the new moon occurs
11 dayB before 1 January of the second solar year,
which is expressed bv saying tnat the Epact of the
second solar year is XI. Granted, then, tnat the new
moon occurs on 1 January in the first year of the
Lunar Cycle, the epacts of the 19 years are as follows:
Golden Numbers 1
Epacts *
5 6 7 8
XIV XXV VI XVII
Golden Numbers 11
Epacts
15 16 17
IV XV XXVI
2 3
xi xxn
9
xx vm
12 13
1 xn
18
VII
4
hi
10
IX
14
XXIII
19
XVIII'
Inaccuracy of the Mbtonic Cycle. — Meton's
theory, as adopted by the Church until the year 1582,
might be briefly expressed as follows: —
'19 lunar years aver- Days
aging 354J days,
i.e 67301
6 extra, or embolis-
mic, months of 30
days, i. e 180
1 eml>oli8mio month
of 29 days 29
Total 69391
The average Lunar
Cycle consists of
IPAOT
482
IPAOT
19 solar years averaging 365J days equal 6939$
But later computators found that the average luna-
tion lasts 29 days, 12 hours, 44 minutes, 3 seconds,
consequently : —
235 calendar lunations (one
Lunar Cycle) equal 6930 d. 18 h. 0 m. 0 s.
235 astronomical lunations
equal 6939 d. 16 h. 31m. 45 s.
Difference 1 h. 28 m. 15 s.
We thus see that the average Lunar Cycle is about 1}
hour too long, and that, though the new moons occur
on the same dates in successive cycles, they occur, on
an average, 1} hour earlier in the day. The astrono-
mers entrusted with the reformation of the calendar
calculated that after a period of 312} years (310 years
is according to our figures a closer approximation) the
new moons occur on the day preceding that indicated
by the Lunar Cycle, that is, that the moon is one day
older at the beginning of the year than the Metonic
Cycle, if left unaltered, would show, and they removed
this inaccuracy by adding one day to the age of the
moon (i. e. to the Epacts) every 300 years seven times
in succession and then one day after 400 years (i. e.
eight days in 8X312 J or 2500 years). This addition
of one to the Epacts is known as the Lunar Equation,
and occurs at the beginning of the years 1800, 2100,
2400, 2700, 3000, 3300, 3600, 3900, 4300, 4600, etc. A
second disturbance of the Epacts is caused by the oc-
currence of the non-bissextile centurial years^ We
have seen above that the assigning of 6939} days to 19
lunar years leads to an error of one day every 312}
years, and that within these limits the lunar calendar
must not be disturbed; but the assigning of 6939} days
to every 19 solar years amounts to an error of 3 days
every 400 years, and it is therefore necessary to omit
ome day from the solar calendar in every centurial year
not divisible by 400. Consequently, since this extra
day in February every fourth year is an essential part
of the lunar calendar, the new moons will occur one
day later in the non-bissextile centurial years than in-
dicated by the Lunar Cycle (e. g. a new moon which
under ordinary circumstances would have occurred on
29 February will occur on 1 March), and the age of the
moon will, after the omission of the day, be one day less
on all succeeding days of the solar year. As the fact
that the January and February moons are not prop-
erly indicated is immaterial in a system whose sole
object is to indicate as nearly as practicable the
fourteenth day of the moon after* 21 March, the sub-
traction of one from the Epacts takes place at the begin-
ning of all non-bissextile centurial years and is known
as the Solar Eaua^on. In the following table, + 1 is
written after the years which have the Lunar Equa-
tion, and — 1 after those which have the Solar: —
1600
2800
4000
1700
-1
2900
-1
4100
-1
1800+1
-1
3000 fl
-1
4200
-1
1900
-1
3100
-1
4300+1
-1
2000
3200
4400
s 2100+1
-1
3300+1
-1
4500
-1
2200
-1
3400
-1
4600+1
-1
2300
-1
3500
-1
4700
-1
2400+1
3600+1
4800
2500
-1
3700
-1
4900+1
-1
2600
-1
3800
-1
5000
-1
2700+1
-1
3900+1
-1
5100
-1
Clavius continued this table as far as the year 300,000,
inserting the Lunar Equation eight times every 2500
years and the Solar three times every 400 years. As he
thus treats the year 5200 as a leap year his table is
untrustworthy after 5199.
Indication of New Moons. — Before proceeding
further, it will be convenient to consider the method
devised by Lilius of indicating .the new moons of the
year in the Gregorian calendar. As the first lunation
of the year consists of 30 days, he wrote the Epacts *.
XXIX, XXVIII . . . Ill, II, I opposite the -first thirty
days of January -then continuing, he wrote * opposite
the thirty-first. XXIX opposite the first of February
and so on to tne end of tne year, except that in the
case of the lunations of 29 days he wrote the two Epacts
XXV, XXIV opposite the same day (cf . 5 Feb., 4 April,
etc. in the Church calendar). From this arrangement
it is evident that if, for example, the Epact of a year is
X, the new moons will occur in that year on the days
before which the Epact X is placed in the calendar.
One qualification must be made to this statement.
According to the Metonic Cycle, the new moon can
never occur twice on the same date in the same nine-
teen years (the case is exceedingly rare even in the
purely astronomical calendar); consequently, when-
ever the two Epacts XXV and XXIV occur in the
same nineteen years, the new moons of the year whose
Epact is XXV are indicated in the months of 29 days
by Epact XXVI. with which the number 25 is for this
object associated in the Church calendar.
How to Find the Epact. — We have already seen
that the Church used the Metonic Cycle until the year
1582 as the only practical means devised of finding the
fourteenth day ot the paschal moon. Now, this cycle
has always been regarded as starting from the year
1 b. c, and not from the year of its introduction (432
b. a), probably (although all the authors we have seen
appear to have overlooked the point) because such
change was found necessary if the leadmg characteris-
tic of the Metonic Cycle were to be retained in chang-
ing from a lunar to a solar calendar, viz.. that the first
lunar and solar years of the cycle snoula begin on the
same day. That two nations with calendars so funda-
mentally different as those of the Greeks and the
Romans should regard the solar year as beginning with
the same phases of the sun would be highly improb-
able, even if there were no direct evidence that such
was not the case. But we have shown that when the
solar and lunar years begin on the same day, the
Epacts of the successive years of the cycle are: —
Golden Numbers 12 3 4
Epacts * xi xxn in
5 6 7 8 9 10
XIV XXV VI XVII XXVIII IX
Golden Numbers 11 12 13 14
Epacts xx i xii xxiii
15 16 . 17 18 19
IV XV XXVI VII XVIII
Consequently, if we divide the calendar into cycles of 19
years from Ib.c, the first year of each cycle will have
the Epact *, the second the Epact XI and so on, or, in
other words, the Epact of any year before 1582 de-
pends solely on its Golden Number. The Golden
Number of any year may be found by adding 1 to the
year and dividing by 19, the quotient showing the
number of complete cycles elapsed since 1 b. c. and
the remainder (or, if there be no remainder, 19) being
the Golden Number of the year. Thus, for example,
1484 + 1
the Golden Number of 1484 is 3, since — r^ — = 78,
with 3 as remainder; therefore the Epact of the year
1484 is XXII.
In the course of time it was found that the paschal
moon of the Metonic Cycle was losing all relation to
the real paschal moon, and in the sixteenth century
(c. 1576) Gregory XIII entrusted the task of reform-
ing the calendar to a small body of astronomers, of
whom Lilius and Clavius are the most renowned.
These astronomers having drawn up the table of equa-
tions to show the chances in the Epacts necessary to
preserve the relations between the ecclesiastical and
astronomical calendars, proceeded to calculate the
IPAOT
483
IPAOT
? roper Epacts for the years of the Lunar Cycle after
582. These they found to be as follows: —
Golden Numbers 1 2 3 4
Epacts i xu xxiii iv
5 6 r 8 9 10
XV XXVI vii • xvm XXIX X
Golden Numbers 11 12 13 14
Epacts xxi ii xin xxiv
15 16 17 18 19
v xvi xxvn vin xix
Now the essential difference between the Metonic
Cycle and the Gregorian system of Epacts lies in this,
that, whereas the sphere of application of the former
was held to be unlimited, that of the latter is bounded
by the Lunar and Solar Equations. Since, then, a
Solar Equation occurs in 1700, the Cycle of Epacts
just given holds only for the period 1582-1699, after
which a new cycle must be formed. To understand
the reason of the changes we must remember (1) that
by treating 365 days as equivalent to one solar year
and to 12 lunations plus 11 days, we under-estimate
the fifth day of the calendar moon. But, since no
extra day could be inserted in February, 1700, the
twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth of this month had to
be treated as the sixth day of the moon, and the age
of the moon on every subsequent day of the year 1700
was one day less than indicated by the Epact X. As
the moons of January and February are of very sec-
ondary importance in the Church calendar, we may
say that the age of the moon in 1700 and all subse-
quent years was one day less than indicated by the
above Cycle of Epacts, and thus the Epacts for the
years of the Lunar Cycle after 1700 are: —
Golden Numbers .1 2 3 4
Epacts * xi xxn ni
5 6 7 8 9 10
XIV XXV VI XVII XXVIII IX
4
Golden Numbers. 11 12 13 14
Epacts xx i xn xxiii
15 16 17 18 19
iv xv xxvi vn xvm
In the year 1800, both the Lunar and Solar Equations
(i. e. the addition and subtraction of 1) occur and no
EPACTS .
FROM 1 B.C
!. TO A
. D. 3099
Golden
Number*.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
IX
11
12
13
14
15
16
XV
17
18
vn
19
1 B. C-
a. d. 1582
•
XI
xxn
III
XIV
XXV
VI
XVII
XXVIII
XX
X
■
xn
XXIII
IV
XXVI
XVIII
1582-1609
X
XXI
XXIII
IV
XV
XXVI
VII
XVIII
XXIX
X
XXI
u
xni
XXIV
V
XVI
xxvn
VIII
XIX
1700-1890
•
XI
XXII
in
XIV
XXV
VI
XVII
XXVIII
IX
XX
I
XII
XXIII
IV
XV
xxvi
vn
xvxn
1900-2199
XXIX
X
XXI
XI
XIII
XXIV
V
XVI
xxvn
VIII
XIX
*
XI
XXII
in
XIV
XXV
VI
xvn
2200-2299
xxvm
IX
XX
t
XIX
XXIII
IV
XV
XXVI
vn
XVIII
XXIX
X
XXI
ii
XIU
XXIV
V
XVI
2300-2399
XXVII
VIII
XIX
•
XI
xxn
ni
XIV
XXV
VI
xvn
XXVIII
IX
XX
X
XII
XXIII
IV
XV
2400-2499
XX VIII
IX
XX
X
xu
XXIII
IV
XV
XXVI
VII
XVIII
XXIX
•
X
XXI
n
xni
XXIV
V
XVI
2500-2599
XXVII
VIII
XIX
•
XI
xxn
in
XIV
XXV
VI
xvn
XXVIII
IX
XX
X
xu
XXIII
IV
XV
2600-2899
xxvr
vn
XVIII
XXIX
X
XXI
n
xin
XXIV
V
XVI
xxvn
vin
XIX
*
XI
XXII
in
XXV
2900-3099
XXV
VI
XVH
XXVIII
IX
XX
X
xu
XXIII
IV
XV
XXVI
vn
xvm
XXIX
X
XXI
n
xin
This table may, with the help of the table of equations, be continued to 5199.
the solar year by about 5 J hours and the lunations by
8 1 hours; (2) that in consequence of this under-esti-
mation of the solar year, one day must be inserted in
every fourth solar year except in the case of the cen-
turial years not divisible by 400; and (3) that the
under-estimation of the lunations by 6 hours every
year (the additional 2} hours are compensated for in
the embolismic months and by the Lunar Equation)
necessitates the insertion of one extra day in the lunar
calendar every fourth year without exception. To
take an example: the Epact of 1696 (its Golden
Number being 6) is XXVI, and since this Epact is
found opposite 4 February in the Church calendar we
know that in 1696 the new moon happened on that
date and that consequently 23 February was the
twentieth day of the calendar moon. But, since the
under-estimation of the lunations amounts to one day
in every four years, the following day (our 24 Feb.)
was only nominally the twenty-first day of the moon
and the proper twenty-first was our 25 February.
The Church therefore inserted an extra day after 23
February and treated this and the real 24 Feb. (our 24
and 25) as one continuous day in both the solar and
lunar calendars, and consequently 25 February (our
26) was again legitimately regarded as the twenty-
second day of the moon and the fifty-sixth day of the
astronomical solar year. Coming now to the year
1700, we find its Epact to be X, consequently the new
moon occurred on 19 February and 23 February was
change of Epacts takes place. In 1900 the Solar
Equation occurs and we must again subtract 1 from
the Epacts. No change takes place in 2000 or in
2100, the former being a leap year and the latter having
both equations. In 2200 and in 2300, we must again
subtract 1, while in 2400, in which the Lunar Equa-
tion occurs and is not neutralised as usual by the Solar
Equation, we add 1 to all the Epacts. The accom-
panying table gives the Epact of every year from 1 b. c.
to a. d. 3099.
Examples. — (1) To find the Epact of the year 3097.
3097 -4- 1
Golden Number is 1, since — r^ — >•= 163, with 1 as
xu
remainder. Epact corresponding to Golden Number
1 after 2900 is XXV; therefore the Epact of 3097 is
XXV.
(2) On what Sunday will Easter fall in the year
2459? Golden Number of 2459 is 9, and Epact of
ninth year of Lunar Cycle after 2400 is XXVI. Since
the Epact of 2459 is XXVI, the new moons of this year
will occur on the days before which XXVI is placed in
the Church calendar (e. g. in the Breviary). Now,,
since the paschal moon is that whose fourteenth day
falls on or next after 21 March, the paschal new moon
can never happen before 8 March. The first day after
8 March to which the Epact XXVI is prefixed in the
Church calendar is 4 April; consequently the paschal
new moon in the year 2459 will occur on 4 ApriL
IPABCHT 4:
Counting 14 days from 4 April, which we include in
our reckoning, we find the fourteenth day of the pas-
chal moon to be 17 April. la 2459, therefore, Easter
will be kept on the Sunday after 17 April, which with
the help of the Dominical Letters in found to be 20
April. (See Dominical Letter.)
For bibliography we Dominical Lbttkr.
Thomas Kennedy.
Eparchy {trapxl*) was originally the name of one
of the divisions of the Roman Empire. Diocletian
(284-305) and Maximian divided the empire into four
great Prefectures (Gaul, Italy, Illyricum, and the
East). Each was subdivided into (civil) Dioetxes,
and these again into Eparckim under governors
(provides, frttjjlittt) . The Church accepted this divi-
sion as a convenient one for her use. The Prefec-
divided (in the fourth century) between the Patri-
archs of Alexandria and Antioch and three exarchs.
The Diocese of Egypt was the Patriarchate of Alex-
andria, the Diocese of the East (not to be confused
with the Prefecture of the East)
became that of Antioch. Asia was
under the Exarch of Ephesus, Pon-
tus under Cappadocia, and Thrace
under Heraclea. Under these pa-
triarchates and exarchates came
trie eparchies under metropolitans:
ordain him. This bishop died shortly afterwards,
whereupon the Abbe1 de l'Epee returned to Paris, and
began to occupy himself with the education, of two
deaf and dumb sisters who had been recommended to
him by Father Vanin, of the Congregation of the Chris-
tian Doctrine. He endeavoured to develop the minds
of his pupils by means of certain conventional signs
constituting a complete alphabet. Succeeding in
this attempt, he resolved to devote himself to the edu-
cation of the deaf and dumb, and founded a school
for their instruction at his own expense. His method
is based on the principle that "the education of deaf
mutes must teach them through the eye what other
people acquire through the ear". Several other
methods had been tried, previous to this time, to
enable the deaf and dumb to communicate with one
another and with the rest of mankind, but there can
be no doubt that he attained far greater success than
Pereira, Bulwer, Datgarno, Dr. John Wallis, or any
' '■" ' , and that the whole system now
struction of deaf mutes virtually
his ingenuity and devotion. His
n its turn, been replaced by a newer
method, which teaches the pupils
to recognise words and, in time, to
utter them, by closely wuli-iiinji. ;i
afterwards imitating, the moti<
of the lips and tongue in speech,
the different portions of the vocal
organs being shown by means of dia-
ul— Gau
Rdthbnia
Rin; Tail
they had under them the bishops of the various cities.
The original ecclesiastical eparchies then were prov-
inces, each under a metropolitan. The First Council of
Nicasa (325) accepts this arrangement and orders that :
"the authority [of appointing bishops] shall belong to
the metropolitan in each eparchy" (can. iv). That is
to Bay that in each such civil eparchy there shall be a
metropolitan bishop who shall have authority over the
others. This is the origin of "our provinces. Later in
Eastern Christendom the use of the word was gradu-
ally modified and now it means generally the diocese
of a simple bishop. The name Eparchy is, however,
not commonly used except in Russia. There it is the
usual one for a diocese. The Russian Church now
counts eighty-six eparchies, of which three (Kiev,
Moscow, and St. Petersburg) are ruled by bishops who
always bear the title "Metropolitan", and fourteen
others are under archbishops.
HtNacatus, Kirrhenreeht, I, ,138, ST6; Foetescdb, The Ortho-
donEaetem CAureh (London. 1007!. 22-23. 2B7.
Adrian FoKtebcDB.
BpSe, Chakles-Hichel de l', a philanthropic
priest and inventor of the sign alphabet for the instruc-
tion of the deaf and dumb; was b. at Versailles, 25
November, 1712; d. at Paris, 23 December, 1789. He
studied theology, but, having refused to sign a con-
demnation of Jansenism, was denied ordination by
Christophe de Beaumont, Archbishop of Paris. He
then studied law, but no sooner had he been admitted
to the Bar than the Bishop of Troyea consented to
grams. Excellent results have thus been attained, deaf
anddumb persons acquiring theability to converse flu-
ently. This method has of late increased in favour. But
it remains true that the Abb* de l'Epee by his sign sys-
tem laid the foundations of all systematic instruction
of the deaf and dumb, a system which was further
developed by hispupil and successor, the Abb4Sicard.
The AbMde l'Epee became known all over Europe.
The Emperor Joseph II himself visited his school.
The Duke of Penthievre, as well as Louis XVI, helped
him with large contributions. In 1791, two years
after his death, the National Assembly decreed that
his name should be enrolled among the benefactors of
mankind, and undertook the support of the school he
had founded. In 1838abronse monument was erected
over his grave in the church of Saint-Roch in Paris.
He published in 1776 "Institution des sourds-muets
par la voie des signes m£thodiques"; in 1794, "La
vent-able Inaniere <f instruire lea sourds et muets, con-
firmee par une tongue experience ". He also began a
" Dictionnaire general des signes", which was com-
Bleted by the Abbe1 Sicard. (See Education or the
'eaf and Dumb.)
BiHTHir.R. L'Abbt. de I'Eptr.tavU et ete eeuwee (Pirii, 1882);
Antrum Annate of foe Ora! iWruhmetonl; Anrou>, The Edu-
cation af foe Deal and Dumb (Lomiuu, 1S72) Bell, Education
oflhe Deaf (1888): Gowjok. The Di/Jtrrnee between foe Too Sye-
lemt of Teaching Deaf Mute Children (1398).
Jean Lebabs.
IPHESIANS 485 KPMSIAN8
tached in 1818 from the Diocese of Munkacs, this dio- all eternity and not revealed even to the angels, ao*
cese has had the following bishops: Gregory Tarkovics cording to which the Gentiles are made coheirs with
(1818-41); Joseph Garganecs (1843-75); Nicholas the Jews, constitute a part of the same body, and are
Toth (1876-81); John Valyi (1882). The city of joint partakers in the same promises (Eph., iii, 1-13).
Eperies, called by the Slovaks Pressova, was founded Deeply imbued with this mystery, the Apostle im-
bv a German colony in the twelfth century on the plores the Father to lead his readers to the perfection
Tarcza, a tributary of the Danube, and is now the of the Christian state and the complete knowledge of
capital of the county of Saros, Hungary, with a popu- Divine charity (Eph., iii, 14-19), continuing the same
lation of 11,000. It is famous for its sugar factories, prayer with which he had begun (Eph., i, 16 sq.).
its mineral waters, and the rock salt mine situated at Having praised God anew in the solemn doxology
Sovar, several miles distant. The diocese contains (Eph., iii, 20 sq.), Paul passes on to the moral part of
160,000 Ruthenian Gatholics; 212 priests (nearly all his letter. His exhortations, which he bases more
married) ; 190 parishes scattered over the territory of than is his wont on dogmatic considerations, all revert
six counties; 190 churches, 25 chapels, 24 parochial to that of chapter iv, verse 1, wherein he entreats his
schools, with 28,000 pupils, a college for boyB, 2 con- readers to show themselves in all things worthy of their
vents of Basilians, and a theological seminary with 40 vocation. First of all, they must labour to preserve
students. The episcopal residence, the seminary, and the unity described by the author in the first three
most of the diocesan institutions are situated at chapters and here again brought into prominence: One
Eperies*. , * §P"*^^ one I/m^ one faith, one baptism, one God.
Nili.es, Symbola ad Muetrandam historiam eccUsia orientalU Tnere is, of course, a diversity of ministries, but .the
t^TcB^TlWT) "$5** (Inn8bruck)' u' 90fr'12; MMonM respective offices of apostles, prophets, etc. have all
' ' ' g# Yaum&. been instituted by the same Chrut exalted in glory and
all tend to the perfection of the society of saints in
Ephesians, Epistle to the. — This article will be Christ (Eph., iv, 2-16). From these great social
treated under the following heads: I. Analysis of the duties, Paul proceeds to the consideration of individ-
Epistle; II. Special Characteristics: (1) Form: (a) ual ones. He contrasts the Christian life that his
Vocabulary; (b) Style; (2) Doctrines; III. Object; IV. readers are to lead, with their pagan life, insisting
To Whom Addressed; V. Date and Place of Composi- above all on the avoidance of two vices, immodesty
tion; Occasion; VI. Authenticity: (1) Relation to and covetousness (Eph., iv, 17-v, 3). Then, in
other books of the New Testament; (2) Difficulties treating of family life, he dwells on the duties of hus-
arising from the form and doctrines; (3) Tradition. bands and wives, whose union he likens to that of
I. Analysis of the Epistle. — The letter which, in Christ with His Church, and the duties of children and
the MSS. containing the Epistles of St. Paul, bears the servants (v, 21-vi, 9). In order to fulfil these duties
title "To the Ephesians" comprises two parts dis- an4to combat adverse powers, the readers must put
tinctly separated by a doxology (Eph., iii, 20 sq.). on the armour of God (vi, 10-20). '
The address, in which the Apostle mentions himself The Epistle closes with a short epilogue (vi, 21-24),
only, is not followed by a prologue; in fact, the entire wherein the Apostle tells his correspondents that he
dogmatic part develops the idea which is usually the has sent Tychicus to give them news of him and that
subject of the prologue in the letters of St. Paul. In a he wishes them peace, charity, and grace,
long sentence that reads like a hymn (Eph., i, 3-14), II. Special Characteristics. — (1) Form — fa)
Paul praises God for the blessings which He has be- Vocabulary. — This letter, like all of those written by
stowed upon all the faithful in accordance with the St. Paul, contains hapax legomena (drag XryVoa),
eternal plan of His will, the sublime plan by which all about seventy-five words which are not found in the
are to be united under one head. Christ, a plan which, Apostle's other writings; however, it were a mistake
although heretofore secret ana mysterious, is now to make this fact the basis of an argument against
made manifest to believers. Those to whom the Pauline authenticity. Of these words nine occur in
Epistle is addressed, having received the Gospel, have, quotations from the Old Testament and others belong
in their turn, been made participants of these bless- to current language or else designate things which
ings, and the Apostle, having recently learned of their Paul elsewhere had had no occasion to mention,
conversion and their faith, assures them that he ceases Others, again, are derived from roots used by the
not to give thanks to Heaven for the same (Eph.. i, 15, Apostle and besides, in comparing these hapax lego*
16) and that, above all, he prays for them. Tne ex- mena (foot \ey6^tpa) one with another, it is impossi-
planation of this prayer, of its object and motives, ble to recognize in them a characteristic vocabulary
constitutes the remainder of the dogmatic part (cf . that would reveal a distinct personality. (Cf . Brunet,
Eph., iii, 1, 14). Paul asks God that his readers may " De l'authenticite* de l'epltre aux Ephesiens; preuves
have a complete knowledge of the hope of their call- philologiques", Lyons, 1897; Nageli, "Der Wort-
ing, that they may be fully aware both of the riches of achat* des Apostefs Paulus", Gottingen, 1905.)
their inheritance and the greatness of the Divine (b) Style. — This Epistle, even more than that to the
power which guarantees the inheritance.- This Divine Colossians, is remarkable tor the length of its periods,
power manifests itself first in Christy Whom it raised The first three* chapters contain hardly more than
from the dead and Whom it exalted m glory above all three sentences and these are overladen with relative
creatures and established head of the Church, which is or participial clauses that are simply strung together.
His body. Next, this power and goodness of God frequently without being connected by the logical
was evidenced in the readers, whom it rescued from particles that occur so frequently in St. Paul. Each
their sins and raised and exalted with Christ. But it particular clause is itself encumbered with numer-
shone forth, above all, in the establishment of a com- ous prepositional modifiers (especially with iv and
munity of salvation welcoming within its fold both vin>) of which it is difficult to state the exact meaning.
Jews and Gentiles without distinction, the Death of Often, too, several synonyms are in juxtaposition and
Christ having broken down the middle wall of parti- in very many cases a noun has an explanatory geni-
tion, i. e. the Law, and both sections of the human tive, the sense of which differs but very slightly from
race having thus been reconciled to God so as thence- that of the noun itself. For all of these reasons the
forth to form but one body, one house, one temple, of language of the Epistle, heavy, diffuse, and languid,
which the apostles and Christian prophets are the seems very different from the dialectical, animated,
foundation and Christ Himself is the chief corner- and vigorous style of the Apostle's uncontested letters,
stone. (Epjp., i, 16-ii, 20.) Paul, as his readers must It is important to note that in the moral part of the
have heard:, was the minister chosen to preach to the Epistle these peculiarities of style do not appear and
Gentiles of this sublime myBtery of God, hidden from hence they would seem to depend more on the matter
486
SPB1SXAN8
treated than on the author himself; in fact, even in
the dogmatic expositions in the great Epistles, St.
Paul's language is frequently involved (cf . Rom., ii,
13 sq.; iv, 16 sq.; v, 12 sq.; etc.). Moreover, it must
be observed that all these peculiarities spring from the
same cause: they all indicate a certain redundancy of
ideas surging in upon a' deep and tranquil meditation
on a sublime subj ect, the various aspects of which simul-
taneously appear to the author's mind and evoke his
admiration. Hence also the lyric tone that pervades
the first three chapters, which constitute a series of
praises, benedictions, thanksgivings, and prayers. A
sort of rhythmic composition has been pointed out in
chapter i (cf. T. Innitser, "Der 'Hymnus' im Eph., i,
3-14 " in " Zeitschrif t far katholischeTheologie ", 1904,
612 sq.), and in chapter iii traces of liturgical hymnol-
ogy have been observed (Eph., iii, 20), but they are
no more striking than in I Cor. and are not to be com-
pared with the liturgical language of I Clement.
(2) Doctrines. — The doctrines on justification, the
Law, faith, the flesh, etc., that are characteristic of the
great Pauline Epistles, are not totally lacking in the
Epistle to the Ephesians, being recognisable in chap-
ter ii (1-16). However, the writer's subject does not
lead him to develop these particular doctrines. On
the other hand, he clearly indicates, especially in
chapter i, the supreme place which, in the order of na-
, ture and grace, is allotted to Christ, the author and
centre of creation, the point towards which all things
converge, the source of all grace, etc. Although, m
his great Epistles. St. Paul sometimes pouches upon
these doctrines (cf. I Cor., viii, 6; xv, 45 sq.; II Cor.,
v, 18 sq.), they constitute the special object of his let-
ter to the Colossians, where he develops them to a
much greater extent than in that to the Ephesians.
In fact this Epistle treats more of the Churcn than of
Christ. (On the doctrine of the Church in the Epistle
to the Ephesians see Meritan in "Revue biblique",
1898, pp. 343 sq., and W. H. Griffith Thomas in the
"Expositor", Oct., 1906, pp. 318 sq.) The word
church no longer means, as is usual in the great Epis-
tles of St. Paul (see, however, Gal., i, 13; I Cor., xii,
28; xv, 9), some local church or other, but the one uni-
versal Church, an organic whole uniting all Christians
in one body of which Christ is the head. Here we find
the systematized development of elements insinuated
from time to time in the letters to the Galatians, Cor-
inthians, and Romans. The author who has declared
that there is now neither Jew nor Greek but that all
are one in Christ Jesus (Gal., iii. 28); that in each
Christian the life of Christ is made manifest (Gal., ii,
20; II Cor., iv, 11 sq.) ; that all are led by the Spirit of
God and of Christ (Horn., viii, 9-14) ; that each one of
the faithful has Christ for head (I Cor., xi, 3), could, by
combining these elements, easily come to consider all
Christians as forming but one body (Rom., xii, 5: I
Cor., xii, 12, 27), animated by one spirit (Eph., iv, 4) . a
single body having Christ for head. To this body the
Gentiles belong by the same right as the Jews. Un-
doubtedly this mysterious dispensation of Providence
was, according to the Epistle to the Ephesians, made
manifest to all the Apostles, a declaration which,
moreover, the Epistle to the Galatians does not contra-
dict (Gal., ii. 3-9) ; however, this revelation remains,
as it were, tne special gift of St. Paul (Eph., iii, 3-8).
The right of pagans seems to be no longer questioned,
which is easily understood at the close of the Apostle's
life. At the death of Christ the wall of separation was
broken down (cf. Gal., iii, 13), and all have since had
access to the Father in the same spirit. They do not
meet on the Jewish ground of the abolished Law but
on Christian ground, in the edifice founded directly on
Christ. The Churcn being thus constituted, the au-
thor contemplates it just as it appears to him. Be-
sides, if in the extension of the Church he beholds the
realisation of the eternal decree by which all men have
been predestined to the same salvation, he is not
obliged to repeat the religious history of mankind in
the way "he had occasion to describe it in the Epistle to
the Romans; neither is he constrained to explain the
historical privileges of the Jews, to which he neverthe-
less alludes (Eph., ii, 12), nor to connect the new econ-
omy with the old (see, however, Eph., iii, 6), nor indeed
to introduce, at least into the dogmatical exposition,
the sins of the pagans, whom he is satisfied to accuse of
having lacked intimate communion with God (Eph.,
ii, 12). For the time being all these points are not hia
main subject of meditation. It is rather the recent,
positive fact of the union of all men in the Church, the
body of Christ, that he brings into prominence; the
Apostle contemplates Christ Himself in His actual
influence over this body and over each of its mem-
bers; hence it is only occasionally that he recalls the
redemptive power of Christ's Death. (Eph., i, 7;
ii, 5, 6.) From heaven, where He has been exalted,
Christ bestows His gifts on1 all the faithful without
distinction, commanding, however, that in His
Church certain offices be held for the common welfare.
The hierarchical terms used so constantly later on
(Ar/ffKoroi, T/w/Jtfrepot, Stdicoroi) are not met with
here. The apostles and prophets, always mentioned
together, in tne Epistle to the Ephesians, play a like
part, being the founders of the Cnurch (Eph., ii, 20).
Thus placed on an equality with the prophets, the
apostles are not the chosen Twelve but, as indicated in
the letters of St. Paul, those who have seen Christ and
been commissioned by Him to preach His Gospel. It
is for the same purpose that the prophets in the Epistle
to the Ephesians used the charisma, or spiritual gifts
described in I Cor., xii-xiv. The evangelists, who are
not noticed in Eph., ii, 20, or iii, 5, are inferior in dig-
nity to the apostles and prophets in connexion with
whom they are, nevertheless, mentioned (Eph., iv,
11). In his first letters St. Paul had no occasion to
allude to them, but they belong to the Apostolic ace,
as at a later epoch they are never referred to. Finally
the "pastors and doctors" (A. V. pastors and teach-
ers), who are clearly distinguished (Eph., iv, 11) from
the apostles and prophets, founders of the churches,
seem to be those local authorities already indicated in
I These., v, 12; I Cor., xvi, 15 sq.; Acts, xx, 28.
While the attention given to these different ministers
forms a distinctive note in the Epistle to the Ephe-
sians, we cannot therefore admit (with Kldpper, for
example) that the author is preoccupied with the
hierarchy as such. The unity of the Cnurch, a point
that he clearly emphasises, is not so much the juridical
unity of an organised society as the vital unity that
binds all the members of the body to its head, the
glorified Christ. Nor is it true that the author already
predicts centuries of future existence for this Churcn
(Klopper) as. properly speaking, the ages to come, re-
ferred to in tne Epistle to the Ephesians (ii, 7), are to
come in the Kingdom of Heaven (cf. ii, 6). On the
other hand we know that St. Paul's hope of soon wit-
nessing Christ's second coming kept constantly dimin-
ishing, and therefore, in the latter years of his life, he
might well define (Eph., v, 22 sq.) the laws of Chris-
tian marriage, which at an earlier period (I Cor:, vii,
37 sq.) he regarded only in the light of the approach-
ing advent of Christ.
The exposition that we have given of the doctrines
proper to the Epistle to the Ephesians has been so
made as to show that none of these doctrines taken
separately contradicts the theology of the great Paul-
ine Epistles and that each one individually can be con-
nected with certain elements disseminated in these
Epistles. It is nevertheless true that, taken in its
entirety, this letter to the Ephesians constitutes a new
doctrinal system, the Pauline authenticity of which
can only be critically defended by pointing out the cir-
cumstances in consequence of which the Apostle was
able thus to develop his first theology and profoundly
to modify his manner of setting it forth. Naturally
BPHSSlAttft
487
BFHE8IAKS
this leads us first of all to try to ascertain the object of
the letter to the Ephesians.
III. Object. — It has been said that St. Paul com-
bated immoral doctrines and an antinomian propa-
ganda that especially endangered those to whom the
fetters were addressed (Pfleiderer), but this hypothesis
would not explain the dogmatic part of the Epistle,
and even in the hortatory part nothing betokens po-
lemical preoccupation. All the warnings adminis-
tered are called forth by the pagan origin of the read-
ers, and when the author addresses his prayers to
Heaven in their behalf (Eph., i, 17 sqq.; hi, 14 sqq.)
he does not mention any particular peril from which he
would have God deliver their Christian life. Klopper
thought that the author had Judeo-Christians in view,
still denying converted pagans their full right in the
Church, and Jacquier gives this as an additional mo-
tive. Others have said that the Gentile-Christians of
the Epistle had to be reminded of the privileges of the
Jews. But not one word in the letter, even in the sec-
tion containing exhortations to unity (Eph., iv, 2 sq.),
reveals the existence of any antagonism among those
to whom the Apostle writes, and there is no question of
the reproduction or re-establishment of unity. The
author never addresses himself to any save converted
pagans, and all his considerations tend solely to pro-
vide them with a full knowledge of the blessings
which, despite their pagan origin, they have acquired
in Christ and of the greatness of the love that God has
shown them. If, in chapter iii, St. Paul speaks of his
personal Apostleship, it is not by way of defending it
against attacks but of expressing all his gratitude for
having been called, in spite of his unworthiness, to an-
nounce the great mystery of which he had sung the
praises. Briefly, nothing in the letter .allows us to
suspect that it responds to any special need on the part
of those to whom it is addressed, nor that they, on
their side, had given the author any particular occa-
sion for writing it. In so far as either its dogmatic or
moral part is concerned, it might have been addressed
to any churches whatever founded in the pagan
world.
. IV. To Whom Addressed. — To whom, then, was the
Epistle addressed? This question has evoked a vari-
ety of answers. There are critics who maintain the
traditional opinion that the Epistle was written to the
Ephesians exclusively (Danko. Comely), but the
greater number consider it in the light of a circular
letter. Some maintain that it was addressed to Ephe-
sus and the churches of Which this city was, so to
speak, the metropolis (Michelis, Harless, and Henle),
while others hold that it was sent to the Seven Churches
of the Apocalypse (H. Holtsmann) or to the circle of
Christian communities within and around Colossse and
Laodicea (Godet. Haupt, Zahn, and Belser) ; or again
to the faithful of Asia Minor (B. Weiss) or to all the
Gentile-Christian Churches (Von Soden). The ques-
tion can only be solved by comparing the Epistle with
the knowledge possessed of the life and literary activity
of the Apostle. Those who deny the authenticity of the
letter must certainly grant that the Pseudo-Paul (i. 1)
was careful to conform to literary and historical proba-
bilities; and if not, since the letter vouchsafes no di-
rect indication as to the correspondents whom he sup-
posed the Apostle to be addressing, it would be idle to
imagine who they were.
The words iw 'B^Ary, in the first verse of the Epistle,
do not belong to the primitive text. St. Basil attests
that, even in his day, they were not met with in the
ancient MSS.; in, fact they are missing from the Co-
dices B and M (first hand). Moreover, the examina-
tion of the Epistle does not warrant the belief that it
was addressed to the church in which the Apostle had
sojourned longest. When St. Paul writes to one of his
churches, he constantly alludes to his former relations
with it (see Thess., Gal., Cor.), but here there is nothing
personal, no greeting, no special recommendation, no
allusion to the author's past. Paul is unacquainted
with his correspondents, although he has heard them
spoken of (Eph., i, 15), and they have heard of him
(Eph., iii; 2; cf. iv, 21). When addressing himself to
any particular church, even be it at the time still a
stranger to him as, for instance, Rome or Colossse, the
Apostle always assumes a personal tone; hence the
abstract and general manner in which he treats his
subject from the beginning to the end of the Epistle to
the Ephesians can best be accounted for by beholding
in this Epistle a circular letter to a group of churches
still unknown to Paul. But this explanation, founded
on the encyclical character of the Epistle, loses its
value if the Church of Ephesus is numbered among
those addressed ; for, during his three years' sojourn in
this city, the Apostle had had frequent intercomrse
with the neighbouring Christian communities, and in
this case he would have had Ephesus especially in
view, just as in writing to all the faithful of Achaia (II
Cor., i. 1) it was chiefly to the Church of Corinth that
he addressed himself.
Nevertheless, it was to a rather restricted circle of
Christian communities that Paul sent this letter, as
Tvchicus was to visit them all and bring them news of
him (Eph., vi, 21 sq.), which fact precludes the idea of
all the churches of Asia Minor or of all the Gentile-
Christian churches. Moreover, since Tvchicus was
bearer of the Epistle to the Colossians and that to the
Ephesians at one and the same time (Col., iv, 7 sq.),
those to whom the latter was addressed could not have
been far from Colosss, and we have every reason to
suppose them in Asia Minor. However, we do not
believe that the Epistle in question was addressed to
the churches immediately surrounding Colossse, as the
perils which threatened the faith of the Colossians vir-
tually endangered that of the neighbouring communi-
ties, and wherefore, then, two letters differing in tone v
and object? Having had no personal intercourse
with the Colossians, the Apostle would have been sat-
isfied to address to them and their Christian neigh-
bours an encyclical letter embodying all the matter
treated in botn Epistles. Hence it behooves us to seek
elsewhere in Asia Minor, towards the year 60, a rather
limited group of churches still unknown to St. Paul.
Now, in the course of his three journeys, Paul had
traversed all parts of Asia Minor except the northern
provinces along the Black Sea, territory which he did
not reach prior to his captivity. Nevertheless, the
First Epistle of St. Peter snows us that the Faith had
already penetrated these regions^ hence, with the his-
torical data at our disposal, it is m this vicinity that it
seems most reasonable to seek those to whom the
Epistle was addressed. These Christians must have
been named in the authentic text of the inscription of
this Epistle, as they are in all of St. Paul's letters.
Now, whenever the substantive participle appears in
one of these inscriptions, it serves the sole purpose of
introducing the mention of locality. . We are there-
fore authorized to believe that, in the address of the
Epistle to the Ephesians (Eph., i, 1: toU 6yloif od<riv
koI tuttoTs iv TLpurry 'Irpov), this participle, so dif-
ficult to understand in the received text, originally pre-
ceded the designation of the place inhabited by the
readers. One might assume that the line containing
this designation was omitted owing to some distrac-
tioo-on the part of the first copyist; however, it would
then be necessary to admit that the mention of local-
ity, now in question, occurred in the midst of qualifying -
adjectives applied by the Apostle to his readers (6y(ott
rots otorip tistoU), and this is something that
is never verified in the letters of St. Paul. Hence we
may suppose that, in this address, the indication of
place was corrupted rather than omitted, and this
paves the way for conjectural restorations. We
ourselves have proposed the following: roU 47(011
roik otffiv jcar* 1/mf toU iv Xpurrt} *Ii}<roG. (Ladeuse in
Revue biblique, 1902, pp. 573 sq.) Grammati-
KPH18IAK8 488 EPHE8IAN8
telly, this phrase corresponds perfectly with the would deliver the Epistle to the Ephesians to the
Apostle's style (cf. Gal., i, 22; I Cor., i, 2; Phil., i, 1) Christians at Laodicea, there was no reason why he
and pabeographically, if transcribed in ancient capi- should insert greetings for the Laodiceans in his
tals, it readily accounts for the corruption that has cer- Epistle to the Colossians (Col., iv, 15). It is more
tainly been produced in the text. The Epistle to the probable that the Epistle to the Ephesians was written
Ephesians was, therefore, written to distant churches, in the second place. It would be less easy to under-
located perhaps in -various provinces [Pontus. Galatia, stand why, in repeating to the Colossians the same
Polemonium (the kingdom of Polemon)] ana, for this exhortations that he had made to the Ephesians,
reason, requiring to be designated by a general term, for instance, on remarriage (Eph., v, 22 sqq.), the
but all situated alone the River Iris. author should have completely suppressed the sub-
These churches of the north-east of Asia Minor lime dogmatic considerations upon wnich these exhor- '
played rather an obscure part in the first century, tations had been based. Moreover we believe with
When the first collection of the Apostle's letters was Godet that:*" It is more natural to think that, of these
made, a collection on which the entire textual tradi- two mutually complements letters, the one provoked
tion of these letters depends (cf. Zahn, Geschichte des by a positive request and a definite need [Col.] came
N. T. Kanons, I, ii, p. 829), it was Ephesus that fur- first, and that the other [Eph.] was due to the greater
nished the copy of this Epistle, having obtained it solicitude evoked by the composition of the former."
when Tychicus landed at that port, thence to set out How, then, admitting that St. Paul wrote the Epi»-
for Colossae and in the direction of Pontus, and in this tie to the Ephesians, shall we explain the origin of this
copy the text of the address had already been cor- document? The Apostle, who was a captive at Rome,
rupted. Having come from Fnhesus, this letter was informed by Epaphras of the dogmatic and moral
quickly passed for one to the Ephesians, the more so as errors that had come to light in Colossse and the neigh-
tnere was no other written by the Apostle to the most bowing cities, in churches of which he was not the
celebrated of churches. This explains why, from the founder. He also learned that he had been censured
beginning, all except Marcipn, even those who did not for not bringing to the perfection of Christianity those
read the words h 'ItyAry in the first verse (Origen, whom he had once converted, and for not taking suffi-
Tertullian), look upon this letter as an Epistle to the oient interest in churches that had sprung up side by
Ephesians, and why, in all MSS., it is transcribed un- side with his own, although without his personal inter-
der this title. vention (Col., i, 28— ii, 5). At the same time that
V. Date and Place of Composition; Occasion. — Paul received the news concerning Colossa and its
Like the Epistles to the Colossians, to the Philippians, surroundings, he also heard (Eph., l, 15) that in a dis-
and to Philemon, that to the Ephesians was written tant part of Asia Minor Christian communities had
during the leisure hours of one of the Apostle's im- been Drought to the Faith, perhaps by evangelists
prisonments (Eph., iii, 1; iv. 1; vi, 20), when he had (Eph., iv; 11). Impressed by the accusations made
but little reason to resort to the services of a disciple to against him, Paul took advantage of the departure of
write in his name (De Wette, Ewald, and Renan). ' Tychicus for Colosss, to enter into communication'
Lisco (Vincula Sanctorum, Berlin, 1900) is the only with those Christians who had heard of him (Eph.. iii,,
one nowadays who claims that these letters antedate 2) and to address them a letter in which he haa to
the great captivity of St. Paul, maintaining that the limit himself to general considerations on Christianity,.
Apostle must have written them while a prisoner in but he wished to prove his Apostolic solicitude for
Ephesus in 57 and prior to those which he sent to the them by making them realise not only the dignity of
Corinthians and Romans. But we are not acquainted their Christian vocation^ but the oneness of the
with any of the details of this captivity at Ephesus. Church of God and the intimate union by which all the
Moreover, the doctrine set forth in the letters in ques- faithful, no matter what their history, are constituted
tion belongs to an epoch subsequent to the composi- a single body of which Christ is the head,
tion of the Epistle to the Romans (58); hence they VL Authenticity. — If one would only remember
were not written previously to the captivity in Cssa- to whom the Epistle was addressed and on what occa-
rea (58-00). On the other hand, they are anterior to sion it was written, the objections raised against its
the first persecution, to which the author makes no Pauline authenticity could be readily answered,
allusion when describing the armour and combats of (1) Relation to Other Books of the New Testament. —
the faithful ; wherefore they cannot be assigned to the The letter to the Ephesians bears some resemblance to
last captivity. It consequently remains for them to the Epistle to the Hebrews and the writings of St.
be ascribed to a period: between 58 and 63, but Luke and St. John, in point of ideas and mode of ex-
whether they were produced in Csesarea or in Rome pression, but no such resemblance is traceable in the
(61-63) is still a much mooted question. The infor- great Pauline Epistles. Of course one of the Apos-
mation gleaned here and there is very vague and the tie's writings might have been utilised in these later
arguments brought forward are very doubtful. How- documents Dut these similarities are too vague to es-
ever, the freedom allowed Paul, and the evangelical tablish a literary relationship. During the four years
activity he displays at the time of writing these letters, intervening between the Epistle to the Romans and
would seem more in keeping with his captivity in that to the Ephesians, St. Paul had changed his head-
Rome (Acts, xxviii, 17-31) than in Csesarea (Acts, quarters and his line of work, and we behold him at
xxiii, sq.). One thing, however, is certain, once the Rome and Csesarea connected with new Christian cen-
authenticity of the Epistles to the Colossians and to tree. It is. therefore, easy to understand why his
the Ephesians is admitted, and that is that they were style should savour of the Christian language used in
written at the same time. They both show funda- these later books, when we recall that their object has
mentally and formally a very close connexion of so much in common with the matter treated in the
which we shall speak later on. Tychicus was ap- Epistle to the Ephesians. Whatever may now and
pointed to convey both Epistles to those to whom they then have been said on the subject, the same phe-
were respectively addressed and to fulfil the same mis- nomenon is noticeable in the Epistle to the Colossians.
sion in behalf of them (CoL, iv, 7 sq. ; Eph., vi, 21 sq.). If, indeed, the Epistle to the Ephesians agrees with the
Verse 16 of chapter iv of Colossians does not seem to Acts in more instances than does the Epistle to the
allude to the letter to the Ephesians, which would Colossians, it is because the two former have one iden-
need to have been written first; besides, the Epistle tical object, namely, the constitution of the Church by
here mentioned is scarcely an encyclical, the context the calling of the Jews and Gentiles,
leading us to look upon it as a special letter of the same # The relationship between the Epistle to the Ephe-
nature as that sent to the Colossians. If, moreover, sians and I Peter is much closer. The letter to the
Paul knew that, before reaching Colossse, Tychicus Ephesians, unlike most of the Pauline Epistles, does
IPHE8IAN8 489 EPHE8IAV8
not begin with an act of thanksgiving but with a hymn a hynm running through three chapters and celebrafc
similar, even in its wording, to that which opens I ins the call of both Jews and Gentiles and the union of
Peter. Besides, both letters agree in certain typical all in the Church of Christ; and in the other, an ex-
expressions and in the description of the duties of the position of Christ's dignity and of the adequacy of the
domestic life, which terminates in both with the same means He vouchsafes us for the obtaining of our salva-
exhortation to combat the devil. With the majority tion, as also thanksgiving and especially prayers for
of critics, we maintain the relationship between these those readers who are liable to misunderstand this
letters to be literary. But I Peter was written last doctrine. However, these two objects, Christ and the
and consequently depends on the Epistle to the Ephe- Church, are closely akin. Besides, if in his letter to
sians; for instance, it alludes already to the persecu- the Ephesians, St. Paul reproduces the ideas set
tion, at least as impending. Sylvanus, the Apostle's forth in that to the Colossians, it is certainly less
faithful companion, was St. Peter's secretary (I Peter, astonishing than to find a like phenomenon m the
v, .12), and it is but natural that he should make use of Epistles to the Galatians and to the Romans, as
a letter, recently written by St. Paul, on questions an- it is very natural that the characteristic expressions
aloffous to those which he himself had to treat, espe- used by the Apostle in the Epistle to the Colossians
ciafly as according to us, those addressed in both of should appear in the letter to the Ephesians, since both
thefee Epistles are, for the greater part, identical (cf . I were written at the same time. In fact it has been
Peter, i, 1) . remarked that he is prone to repeat typical expressions
The attacks made upon the authenticity of the he has once coined (cf . Zahn. Einleitung, 1, p. 363
Epistle to the Ephesians have been based mainly on sq.). Briefly, we conclude with Saba tier that: 'These
its similarity to the Epistle to the Colossians, although two letters come to us from one and the same author
some have maintained that the latter depends upon who, when writing the one, had the other in mind and,
the former (Mayerhoff). In the opinion of Hitzig and when composing the second, had not forgotten the
Holtimann, a forger living early in the second century first." The vague allusions made in the Epistle to the
and already imbued with Gnosticism used an authen- Ephesians to some of the doctrinal auestions treated
tic letter, written by Paul to the Colossians against the in the Epistle to the Colossians, can be accounted for
Judeo-Christians oi the Apostolic Age, in composing in this manner, even though these auestions were
the Epistle to the Ephesians, in conformity to which never proposed by those to whom the former Epistle
he himself subsequently revised the letter to the Co- was addressed.
lossians, giving it the form it has in the canon. De (2) Difficulties Arising from the Form and Doo-
Wette ana Ewald looked upon the Epistle to the Ephe- trines. — The denial of the Pauline authenticity of the
sians as a verbose amplification of the uncontroversial Epistle to the Ephesians is based on the special char-
parts of the letter to the Colossians-. However, it is acteristics of the Epistle from the viewpoint of style as
only necessary to read first one of these documents and well as of doctrine, and, while differing from those of
then the other, in order to see how exaggerated is this the great Pauline Epistles, these characteristics al-
view. Von Soden finds a great difference between the though more marked, resemble those of the letter to
two letters but nevertheless holds that several sections the Colossians. But, we have already dwelt upon,
of the Epistle to the Ephesians are but a servile para- them at sufficient length.
phrase of passages from the letter to the Colossians The circumstances under which the Apostle must
(Eph., iii, 1-9 and Col., i, 23-27; Eph., v, 21-vi, 9 and have written the Epistle to the Ephesians seem to ac-
Col., iii, 18-iv, 1) and that still more frequently the count for the development of the doctrine and the
later author follows a purely mechanical process by remarkable change of style. During his two years'
taking a single verse from the letter to the Colossians captivity in Csssarea, Paul could not exercise his '
and using it to introduce and conclude, and serve as a Apostolic functions, and in Rome, although allowed
frame, so to speak, for a statement of his own. Thus, more liberty; he could not preach the Gospel outside
he maintains that in Eph., iv, 25-31, the first words of of the house in which he was held prisoner. Hence he
verse 8 of Col., iii. have served as an introduction must, have made up for his want of external activity
(Eph., iv, 25) and tne last words of the same verse as a by a more profound: meditation on " his Gospel ". The
conclusion (Eph.; iv, 31). Evidently such methods theology of justification of the Law, and of the condi-
could not be attributed to the Apostle himself. But, tions essential to salvation, he had already brought to
neither are we justified in ascribing them to the author perfection, having systematized it in the Epistle to
of the Epistle to the Ephesians. For instance, the the Romans and, although keeping it in view, he did
duties of husband and wife are well set forth in Col., not require to develop it any further. In his Epistle
iii. 18, 19, but in these verses there is no comparison to the Romans (viii-xi, xvi, 25-27) he had come to the
whatever between Christian marriage and that union investigation of the eternal counsels of Providedce
of Christ with His Church such as characterises the concerning the salvation of men and had expounded,
same exhortation in Eph., v, 22 sq.; consequently, it as it were, a philosophy of the religious history or
would be very arbitrary to maintain the latter text to mankind of which Christ was the centre, as indeed He
be a vulgar paraphrase of the former. In comparing had always been the central object of St. Paul's faith,
the texts quoted, the phenomenon of framing, to which Thus, it was on Christ Himself that the solitary medi-
von Soden called attention, can be verified in a single tations of the Apostle were concentrated; in the quiet
passage (Eph., iv, 2-16, where verse 2 resembles Col.J of his prison he was to develop, by dint of personal in-
lii, 12 sq. and where verses 15, 16, are like Col., ii, 19). tellectual labour and with the aid of new revelations,
In fact, throughout his entire exposition, the author this first revelation received when " it pleased God to
of the Epistle to the Ephesians is constantly repeating reveal His Son in him". He was, moreover, urged by
ideas and even particular expressions that occur in the the news brought him from time to time by some of
letter to the Colossians, and yet neither a servile imita- his disciples, as, for instance, by Epaphras, that, in cer-
tion nor any one of the well-known offences to which tain churches, errors were being propagated which
plagiarists are liable, can be proved against him. tended to lessen the role and the dignity of Christ, by
Moreover, it is chiefly in their hortatory part that setting up against Him other intermediaries in the
these two letters are so remarkably alike and this is work of salvation. On the other hand, separated
only natural if. at intervals of a few days or hours, the from the faithful and having no longer to travel
same author bad to remind two distinct circles of constantly, from one church to another, the Apostle
readers of the same common duties of the Christian was able to embrace in one sweeping glance all the
life. In the dogmatic part of these two Epistles there Christians scattered throughout the world. While he
is a change of subject, treated with a different inten- resided in the centre of the immense Roman Empire
tion and in another tone. la the one instance we have which* in its unity, comprised the world „ it was the on*
490
EPHESUS
universal Church of Christ, the fulfilment of the mys-
terious decrees revealed to him, the Church in which
it had been his privilege to bring together Jews
and pagans, that presented itself to him for contem-
plation.
These subjects of habitual meditation are naturally
introduced in the letters that he had to write at that
time. To the Colossians he speaks of Christ's dig-
nity; to the Ephesians, and we nave seen why, of the
unity of the Church. But in these Epistles, Paul
addresses those who are unknown to him; he no
longer needs, as in preceding letters, to combat theo-
ries which undermined the very foundation of the
work and to refute enemies who, in their hatred, at-
tacked him personally. Accordingly, there is no fur-
ther occasion to use the serried argumentation with
which he not only overthrew the arguments of his ad-
versaries but turned them to the Litters' confusion.
There is more question of setting forth the sublime
considerations with which he is filled than of discus-
sions. Then, ideas so crowd upon him that his pen is
overtaxed; his sentences teem with synonyms and
qualifying epithets and keep taking on new proposi-
tions, thus losing the sharpness and vigour of contro-
versy and assuming the ample proportions of a hymn
of adoration. Hence we can understand why, in
these letters, Paul's style grows dull and sluggish and
why the literary composition differs* so widely from
that of the first Epistles. When writing to the Colos-
sians he at least had one particular church to deal with
and certain errors to refute, whereas, in the Epistle to
the Ephesians, he addressed himself at one and the
same time to a group of unknown churches of which
he had received but vague information. There was
nothing concrete in this and the Apostle was left en-
tirely to himself and to his own meditations. This is
the reason why the special characteristics already in-
dicated in the Epjstle to the Colossians appear even
more pronounced in that to the Ephesians, particu-
larly in the dogmatic part.
(3) Tradition. — If we thus keep in mind the circum-
stances under which Paul wrote both of these letters,
their peculiar character seems no obstacle to their
Pauline authenticity. Therefore, the testimony
which, in their inscriptions (Col., i, 1; Eph., i, 1), they
themselves render to this authenticity and the very
ancient tradition which unanimously attributes them
to the Apostle preserve all their force. From the tra-
ditional viewpoint the Epistle to the Ephesians is in
the same class as the best attested letters of St. Paul.
Used in the First Epistle of St. Peter, in the Epistle of
St. Polycarp. in the works of St. Justin, perhaps in the
Didache ana I Clement, it appears to nave been al-
ready well known towards the end of the first century.
Marcion and St. Irenseus ascribe it to St. Paul and it
seems that St. Ignatius, when writing to the Ephe-
sians, had already made use of it as Pauline. It is
also to be noted that if the authenticity of this Epis-
tle has been denied by most of the liberal critics since
Schleiermacher's day, it is nevertheless conceded by
many modern critics. Protestants among them, and
held at least as probable by Harnack and Julicher. In
fact the day seems to be approaching when the whole
world will recognize as the work of St. Paul, this
Epistle to the Ephesians, of which St. JohnChrysostom
admired the sublime sentence* and doctrines: woijudrvp
ftea-T^i {npnXQw gal Soyuarwr.
Consult Introduction* to the New Testament. We shall con-
tent ourselves here with indicating the latest commentaries, in
which the earlier bibliography is mentioned.
Catholic Commentaries: Bispino. Erklaruna der Briefe an
die Epheser, PhUipper und Kolosser (Munster, 1866); Hbnle,
Der Ephe*erbrief de* hi. Apostels Paulu* erklart (Augsburg,
1008); Bzlber, Der Epheaerbrief uberaetzt und erklart (Freiburg
im Br., 1008); Maunoury, Comtnentaire aur VSpttre aux Oa-
late*, aux Epheaiena, etc. (Paris, 1881).
Non-Catholic Commentaries: Outrama.be, Commentaire
*ur Us epUre* de S. Paul aux Coloesiens, aux Epheaiena et a PhiU-
mon (Paris, 1891); vov 8oden, Die Briefe an die Kolosser,
Epheser, Philemon in Hand-Commentar turn N. 7\, ed. Holtt-
mann (Freiburg im Br., 1893); Haupt, Die Oefangenaehaftsbriefe
in Krit.-exea. Kommentar, ed. Meyer (8th eel., Gdttingen
1902): Ewald, Die Briefe dee Paulua an die Epheaer, Kolosser
und Philemon in Kommentar rum N. T., ed. Zahn (Leipzig,
1905); Baljon, Commentaar op de brieven van Paulus aan as
These., Ef., Kol. en aan Philemon (Utrecht, 1907): Abbott, A
Critical and Exeaetical Commentary on Epistles to the Ephesians
and to the Colossians in International Critical Commentary
(Edinburgh, 1897); Robinson, St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephe-
sians (London, 1903); Westoott, St. Paul'* Epistle to the Ephe-
sians (London. 1906); Gore, St. Paul** Epistle to the Ephenan*
(London, 1907).
P. Ladeuze.
Ephesus, a titular archiepiscopal see in Asia Minor,
said to have been founded in the eleventh century b. c.
by Androcles, son of the Athenian King Codrus, with,
the aid of Ionian colonists, Its coinage dates back to
700 b. a, the period when the first money was struck.
After belonging successively to the kings* of Lydia,
the Persians, and the Syrian successors of Alexander
the Great, it passed, after the battle of Magnesia (190
b. c.)f to the kings of Pergaraum, the last of whom,
Attalus III, bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman
people (133 b. a). It was at Ephesus that Mithradates
(88 b. c.) signed the decree ordering all the Romans in
Asia to be put to death, in which massacre there
perished 100,000 persons. Four years later Sulla,
again master of the territory, slaughtered at Ephesus
all the leaders of the rebellion. From 27 b. c. till a little
after a. d. 297, Ephesus was the capital of the procon-
sular province of Asia, a direct dependency of the
Roman Senate. Though unimportant politically, it
was noted for its extensive commerce. Many illustrious
S arsons were born at Ephesus, e. g. the philosophers
eraclitus and Hermodorus, the poet Hipponax, the
painter Parrhasius (all in the sixth or filth century
b. a), the geographer Artemidorus, another Artemi-
dorus, astrologer and charlatan, both in the second cen-
tury of the Christian Era, and the historian and essayist,
Xenophon. Ephesus owed its chief renown to its
temple of Artemis (Diana), which attracted multi-
tudes of visitors. Its first architect was the' Cretan
Chersiphron (seventh to sixth century b. c.) but it was
afterwards enlarged. It was situated on the bank of
the River Selinus and its precincts had the right of
asylum. This building, which was looked upon in
antiquity as one of the marvels of the world, was burnt
by Herostratus (356 b. c.) the night of the birth of
Alexander the Great, and was afterwards rebuilt,
almost in the same proportions, by the architect Di-
nocrates. Its construction is said to have lasted 120
years, according to some historians 220. It was over
400 feet in length and 200 in breadth, and rested upon
128 pillars of about sixty feet in height. It was
stripped of its riches by Nero and was finally destroyed
by the Goths (a. d. 262).
It was through the Jews that Christianity was first
introduced into Ephesus. The original community
was under the leadership of Apollo (I Cor., i, 12). They
were disciples of St. John the Baptist, and were con-
verted by Aquila and Priscilla. Then came St. Paul,
who lived three years at Ephesus to establish and
organize the new church ; he was wont to teach in the
schola or lecture-hall of the rhetorician Tyrannus (Acts,
xix, 9) and performed there many miracles. Eventu-
ally he was obliged to depart, in consequence of a
sedition stirred up by the goldsmith Demetrius and
other makers of ex-votoes lor the temple of Diana
(Acts, xviii, 24 sq'q. ; xix, 1 sqq.). A little later, on his
way to Jerusalem, he sent for the elders of the com-
munity of Ephesus to come to Miletus and bade them
there a touching farewell (Acts, xx, 17-35). The
Church of Ephesus was committed to his disciple, St.
Timothy, a native of the city (I Tim., i, 3; II Tim., i,
18; iv, 12). The Epistle of St. Paul to the Ephesians
was not perhaps addressed directly to them ; it may be
only a circular letter sent by him to several churches.
Hie sojourn and death of the Apostle St. John at
Ephesus are not mentioned in the New Testament, »
491
■PHS8U8
but both are attested as early as the latter part of the
second century by St. Irenseus (Adv. Haer., Ill, iii, 4),
Poly crates, Bishop of Ephesus (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl.,
V, xxi), Clement of Alexandria, the "Acta Joannis",
and a little earlier by St. Justin and the Montanists.
Byzantine tradition has always shown at Ephesus the
tomb of the Apostle. Another tradition, which may
be trustworthy, though less ancient, makes Ephesus
Ihe scene of the death of St. Mary Magdalen. On the
other hand the opinion that the Blessed Virgin died
there rests on no ancient testimony; the often quoted
but ambiguous text of the Council of Ephesus (431),
means only that there was at that time at Ephesus a
church of the Virgin. (See Ramsay in "Expositor",
June, 1905, also his " Seven Cities of Asia ' '.) We learn,
moreover, from Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., V, xxiv) that
the three daughters of the Apostle St ^hilip were
buried at Ephesus.
About 110 St. Ignatius of Antioch, having been
greeted at Smyrna by messengers of the Church of
Ephesus, sent to it one of his seven famous epistles.
During the first three centuries, Ephesus was, next to
Antiocn, the chief centre of Christianity in Asia Minor.
In the year 190 its bishop, St. Potycrates, held a coun-
cil to consider the pascnal controversy and declared
himself in favour of the Quartodeciman practice;
nevertheless the Ephesian Church soon conformed in
this particular to the practice of all the other Churches.
It seems certain that the sixth canon of the Council of
Nicsea (325), confirmed for Ephesus its ecclesiastical
jurisdiction over the whole " diocese" or civil territory
of Asia Minor, i. e. over eleven ecclesiastical provinces;
at all events, the second canon of the Council of Con-
stantinople (381) formally recognized this authority.
But Constantinople was already claiming the first
rank among the Churches of the East and was
trying to annex the Churches of Thrace, Asia, and
Pontus. To resist these encroachments, Ephesus
made common cause with Alexandria. We therefore
find Bishop Memnon of Ephesus siding with St. Cyril
at the Third (Ecumenical Council, held at Ephesus in
431 in condemnation of Nestorianism, and another
bishop, Stephen, supporting Dioscorus at the so-
called Robber Council (Latrocinium Ephesinum) of
449, which approved the heresy of Eutyches. But the
resistance of Ephesus was overcome at the Council of
Chalcedon (4^51), whose famous twenty-eighth canon
Placed the twenty-eight ecclesiastical provinces of
ontus, Asia, and Thrace under the jurisdiction of the
Patriarch of Constantinople. Henceforth Ephesus
was but the second metropolis of the Patriarchate of
Constantinople, nor did it ever recover its former
standing, despite a council of 474 in which Paul, the
Monophysite Patriarch of Alexandria restored its
ancient rights. Egyptian influence was responsible
for the hold which Monophysit ism gained at Ephesus
during the sixth century; the famous ecclesiastical
historian, John of Asia, was then one of its bishops.
The metropolis of Ephesus in those days ruled
over thirty-six suffragan sees. Justinian, who imi-
tated Constantino in stripping the city of many
works of art to adorn Constantinople, built there a
magnificent church consecrated to St. John; this was *
soon a famous place of pilgrimage.
Ephesus was taken m 655 and 717 bv the Arabs.
Later it became the capital of the theme of the
Thracesians. During the Iconoclastic period two
bishops of Ephesus suffered martyrdom, Hypatius in
735 and Theophilus in the ninth century. In the
same city the fierce general Lachanodracon put to
death thirty-eight monks from the monastery of Pele-
cete in Bithynia and other partisans of the holy
images. In 899 Leo the Wise transferred the relics of
St. Mary Magdalen to Constantinople. The city was
captured in 1090 and destroyed by the Seljuk Turks,
but the Byzantines succeeded in retaking it and
rebuilt it on the neighbouring hills around the church
of St. John Henceforth it was commonly called
H agios Theologo8 (the holy theologian, i. e. St. John
the Divine), or in Turkish Aya Sowuk (to the Greeks
the Apostle St. John is "the Theologian"); the
French called the site AUdot and the Italians Alio
Luogo. At the beginning of the thirteenth century
its metropolitan, Nicholas Mesarites, had an impor-
tant rdle at conferences between the Greeks and the
Latins. The city was again plundered by the Turks
in the first years of the fourteenth century, then by
the Catalonian mercenaries in the pay of the Byzan-
tines, and once more by the Turks. Tne church of St
John was transformed into a mosque, and the city
was ruled by a Turkish ameer, who carried on a little
trade with the West, but it could no longer maintain
its Greek bishop. A series of Latin bishops governed
the see from 1318 to 1411. The ruin of Ephesus was
completed by Timur-Leng in 1403 and bv nearly a
half-century of civil wars among its Turkish masters.
When at the Council of Florence in 1439 Mark of
Ephesus (Marcus Eugenicus) showed himself so
haughty towards the Latins, he was the pastor of a
iriiserable village, all that remained of the great city
which Pliny once called alterum lumen Asuz, or the
second eye of Asia (Hist, nat., V, xxix; also Apoc, ii,
5; cf. W. Brockhoff, "Ephesus vom vierten christ-
lich. Jhdt. bis seinem Untergang", Jena. 1906).
To-day Aya Solouk has 3000 inhabitants, ^ all
Greeks. It is situated in the caza of Koush Adassi, in
the vilayet of Aldin or Smyrna, about fiftymiles from
Smyrna, on the Smyrna- Aldin railway. The ruins of
Ephesus stand in the marshy and unhealthy plain
below the village. There are the remains of the tern-
dral, one aisle of which was dedicated to the Blessed
Virgin, the other to St. John, where the councils of 431
and 449 were held. The Greek metropolitan resides
at Manissa, tne ancient Magnesia.
Wood, On the Antiquities of Ephesus having relation to Chris-
tianity in Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, VI,
328; Idem, Discoveries at Ephesus (London, 1877); Faucbner,
Ephesus and the Temple of Diana (London, 1862): Arundell,
Discoveries in Asia Minor (London, 1834), II, 247-272; Bar-
clay-Head, History of the Coinage of Ephesus (London, 1880);
Guar* Ephesiaca (Berlin. 1843); Cubtius, Ephesoe (Berlin)
1874); Benndorf, Forschungen in Ephesoe (Vienna, 1905);
Chapot, La province Romatne proconsulaire (TAsie (Paris,
1904); Qudb, De ecdesia ephesinm statu avo apostolorum (Paris,
1732); Cruse-Bucheb, De statu Bphesiorum ad quos scripsit
Paulus (Hanover, 1733); Le Camus in Via., Diet, de la Bible,
s.v. Ephesei Zm Hermann, Ephesos im ersten christl. Jhdt.
(Berlin, 1894); Lequien, Oriens christianus (Paris. 1740), I,
671-694; BROCKHorr, Studien zur Qesch. der Stadt Ephesos
(Jena, 1905); Weber, Le guide du voyageur a Ephese (Smyrna,
1891); Buerchner, Ephesos in Pault-Wisbowa, Real-Encyc,
s. v. ; Ramsay, The Seven Cities of Asia (London, 1907).
S. Vailh£.
Ephesus, Council of, the third oecumenical coun-
cil, 431. The idea of this great council seems to have
been due to Nestorius, the Bishop of Constantinople.
St. Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, had accused him to
Pope St. Celestine of heresy, and the pope had replied
on 11 August, 430, by charging St. Cyril to assume his
authority and give notice in his name to Nestorius
that, unless he recanted within ten days of receiving
this ultimatum, he was to consider himself excom-
municated and deposed. The summons was served on
Nestorius on a Sunday, 30 November, or 7 December,
by four bishops sent by Cyril. But Nestorius was evi-
dently well informed of what he was to expect. He
regarded himself as having been calumniated to the
pope, and he did not choose to be given over into the
hands of Cyril. The latter was, m his opinion, not
merely a personal enemy, but a dangerous theologian,
who was reviving to some extent the errors of Apolli-
narius. Nestorius had influence over the Emperor of
the East. Theodosius II, whom he induced to summon
a general council to judge of the difference between the
492 KPHHUS
Patriarch of Alexandria and himself, and he worked so St. Cyril and Juvenal of Jerusalem, begging that the
well that the letters of convocation were issued by the arrival of John should be awaited. Count Candidian
emperor to all metropolitans on 10 November, some arrived, with the imperial decree, and he took the
days before the messengers of Cyril arrived. The em- same view. But Cyril and the majority determined to
peror was able to take wis course without seeming to open the council on 22 June, sixteen days having
favour Nestorius too much, because the monks of the passed since John had announced his arrival in five or
capital, whom Nestorius had excommunicated for six. It was clear to the majority that this delay was
their opposition to his heretical teaching, had also intentional, and they were probably right. Yet it is
appealed to him to call together a council. Nestorius, regrettable that all possible allowance was not made,
therefore, paid no attention to the pope's ultimatum, especially as ho news had yet come from Rome,
and refused to be guided by the advice to submit For Cyril had written to the pope with regard to an
which his friend John, the Patriarch of Antioch, vol- important question of procedure. Nestorius had not
unteered. recanted within the ten days fixed by the pope, and he
The pope was pleased that the whole East should be was consequently treated as excommunicate by the
united to condemn the new heresy. He sent two bish- majority oi the bishops. Was he to be allowed a fresh
ops, Arcadius and Projectus, to represent himself and trial, although the pope had already condemned him?
his Roman council, and the Roman priest, Philip, as Or, on the other hand, was he to be merely given the
his personal representative. Philip, therefore, takes opportunity of explaining or excusing his contumacy?
the first place, though, not being a bishop, he could One might nave presumed that Pope Celestine, in ap-
not preside. It was probably a matter of course that proving of the council, intended that Nestorius should
the Patriarch of Alexandria should be president. The nave a full trial, and in fact this was declared in his
legates were directed not to take part in the discus- letter which was still on the way. But as no reply had
■ions, but to give judgment on them. It seems that come to Cyril, that saint considered that he had no
Chalcedon, twenty years later, set the precedent that right to treat the pope's sentence as a matter for fur-
the papal legates should always be technically presi- ther discussion, and no doubt he had not much wish to
dents at an oecumenical council, and this was hence- do so. The council assembled on 22 June, and St.
forth looked upon as a matter of course, and Greek Cyril assumed the presidency both as Patriarch of
historians assumed that it must have been the case at Alexandria and " as filling the place of the most holy
Nicsea. ( and blfssed Archbishop of the Roman Church, Celes-
The emperor was anxious for the presence of the tine", in order to carry out his original commission,
most venerated prelate of the whole world, Augustine, which he considered, in the absence of any reply from
and sent a special messenger to that great man with a Rome, to be still in force. In the morning one hun-
letter in honourable terms. But the saint had died dred and sixty bishops were present, and oy evening
during the siege of Hippo in the preceding August, one hundred and ninety-eight had assembled. The
though the troubles of Africa had prevented news session began by a justification of the decision to delay
from reaching Constantinople. Theodosius wrote an no longer. Nestorius had been on the previous day
angry letter to Cyril, and a temperate one to the coun- invited to attend. He had replied that he would come
cil. The tone of the latter epistle and of the instruo- if he chose. To a second summons, which was now
tions given to the imperial commissioner, Count Candi- dispatched, he sent a message from his house, which
dian, to be absolutely impartial, are ascribed by the was surrounded with armed men, that he would appear
Coptic Acts to the influence exercised on the emperor when all the bishops had come together. Indeed only
by the Abbot Victor, who had been sent to Constanti- some twenty of the sixty-eight who had demanded a
nople by Cyril to act as his agent at the Court on ac- delay had rallied to Cyril, and Nestorius's own suffra-
count of the veneration and friendship which Theodo- gans had also stayed away. To a third summons he
sius was known to feel for the holy man. Nestorius, gave no answer. This attitude corresponds with his
with sixteen bishops, and Cyril, with fifty, arrived original attitude to the ultimatum sent by Cyril. He
before Pentecost at JEphesus. The Coptic tells us that would not acknowledge Cyril as a judge, and he looked
the two parties arrived on the same day, and that in upon the opening of the council before the arrival of
the evening Nestorius proposed that all should join in his friends from Antioch as a flagrant injustice.
the Vesper service together. The other bishops re- The session proceeded. The Nicene Creed was read,
fused. Memnon, Bishop of Ephesus, was afraid of and then the second letter of Cyril to Nestorius, on
violence, and sent his clergy only to the church. The which the bishops at Cyril's desire, severally gave
mention of a Flavian, who seems to be the Bishop of their judgement that it was in accordance with the
Philippi, casts some doubt on this story, for that Nicene faith, one hundred and twenty-six speaking in
bishop did not arrive till later. Memnon of Ephesus turn. Next the reply of Nestorius was read. All then
had forty suffragans present, not counting twelve from cried Anathema to Nestorius. Then Pope Celestine 's
Pamphylia (whom John of Antioch calls heretics), letter to St. Cyril was read, and after it the third letter
Juvenal of Jerusalem, with the neighbouring bishops of Cyril to Nestorius, with the anathematisms which
whom he looked upon as his suffragans, and Flavian of the heretic was to accept. The bishops who had served
Philippi, with a contingent from the countries which this ultimatum on Nestorius deposed that they had
looked to Thessalonica as their metropolis, arrived given him the letter. He had promised his answer on
soon after Pentecost. The Patriarch of Antioch, John, the morrow, but had not given any, and did not even
an old friend of Nestorius, wrote to explain that his admit them. Then two friends of Nestorius, Theo-
sulragans had not been able to start till after the dotus of Ancyra and Acacius of Mitylene, were invited
Octave of Easter. (The Coptic Acts say that there by Cyril to give an account of their conversations at
was a famine at Antioch.) Tne journey of thirty days Ephesus with Nestorius. Acacius said that Nestorius
had been lengthened by the death of some horses; he had repeatedly declared Siwriato* fj rpifirfpiatop frii
would accomplish the last five or six stages at leisure, de?? X^Wflai Q*6w. Nestorius 's own account of this
But he did not arrive, and it was said that he was conversation in his "Apology" (Bethune-Baker, p.
loitering because he did not wish to join in condemn- 71) shows that this phrase is to be translated thus:
ing Nestorius. Meanwhile the heat was great. . Many "We must not say that God is two or three months
bishops were ill. Two or three died. Two of John's old." This is not so shocking as the meaning which
metropolitans, those of Apamea and Hierapolis, ar- has usually been ascribed to the words in modern as
rived and declared that John did not wish the opening well as ancient times (e. g. by Socrates, VII, xxxiv):
of the council to be deferred on account of his delay. "A baby of two or three months old ought not to be
However, these two bishops and Theodoret of Cyrus, called God." The former sense agrees with the accu-
with sixty-five others, wrote a memorial addressed to satjpn of Acacius that Nestorius declared "one must
IFHB8U8
493
IPHB8U8
either deny the Godhead [Mnp] of the Only-begotten
to have become man, or else admit the same of the
Father and of the Holy Ghost." (Nestorius means
that the Divine Nature is numerically one — and if
Nestorius really said 0c6rip, and not inrforatrii, he
was right, and Acacius was wrong.) Acacius further
accused him of uttering the heresy that the Son who
died is to be distinguished from the Word of God. A
series of extracts from the holy Fathers was then read,
Peter I and Athanasius of Alexandria, Julius and Felix
of Rome (but these papal letters were Apollinarian
forgeries), Theophilus, Cyril's uncle, Cyprian. Am-
brose, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Gregory of ftyssa,
Atticus, Amphilochius. After these, contrastingpas-
sages from the writings of Nestorius were read. These
were of course pikcea justificatives brought forward by
Cyril, and necessary to inform the council as to the
auestion at issue. Hefele has wrongly understood
tnat the bishops were examining the dqctrine of Nes-
torius afresh, without accepting the condemnation by
the pope as necessarily correct. A fine letter from
Capreolus, Bishop of Carthage, and primate of a
greater number of bishops than any of the Eastern
patriarchs, was next produced. He writes in the
midst of the devastation of Africa by the Vandals, and
naturally could neither hold any synod nor send any
bishops. No discussion followed (and Hefele is wrong
in suggesting an omission in the Acts, which are al-
ready of extraordinary length for a single day), but
the bishops accepted with acclamation the words of
Capreolus against novelty and in praise of ancient
faith, and all proceeded to sign the sentence against
Nestorius. As the excommunication by St. Celestine
was still in force, and as Nestorius had contumaciously
refused to answer the threefold summons enjoined by
the canons, the sentence was worded as follows: —
The holy synod said: "Since in addition to the
rest the most impious Nestorius has neither been
willing to obey our citation, nor to receive the
most holy and God-fearing bishops whom we sent
to him, we have necessarily betalten ourselves to
the examination of his impieties * and, having ap-
prehended from his letters and from his writings,
and from his recent sayings in this metropolis
which have been reported, that his opinions and
teachings are impious, we being necessarily im-
pelled thereto both by the canons [for his con-
tumacy] and by the letter [to CyrfiTof our most
holy father ana colleague Celestine, Bishop of the
Roman Church, with many tears have arrived at
the f ollowinggrie vous sentence against him : Our
Lord Jesus Christ, Who has been blasphemed by
him, has defined by this holy synod that the same
Nestorius is excluded from all episcopal dignity
and from every assembly of bishops."
This sentence received 198 signatures^ and some
more were afterwards added. A brief notification ad-
dressed to "the new Judas" was sent to Nestorius.
The.Coptic Acts tell us that, as he would not receive
it, it was affixed to his door. The whole business had
been concluded in a single long session, and it was even-
ing when the result was known. The people of Ephe-
sus, full of rejoicing, escorted the fathers to their
houses with torches and incense. Count Candidian,
on the other hand, had the notices of the deposition
torn down, and silenced the cries in the streets. The
council wrote at once to the emperor and to the people
and clergy of Constantinople, though the Acts had not
yet been written out in full. la a letter to the Egyp-
tian bishops in the same city and to the Abbot Dal-
matius (the Coptic substitutes Abbot Victor), Cyril
asks for their vigilance, as Candidian was sending false
reports. Sermons were preached by Cyril and his
friends, and the people of Ephesus were much excited.
Even before this, Nestorius, writing, with ten bishops,
to the emperor to complain that the council was to be-
gin without waiting for the Antiochenes and the
Westerns, had spoken of the violence of the people,
egged on by their bishop Memnon who (so the heretic
said) had shut the churches to him and threatened him
with death.
Five days after the first session John of Antioch
arrived. The party of Cyril sent a deputation to meet
him honourably, but John was surrounded by soldiers,
and complained that the, bishops were creating a dis-
turbance. Before he would speak to them, he held an
assembly which he designated "the holy synod".
Candidian deposed that he had disapproved of the
assembling of the bishops before John s arrival ; he
had attended the session and read the emperor's letter
(of this not a word in the Acts, so Candidian was ap-
parently lying). John accused Memnon of violence,
and Cyril of Arian, Apollinarian, and Eunomian her-
esy. These two were deposed by forty-three bishops
present; the members of the council were to be for-
given, provided they would condemn the twelve an-
athematisms of Cyril. This was absurd, for most of
these could not be understood in anything but a Cath-
olic sense. But John, who was not a bad man, was in
a bad temper. It is noticeable that not a word was
said in favour of Nestorius at this assembly. The
party of Cyril was now complaining of Count Candi-
dian and his soldiers, as the other side did of Memnon
and the populace. Both parties sent their report to
Rome. The emperor was much distressed at the
division, and wrote that a collective session must be
held, and the matter begun afresh. The official named
Palladius who brought this epistle took back with him
many letters from both sides. Cyril proposed that the
emperor should send for him and five bishops, to ren-
der an exact account.
At last on 10 July the papal envoys arrived. The
second session assembled in the episcopal residence.
The legate Philip opened the proceedings by saying
that the former letter of St. Celestine had been already
read, in which he had decided the present question;
the pope had now sent another letter. This was read.
It contained a general exhortation to the council, and
concluded by saying that the legates had instructions to
carry out what the pope had formerly decided ; doubt-
less the council would agree. The Fathers then cried:
" This is a just judgment. To Celestine the new Paul!
To the new Paul Cyril I To Celestine, the guardian of
the Faith 1 To Celestine agreeing with the Synod!
The Synod gives thanks to Cyril. One Celestine, one
Cyril ! " The legate Projectus then says that the letter
enjoins on the council, though they need no instruc-
tion, to carry into effect the sentence which the pope
had pronounced. Hefele wrongly interprets this:
"That is, that all the bishops should accede to the
Papal sentence" (vol. Ill, 136). Firmus, the Exarch
of Csesarea in Cappadocia, replies that the pope, by the
letter which he sent to the Bishops of Alexandria, Jeru-
salem, Thessalonica, Constantinople, and Antioch.
had long since given his sentence and decision; and
the synod — the ten days having passed, and also a
much longer period — having waited beyond the day
of opening fixed by the emperor, had followed the
course indicated by the pope, and; as Nestorius did
not appear, had executed upon him the papal sen-
tence, having inflicted the canonical and Apostolic
judgment upon him. This was a reply to Projectus,
declaring that what the pope leauired had been done,
and it is an accurate account of the work of the first
session and of the sentence; canonical refers to the
words of the sentence, "necessarily obliged by the
canons ' ', and Apostolic to the words " and by the letter
of the bishop of Rome". The legate Arcadius ex-
pressed his regret for the late arrival of his party, on
account of storms, and asked to see the decrees of the
council. Philip, the pope's personal legate, then
thanked the bishops for adhering by their acclama-
tions as holy members to their holv head — "For your
blessedness is not unaware that the Apostle Peter is
N
IPHBSUS 494 KPHESU*
the head of the Faith and of the Apostles." The ua that Cyril reported to the pope tne tntriguee by
Metropolitan of Ancyra declared that God had shown which Juvenal of Jerusalem tried at Ephesus to carve
the justice of the synod's sentence by the coming of himself a patriarchate out of that of Antioch, in which
St. Celestine's letter and of the legates. The session his see lay. He was to succeed in this twenty years
closed with the reading of the pope's letter to the later, at Chalcedon. In the seventh and last session
emperor. ^ on 31 July (it seems) the bishops of Cyprus persuaded
On the following day, 11 July, the third session the council to approve their claim of having been an-
took place. The legates had read the Acts of the ciently and rightly exempt from the jurisdiction of
first session and now demanded only that the con- Antioch. Six canons were also passed against the
demnation of Nestorius should be formally read in adherents and supporters of Nestorius.
their presence. When this had been done{ the three The history of the intrigues by which both parties
legates severally pronounced a confirmation in the tried to get the emperor on their side need not be de-
pope's name. The exordium of the speech of Philip is tailed here. The orthodox were triumphant at Ephe-
celebrated: "It is doubtful to none, nay it has been sus by their numbers and by the agreement of the
known to all ages, that holy and blessed Peter, the papal legates. The population of Ephesus was on
frince and head of the Apostles, the column of the their side. The people of Constantinople rejoiced at
aith, the foundation of the Catholic Church, re- the deposition of their heretical bishop. But Count
ceived from our Lord Jesus Christ, the Saviour and Candidian and his troops were on the side of Nestor-
Redeemer of the human race, the keyB of the King- ius, whose friend, Count Irenanis, was also at Ephe-
dom, and that to him was given the power of binding sus, working for him. The emperor had always
and loosing sins, who until this day and for ever lives championed Nestorius, but had been somewhat shaken
and judges in his successors. His successor in order by the reports of the council. Communication with
and his representative, our holy and most blessed Constantinople was impeded both by the friends of
Pope Celestine ..." It was with words such as Nestorius there and by Candidian at Ephesus. A
these before their eyes that Greek Fathers and coun- letter was taken to Constantinople at last m a hollow
cils spoke of the Council of Ephesus^as celebrated "by cane, by a messenger disguised as a beggar, in which
Celestine and Cyril ' '. A translation of these speeches the miserable condition of the bishops atfiphesus was
was read, for Cyril then rose and said that the synod described, scarce a day passing without a funeral, and
had understood them clearly; and now the Acts of all entreaty was made that they might be allowed to send
three sessions must be presented to the legates for representatives to the emperor. The holy abbot, St.
their signature. Arcadius replied that they were of Dalmatius, to whom the letter was addressed, as well
course willing. The synod ordered that the Acts as to the emperor, clergy, and people of Constanti-
should be set Defore them, and they signed them. A nople, left his monastery in obedience to a Divine
letter was sent to the emperor, telling him how St. voice and, at the head of the many thousand monks of
Celestine had held a synod at Rome and had sent his the city, all chanting and carrying tapers, made his
legates, representing himself and the whole of the way through enthusiastic crowds to the palace. They
West. The whole world has therefore agreed; Theo- passed back right through the city, after the abbot
dosius should allow the bishops to go home, for many Dalmatius had interviewed the emperor, and the letter
suffered from being at Ephesus, and their dioceses also was read to the people in the church of St. Mocius.
must suffer. Only a few friends of Nestorius held out All shouted u Anathema to Nestorius I "
against the world's judgment. A new bishop must be Eventually the pious and well-meaning emperor
appointed for Constantinople. \ arrived at the extraordinary decision that ne should
On 16 July a more solemn session was held, like the ratify the depositions decreed by both councils. He
first, in the cathedral of the Theotokos. Cyril and therefore declared that Cyril, Memnon, and John were
Memnon presented a written protest against the con- all deposed. Memnon and Cyril were kept in close
ciliabulum of John of Antioch. He was cited to ap- confinement. But in spite of all the exertions of the
pear, but would not even admit the envoys. Next Antiochian party, the representatives of the envoys
day the fifth session was held in the same church, whom the council was eventually allowed to send,
John had set up a placard in the city accusing the with the legate Philip, to the Court, persuaded the
synod of the Apoilinarian heresy. He is again cited, emperor to accept the great council as the true one.
and this is counted as the third canonical summons. Nestorius anticipated his fate by requesting permis-
He would pay no attention. In consequence the sion to retire to his former monastery. Tne synod
council suspended and excommunicated him, together was dissolved about the beginning of October, and
with thirty-four bishops of his party, but refrained Cyril arrived amid much joy at Alexandria on 30 Octo-
from deposing them. Some of John's party had ber. St. Celestine was now dead, but his successor, St.
already deserted him, and he had gained only a few. Sixtus III, confirmed the council.
In the letters to the emperor and the pope which were The AeU of the synod, together with other documents con-
then dispatched, the synod described itself as now ««£*& ^&X8T&£Zbt££AZ%£i
Consisting of two hundred and ten bishops. The long old Latin translation in Mansi, V 477; a collection ot 225
letter to Celestine gives a full account of the council, documents in a latin translation f Mansi.. V. 731) wercpub-
and mentions that jne pope's decrees against the Pela- 5tf&£i?«^
gians had been read and confirmed. At the end of the called Traovdia made in his own defence by Count Irenaus, the
sixth session, which dealt only with the case of two Wend of Nestorius, and afterwards Bishop of Tyre. On these
\r«^A«an;.>m<. vunAa+a «oa moila +|,a fomrtna /tjwOaM documents see Qubntin, J. D. Manet et lee grandee collection*
Nestonamzmg priests, was made the famous declara- emeaitKirm (Par£f 190o). The fragmentary Coptic Acte were
tion that no one must produce or compose any Other first published, with a French translation, by Bouriant, in
creed than (wood, prater, "beyond"— "contrary to"?) ^^™Jn*w**v?or to Mi&°* Anted. fnmcaiee au Cair*
the Nicene, and t£at anyone who should propose any $2&&LWZ2L t^rSt&S&SSRSS.
such to pagans, Jews, Or heretics, Who Wished to be and Church Quart. Rev., Oct., 1891; they had been signalised
Converted, should be deposed if a bishop or cleric, or earlier by Zobqa, Catalogue Copt. MSS. Mue. Bora. Vetitr.
A» I:»^j :r „ i«,™«„ t»u;« jn„;„;rt„ u™... (1810), and by Lbnormant in Mint, de I Acad, dm tnecr.
anathematized if a layman. This decision became J1853>: XIX. 2; 301. A German translation with careful discus-
later a fruitful source Of Objections to the decrees Of sion, by Kbaats, KopHeche Akten turn Bph. KontH in Texte und
later synods and to the addition of the filioque to the Untere. (1904). new series, XI, 2;# Kraats holds one of the five
^nij n^«-*»«+;«^»v^i;4.«« rv-^j . u«* ♦V»ot 1 documents which are not known in Greek or Latin to be spun-
so-called Constantinopolltan Creed , but that creed oua. the Mt of the fragment is so clearly intended to exalt the
itself would be abolished by this decree if it 18 taken influence of Abbot Victor that it is of little value. But this
too literally. We know of several matters connected judgment is perhaps too severe.— On the council. Tillbmont.
with PampVlia and Thrace which were treated by the ^tf&ZJZ^&S^lifKo^™?^.
Council, which are not found m the Acts. St. Leo tells dicta eynodi Epheetna et Sancti CyrUlt de proceeeione Spiritue ex
EPHESUS 495 EPHESUS
fSf^Jf Zaio JKome, 1661); Rivwoton, The Roman Primacy, ches that Flavian had drawn up the sentence against
^^^rii^liinES^^^ "P beforehand White the t&l w« being 3E£d,
C^0 * '«• ***** oHentaux in A«vue <f/W»«. eod. (Louvain, cnes arose of belief in one nature, that two natures
1906), VII, 3. . meant Nestorianism, of "Burn Eusebius", and so
John Chapman. forth. St. Flavian rose to complain that no oppor-
tunity was given him of defending himself. The Acts
Ephesus, Robber Council of (Latrocintttm). — of the Robber Council now give a list of 114 votes in
The Acts of the first session of this synod were read at the form of short speeches absolving Eutyches. Even
the Council of Chalcedon, 451, and have thus been pre- three of his former judges joined in this, although by
served to us. The remainder of the Acts (the first see- the emperor's order they were not to vote. Barsumas
sion being wanting) are known only through a Syriac added his voice in the last place. A petition was read
translation by a Monophvsite monk, published from from the monastery of Eutyches, which had been ex-
the British Museum MS. Addit. 14,530. written in the communicated by Flavian. On the assertion of the
year 535. On the events which preceded the opening monks that they agreed in all things with Eutyches,
of the council, 8 August, 449, see Dioocurub. The and with the holy Fathers, the synod absolved them,
emperor had convoked it, the pope had agreed. No Next in order to establish the true Faiih an extract
time had been left for any Western bishops to attend, was read from the Acts of the first session of the Coun-
except a certain Julius of an unknown see, who, to- cil of Ephesus of 431. Many of the bishops, and also
gether with a Roman priest, Renatus (he died on the the deacon Hilarus, expressed their assent, some add-
way), and the deacon Hilarus, afterwards pope, repre- ing that nothing beyond this faith could be allowed,
sented St. Leo. The Emperor Theodosius II gave Dioscorus then spoke, declaring that it followed that
to Dioscorus, Patriarch of Alexandria, the presidency Flavian and Eusebius must be deposed. No less than
— rfy aMtrrlar ml tA Tpunttd. The legate Julius is 101 bishops gave their votes orally, and the signatures
mentioned next, but when this name was read at Chal- of all the 135 bishops follow in the Acts. Flavian and
cedon, the bishops cried: "He was cast out. No one Eusebius had previously interposed an appeal to the
represented Leo. Next in order was Juvenal of Jeru- pope and to a council under his authority. Their
salem, above both the Patriarch of Antioch, Domnus, formal letters of appeal have been recently published
and St. Flavian of Constantinople. The number of by Amelli% The evidence given at Chalcedon is con-
bishops present was 127, with eight representatives of elusive that the account in the Acts of this final scene
absent bishops, and lastly the deacon Hilarus with his of the session is not to be trusted. The secretaries of
notary Dulcitius. The question before the council by the bishops had been violently prevented from taking
order of the emperor was whether St. Flavian, in a notes. It was declared .that both Barsumas and Dios-
synod held by him at Constantinople in November, corns struck Flavian, though this may be exaggera-
448. had justly deposed and excommunicated the tion. But we must telieve that many bishops threw
Archimandrite Eutyehes for refusing to admit two na- themselves on their knees to beg Dioscorus for mercy
tures in Christ. Consequently Flavian and six other to Flavian, that the military were introduced and also
bishops, who had been present at his synod, were Alexandrian Parabolani, and that a scene of violence
not allowed to sit as judges in the council. The brief ensued; that the bishops signed-under the influence of
of convocation by Theodosius was read, and then the bodily fear, that some signed a blank paper, and that
Roman legates explained that it would have been con- others did not sign at all, the names being afterwards
trary to custom for the pope to be present in person, filled in of all who were actually present,
but he had sent a letter by them. In this letter St. The papal legate Hilarus uttered a single word in
Leo had appealed to his dogmatic letter to Flavian, ' Latin, Contrcuhcitur, annulling the sentence in the
which he intended to be read at the council and ac- pope's name. He then escaped with difficulty. Fla-
cepted by it as a rule of faith. But Dioscorus took yian was deported into exile, and died a few days later
care not to have it read, and instead of it a letter of the in Lydia. No more of the Acts was read at Chalcedon.
emperor, ordering the presence at the council of the But we learn from Theodoret, Evagrius, and others,
fanatical anti-Nestorian monk Barsumas, was pre- that the Robber Council deposed Theodoret himself,
sented. The question of faith was next proceeded Domnus, and Ibas. The Syriac Acts take up the his-
with. Dioscorus declared that this was not a matter tory where the Chalcedonian Acts break on. Of the
for inquiry: they had only to inquire into the recent first session only the formal documents, letters of the
doings. He was acclaimed as a guardian of the Faith, emperor, petitions of Eutyches, are known to be pre-
Eutyches then was introduced, and declared that he served in Syriac, though not in the same MS. It is
held the Nicene Creed, to which nothing could be evident that the Monophysite editor thoroughly dis-
added, and from which nothing could be taken away, approved of the first session, and purposely omitted it,
He had been condemned by Flavian for a mere slip of not because of the high-handed proceedings of Dios-
the tongue, though he had declared that he held the corns, but because the Monophysites as a general rule
faith of Nicaea and Ephesus, and had appealed to the condemned Eutyches as a heretic, and did not wish to
present council. He had been in danger of his life, remember his rehabilitation by a council which they
He now asked for judgment against the calumnies considered to be oecumenical,
which had been brought against nim. In the next session; according to the Syriac Acts, 113
The accuser of Eutyches, Bishop Eusebius of Dory- were present, including Barsumas. Nine new names
lffium, was not allowed to be heard. The bishops appear. The legates were sent for, as they did not
agreed that the Acts of the condemnation of Eutyches, * appear, but only the notary Dulcitius could be found,
at a council held at Constantinople in November, 448, and he was unwell. The legates had shaken off the
should be read, but the legates asked that the pope's dust of their feet against the assembly. It was a
letter might be heard first. Eutyches interrupted charge against Dioscorus at Chalcedon that he " had
with the complaint that he did not trust the legates: held an (oecumenical) council without the Apostolic
they had been to dine with Flavian, and had received See, which was never allpwed". This manifestly re-
much courtesy. Dioscorus decided that the Acts of fere to his having continued the council after the de-
the trial should have precedence, and so the letter of parture of the legates. The first case was that of Ibas,
St. Leo was never read at all. The Aots were then Bishop of Edessa. This famous champion of the An-
read in full (for an account of them see Eutyches). tiochian party had been accused of crimes before
and also the account of an inquiry made on 13 April Domnus, Bishop of Antioch, and had been acquitted,
into the allegation of Eutyches that the synodal Acts soon after Easter, 448. His accusers had gone to
had been incorrectly taken down, and of another in- Constantinople and obtained a new trial from the em-
quiry on 27 April into the accusation made by Euty- peror. The bishops Photius of Tyre, Eustathius of
EPHESUS 496 EPHESUS
Berytus, and Uranius of Imeria were to examine the the pope in a famous letter (Ep. cxiii). He wrote also '
matter. These bishops met at Tyre, removed to Bery- to the legate Renatus (Ep. cxvi), being unaware that
tus, and returned to Tyre, and eventually acquitted he was dead. The council had a yet bolder task before
Ibas once more, together with his fellow-accused, it. Domnus of Antioch is said to have agreed in the
Daniel. Bishop of Harran, and John of Theodosianopo- first session to the acquittal of Eutyches. But he re-
lis. This was in February, 449. The bishops had fused, on the plea of sickness, to appear any more at
been too kind, Cheroeas, Governor of Osrhoene was now the council. He seems to have been disgusted, or
ordered to go to Edessa to make a new inquiry. He terrified, or both{ at the tyranny exercised by Diosco-
was received by the people on 12 April with shouts rus. The council had sent him an account of their
(the detailed summary of which took up some two or actions, and he replied (if we may believe the Acts)
three pages of his report), in honour of the emperor, that he agreed to all the sentences that had been given
the governor, the late Bishop Rabbula, and against and regretted that his health made his attendance
Nestorius ana Ibas. Cheroeas sent to Constantinople, impossible.
with two letters of his own, an elaborate report, de- It is almost incredible that immediately after reoeiv-
tailing all the accusations he could manage to rake to- ing this message, the council proceeded to hear a num-
g ether against Ibas. The emperor ordered that a new ber of petitions from monks and priests against
ishop should be chosen. It was this report, which Domnus himself. He was accused of friendship with
provided a history of the whole affair, that was now Theodoret and Flavian, of Nestorianism, of altering
read at length by order of Dioscorus. When the fa- the, form of the Sacrament of Baptism, of intruding an
mous letter of Ibas to Maris was read, cries arose such as immoral bishop into Emesa. of having been uncanon-
" These things pollute our ears. . . Cyril is immortal, icallv appointed himself, ana in fact ofbeing an enemy
. . . Let Ibas be burnt in the midst of the city of An* of Dioscorus. Several pages of the MS. are unfortu-
tioch. . . Exile is of no use. Nestorius and Ibas should nately lost; but it does not seem that the unfortunate
be burnt together!" A final indictment was made in patriarch was cited to appear, or given a chance of
a speech by a priest of Edessa named Eulogius. Sen- defending himself. The bishops shouted that he was
tence was finally given against Ibas of deposition and worse than Ibas. He was deposed by a vote of the
excommunication, without any suggestion that he council, and with this final act of injustice the Acts
ought to be cited or that his defence ought to be heard, come to an end. The council wrote the usual letter to
It is scandalous to find the three bishops who had ac- the emperor (see Perry, trans., p. 431), who was
quitted him but a few months previously, only anxious charmed with the result of the council and confirmed
to show their concurrence. They even pretended to it with a letter (Mansi, VII, 495, and Perry, p. 364).
forget what had been proved at Tyre and Berytus. In Dioscorus sent an encyclical to the bishops of the
the next case, that of Ibas's nephew, Daniel of Harran, . East, with a form of adhesion to the council which
they declared that at Tyre they had clearly seen his they were to sign (Perry, p. 375). He went to Con-
guilt, and had only acquitted him because of nisvolun- stantinople and appointed his secretary Anatolius
tary resignation. He was quickly deposed by the bishop of that great see. Juvenal of Jerusalem had
agreement of all the council. He was, of course, not become his tool, he had deposed the Patriarchs of
present and could not defend himself. Antioch and Constantinople; but one powerful adver-
It was next the turn of Irenaeus, who as an influen- sarv yet remained. He halted at Nicuea, and with ten
tial layman at the former Council of Ephesus had bishops (no doubt the ten Egyptian metropolitans
shown much favour to Nestorius. He had later be- whom he had brought to Ephesus), " in addition to all
come Bishop of Tyre, but the emperor had deposed him his other crimes he extended his madness against him
in 448, and the miserable Photius, already mentioned, who had been entrusted with the guardianship of the
had succeeded him. The synod made no difficulty in Vine by the Saviour " — in the words of the bishops at
ratifying the deposition of Irenaeus as a bigamist and a Chalcedon — and excommunicated the pope himself,
blasphemer. Aquilinus, Bishop of Byblus, because he Meanwhile St. Leo had received the appeals of
had Deen consecrated by Ireneus and was his friend, Theodoret and Flavian (of whose death he was un-
was next deposed. Sophronius, Bishop of Telia, was aware), and had written to them and to the emperor
a cousin of Ibas. He was therefore accused of magic, and empress that all the Acts of the council were null,
and his case was reserved for the judgment of the new He excommunicated all who had taken part in it, and
Bishop of Edessa — a surprisingly mild decision. The absolved all whom it had condemned, with the excep-
council -turned to higher game. The great Theodoret, tion of Domnus of Antioch. who seems to have had no
whose learning and eloquence in the pulpit and with wish to resume his- see ana retired into the monastic
the pen were tne terror of the party of Dioscorus, had life which he had left many years before with regret,
been confined by the emperor within his own diocese in (For the results of the Robber Council, or Latrocimum,
the preceding year, to prevent his preaching at Anti- — the name given to it by St. Leo — see Chalcedon,
och; and Theodosius had twice written to prevent his Eutyches, and Leo I, Pope.)
coming to Ephesus to the council. It was not diffi- The Act* of the first session of the oouncil will be found in
cult to find reason* for deposing him in his absence. ^^.g^^ST^ '£*"££ '^^^
far as he was from being a Nestonan, he had been a original by Pbrry, Secundum Synodum BpKennom necnon «r-
friend of Nestorius, and for more than three years ^n^7^<^^m perH^^ {0^oTd.iS75); irloxu. The Second
(AZl-i) the most redoubtable antagonist of St. Cyril iM££^f^t&Sg^^
But the two great theologians had come to terms and John Chapman.
had celebrated their agreement with great joy. Theo-
doret had tried to make friends with Dioscorus, but Ephesus, The Seven Sleepers of. — The story is
his advances had been rejected with scorn. A monk one of the many examples of the legend about a man
of Antioch now brought forward a volume of extracts who falls asleep and years after wakes up to find the
from the works of Theodoret. First was read Theo- world changed. It is told an Greek by Symeon
doret's fine letter to the monks of the East (see Mansi, Metaphrastes (a. v.) in his " Lives of the Saints1' for
V. 1023), then some extracts from a lost "Apology for the month of July. Gregory of Tours did it into
Diodorus and Theodore" — the very name or this Latin. There is a Syriac version by James of Sarug
work sufficed in the eyes of the council for a condem- (d. 521), and from the Syriac the story was done into
nation to be pronounced. Dioscorus pronounced the other Eastern languages. There is also an Anglo-
sentence of deposition and excommunication. Norman poem, " Li set dormanz ' ', written by a certain
When Theoaoret in his remote diocese heard of this Chardry, and it occurs again in Jacobus de Voragine's
absurd sentence on an absent man against whose repu- "Golden Legend'' (Legenda aurea) and in an Old-
tation not a word was uttered, he at once appealed: to Norse fragment. Of all these versions and re-editions
497
ft seems that the Greek form of the story, which Is the
basis of Svmeon Metaphrastes, is the source. The
story is this: Decius (249-251) once came to Ephesus
to enforce his laws against Christians — a gruesome de-
scription of the horrors he made them suffer follows —
here he found seven noble young men, named Maxi-
milian, Jamblichos, Martin, John, Dionysios, Exakos-
todianos, and Antoninos (so Metaphrastes; the names
vary considerably; Gregory of Tours has Achillides,
Diomedes, Diogenus, Probatus, Stephanus, Sambatus,
and Quiriacus), who were Christians. The emperor
tried them and then gave them a short time for con-
sideration, till he came back again to Ephesus. They
gave their property to the poor, took a few coins only
with them and went into a cave on Mount Anchilos to
pray and prepare for death. Decius came back after
a journey ana inquired after these seven men. They
heard of his return and then, as they said their last
prayer in the cave before giving themselves up. fell
asleep. The emperor told nis soldiers to find tnem,
and when found asleep in the cave he ordered it to be
closed up with huge stones and sealed ; thus they were
buried alive. But a Christian came and wrote on the
outside the names of the martyrs and their story.
Years passed, the empire became Christian, and Theo-
dosius [either the Great (379-395) or the Younger
(408-450), Koch, op. cit. infra, p. 12] reigned. In nis
time some heretics denied the resurrection of the body.
While this controversy went on, a rich landowner
named Adolios had the Sleepers' cave opened, to use it
as a cattle-stall. Then they awake, thinking they
have slept only one night, and send one of their num-
ber (Diomedes) to the city to buy food, that they may
eat before they give themselves up. Diomedes comes
into Ephesus and the usual story of cross-purposes
follows. He is amased to see crosses over churches,
and the people cannot understand whence he got his
money coined by Decius. Of course at last it comes
, out that the last thing he knew Was Decius's reign;
eventually the bishop and the prefect go up to the cave
with him, where they find the six others and the in-
scription. Theodosius is sent for, and the saints tell
him their story. Every one rejoices at this proof of
the resurrection of the body. The sleepers, having
improved the occasion by a long- discourse, then die
praising God. The emperor wants to build golden
tombs for them, but they appear to him in a dream
and ask to be buried in the earth in their cave. The
cave is adorned with precious stones, a great church
built over it, and every year the feast of the Seven
Sleepers is kept.
Koch (op. cit.) has examined the growth of this
story and the spread of the legend of miraculously long
sleep. Aristotle (Phys., IV, xi) refers to a similar tale
about sleepers at Sardes; there are many more exam-
ples from various countries (Koch, pp. 24-40, quotes
German, British, Slav. Indian, Jewish, Chinese, and
Arabian versions). Frederick Barbarossa and Rip
van Winkle are well-known later examples. The
Ephesus story is told in the Koran (Sura xviii), and
it has had a long history and further developments in
Islam (Koch, 123-152), as well as in medieval Christen-
dom (ib., 153-183). Baronius was the first to doubt it
(Ann. Eccl. in the Acta SS., July, 386, 48); it was
then discredited till modern study of folk-lore gave it
an honoured place again as the classical example of
a widely spread myth. The Seven Sleepers have feasts
in the Byzantine Calendar on 4 August and 22 Octo-
ber: in the Roman Martvrology they are commemor-
ated as Sts. Maximianus, Malchus, Martinianus, Diony-
sius, Joannes, Serapion, and Constantinus on 27 July.
Metaphrabtm' version is in P. G.t CXV. 427-448: Quo-
obt or Toubs, Pasno VII Dormientium in the Anal. BoUand.,
XII, 371-387; Chardrt, Li Set Dormant, ed. Koch (Leipzig,
1879); Ltffendo Aurea and Cajcton's version for July; Koch,
Die Siebcnachl&ferUffende, ihr Unprungu. ihre Verbreitung (Leip-
sig, 1883), »n exhaustive monograph with a full bibliography.
V.
Adrian Fortbbcub.
Sphod(Heb.*n&ftt oMfitt; Gr. Jro/ife, JoVctt, 1*0*$
Lat. superhumerale) is a kind of garment mentioned in
the O. T., which differed according to its use by the
high-priest, by other persons present at religious
services, or as the object of idolatrous worship.
Ephod of the Higk-PriesL— Supplementing the data
contained in the Bible with those gleaned from Jose-
phus and the Egyptian monuments, we may distin-
guish in the ephod three parts: a kind of waistcoat or
bodice, two snoulder-pieces, and a girdle. The first
of these pieces constituted the main part of the ephod;
it is described by some writers as resembling the form
of the chasuble, bv others as being an oblong piece of
cloth bound round the body under the arms and reach-
ing as far as the waist. Its material was fine-twisted
linen, embroidered with violet, purple, and scarlet
twice-dyed threads, and interwoven with gold (Ex.,
xxviii, 6: xxxix, ,2). The ephod proper must not be
confounded with the "tunick of the ephod" (Ex.,
xxviii, 31-35), nor with the "rational of judgment"
(Ex., xxviii, 15-20). The tunick was worn under the
ephod; it was a sleeveless frock, made " all of violet ",
and was put on by being drawn over the head, some-
thing in the manner of a cassock. Its skirt was
adorned with a border of pomegranates "of violet, and
purple, and scarlet twice dyed, with little bells set
between", whose sound was to be heard while the
Tugh-prieet was ministering. Hie ''rational of judg-
ment was a breastplate fastened on the front of the
ephod which it resembled in material and workman-
ship. It was a span in length and width, and was
ornamented with four rows of precious stones on
which were inscribed the names ef the twelve tribes.
It held also the Urim and Thummim (doctrine and
truth) by means of which the high-priest consulted the
Lord. The second part of the ephod consisted of a pair
of shoulder-pieces, or suspenders, fastened to the
bodices in front and behind, and passing over the
shoulders. Each of these straps was adorned with an
onyx stone engraved with the names of six of the
tripes of Israel, so that the high-priest while minister-
ing wore the names of all the tribes, six upon each
shoulder (Ex., xxviii, 9-12; xxv, 7; xxxv, 9; xxxix,
16-19) . The third part of the ephod was the cincture,
of the same material as the main part of the ephod
and woven in one piece with it, by which it was girt
around the waist (Lev., viii, 7). Some writers main-
tain that the correct Hebrew reading of Ex., xxviii{ 8,
speaks of this band of the ephod; the contention
agrees with the Svriao and Chaldee versions and with
the rendering of Josephus (cf. Ex.. xxviii, 27 sq.;
xxix, 5; xxxix, 20 sq.). It must not be imagined that
the ephod was the ordinary garb of the high-priest; he
wore it while performing the duties of his ministry
(Ex., xxviii, 4; Lev., vui, 7; I K.. ii, 28) and when
consulting the Lord. Thus David learned through
Abiathars ephod the disposition of the people of
Ceila (I K., xxiii, 11 sq.) and the beet plan of campaign
against the Amalecites (I K., xxx, 7 sqq.). In I K.,
xiv, 18, it appears that Saul wished the priest Achias
to consult the Lord by means of the Ark; but the
Septuagint reading of this passage, its context (I K.,
xiv, 3), and the text of Josephus (Ant. Jud., VI, vi, 3)
plainly show that in I K., xiv, 18, we must read " take
the ephod" instead of "bring the ark".
The Common Ephod. — An ephod was worn br
Samuel when serving in the time of Heli (I K., ii, 18),
by the eighty-five priests slain bv Doeg in the sanctu-
ary of Nobe (I K., xxii, 18), and bv David dancing be-
fore the Ark (II K., vi, 14). This garment is called
the linen ephod; its general form may be supposed to
have resembled the ephod of the high-priest, but its
material was not the celebrated fine white linen, nor
does it appear to have been adorned with the varie-
gated colours of the high-priest's ephod. The Septua-
S'nt translators seem to nave intended to emphasise
le difference between the ephod of the high-priest
498
and that worn by David, for they call this latter the
idolatrous ephod.
The Idolatrous Ephod. — According to Judges, viii,
26 sq., Gedeon made an ephod out of part of the
spoils taken from the Madianites, their golden earlets,
jewels, purple raiment, and golden chains. All Israel
paid idolatrous worship to this ephod, so that it be-
came a ruin to Gedeon and all his house. Some
writers, following the Syriac and Arabic versions, have
explained this ephod as denoting a gold casing of an
oracular image. But there is no other instance of
such a figurative meaning of ephod; besides, the
Hebrew verb used to express the placing of the ephod
on the part of Gedeon denotes in Judges, vi{ 37, the
spreading of the fleece of wool. The opimon that
Gedeon 's ephod was a costly garment like that of the
high-priest, is, therefore, preferable.
Haqkn, Lexicon Biblicum (Paris. 1007), II, 188 sq.; Lbvcsqus
in Via., Diet, de la Bible, s. v.; Driver in Hast., Diet, of the
Bible, s. v.; Mates in Kirchenlex., s. v.
A. J. Maas.
' Ephraem (Ephrkm, Ephraim), Saint, . b. at
Nisibis, then under Roman rule, early in the fourth
century; d. .June, 373. The name of his father is
unknown, but he was a pagan and a priest of the god-
dess Abnil or Abizal. His mother was a native of
Amid. Ephraem was instructed in the Christian mys-
teries by St. James, the famous Bishop of Nisibis, and
was baptized at the age of eighteen (or twenty-eight).
Thenceforth he became more intimate with the holy
bishop, who availed himself of the services of Ephraem
to renew the moral life of the citizens of Nisibis. espe-
cially during the sieges of 338, 346, and 350. One of
his biographers relates that on a certain occasion he
cursed from the city walls the Persian hosts, where-
upon a cloud of flies and mosquitoes settled on the
army of Sapor II and compelled it to withdraw. The
adventurous campaign of Julian the Apostate, which
for a time menaced Persia, ended, as is well known,
in disaster, and his successor, Jovianus, was only too
happy to rescue from annihilation some remnant of
the great army which his predecessor had led across
the Euphrates. To accomplish even so much the
emperor had to sign a disadvantageous treaty, by the
terms of which Rome lost the Eastern provinces con-
quered at the end of the third century; among the
cities retroceded to Persia was Nisibis (363). To
escape the cruel persecution that .was then raging in
Persia, most of the Christian population abandoned
Nisibis en masse. Ephraem went with his people, and
settled first at Beit-Garbaya, then at Amid, finally at
Edessa, the capital of Osrhoene, where he spent the
remaining ten years of his life, a hermit remarkable for
his severe asceticism. Nevertheless he took an in-
terest in all matters that closely concerned the popu-
lation of Edessa. Several ancient writers say tnat
he was a deacon; as such he could well have been
authorized to preach in public. At this time some ten
heretical sects were active in Edessa; Ephraem con-
tended vigorously with all of them, notably with the
disciples of the illustrious philosopher Bardesanes.
To tnis period belongs neary all his literary work;
apart from some poems composed at Nisibis, the rest
of his writings — sermons^hvmns, exegetical treatises —
date from his sojourn at Edessa. It is not improbable
that he is one of the chief founders of the theological
"School of the Persians", so called because its first
students and original masters were Persian Christian
refugees of 363. At his death St. Ephraem was borne
without pomp to the cemetery "of the foreigners".
The Armenian monks of the monastery of St. Sergius
at Edessa claim to possess his body.
The aforesaid facts represent all that is historically
certain concerning the career of Ephraem (see Bouvy,
"Lea sources historiques de la vie de S. Ephrem"
in " Revue Augustinienne", 1903, 165-64). All details
added later by Syrian biographers are at best of doubt-
ful value. To this class belong not only the legendary
and occasionally puerile traits so dear to Oriental
writers, but also others seemingly reliable, e. g. an
alleged journey to Egypt with a sojourn of eight years,
during which he is said to have confuteoTpuDlicly
certain spokesmen of the Arian heretics. Tne rela-
tions of St. Ephraem and St. Basil are narrated by
very reliable authors, e. g. St. Gregory of Nyssa (the
Pseudo?) and Sozomen. according to whom the her-
mit of Edessa, attracted by the great reputation of St.
Basil, resolved to visit him at Caesarea. He was
warmly received and was ordained deacon by St.
Basil: four years later he refused both the priesthood
and tne episcopate that St. Basil offered him through
delegates sent for that purpose to Edessa. Though
Ephraem seems to have been quite ignorant of Greek,
this meeting with St. Basil is not improbable; some
good critics, however, hold the evidence insufficient,
and therefore reject it, or at least withhold their ad-
hesion. The life of St. Ephraem, therefore, offers not
a few obscure problems; only the general outline of
his career is known to us. It is certain, however, that
while he lived he was very influential among the Syrian
Christians of Edessa, and that his memory was re-
vered by all, Orthodox, Monophysites, and Nestorians
They call nun the "sun of the Syrians," the "columr»
of the Church", the ''harp of the Holy Spirit". More
extraordinary still is the nomage paid by Greeks who
rarely mention Syrian writers. Among the works of
St. Gregory of Nyssa (P. G.. XLVI, 819) is a sermon
(though not acknowledged by some) which is a real
panegyric of St. Ephraem. Twenty years after the
tatters death St. Jerome mentions him as follows in
his catalogue of illustrious Christians: "Ephraem,
deacon of the Church of Edessa, wrote many works
[opuscula] in Syriac, and became so famous that his
writings are publicly read in some churches after the
Sacred Scriptures. I have read in Greek a volume of
his on the Holy Spirit ; though it was only a translation,
I recognized therein the sublime genius of the man"
(De viris illustr., c. cxv). Theodoret of Cyrus also
praised his poetic genius and theological knowledge
(Hist. Eccl., IV, xxvi). Sozomen pretends that Eph-
raem wrote 3,000,000 verses, and gives the names of
some of his disciples, some of whom remained ortho-
dox, while others fell into heresy (Hist. Eccl., Ill, xvi).
From the Syrian and Byzantine Churches the fame of
Ephraem spread among all Christians. The Roman
Martyrology mentions him on 1 February. In their
menologies and synaxaria Greeks and Russians,
Jacobites, Chaldeans, Copts, and Armenians honour
the holy deacon of Edessa.
Works or St. Ephraem. — The works of this saint
are so numerous and important that it is impossible to
treat them here in detail. Let it suffice to consider
briefly: (1) the text and the principal versions and
editions of his writings; (2) his exegetical writings;
(3) his poetical writings.
(1) Texts and Principal Versions and Editions. —
The Syriac original of Ephraem 's. writings is preserved
in many manuscripts, one of which dates from the
fifth century. Through much transcription, however,
his writings, particularly those used in the various
liturgies, have suffered no little interpolation. More-
over, many of his exegetical works have perished, or
at least have not yet been found in the libraries of the
Orient. Numerous versions, however, console us for
the loss of the originals. He was still living, or at
least not long dead, when the translation of his wri-
tings into Greek was begun. Armenian writers seem
to nave undertaken the translation of his Biblical
commentaries. The Mechitarists have edited in part
these commentaries and hold the Armenian version as
very ancient (fifth century). The Monophysites, it is
well known, were wont from an early date to translate
or adapt many Syriac works. The writings of Eph-
raem were eventually translated into Arabic and
499
Ethiopian (translations as yet unedited). In medie- Commentary of Ephrem Svrus upon the Diatessaron",
val times some of his minor works were translated London, 1905; J. H. Hill, "A Dissertation on the
from the Greek into Slavonic and Latin. From these Gospel Commentary of St. Etahraem the Syrian",
versions were eventually made French, German, Ital- Edinburgh, 1896; F. C. Burkitt, "St. Ephraim's
ian, and English adaptations of the ascetic writings of Quotations from the Gospel, Corrected and Arranged1',
St. Ephraem. The first printed (Latin) edition was in" Texts and Studies ^Cambridge, 1901, VII, 2.) The
based on a translation from the Greek done by Am- exegesis of Ephraem is that of the Syriac writers gener-
brogio Traversari (St. Ambrose of Camaldoli), and ally, whether hellenised or not, and is closely related
issued from the press of Bartholomew Guldenbeek of to that of Aphraates, being, like the latter, quite re-
Sultz, in 1475. A far better edition was executed spectfulof Jewish traditions and often based on them,
by Gerhard Vossius (1589-1619), the learned provost As an exegete, Ephraem is sober, exhibits a preference
of Tongres, at the request of Gregory XIII. In 1709 for the literal sense, is discreet in his use of allegory;
Edward Thwaites edited, from manuscripts in the in a word, he inclines strongly to the Antiocnene
Bodleian Library, the Greek text, hitherto known only School, and reminds us in particular of Theodoret.
in fragments. The Syriac original was unknown in He admits in Scripture but few Messianic passages in
Europe until the fruitful Oriental voyage (1706-07) the literal se^ise, many more, however, prophetic of
of the Maronites Gabriel Eva, Elias, and especially Christ in the typological sense, which here is to be
Joseph Simeon Assemani (1716-17), which resulted in carefully distinguished from the allegorical sense,
the discovery of a precious collection of manuscripts It is not improbable that most of his commentaries
in the Nitrian (Egypt) monastery of Our Lady. These were written for the Christian Persian school (Schola
manuscripts found their way at once to the Vatican Persarum) at Nisibis; as seen above, he was one of its
Library. In the first half of the nineteenth century founders, also one of its most distinguished teachers,
the British Museum was notably enriched by similar (3) Poetical Writings. — Most of Epnraem's sermons
fortunate discoveries of Lord Prudhol (1828), Curzon and exhortations are in verse, though a few sermons
(1832), andTattam (1839, 1841). All recent editions* in prose have been preserved. If we put aside his
of the Syriac original of Ephraem 's writings are based exegetical writings, the rest of his works may be di-
on these manuscripts. In the Bibliotheque Nationale vided into homilies and hymns. The homilies (Syriac
(Paris) and the Bodleian (Oxford) are a few Syriac memre, i. e. discourses) are written in seven-syllable
fragments of minor importance. Joseph Simeon verse, often divided into two parts of three and four
Assemani hastened to make the best use of his newly syllables respectively. He celebrates in them the
found manuscripts and proposed at once to Clement feasts of Our Lord and of the saints; sometimes he ex-
XII a complete edition of the writings of Ephraem in pounds a Scriptural narrative or takes up a spiritual
the Syriac original and the Greek versions, with a new or edifying theme. In the East the Lessons for the
Latin version of the entire material. He took for his ecclesiastical services (see Office, Divine ; Breviary)
own share the edition of the Greek text. The Syriac were often taken from the homilies of Ephraem. The
text was entrusted to the Jesuit Peter Mobarak hymns (Syriac madrashS, i. e. instructions) offer a
(Benedictus), a native Maronite. After the death of greater variety both of style and rhythm. They were
Mobarak, his labours were continued by Stephanus written for the choir service of nuns, and were destined
Evodius Assemani. Finally this monumental edition to be chanted by them; hence the division into stro-
of the works of Ephraem appeared at Rome (1732-46) phes, the last verses of each strophe being repeated in
in six folio volumes. It was completed by the labours a kind of refrain. This refrain is indicated at the
of Overbeck (Oxford, 1865) and Bickell (Carmina beginning of each hymn, after the manner of an anti-
Nisibena, 1866), while other savants edited newly phon; there is also an indication of the musical key in
found fragments (Zingerle, P. Martin, Rubens Duval), which the hymn should be suns. The following may
A splendid edition (Mechlin, 1882-1902) of the hymns serve as an illustration. It is taken from an Epiphany
and sermons of St. Ephraem is owing to the late hymn (ed. Lamy, I, p. 4). — Air: Behold the month.
Monsignor T. J. Lamy. However, a complete edition Refrain: Glory to Thee from Thy flock on the day
of the vast works of the great Syriac doctor is yet to of Thy manifestation. Strophe: He has renewed
be executed. the heavens, because the foolish ones had adored all
(2) Exegetical Writings. — Ephraem wrote com- the stars I lie has renewed the earth which had lost its
mentaries on the entire Scriptures, both the Old and vigour through Adam= A new creation was made by
the New Testament, but much of his work has been His spittle I And He Who is all-powerful made straight
lost. There is extant in Syriac his commentary on both bodies and minds= Refrain: Glory to Thee
Genesis and on a large portion of Exodus; for the other etc. — Mgr. Lamy, the learned editor of the hymns,
books of the Old Testament we have a Syriac abridg- noted seventy-five different rhythms and airs. Some
ment, handed down in a catena of the ninth century hymns are acrostic, i. e., sometimes each strophe begins
by the Syriac monk Severus (851-61). The com- with a letter of the alphabet, as is the case with several
mentaries on Ruth, Esdras. Nehemias, Esther, the (Hebrew) metrical pieces in the Bible, or again the
Psalms, Proverbs, the Canticle of Canticles, and Eccle- first letters of a number of verses or strophes form a
siasticus are lost. Of his commentaries on the New given word. In the latter way Ephraem signed sev-
Testament there has survived only an Armenian eral of his hymns. In Syriac poetry St. Ephraem is a
version. The Scriptural canon of Ephraem resembles pioneer of genius, the master often imitated but never
our own very closely. It seems doubtful that he equalled. He is not, however, the inventor of Syriac
accepted the deuterocanonical writings; at least no poetry; this honour seems due to the aforesaid heretic
commentary of his on these books has reached us. Bardesanes of Edessa. Ephraem himself tells us that
On the other hand he accepted as canonical the apoo- in the neighbourhood of Nisibis and Edessa the poems
ryphal Third Epistle to the Corinthians, and wrote a of this Gnostic and his son Harmonius contributed
commentary on it. The Scriptural text used by efficaciously to the success of their false teachings.
Ephraem is the Syriac Peshito, slightly differing, how- Indeed, if Ephraem entered the same field, it was with
ever, from the printed text of that very ancient version, the hope of vanquishing heresy with its own weapons
The New Testament was known to him, as to all perfected by himself. The Western reader of the
Syrians, both Eastern and Western, before the time nymns of Ephraem is inclined to wonder at the enthu-
otRabulas, in the harmonised "Diatessaron" of Tatian; siasm of his admirers in the ancient Syriac Church,
it is also this text which serves as the basis of his com- His " lyricism " is by no means what we understand by
mentary. His text of the Acts of the Apostles ap- that term. His poetry seems to us prolix, tiresome,
pears to have been one closely related to that called colourless, lacking in the personal note, and in general
the "Occidental". (J. R. Harris," Fragments of the devoid of charm. To be just, however, it must be
EPHBAIM 500 EPICUREANISM
remembered that his poems are known to most readers seeking not power or fame, but the pleasures of sense,
only in versions, from which of course the original particularly of the palate, and those m company rather
rhythm has disappeared — precisely the charm and than solitude. An epicure is one who is extremely
most striking feature of this poetry. These hymns, choice and delicate in his viands. In the other sense,
moreover, were not written for private reading, but Epicureanism signifies a philosophical system, which
were meant to be sung by alternating choirs. We includes a theory of conduct, of nature, and of mind,
have only to compare the Latin psalms as sung in the ^ History. — Epicurus, from whom this system takes
choir of a Benedictine monastery with the private its name, was a Greek, born at Samos 341 b. c, who,
reading of them by the priest in the recitation of his in 307 b. c, founded a school at Athens, and died 270
Breviary. Nor must we forget that literary taste is b. c. The Stoic School, diametrically opposite to this,
not everywhere and at all tunes the same. We are was founded about the same time, probably 310 b. c.
influenced by Greek thought more deeply than we are Thus these two systems, having for their respective
aware or like to admit. In literature we admire most watchwords Pleasure and Duty, sprang up witnin the
the qualities of lucidity, sobriety, and varied action, first generation after Aristotle (d. 322 b. a), each of
Orientals, on the other hand, never weary of endless them holding a half-truth and by exaggeration turn-
repetition of the same thought in slightly altered form: ing it into falsehood. The Epicurean School was
they delight in pretty verbal niceties, in the manifold rather a practical discipline than a habit of specula-
play of rhythm and accent, rhyme and assonance, tion. The master laid down his principles dogmat-
and acrostic. In this respect it is scarcely necessary ically, as if they must be evident as soon as stated, to
to remind the reader of the well-known peculiarities any one not foolish. His disciples were made to learn
and qualities of Arabic poetry. his maxims by heart; and they acquired a spirit of
As stated above there is no complete edition of the works of unity more akin to that of a political party, or of a
8t.Ephiaem;norisAe»anvsatisJ^ gect than to the mere intellectual agreement of a
tor. Mention has been made of the Assemam edition of his •_, ' i ,_# wua**-^Wk-«- ak^„+ « ^~+™, *„a « «««-
works: Opera omnia qua extant grace eyriaee latin* in «ex torn* school of philosophers. About a century and a quar-
diutributa (Rome. 1732-46). It is considered imperfect from #ter after the death of its founder, the system was in-
** phrase ^vemiot^' Bp%r**mt S r*^tio\i!^th(Ox* troduced .mto Rome, and there, as well as in its native
Kiri, 1865); Bickwli! cJmiio NMena (£dpwTi866); Lamt" country, ** attracted in the course of time a number
Hymni et Sertnonee (Mechlin, 1882-86 and 1002). Among the of adherents such as moved the astonishment of
versions it may suffice tp mention the ArmenUn version edited Cicero. It had the fortune to be adopted by the finest
by the Mschxtakistb (Venice, 1866. 1893). See also Bickbll, » j:j««x:„ ^^*« t ..»-»+.'.._ /oi ki « « \ «l*i «.«„ «_
Conspectus rei Syrorum litteraria (kttnster, 1871); Wright/A of didactic poets, LucretlUS (91-51 B. C), and was ex-
Shart History of Svriac Literature (London, 1894); Zinqehlb in pounded by him in a poem (De rerum natura) with a
KirchenUx. b. v.Bphrfimr especially Bamjnhbwbb, Potroio^v, beauty of expression and a fervour of eloquence
Son^d^^^ worthy of a nobler theme. In the latter halTof the
encyk. f. prot. Thed. und Kxrche, s. v. Ephram: Duval, Hist, de second century, when Marcus Aurelius was founding
J6r6mb Laboubt. own, and the Platonic, and the Aristotelic systems) as
one of the four great philosophies to be established
Ephraim of Antioch CE^pofoa*), one of the f?d endowed on a footing ;of equality. In modern
defenders of the Faith of Chalcedon (451) against tunes Epicureanism has bad many theoretical as well
the Monophysites, b. at Amida in Mesopotamia; d. in ** Pn^tical adherents. In the seventeenth century,
645. He was Count of the East (Comes OrienHs) ™3 Anstoteleanism and Scholasticism were as-
under Justinian I. In 527 he succeeded Euphrasius saded by the c^pions of the new wienc^, Gassendi
as Patriarch of Antioch. Most of his many works are <<1- uv-> ■**** ^^T *?r }"* 'master; but he seems
lost. We know the titles of them, however, from {° ^ **** attracted chiefly by the physics, and to
Anastasius Sinaita (c. 700), St. John Damascene (d. a*™ S"? , ai,reionnm£ S? m0T%L theory *> "L??
about 754) or whoever was the author of the "Sacra J?^6 * tolerable to a Christian. The numerous edi-
Parallela", and especially Photius (d. 891). Ana- t^of the poem of Lucretius which the present age »
stasius (P. G., LXtfXIX, 1185-1188) quotes passages E^™?1* V be taken to indicate a sympathy with
from a work of Ephraim against Severus, the Mono- the philosophy e^wunded in it.
physite Patriarch of Antioch (512-519). The " Sacra Epicurean Ethics.-- Philosophy was described by
farallela" give a short passage from "St. Ephraim, Epicurus as "the art of mafong life haopy ', and he
Archbishop of Antioch ' \ take?f rom a work " <5n John **7* *»* P™dence is the noblest part of phdosophy ".
the Grammarian and the Synod" (Tit. hri, cf . P. G., gjf na^J$4oa^ lnd <*&***>& «*f to have
LXXXVI, 2, 2104-2109). Photius (P. G., fclll, 957- %»n adopted for the sake of his theory of life. It is,
1024) speaks of four txx
consisted of sermons and
contained a treatise against Severus in three parts and » PJ ™°™ naPPme8S i ftna »7 ^PmeM fte m**™ J»
an answer to five questions about Genesis addressed tnat ***** of well-being and perfection of which the
to the author by a monk named Anatolius. The consciousness is accompanied by pleasure, but pleas-
fragments quoted by Photius represent practically all !" *£** • Moreover, this pleasure is sensuous for it
thatis left of Ephraim's writings. Cardinal Mai was » such oidyas is attainable m this life. This Dleasure
able +~ ~AA - *~- "1**",h *"""" ° ^ r««*o«« ;« fkA v«*s_ is the immediate purpose of every action. Habitu-
can
^Pwteiib^retora^ l^J^^ftn°lA5?lil«' Hence, the rl^t knowledge
would deserve tie same reputation as Leontius By- ** ^%? nothmg to us makes us enjoy what there
santinus if more of his work had been preserved. He Jf m **. l*?> n0J l*m to .it an inde^te duration,
had an extensive knowledge of Greek fathers and f ol- but eradicating the desire of immortality. " His idea
lows chiefly St. Cyril of Alexandria in his Christolo©. gf »• Pleasurable differs from that of the Cyrenaic
Kbumbacher, Byzantinische Litteratur (Munich, 18©7), 37; School which preceded him. The Cyrenaics looked to
Babdbnhbwbb, PatrUoffy, tr. Shahan (St. Louis, 1908), 561. the momentary pleasures of gaiety and excitement.
Adrian Fobtbscub. The pleasure of Epicurus is a state, equably diffused,
"the absence of [bodily] pain and [mental] anxiety".
Epicureanism. — This term has two distinct, " That which begets the pleasurable life is not [sensual
though cognate, meanings. In its popular sense, the indulgence], but a sober reason which searches for the
word stands for a refined and calculating selfishness, grounds of choosing and rejecting, and which ban-
EPICUREANISM 501 XPIOUBEAMISM
fahes those doctrines through which mental trouble, inconsistent with perfect happiness. In short, the gods
for the most part, arises." The wise man will accord- are magnified Epicurean philosophers,
ingly desire *not the longest life, but the most pleas- Natural Philosophy. — The physics of Epicurus are
urable". It is for the sake of this condition of per- in a general sense atomic. He claimed originality for
manent pleasure, or tranquillity, that the virtues are his theory, asserting that it began with his reflections
desirable. "We cannot live pleasurably without liv- upon a passage in Hesiod. As ne read in school that
tng prudently, gracefully, ana justly; and we cannot all things came from chaos, he asked, What is chaos?
live prudently, gracefully, and justly, without living — a question which his teacher could not answer. It is
pleasurably ". in consequence; for " the virtues are by generally held, however, that he really learned his
nature united with a pleasurable life; and a pleasur- atomism from the Democritean philosophy, modifying
able life cannot be separated from these." The vir- it in one important respect; for he supposes that the
tues, in short, are to be practised not for their own atoms in falling through empty space collide by virtue
sake, but solely as a means of pleasure, "as medicine is of & self -determining power, or rather an indetermina-
used for the sake of health". In accordance with this tion owing to which it is possible for them by chance
view, he says that "friendship is to be pursued by the to swerve a little from the vertical direction,
wise man only for its utility; but he will begin, as he Biology. — In this Epicurus simply followed the
sows the field in order to reap". "The wise man will view of Empedocles, that, first, ail sorts of living
not take any part in public affairs"; moreover, "the things and animals, well or ill organized, were evolved
wise man will not marry and have children". But from the earth and that those survived which were
" the wise man will do humane to his slaves ". "He suited to preserve themselves and reproduce their kind,
will not think all sinners to be equally bad, nor all Anthropology. — The anthropology of Lucretius
philosophers to be equally good." Tnat is, appar- may be supposed to have been derived, like hisphvs-
ently, he will not have any very exacting standard, ics and biology, from Epicurus. According to the Lu-
and will neither believe very much in human virtue, cretian theory men were originally savage; the primi-
nor be very much surprised at the discovery of human tive condition was one of mutual war; in this condition
frailty. In this system, "prudence is the source of all men were like the wild beasts in strength and cunning ;
pleasure and of all virtue . civil society was formed under the pressure of the
seeking it. The selfish are not more happy, but less is a dream,
so, than the unselfish. In the next place, the theory Logic. — The Epicurean logic is criterional. The test
altogether destroys virtue as virtue, and eliminates of truth practically is the pleasant and the painful
the idea and sentiment expressed by the words belief.9 Theoretically, their criterion is sensation. Sen-
" ought", "duty", "right", and "wrong". Virtue, sation never is deceptive; the error lies in our judg-
indeed, tends to produce the truest and highest pleas- ment. Dreams, the ravings of fever or lunacy, the
ure; all such pleasure, so far as it depends upon our- delirium of the drunkard are true in their own way.
selves, depends upon virtue.' But he who practises Besides sensation the human mind has also notions, or
virtue for the sake of the pleasure alone is selfish, not anticipations (xpoXfyeis), as when, seeing an object
virtuous, and Jbe will never enjoy the pleasure, because at a distance, one wonders whether it is a man or a
he has not the virtue. A similar observation may be tree. These notions are the results left by previous
made upon the Epicurean theory of ^ friendship, sensations. The notion does not appear to differ from
Friendship for the sake of advantage is not true the internal sense of a brute, such as enables a dog, for
friendship in the proper sense of the word. External example, to welcome strangers belonging to the pro-
actions, apart from a affection, cannot constitute f ession of his master, and to bark furiously at a beggar
friendship; that affection no one can feel merely be- that he has never seen before. The understanding,
cause he judges it would be advantageous and pleas- then, does not differ essentially from the internal senses,
surable; in fact he cannot know the pleasure until he Psychology. — The human soul is material and
first feels the affection. If we consider the Epicurean mortal, being composed of a finer kind of atoms, re-
condemnation of patriotism and of the family life, we sembling those of air or fire, but even more subtle. It
must pronounce a still severer censure. Such a view is the bodily organism that holds together the atoms
of life is the meanest form of selfishness leading in composing the soul. Yet the human will is free. "Bet-
general to vice. Epicurus, perhaps, was better than ter were it to accept all the legends of the gods, than to
is theory ; but the theory itself, if it did not originate make ourselves slaves to the Fate of the natural phil-
in coldness of heart and meanness of spirit, was ex- osophers." Fatalism, which to minds of a stoical dis-
tremely well suited to -encourage them. If sincerely position seemed a source of strength, was to those of
embraced and consistently carried out, it undermined an Epicurean temper simply a source of unpleasant-
all that was chivalrous and heroic, and even all that ness and helplessness. Tne freedom asserted by the
was ordinarily virtuous. Fortitude and justice, as Epicureans is not rational freedom in the true sense of
such, ceased to be objects of admiration, and temper- the word. It does not consist in the power of choosing
ance sank into a mere matter of calculation. Even the right and the noble in preference to the pleasant,
prudence itself, dissociated from all moral quality, It is little better than physical contingency, and may
became a mere balancing between the pleasures of the be described as Casualism. The whole philosophy may
present and of the future. well be described in a trenchant phrase of Macaulay
Theology.— Epicurus said that " it was not impiety as " the silliest and meanest of all systems of natural
to deny the gods of the multitude, but it was impiety to and moral philosophy ' \
think Of the gods as the multitude thought"; a sound ^ Volumina Herculanensia (finit aeries. Naples, 1793-1856;
principle, but one which he wrongly applied, since he and 2d aeries, Naples, 1861-1876). I-XI, contain many frag-
got rid of what was true as well as 01 what was cor- menta of treatises by Epicurus and several members of the
rupt in the vulgar religion. Fear of the gods was an ^\J^aWSI^t'^^^&^^:
evil to be eradicated, as incompatible With tranquillity. See also A Descriptive Catalogue of the Oxford Copies of the Her-
As to their nature, the gods are immortal, but mate- cukmean RoUa (Oxford, 1886): Diogenes LABimua, De Vitia
rial, hke every other being. 'He seems to have held £%»£%£ t^t^^^t ^TSiS^SS.
that there was one supreme being; but this god was especially the edition with notes by Monro. 2 vols. (London,
not the creator, scarcely the orderer, of the universe, 1808-1900); Arwjuj, DwcauraeaofEpidetwXxjlh; II, xx; III,
the gods being only, a part of the All. Nor is there a £{•• ^^£'J^S^^~E^^
Providence, for an interest in human affairs would be Benefidu, iv. ii; Cicrao. D» Fin., I. vii; II. vii. xxv, xxx, xxa;
EPICURUS 5Q2 EPEKLE8IS
Tuscul., V, mo; De Nat. Deor.t xvi, xvu, xxv: Sextus Em- actionibus reprobetur? " (" Epp. Fragm. , vu. in
P1BICU8, Adv. Aiathem., XI, clxix; Gauendi, De Vitd, Aioribue, fu:fti it T?nn Pnm Pont M T 4ftA * Wattarinh /tw
et Dodrind Epicuri, libri ocio (Lyons, 1647); De Vitd, Moribu*. i.mel> . ^PP" nom' ron.1' »,X» **?•' , WaF"JSJl tUeT
<rf Ptacitie Epicuri, ecu Animadvernonee in X. Ltbrum Diog. Konsekrationsmoment im n. Abendmahl, 1896, pp.
Loer. (1649); Syntaqma PhOoaophia Epicuri (1649); Wallace 133 sq.) brings other evidences of the old Roman In-
^B^^^^^&^AISh7^'!^S. voca&n. f (p. 1«0 and Drews (Entetehung*-
Biopr. tfia. o/ Pha., II; Zblleb, Philoe. of the Stoics, Epicur- gesch. des Kanons, 1902, p. 28) think that several
fSVtK^i.8^^8. *. £aami Schweoleb, Hist, of Pha.$ secrets in the Leonine Sacramentary were originally
f^^^^L^^LJ^^BfS^n'a^^^ Invocation* («. article Ca»on of toe MAflSHS
don, 1908). this Invocation we have now only a fragment, with
M. J. Ryan. the essential clause left out — our prayer: "Supplices
Epicurus. See Epicureanism. te rogamus" (Duchesne, op. cit., 179-5). It seems
«^<«ianmm r»tn/1„0„ rt„ «^ tj . nTTa A that an early insistence on the words of Institution as
Epidaurum, Diocese or. See Ragusa. the {om of JConsecration (see| for instance, Ps.-Am-
Epigraphy, Christian. See Inscriptions. brose, " De Mysteriis ", IX, 52, and " De Sacramentis",
■^ivu a^ t .«. IVj 4. 14-15, 23; St. Augustine, Sermo ccxxvii, in
Epikeia. See Law. P. L., XXXVIII, 1099) led in the West to the neglect
Epiklesis (Gr. brU\ri<rii; Lat. invocatio) is the and mutilation of the Epiklesis.
name of a prayer that occurs in all Eastern liturgies Origin. — It should be noticed that the Epiklesis for
(and originally in Western liturgies also) after the the Holy Eucharist is only one of many such forms,
words of Institution, in which the celebrant prays that In other sacraments and blessings similar prayers were
God may send down His Holy Spirit to change this used, to ask God to send His Holy Spirit to sanctify
bread and wine into the Body and Blood of His Son. the matter. There was an Epiklesis for the water of
This form has given rise to one of the chief controver- baptism. ^ Tertullian (De bapt., iy), Optatus of Mileve
sies between the Eastern and Western Churches, inas- ("De schism. Don., Ill, ii, VI, iii, in "Corp. Script,
much as all Eastern schismatics now believe that the eccl. Latin. "; vol. XXVI, -69, 148, 149), St. Jerome
Epiklesis, and not the words of Institution, is the (Contra Lucif., vi, vii), St. Augustine (De bapt., V,
essential form (or at least the essential complement) xx, xxviii), in the West; and St. Basil (De Spir. Sanc-
of the sacrament. # m to, xv, 35), St. Gregory of Nyssa (Orat. cat. magn.
Form of the Epiklesis. — It is certain that all the old xxxlii), and St. Cyru of Jerusalem (Cat. iii, 3), in the
liturgies contained such a prayer. For instance, the East, refer to it. In Egypt especially, Epikleaes were
Liturgy of the Apostolic Constitutions; immediately used to bless wine, oil, milk, etc. In all these cases
after the recital of the words of Institution, goes on to (including that of the Holy Eucharist) the idea of in-
the Anamnesis — "Remembering therefore His Pas- voking the Holy Ghost to sanctify is a natural one
sion . . • " — in which occur the words: "Thou, the derived from Scripture (Joel, ii, 32; Acts, ii, 21: 6 or
God who lackest nothing, being pleased with them ArucaXlffiyrat t6 Bpofui rcvplov • • • ; cf . Rom., x, 13 ;
(the Offerings) for the honour of Thy Christ, and send- I Cor., i, 2). That in the Liturgy the Invocation should
ing down Thy Holy Spirit on this sacrifice, the witness occur after the words of Institution is only one more
of the Passion of the Lord Jesus, to manifest (&rc*t case of many which show that people were not much
dvotflrv) this bread as the Body of Thy Christ and concerned about the exact instant at which all the
this chalice as the Blood of Thy Christ . . . " essence of the sacrament was complete.. They looked
(Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, I. 21). upon the whole Consecration-prayer as one simple
So the Greek and Syrian Liturgies of St. James (ibid., thing. In it the words of Institution always occur
54, 88-89) ; the Alexandrine Liturgies (ibid., 134. 179), (with the doubtful exception of the Nestorian Rite);
the Abyssinian Rite (ibid., 233), those of the Nesto- they believed that Christ would { according to His
rians (ibid., 287) and Armenians (ibid., 439). The promise, do the rest. But they did not ask at which
Epiklesis in the Byzantine Liturgy of St. John Chrys- exact moment the change takes place. Besides the
ostom is said thus: ".We offer to Thee this reasonable words of Institution there are many other blessings,
and unbloody sacrifice; and we beg Thee, we ask prayers, and signs of the cross, some of which came
Thee, we pray Thee that Thou, sending down Thy before and some after the words, and all, including the
Holy Spirit on us and on these present gifts" (the words themselves, combine to make up the one Canon
Deacon says: "Bless, Sir, the holy bread") "make of which the effect is Transubstantiation. So also in
this bread into the Precious Body of Thy Christ1' our baptism and ordination services, part of the forms
(Deacon: "Amen. Bless, Sir, the holy chalice"); anc* prayers whose effect is the sacramental grace
"and that which is in this chalice, the Precious Blood comes, in order of time, after the essential words. It
of Thy Christ " (Deacon: " Amen. Bless, Sir, both "), was not till Scholastic times that theologians began to
"changing [fierapdXibr] them by Thy Holy Spirit" discuss the minimum of form required for the essence
(Deacon: "Amen, Amen, Amen."). (Brightman, op. of each sacrament.
cit., I, 386-387.) The Controversy. r— The Catholic Church has decided
Nor is there any doubt that the Western rites at one the question by making us kneel and adore the Holy
time contained similar invocations. The Gallican Eucharist immediately after the words of Institution,
Liturgy had variable forms according to the feast, and by letting her old Invocation practically disap*
That for the Circumcision was: "Haec nos, Domine, pear. On the other hand Orthodox theologians all
instituta et pr©cepta retinentes suppliciter oramus consider the Epiklesis as being at least an essential
uti hoc sacrincium suscipere et benedicere et sancti- part of the Consecration. In this question they* have
ficare digneris: ut fiat nobis eucharistia legitima in two schools. Some, Peter Mogilas, for instance, con-
tuo Filiique tui nomine et Spiritus sancti, m trans- sider the Epiklesis alone as consecrating (Kimmel,
formationem corporis ac sanguinis domini Dei nostri Monumenta fidei eccl. orient., Jena, 1850, 1. 180), so
Jesu Christi unigeniti tui, per quern omnia creas ..." that presumably the words of Institution mignt be left
(Duchesne, "Ongines du culte chre'tien", 2nd ed., out without affecting the validity of the sacrament.
Paris, 1898, p. 208, taken from St. Germanus of Paris, But the greater number, and now apparently all, re-
d. 576). Tnere are many allusions to the Gallican quire the words of Institution too. Tney must be said,
Invocation, for instance St. Isidore of Seville (De not merely historically, Jout as the first part of the es-
eccl. officiis, I, 15, etc.). The Roman Rite too at one sential form; they sow as it were the seed that comes
time had an Epiklesis after the words of Institution, forth and is perfected by the Epiklesis. Both ele-
Pope Gelasius I (492-496) refers to it plainly: " Quo- ments, then, are essential. This is the theory defended
modo ad divini mysterii consecrationem ccelestis by their theologians at the Council of Florence (1439).
Spiritus adveniet, si sacerdos . . . criminosis plenus A deputation of Latins and Greeks was appointed then
EPIPHANIA
503
KPIPHAMIA
to discuss the question. The Greeks maintained that
both forms are necessary, that Transubstantiation
does not take place till the second one (the Epiklesis)
is pronounced, and that the Latin "Supplices te
rogamus " is a true Epiklesis having the same effect as
theirs. On the other hand the Dominican John of
Torauemada defended the Western position that the
words of Institution alone and at once consecrate
(Hardouin, IX, 977 sqa.). The decree of the council
eventually denned this (" quod ilia verba divina Salva-
toris omnein virtutem transsubstantiationis habent",
ibid.; see also the decree for the Armenians: "forma
huius sacramenti sunt verba Salvatoris" in Denziger,
10th ed., no. 698-old no. 593). Cardinal Bessanon
afterwards wrote a book (De Sacramento Eucharisti®
et quibus verbis Christi corpus conficitur, 1462, in
P. G., CLXI, 494-525), to whom Marcus Eugenicus of
Ephesus answered in a treatise with a long title:
"That not only by the sound of the Lord's words are
the divine gifts sanctified, but (in addition) by the
prayer after these and by the consecration of the priest
m the strength of the Holy Ghost".
The official Euchologion of the Orthodox Church
has a note after the words of Institution to explain
that: "Since the demonstrative pronouns: This is my
body 5 and again: This is my blood, do not refer to the
Offerings that are present, but to those which Jesus,
taking m His hands and blessing, save to His Disci-
ples; therefore those words of the Lord are repeated
as a narrative [dtrryiHtariKQt], and consequently it is
superfluous to show the Offerings (by an elevation)
and indeed contrary to the right mind of the Eastern
Church of Christ" (ed. Venice, 1898, p. 63). This
would seem to imply that Christ's words have no part
in the form of the sacrament. On the other hand
Dositheus in the Synod of Jerusalem (1672) apparent-
ly requires both words of Institution ana Epiklesis:
"It [tne Holy Eucharist] is instituted by the essential
word WfJtart torapKTiiup, i. e. Christ's word] and sancti-
fied by the invocation of the Holy Ghost" (Conf.
Dosithei, in Kimmel, op. cit., 1, 451), and this seems to
be the common theory among the Orthodox in our
time. Their arguments for the necessity of the Epik-
lesis as at any rate the perfecting part of the form are:
(1) that the context shows the words of Institution to
be used only as a narrative; (2) that otherwise the
Epiklesis would be superfluous and deceptive: its
very form shows that it consecrates; (3) tradition.
The first and second points are not difficult to answer.
The words of Institution are certainly used histori-
cally ("qui pridie quam pateretur, sumpsit panem
. . . ac dixit: hoc est enim corpus meum , as well as
all Eastern forms, is an historical account of what hap-
pened at the Last Supper) ; but this is no proof that
they may not be used effectively and with actual
meaning too. Given the intention of so doing, they
necessarily would be so used. The second point is al-
ready answered above: the succession of tune in sac-
ramental prayers necessarily involves nothing but a '
dramatic representation of what presumably really
takes place in one instant (this point is further evolved
by Fortescue, "The Orth. Eastern Church", pp. 387
so.). As for tradition, in any case it is only a question
of Eastern tradition. In the West there has been a
great unanimity in speaking of the words of Institu-
tion as consecrating, especially since St. Augustine;
and the disappearance of any real Epiklesis in our
Liturgy confirms this. Among Eastern Fathers there
is less unanimity. Some, notably St. Cyril of Jeru-
salem, refer the consecration to the action of the Holy
Ghost in a way that seems to imply that the Epiklesis
is the moment (St. Cyril, Cat. xix, 7; xxi, 3; xxiii, 7,
19; cf. Basil, "De Spur. Banc to", xxvii sqa.); others,
as St. John Chrysostom (Horn, i, De proa. IucUe, 6:
"He [Christ] says: This is my body. This word
changes the offering"; cf. Horn, ii, in II Tim., i), quite
plainly refer Consecration to Christ's words. It should
be noted that these Fathers were concerned to defend
the Real Presence, not to explain the moment at which
it began, that they always thought of the whole Eucha-
ristic prayer as one form, containing both Christ's
words and the Invocation, and that a statement that
the change takes place by the power of the Holy Ghost
does not necessarily show that the writer attacnes that
change to this, special prayer. For instance St. Iren-
83us says that "the bread which receives the Invoca-
tion of God is. not common bread, but a Eucharist"
(Adv. hcer., IV, xyiii, 5), and, yet immediately before
(IV, xviii, 4), he explains that that bread is the Body
of Christ over which the earlier part of the Anaphora
is said. The final argument against the Epiklesis as
Consecration-form is the account of the Last Supper
in the Gospels. We know what Christ did then, and
that He told us to do the same thing. There is no hint
of an Epiklesis at the Last Supper.
It may finally be noted that later, in the West too
(since the sixteenth century especially), this question
aroused some not very important discussion. The
Dominican Ambrose datharinus (sixteenth century)
thought that our Consecration takes place at an Epik-
lesis that precedes the recital of Christ's words. This
Epiklesis he thinks to be the prayer "Quam obla-
tionem ' '. A few others (including Renaudot) more or
less shared his opinion. Against these Hoppe (op. cit.
infra) showed tnat in any case the Epiklesis always
follows the words o{ Institution and that our " Quam
Oblationem ' ' cannot be considered one at all. He and
others suggest a mitigated theory, according to which
the Invocation (in our case the "Supplices te roga-
mus") belongs not to the essence of tne sacrament,
but in some way to its (accidental) integrity.* John of
Torquemada at the Council of Florence (Hardouin,
IX, 976), Suarez (De Sacram., disp. lviii, 3), Bellar-
mine (De Euch., iv, 14), Lugo (De Euch., disp. xi, 1)
explain that the Invocation of the Holy Ghost is made
rather that He may sanctify our reception of the Holy
Eucharist. This is a theoretical explanation sought
out to account for the fact of the Epiklesis, without
giving up our insistence on the words of Institution as
alone consecrating. Historically and according to the
text of the old invocations they must rather be looked
upon as dramatically postponed expressions of what
happens at one moment. There are many like cases in
our rite (examples quoted in "The Orth. Eastern
Church", loc. cit.).
Zorn, Duaertatio hietorico4heologica de Epikleei (Rostock,
1705); Hoppb, Die Epikleeie der gnech. u. orient. LUurgien u.
derr&m. Koneekrationekanon (Sohaffhausen, 1864); Frank, Der
eueharietiache Konaekrationemoment (Wttrsburg, 1875); Idkm,
Die eueharietiache Wondtung u. die EpMeae (WOriburg, 1880);
PwoB&TjLUurgie dee IV.Jahrhunderta u. deren Reform (Mtinster,
1803) ; Wattbrich, Der Konaekrationemoment im hi. Abendmahl
(Heidelberg 1806); Lingens, Die eueharietiache Consecrations-
formin ZeiiechriftfUrkoth. Theal. (Innsbruck.1807), pp. 51-106.
Adrian Fortescue.
Kpiphania, a titular see in Cilicia Secunda, in Asia
Minor, suffragan of Anazarbus. This city is men-
tioned: by many ancient geographers, Ptolemy, Pliny.
Stephanos Byzantius, etc. It was formerly called
Oiniandos and afterwards Epiphania, after Antiochus
IV Epiphanes, King of Syria (175-164 b. a). Cicero
once encamped there, and Pompev settled there some
of the pirates he had subdued. The city had a special
era beginning in a. d. 37 (Barthelemy, Numismatique
ancienne. 247). Seven bishops of Epiphania are
known, from 325 to 692 (Lequien, Oriens christ., II,
895). The first, St. Amphion, suffered during the
persecution of Diocletian and was present at the Coun-
cil of Nicsea (325). Epiphania was the birthplace
of George, the usurping Bishop of Alexandria in
the fourth century. 4ts ruins stand near Piyas, in the
sanjak of Djebel-i-Bereket, vilayet of Adana; there
are remains of walls, a temple, an acropolis, an aque-
duct, and many houses, all built in basalt. Nearby
are the celebrated "Cilician Gates" and the battle-
EPIPHANIUS
504
field of Issus (Ramsay, Asia Minor! 386; Alishan, Sis-
souan, Venice, 1899, 475).
Another Epiphania was a suffragan of Damascus.
It is the modern Hamah, on the Orontes (about 60,000
inhabitants). Jesuits and native Mariamet sisters
care for its Catholic population, who are, for the most
part, Greek Melchites. For these and for Catholic
Syrians, Hamah is united with Emesa (q. v.).
%:
Vailh£.
Epiphanius, surnamed Scholasticus, or in mod-
ern terms, the Philologist, a translator of various
Greek works in the middle of the sixth century of the
Christian Era. He prepared for Cassiodorus the text
of the "Historia Tripartita"! a compilation of the
works of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. We
also have his translation of the commentary of Didy-
mus on the Seven Catholic Epistles and that of the
"Codex encyclicus", a list of the adhesions of the
bishops of the East to the decrees of the Council of
Chalcedon, a list drawn up in 458 by order of the Em-
peror Leo I. Epiphanius made several additions to it.
He also translated the commentary of Didymus on the
Book of Proverbs and that of Epiphanius of Salamina
on the Canticle of Canticles. These works are either
lost or as yet undiscovered. "He belongs", says
Julicher, "to the group who, like Dionysius Exieuus,
Mutianus, and many unknown others, satisfied the
needs of the Latins for translations of Greek theolo-
gians.
Babdbnhbwbb, Pairoloffv (tr. St. Louis, 1908), 532, 657, 636:
Jcucrbb in Realencyc. der dasstschen AlUrtumawuaeiuchaft
(Stuttgart, 1907), VI, i, 195.
Paul Lejay.
Epiphanius of Constantinople, d. 636. Epipha-
nius succeeded John II (518-20) as Patriarch of Con-
stantinople. It was the time of the reaction against
Monophysitism in the Eastern Empire that followed
the accession of Justin I (518-27). Justin was Catho-
lic ; he let the Henoticon (482) of his predecessor Zeno
(474-01) quietly drop, and very soon after his acces-
sion he caused a synod of forty bishops to meet under
John II at the capital, in order to proclaim a general
acceptance of the decrees of Chalcedon throughout the
empire, the restoration of Catholic, and the deposition
of Monophysite, bishops (P. G., LXXXVI, I, 786).
The same synod reopened negotiations with the
Roman See after the schism of Acacius (484-519).
The reigning pope was Hormisdas (514-23), and it
was on this occasion that he composed his famous
formula. On Easter Day, 24 March, 519, the reunion
was proclaimed. Severus of Antioch and the other
Monophysite leaders fled to Egypt. The papal legates
remained at Constantinople tul 520. In that year the
Patriarch John died, and Epiphanius was elected as
his successor. He was then given authority from the
pope to reconcile all schismatics and Monophysites
who retracted their errors and signed the formula.
Epiphanius signed it himself in the first place (Mansi,
VIII, 502 sqq.).
Four letters from Epiphanius to Hormisdas are ex-
tant, with the pope's letters to him (P. L.. LXIII). In
the first, from Hormisdas to Epiphanius (col. 493), the
pope complains that he has received as yet no letter
and no legate to announce the patriarch's accession.
In the second letter (1. c.) the pope requires that
three repentant Monophysite bishops, Elias, Thomas,
and Nicostratus, should be restored to their sees, and
he appoints Epiphanius to restore them. Epiphanius
then writes to Hormisdas (col. 494-95) to announce
his succession to the See of Constantinople, as the pope
had demanded. He excuses himself for his delay by
explaining the difficult circumstances and the disorder
that still remain since the Monophysite troubles, and
protests his exceeding desire for communion with the
Roman See: "It is my special prayer, most blessed
Father, to be united to you and to embrace the Divine
^ogmas which were left by the holy Apostles especially
to the holy See of Peter, chief of the Apostles; for I
count nothing more precious than them" Q. c). He
then draws up a very orthodox profession of faith
according to the decrees of Ephesus and Chalcedon ; he
accepts all the dogmatic letters of St. Leo I, and de-
clares that he will never name in his diptychs anyone
who is condemned by the pope. His second letter
fool. 497-99) to Hormisdas praises the emperor's zeal
for the Faith, explains the case of many bishops in
Pontus, Asia, and the (civil) "diocese" of the East,
whom Epiphanius wishes to receive back into com-
munion now that they have renounced Monophysi-
tism, and mentions a jewelled chalice and other rafts
he sends to the pope (this letter is dated 520). Hor-
misdas answers (col. 505-6), exhorting the patriarch
to persevere in reconciling Monophysites and thanking
him for his presents. Epiphanius third letter relates
that a number of Eastern bishops have petitioned the
emperor for union with Rome (col. 506-7), and the
fourth (col. 507) praises Paulinus, whom the pope had
sent to Constantinople as his legate. Migne (P. G.,
LXXXVI, Pt. I, 783-86) gives the text of the con-
demnation of Severus and Peter of Antioch, made by a
synod of Constantinople held under Epiphanius.
Assemani (Bibl. Orient., I, §19) gives a list of forty-
five canons drawn up by this same synod. Epiphan-
ius was succeeded by Anthimus I.
Sinclair in Diet. Chrxat. Bioa. (London, 1880), II. 157-8;
Ada SS. (1741), June, V, 164; Babonius, Ann. ecd.. ad ann.
520, 521, 533, 535; Ckilubb, Hist. dee auteure ecd. (Paris,
1858-69), a. v.
Adrian Fortescub.
Epiphany, known also under the following names:
(1) rd /rc^dma, or 4 +*updrtot, sc. tyidpa (rarely 4
frt^dvwa: though, e. g., in Athanasius, $ eu/ixrucli
4wi4f>dw€ta , occurs); flw^anwa: dies epiphaniarum; fee-
Hvitas declaration™, manifestations; appariiio; ac-
ceptio. (2) i/tdpa tQp Q&tvp: dies luminutn; dies
lavacru (3) fayupdn*, Bethphania: etc. (4) Fes-
htm trium regum: whence the Dutch Drie-hminqendag,
Danish Heuig4re-kongersdag; etc. (5) Twelfth Day,
Swedish Trettondedag; etc.— The meaning of these
names will be explained below. The feast was called
among the Syrians denho (updoing), a name to be
connected with the notion of rising light expressed in
Luke, i, 78. The name Epiphania survives in Befana,
the great fair held at that season in Rome; it is diffi-
cult to say how closely the practice then observed of
buying all sorts of earthenware images, combined with
whistles, and representing some type of Roman life, is
to be connected with the rather similar custom in
vogue during the December feast of the Saturnalia.
For the earthenware or pastry sigiUaria then sold all
over Rome, see Macrobius; s. I, x, xxiv; II, xlix; and
Brand, " Pop. Ant.M; 180, 183.
I. History. — As its name suggests, the Epiphany
had its origin in the Eastern Church. There exists
indeed a homily of Hippolytus to which (in one MS.
only) is affixed the lemma eft rd Syta feo^tfiwui [not
4rut>dptia: Kellnerl; it is throughout addressed to
one about to be baptized, and deals only with the
Sacrament of Baptism. It was edited by Bonwetech
and Achelis (Leipsig, 1897) ; Achelis and others con-
sider it spurious. The first reference about which we
can feel certain is in Clement (Strom., I, xxi, 45, in
P. G., VIII, 888), who writes: "There are those, too,
who over-curiously assign to the Birth of Our Saviour
not only its year but its day, which they say to be on
25 Pachon (20 May) in the twenty-eighth year of Au-
gustus. But the followers of Basilides celebrate the
day of His Baptism too, spending the previous night in
readings. And they say that it was the 15th of the
month Tybi of the 15th year of Tiberius Caesar. And
some say that it was observed the 11th of the same
month." Now, 11 and 15 Tybi are 6 and 10 January,
respectively. The question at once arises: did these
EPXPHAKY 505 IPIPHAKY
Basilidians celebrate Christ's Nativity and also His Quadragesima de Epiphania (Peregrin. Silvia, ed.
Baptism on 6 and 10 January, or did they merely keep Geyer, e. xxvi), leaves us, however, in no doubt as to
His Baptism on these days, as well as His Nativity on what she is describing. On the vigil of the feast (5
another date? The evidence, if not Clement's actual Jan.) a procession left Jerusalem for Bethlehem and
words, suggests the former. It is certain that the returned in the morning. At the second hour the
Epiphany festival in the East very early admitted a services were held in the splendidly decorated Gol-
more or less marked commemoration of the Nativity, gotha church, after which tnat of the Anastasis was
or at least of the Angeli ad Pastores, the most striking visited. On the second and third days this ceremony
"manifestation" of Christ's glory on that occasion, was repeated; on the fourth the service was offered on
Moreover, the first actual reference to the ecclesiastical Mount Olivet; on the fifth at the grave of Lazarus at
feast of the Epiphany (Ammianus Marcellinus, XXI, Bethany; on the sixth on Sion; on the seventh in the
ii), in 361, appears to be doubled in Zonaras (XIII. church of the Anastasis, on the eighth in that of the
ad) by a reference to the same festival as that of Holy Cross. The procession to Bethlehem was
Christ's Nativity. Moreover, Epiphanius (Haer., Ii, nightly repeated. It will be seen, accordingly, that
27, in P. G., XLI, 936) says that the sixth of January this Epiphany octave had throughout so strong a
isiffjJpa yer*0\lt*¥To6r*mriTri4>arlta¥, Christ's Birthday, Nativity colouring as to lead to the exclusion of the
i. e. His Epiphany. Indeed, he assigns the Baptism commemoration of the Baptism in the year 385 at any
to 12 Athyr, i. e. 6 November. Awn, in chapters rate. It is, however, by way of actual baptism on
xxviii and xxix (P. G., XLI, 940 sqO, he asserts that this day that the West seems to enter into connexion
Christ's Birth, i. e. Theophany, occurred on 6 January, with the East. St. Chrysostom (Horn, in Bapt. Chr.
as did the miracle at Cana, m consequence of which in P. G., XLIX, 363) tells us how the Antiochians used
water, in various places (Cibyra, for instance), was to take home baptismal water consecrated on the
then pearly by a miracle turned into wine, of which he. night of the festival, and that it remained for a year
had himself drunk. It will be noticed, first, if Clem- without corruption. To this day, the blessing of the
ent does not expressly deny that the Church cele- waters by the dipping into river, sea, or lake bf a
brated the Epiphany in his time at Alexandria, he at crucifix, and by other complicated ritual, is a most
least implies that she did not. Still less can we think popular ceremony. A vivid account is quoted by
that 6 January was then observed by the Church as Neale ("Holy Eastern Church", Introduction, p.
holy. Moreover, Origen, in his list of festivals (Con- 764; cf. the Greek, Svriac, Coptic, and Russian
tra Celsum, VIII, xxii, P. G., XI, 1549), makes no versions, edited or translated from the original texts
mention of it. by John, Marquess of Bute, and A. Walks Budge).
Owing no doubt to the vagueness of the name The people consider that all ailments^ spiritual and
Epiphany, very different manifestations of Christ's physical, can be cured by the application of the
glory and Divinity were celebrated in this feast quite blessed water. This custom would seem, however, to
early in its history, especially the Baptism, the miracle be originally connected rather with the miracle of
at Cana, the Nativity, and the visit of the Magi. But Cana than with the Baptism. That baptism on this
we cannot for a moment suppose that in the first in- day was quite usual in the West is proved, however,
stance a festival of manifestations in general was es- by the complaint of Bishop Himerius of Tarragona to
tablished, into which popular local devotion read spe- Pope Damasus fd. 384), that baptisms were being
cified meaning as circumstances dictated. It seems celebrated on the feast of the Epiphany. Pope
fairly clear that the Baptism was the event predomi- Siricius, who answered him (P. L., XIII, 1134), identi-
nantlv commemorated. The Apostolic Constitutions fies the feasts of Natalitia Ckristi and of His Apvari-
(VIII, xxxiii; cf. Y, xii) mention it. Kellner quotes Ho, and is very indignant at the extension of the
(cf . Selden, de Synedriis, III, xv, 204, 220) the oldest period for baptisms beyond that of Easter and that of
Coptic Calendar tor the name Dies bapksmi sancHfieati, Pentecost. Pope Leo I (" Ep. xvi ad Sicil. episcopos",
and the later for that of Immersio Domini as applied to c. i, in P. L., LIV, 701 ; cf . 696) denounces the practice
this feast. Gregory of Nasianzus identifies, indeed, as an irrationabilis novilas; yet the Council of Gerona
ra Omxffdrta with $ *7k ro0 X^mtoO ytrrrpit, but (can. iv) condemned it in 517, and Victor Vitensis
this sermon (Orat. xxxviii in P. G., XXXVI, 312) alludes to it as the regular practice of the (Roman-)
was probably preached 25 Dec., 380; and after refer- African Church (De Persec. Vandal,, II, xvii, in P. L.,
loc. cit.) and there declared (col. 349) that the Birth bathed in it that day, and that miracles were then wont
of Christ and the leading of the Magi by a star having to take place. St. Jerome (Comm. in Es., I, i, on verse
been already celebrated^ the commemoration of His 3 in P. L., XXV, 18) definitely asserts that it is for
Baptism would now take place. The first of these the baptism and opening of the heavens that the dies
two sermons is headed *lt ra tyta fQra. referring to Epiphaniorum is still venerable and not for the Nativ-
the lights carried on that day to symbolise the spiiv ity of Christ in the flesh, for then aosccmditus est, et
itual illumination of baptism, and the day must care- turn apparuit — " He was hidden, and did not appear."
fully be distinguished from the Feast of the Purifica- That the Epiphany was of later introduction in the
tion, also called Festum luminum for a wholly different West than the Christmas festival of 25 December, has
reason. Chrysostom, however, in 386 (see Christ- been made clear in the article Christmas. It is not
mab) preached "Horn, vi in B. Philoponium'' where contained in the Philocalian Calendar, while it seems
(P. G., XL VIII, 752) he calls the Nativity the parent most likely that 25 December was celebrated at Rome
of festivals, for, had not Christ been born, neither before the sermon of Pope Liberius (in St. Ambrose,,
would He have been baptised, trip fori ra $co$&pui. De virg., iii, I, in P. L., A VI, 231) which many assign
This shows how loosely this title was used. (Cf. to 25 Dec., 354. St. Augustine clearly observes Orien-
Chrys., ''Horn, in Bapt. Chr.", o. ii, in P. G., XLIX, tal associations in the Epiphany feasts: "Rightly",
363: a. d. 387). Cassian (Coll., X, 2, in P. L., XLIX, says he (Serin, ccii, 2, in Epiph. Domini, 4, in P. L.,
820) says that even in his time (418-427) the Egyp- XXXVIII, 1033), "have the heretic Donatists always
tian monasteries still celebrated1 the Nativity and refused to celebrate this day with us; for neither do
Baptism on 6 January. they love unity, nor are they in communion with the
At Jerusalem the feast had a special reference to the Eastern Church, where that star appeared." St.
Nativity owing to the neighbourhood of Bethlehem. Philastrius (H»r., c. cxl, in P. L., XII, 1273) adds that
The account left to us by Etheria (Silvia) is mutilated certain heretics refuse to celebrate the Epiphany, re-
at the beginning. The title of the subsequent feast, garding it, apparently, as a needless duplication of the
SPZ800PAOT 506 RPIST1M0L0<»Y
Nativity feast, though, adds the saint, it tom only with the Mosarabio Missal's Mass in jejunio epiphania,
af tet twelve days that Christ " appeared to the Magi in makes it clear that a fast at this season was not un-
the Temple1'. The dies epiphaniorum, he says (P. L., common even among the orthodox. "Cod. Theod."
XII, 1274), is by some thought to be " the day of the (II, viii, 20; XXV. v, 2) forbids the circus on this day
Baptism, or of the Transformation which occurred on in the year 400; Cod. Justi." (Ill, xii, 6) makes it a
the mountain ". Finally, an unknown Syrian annota- day of obligation. In 380 it is already marked by ces-
tor of Barsalibi (Assemani, Bibl. Orient., II, 163) sation of legal business in @pain; in Thrace (if we can
boldly writes: "The Lord was born in the month of trust the '"Passio S. Philippi" in Ruinart, "Acta",
January on the same day on which we celebrate the 440, 2) it was kept as early as 304. Kellner quotes the
Epiphany; for of old the feasts of the Nativity and "Testamentum Jesu Chnsti" (Mains, 1899) as citing
Epiphany were kept on one and the same day, because it twice (I, 28; IV, 67, 101) as a high festival together
on the same day He was born and baptised. The with Easter and Pentecost.
reason why our fathers changed the solemnity cele- In the present Office, Cruddis Herodes alludes to the
brated on 6 January, and transferred it to 25 Decern- three manifestations; in Nocturn i, the first response
ber follows: It was the custom of the heathens to for the day, the octave, and the Sunday within the
celebrate the birthday of the sun on this very day, 25 octave, deals with the Baptism, as does the second
December, and on it they lit lights on account of the response; the third response, as all those of Nocturns
feast. In these solemnities and festivities the Chris- i and iii, is on the Magi. The antiphon to the Bene-
tians too participated. When, therefore, the teachers dictus runs: "To-day the Church is joined to her
observed that the Christians were inclined to this fes- celestial spouse, because in Jordan Christ doth wash
tival, they took counsel and decided that the true her sjns; the Magi hasten with gifts to the royal mar-
birth-feast be kept on this day, and on 6 Jan., the feast riage-feast, and tSe guests exult in the water turned to
of the Epiphanies. Simultaneously, therefore, with wine." 0 Sola refers to the Magi only. The Magnifi-
this appointment the custom prevailed of burning cat antiphon of Second Vespers reads: "We keep our
lights until the sixth day." Holy Day adorned with three miracles: to-day a star
It is simpler to say that, about the time of the diffu- led the Magi to the crib, to-day wine was made from
sion of the December celebration in the East, the water at the marriage, to-day in Jordan Christ willed
West took up the Oriental January feast, retaining all to be baptised by John to save us." On the Epiphany
its chief characteristics, though attaching overwhelm- it was a very general custom to announce the date of
ing importance, as time went on, to the apparition to Easter, and even of other festivals, a practice ordered
the Magi. Epiphanius indeed had said (loc. cit.) that by many councils, e. g. that of Orleans in 541 (can. i) :
not only did water in many places turn into wine on Auxerre in 578 and 585 (can. ii), and still observed
6 Jan., out that whole rivers, and probably the Nile, (Kellner) at Turin, etc. Gelasius finally tells us (Ep.
experienced a similar miracle; nothing of this sort is ad episc. Lucan., c*. xii, in P. L., LIX, 52)' that the
noted in the West. The Leonine Sacramentary is de- dedication of virgins occurred especially on that day.
fective here; but Leo's eight homilies on the Theo- II. Origin. — The reason for tne fixing of this date
phania (in P. L., LI V, Serm. xxxi, col. 234, to Serm. it is impossible to discover. The only tolerable solution
xxxviii, col. 263) bear almost wholly on the Magi, is that of Mgr. Duchesne (Orig. Chr., 262), who ex-
while in Serm. xxxv, col. 249, he definitely asserts plains simultaneously the celebration of 6 January
their visit to be the commemoration for which the and of 25 December by a backward reckoning from 6
feast was instituted. Fulgentius (Serm. iv in P. L., April and 25 March respectively. The Pepysitse, or
LXV, 732) speaks only of the Ma$i and the Innocents. Phrygian Montanists, says Sosomen (Hist, feccl., VII,
Augustine's sermons (cxcix^cciv in P. L., XXXVIII) xviii, in P. G., LXVII, 1473), kept Easter on 6 April;
deal almost exclusively with this manifestation, and hence (reckoning an exact number of years to the
lxxiii), 10 and mentions the three great apparitions in Baptism. But this (if we may assume the Basilidians,
the Canon only. The Ambrosian, however, refers to too, to have argued from 6 April) will have fallen on
. all three manifestations in the vigil-preface, and in the the exact anniversary of the Birth. But why pre-
feast-preface to Baptism alone. The " Missale Veson- eminently celebrate the Baptism? Can it be that the
tiense" (Neale and Forbes, The Anc. Liturgies of the celebration started with those, of whatever sect, who
Gallican Church, p. 228) speaks, in the prayer, of held that at the Baptism the Godhead descended upon
IUuminatio, Manijestatio, Declaratio, and composes its Christ? On this uncertain territory we had better risk
Gospel of Matt., iii, 13-17; Luke, iii, 22; and John, ii, no footstep till fresh evidence, if such there be, be
1-11, where the Baptism and Cana are dwelt upon, furnished us. Nor is this the place to discuss the
The Magi are referred to on the Circumcision. The legends of the Three Kings, which will be found in the
Gothic Missal (Neale and Forbes, op. cit., p. 52) men- article Magi.
tions the Magi on the vigil, saying that the Nativity, Kbllnib, HeorUlogie (Freiburg im Br., 1906); Funk in
Baptism, and Cana make Christ's IUustratio. All the ^^r,?^bEnc^opViU B' I' *7&, Sg?0^' JsF**?*
«.-«:^«*«4.:^«« «~> u,>mA,,A.. »AfA~~w4 *~ ;nAi,wj;n» of <*« Christian Church (London, 1708-22), Bk. XX, c. iv;
manifestations are, however referred to. including Sbbkbb, Rdioioiugmchichaich* tfnUraudiungm (Bonn. 1889),
(casually) the feedmg of the 5000, a popular allusion I.
in the East, whence the name <f>ayi<t>dpia. Augustine Cyril Mabtindalb.
(Serm.suppl.cxxxvi, 1, in P. L., XXXIX, 2013) speaks _. a „
of the raising of Lazarus (cf . day 5 of the Jerusalem Bpwcopacy. Bee Hierarchy.
ritual) as on anequality with the other ^manifestations, Epiacopal Church. See Anglicanism; Protest
whence m the East the name Bethvhanui occurs.. Maxi- JM/En£0VAIs Church or America.
mus of Turin admits the day to be of three miracles,
and speculates (Horn, vii, in epiph., in P. L., LVII, Epistemology (H-urrim, knowledge, science, and
273) on the historical connexion of date and events. Uyot, speech, thought, discourse), in a most general
Poiemius Silvanus, Paulinus of Nola (Poem, xxvii; way, is that branch of philosophy which is concerned
Natal., v, 47, in P. L., LXI) and Sedulius (in P. L., ^th the value of human knowledge. The name
LXXID all insist on the three manifestations. The epistemology is of recent origin, but especially since the
Mozarabic Missal refers mainly to the Magi, using of publication of Ferrier's "Institutes of Metaphysics:
their welcome by Christ the word Acceptio, a term of the Theory of Knowing and Being" (1854), it has
"initiation" common to Mithraists and Christians. cx>me to ^ used currency instead of other terms, still
In 381, the Council of Sargossa (can. iv), read together sometimes met with, like applied logic, material or
THE ADORATION OF THE MAGI— GHIRLANDAIO
OSFUIO DI
EPISKMOLOOY
507
KPISTXMOLOOY
critical logic, critical or initial philosophy, etc. To
the same part of philosophy the name criteriology is
given by the authors of some Latin textbooks and by
the Louvain School. The exact province of epis-
temology is as yet but imperfectly determined, the
two mam views corresponding to the two meanings of
the Greek word iwiaTfov- According as this is under-
stood in its more general sense of knowledge, or in its
more special sense of scientific knowledge, epistemol-
ogy is the theory of the origin, nature and limits of
knowledge " (Baldwin " Diet, of Philos. and Psychol. ",
New York, 1901, s. v. " Epistemoloey ", 1, 333; cf . "Gno-
siology ", 1, 414) ; or " the philosophy of the sciences",
and more exactly, " the critical study of the principles,
hypotheses and results of the various sciences, de-
signed to determine their logical (not psychological)
origin, their value and objective import ( Bulletin de
la Socie* to francaise de Philos.", June, 1905, fasc. no. 7 of
the Vocabulaire philosophique, s. v. " Episttmologje",
221 ; cf. Aug., 1906, fasc. 9 of the Vocabul., s. v. " Gno-
sdologie", 332). The Italian usage agrees with the
French. According to Ranzoli (" Dizionario di scienze
filosofiche" Milan, 1905, s. v. "Epistemologia", 226;
cf . " Gnosiologia", 286). epistemolocy " determines the
objects of every science by ascertaining their differenti-
ating characteristics, fixes their relations and common
principles, the laws of their development and their
special methods'*. Here we shall consider epistemol-
ogy in its first and broader meaning, which is the usual
one in English, as applying to the theory of knowl-
edge, the German Ertcenntnistheorie, i. e. 'that part of
philosophy which, in the first place, describes, analyses,
examines genetically the facts of knowledge as such
(psychology of knowledge), and then tests chiefly the
value of knowledge and of its various kinds, its con-
ditions of validity, range and limits (critique of know-
ledge) " (Eisler, Wdrterbuch der philos. Begriffe, 2d
ed., Berlin, 1904, 1, 298). In that sense epistemology
does not merely deal with certain assumptions of
science, but undertakes to test the cognitive faculty
itself in all its functions.
Historical Outline. — The first efforts of Greek
thinkers centre around the study of nature. This
early philosophy is almost exclusively objective, and
supposes, without examining it, the validity of knowl-
edge. Doubt arose later chiefly from the disagree-
ment of philosophers in determining the primordial
elements of matter and in discussing the nature and
attributes of reality. Parmenides holds that it is un-
changeable; Heraclitus, that it is constantly chang-
ing; Democritus endows it with an eternal inherent
motion, while Anaxagoras requires an independent
and intelligent motor. This led the Sophists to ques-
tion the possibility of certitude, and prepared the way
for their sceptical tendencies. With Socrates, Plato,
and Aristotle, who oppose the Sophists, the power of
the mind to know truth and reach certitude is vindi-
cated, and the conditions for the validity of knowledge
are examined. But epistemological auestions are not
yet treated on their own merits, nor kept sufficiently
distinct from purely logical and metaphysical in-
quiries. The philosophy of the Stoics is primarily
practical, knowledge being looked upon as a means of
right living and as a condition of happiness. As man
must act according to guiding principles and rational
convictions, human action supposes the possibility of
knowledge. Subordinating science to ethics, the Epi-
cureans admit the necessity of knowledge for conduct.
And since Epicurean ethics rests essentially on the
experience of pleasure and pain, these sensations are
ultimately the practical criterion of truth. The con-
flict of opinions, the impossibility of demonstrating
everything, the relativity of perception, became again
the main arguments of scepticism. Pyrrho claims
that the nature of things is unknowable, and conse-
quently we must abstain from judging; herein consist
human virtue and happiness. The representatives of
the Middle Academy also are sceptical, although in a
less radical manner. Thus Arcesilaus, while aenying
the possibility of certitude and claiming that the duty
of a wise man is to refuse his assent to any proposition,
admits nevertheless that a degree of probability suffi-
cient for the conduct of life is attainable. Carneades
develops the same doctrine and emphasizes its scepti-
cal aspect. Later sceptics, iEnesidemus, Agrippa,
and Sextus Empiricus, make no essential addition.
The Fathers of the Church are occupied chiefly in
defending Christian dogmas, and thus indirectly in
showing the harmony of revealed truth with reason.
St. Augustine goes farther than any other in the analy-
sis of Knowledge and in the inquiry concerning its
validity. He wrote a special treatise against the
sceptics of the Academy who admitted no certain, but
only probable, knowledge. What is probability, he
asks in an argument ad hominem, but a likeness of or
an approach to truth and certitude? And then how
can one speak of probability who does not first admit
certitude? On one point at least, the existence of the
thinking subject, doubt is impossible. Should a man
doubt everything or be in error, the very fact of doubt-
ing or being deceived implies existence. First logical
principles also are certain. Although the senses are
not untrustworthy, perfect knowledge is intellectual
knowledge based on the data of the senses and rising
beyond them to general causes. In medieval philoso-
phy the main epistemological issue is the objective
value of universal ideas. After Plato and Aristotle
the Scholastics hold that there is no science of the
individual as such. As science deals with general
principles and laws, to know how far science is legiti-
mate it is necessary to know first the value of general
notioqs and the relations of the universal to the in-
dividual. Does the universal exist in nature, or is it a
purely mental product? Such was the question
raised by Porphyry in his introduction to Aristotle's
"Categories". Up to the end of the twelfth century,
the answers are limited to two, corresponding to the
two possibilities mentioned by Porphyry. Hence if
one may speak of Realism at that period., it does not
seem altogether correct to speak of Conceptualism or
Nominalism in the well-defined sense which these
terms have since acquired (see De Wulf, Hist, de la
phil. me'die'yale, 2d ed., Louvain, 1905). Later, a
distinction is introduced which St. Thomas formu-
lates clearly and which avoids both extremes. The
universal as such does not exist in nature, but only in
the mind. Yet it is not a mere product of mental
activity; it has a basis in really existing things; that
is, by their individual and by their common features,
existing things offer to the mind a basis for the exer-
cise of its functions of abstraction and generalization.
This moderate Realism, as it is called in opposition to
Conceptualism on the one side; and, on the other, to
exaggerated, or absolute Realism, is also essentially
the aoctrine of Duns Scotus; and it prevailed in the
School till the period of decadence when Nominalism
or Terminism was introduced by Occam and his fol-
lowers.
In modern times Descartes may be mentioned for
his methodical doubt and his solution of it in the
Cogito, ergo sum, i. e. I think, therefore, I exist. But
Locke( in his " Essay concerning Human Understand-
ing", is the first to give a clear statement of episte-
mological problems. To begin with ontologies! dis-
cussions is to begin "at the wrong end" and to take
" a wrong course . Hence " it came to my thoughts
that . . . before we set ourselves upon inquiries of
that nature, it was necessary to examine our own abil-
ities, and to see what objects our understandings
were, or were not fitted to deal with " (Epistle to the
Reader). Locke's purpose is to discover "the cer-
tainty, evidence and extent" of human knowledge
(I, i, 3), to find "the horizon which sets the bounds
between the enlightened and dark parts of .things,
EPISTEMOLOGY
508
EPISTEMOLOGY
between what is, and what is not comprehensible by
us" (I, i, 7), and "to search out the bounds between
opinion and knowledge" (I, i, 3). One who reflects
on the contradictions among men, and the assurance
with which every man maintains his own opinion
" may perhaps have reason to suspect that either there
is no such thing as truth at all, or that mankind hath
no sufficient means to attain a certain knowledge of
it" (I, i, 2). This investigation will prevent us from
undertaking the study of things that are " beyond the
reach of our capacities" (I, i, 4), and will be "a cure
of skepticism and idleness" (I, i, 6). Such is the
Eroblem; among the main points m its solution may
e mentioned the following: " We have the knowledge
of our own existence by intuition; of the existence of
God by demonstration; and of other things by sensa-
tion M (IV, ix, 2). The nature of the soul cannot be
known, nor does the trustworthiness of the senses ex-
tend to "secondary qualities"; a fortiori, substance
and essences are unknowable. These and other con-
clusions, however, are not reached by a truly episte-
mological method, i. e. by the criticism of the pro-
cesses and postulates of knowledge, but almost
exclusively bv the psychological method of mental
analysis. Following in Locke's footsteps and pro-
ceeding farther, Berkeley denied the objectivity even
of primary qualities of matter^ and Hume held a uni-
versal and radical phenomenalism. Aroused from his
"dogmatic slumber" by the scepticism of Hume,
Kant took up again the same problem of the extent,
validity, and limits of human knowledge. This is the
task of criticism, not the criticism of books and sys-
tems, but of reason itself in the whole range of its
powers, and in regard to its ability to attain knowl-
edge transcending experience. Briefly stated, the
solution reached by Kant is that we know things-as-
they-appear, or phenomena, but not the noumena, or
things-in-themselves. These lalfter, precisely because
they are outside the mind, are also outside the possi-
bility of knowledge. Kant's successors, identifying
the theory of being with the theory of knowing, elab-
orated his "Critique" into a system of metaphysics in
which the very existence of things-in-themselves was
denied. After Kant we reach the present period in
the evolution of epistemological problems.
Problems. — To-day epistemofogy stands in the
foreground of philosophical sciences. The preceding
outline, however, shows that it was the last to be con-
stituted as a distinct investigation and to receive a
special systematic treatment. In older philosophers
are found partial discussions, not yet co-ordinated and
regarding only special aspects of the problem. The
problem itself is not formulated before Locke, and no
true epistemological solution attempted before Kant.
In the beginning of philosophical investigation, as
well as in the beginning of cognitive life in the indi-
vidual, knowledge and certitude are accepted as self-
evident facts needing no discussion. Full of confidence
in its own powers, reason at once rises to the highest
metaphysical considerations regarding the nature, es-
sential elements, and origin of matter and of the
human soul. But contradiction and conflict of
opinions oblige the mind to turn back upon it-
self, to reflect in order to compare, test, and per-'
haps revise its conclusions; for contradictions cause
doubt, and doubt leads to reflection on the value
of knowledge. Throughout history, also, interest
in epistemological questions is aroused chiefly after
periods characterized by ontologies! investigations
implying the assumption of the validity of knowl-
edge. As the psychology of knowledge develops,
problems of epistemology grow more numerous, ana
their solutions more vaned. Originally the choice is
almost exclusively between affirming the value of
knowledge and denying it. For one who looks upon
knowledge as a simple fact, these are the only two
possible alternatives. After psychology has shown the
complexity of the knowing-process, pointed out its
various elements, examined its genesis, and followed
its development, knowledge is no longer deemed either
valid or invalid m its totality. Certam forms of it may
be rejected and others retained; or knowledge may
be held as valid up to, but not beyond, a certain point.
In fact, at present, one would look in vain for absolute
and unlimited dogmatism as well as for pure and com-
plete scepticism. Opinions vary between these two
extremes; and hence comes, partly at least, the confu-
sion of terms by which various views are designated —
a labyrinth in which even the most experienced can
hardly find their way. Here a few systems only will be
mentioned, and their names used in their most general
and obvious sense.
The main problems of epistemology may be con-
veniently reduced to the following. Starting from the
fact of spontaneous certitude, the first question is:
Does reflection also justify certitude? Is certain
knowledge within man's power? In a general way
Dogmatism gives an affirmative, Scepticism a nega-
tive answer. Modern Agnosticism (q. v.) attempts to
indicate the limits of human knowledge and concludes
that the ultimate reality is unknowable. This leads to
a second problem: How does knowledge arise, and
what modes of knowledge are valid? Empiricism (q.
v.) admits no other trustworthy information than the
data of experience, while Rationalism (q. v.) claims
that reason as a special faculty is more important. A
third question presents itself : What is knowledge? Cog-
nition is a process within the mind with the special feat-
ure of referring to something without the mind, of rep-
resenting some extramental reality. What is the value
of this representative aspect? Is it merely the result
of the mind's inner activity, as Idealism (q. v.) claims?
Or is the mind also passive in the act of knowing, and
does it in fact reflect some other reality, as Realism
asserts? And if there exist such realities, can we know
anything about them in addition to the fact of their
existence? What is the relation between the idea in
the mind and the thing outside the mind? Finally,
even if knowledge is valid, the fact of error is undenia-
ble; what then will be tne criterion by which truth
may be distinguished from error? What signs decide
whether certitude in any case is justified? Such sys-
tems as Intellectualism, Mysticism, Pragmatism,
Traditionalism, etc., haveattempted to answer these
questions in various ways.
Like all other sciences, epistemology should start
from self-evident facts, namely the facts of knowledge
and certitude. To begin, as Descartes did, with a uni-
versal doubt is to do away with the facts instead of
interpreting them: nor is it possible consistently to
emerge out of such a doubt. Locke's principle that
" knowledge is conversant only with our ideas ' is con-
trary to experience, since in fact it is for the psycholo-
gist alone that ideas become objects of knowledge.
First to isolate the mind absolutely from external
reality, and then' to ask how it can nevertheless come
into contact with this reality, is to propose an insolu-
ble problem. As to the Kantian attitude, it has been
criticized repeatedly for examining the validity of
knowledge with the knowing faculty, for making
reason its own critic and judge while its rights to criti-
cise and judge are still held m doubt. Epistemology,
the science of knowing, is closely related to metaphys-
ics, the science of being, as its necessary introduction,
and as gradually leading into it. The main epistemo- '
logical issues cannot be met without stepping almost
immediately on metaphysical ground, since the faculty
of knowledge cannot De examined apart from its exer-
cise and therefore from the contents of knowledge.
Logic in its strict sense is the science of the laws of
thought; it is concerned with the form, not the matter
of knowledge, and in this it differs from epistemology.
Psychology deals with knowledge as a mental fact,
apart from its truth or falsity ; it endeavours to deter-
EPISTLE
509
EPISTLE
mine the conditions, not only of cognitive, but of all
mental processes and to discover their relations and the
laws of their sequence. Thus logic and epistemology
complement the work of psychology in two different
directions, and epistemology forms a transition from
psychology and logic to metaphysics. The importance
of epistemology can hardly be overestimated, since it
deals with the ground-work of knowledge itself, and
therefore of all scientific, philosophical, moral, and
religious principles. At the present time especially it
is an indispensable requisite for apologetics, for the
very foundations of religion are precisely the doctrines
most frequently looked upon as beyond the reach of
human intelligence. In fact much recent discussion
concerning the value of knowledge has taken place on
the ground of apologetics, and for the distinct purpose
of testing the value of religious beliefs. If, contrary to
the definitions of the Council of the Vatican, the exist-
ence of God and some at least of His attributes cannot
be demonstrated, it is evident that there is no possi-
bility of revelation and supernatural faith. As Pius X
expresses it (Encycl. " Pascendi ", 8 Sept., 1907), to
confine reason within the field of phenomena and give
it no right and no power to go beyond these limits is to
make it " incapable of lifting itself up to God and of
recognizing His existence bv means of visible things.
. . • And then all will readily perceive what becomes
of natural theology, of the motives of credibility and of
external revelation". (See Scepticism; Certitude;
Doubt.)
Bo whs. Theory of Thought and Knowledge (New York, 1890);
Eislbb, Einfuhrung in axe Erkenntnistheorie (Leipzig:, 1007);
Cardaib. La connatssance (Paris, 1805) ; Hobhousb, The Theory
of Knowledge (London, 1806); Ladd, Philosophy of Knowledge
(New York, 1807); Mbrcisr, Criterialogie generate (Louvain,
1008); Mi v art, The Groundwork of Science: A Study of Episte-
mology (New York, 1808); Rickabt. First Principles of Knowl-
of Knowledge (West Newton, 1004).
C. A. DUBRAT.
Epistle (in the Mass). See Lessons.
Epistle (in Scripture), Lat. epistola; Gr. 4wurro\^;
in Hebrew, at first only the general term meaning
"book" was used, then certain transitional expres-
sions signifying "writing", and finally mJK, 'iager&h
(of Assyrian or Persian origin), and pTIfcO, nl&htewdn
(of Persian derivation), which the Septuagint always
renders irurroXt. In the study of Biblical epistles,
it will be found convenient to distinguish between the
Old Testament and the New.
The Old Testament exhibits two periods in its
idea of an epistle: first, it presents the epistle under
the general concept of a book or a writing; secondly,
it regards the epistle as a distinct literary form. It
may do difficult to point out the dividing line between
these two periods with accuracy; in general it may be
maintained that the Hebrews developed their notion
of epistle as a specific form of writing during the time
of the Captivity. The first instance of a written Bibli-
cal message is found in II K., xi, 14-15, where we are
told about David's letter to Joab concerning Urias;
there was need for secrecy in this case as well as in
that of Jezabel's order to the ancients and chief men
of the city in the matter of Naboth (III K., xxi, 8-0),
and of Jehu's commands sent to Samaria (IV K., x, 1.
6). It may have been in order to avoid the danger of
a personal interview that the Prophet Elias (Eliseus?)
wrote to King Joram concerninghis impending pun-
ishment (II far., xxi, 12-15). The desire to be em-
phatic and peremptory prompted the letter of the
Kins of Syria to the King of Israel, asking for the cure
of Naaman's leprosy (IV K., v, 5-7), and Sennache-
rib's open letter to Esechias (IV K., xix, 14 ; Is., xxxvii,
14 ; II rar., xxxii, 17) ; the wish to be courteous seems
to have inspired the letter of Merodach Baladan to
Ezechias after the latter's recovery from sickness (IV
K., xxt 12; Is., xxxix, 1). Similar to the foregoing
authoritative letters is the message addressed by Jerd-
mias to the exiles in Babylon (Jer., xxix, 1 sq.); the
Prophet alludes also to letters sent by a pseudo-
prophet from Babylon to Jerusalem with the purpose
of undermining Jeremias's authority (ibid., 25, 29).
Thus far, letters are of relatively rare occurrence in
the Bible, and they are not resarded as constituting a
distinct class of literature. Hereafter they become
more frequent, and both their name and their form
mark them as a peculiar literary species. Their sub-
sequent frequency may be inferred from their repeated
occurrence in the Books of Esther, Esdras, and Nehe-
mias: Esth., i, 22; iii, 12; viii, 5sq.; ix, 20, 29; xiii, 1-7;
xvi, 1-24; I Esdr., iv, 7, 11 sq.; v, 6; vii, 11: Neh.,ii, 7;
vi, 5, 17, 19. Their general name "book' 'gives way,
first, to that of " writing" (II Par., ii, 11 ; xxi, 12 ; Esth.,
iii, 13-14; viii, 10, 13), and then to that of "letter"
(II Par., xxx, 1, 6 ; I Esdr., iv, 7 sqq. ; v, 5 sqq. ; Neh., ii,
7-9 ; vi, 5, 17, 19 ; Esth., ix, 26, 29). Their form begins
to be marked by a formal address and a distinctively
epistolary ending. Instances of such explicit ad-
dresses may be seen in Esdr., v, 7: "To Darius the
king all peace"; Esth., xiii, 1: "Artaxerxesthe great
king who reigneth from India to Ethiopia, to the
princes and governors of the hundred and twenty-
seven provinces, that are subject to his empire, greet-
ing"; 1 Mach.. xi, 30: " King Demetrius to nis brother
Jonathan, ana to the nation of the Jews, greeting".
An instance of an epistolary conclusion occurs in
II Mach., xi, 33: "Fare ye well. In the year one hun-
dred and forty-eight, the fifteenth day of the month of
Xanthicus " ; a similar example may be seen, ibid., 38.
But the Old Testament does not furnish us with any
model of private correspondence between Hebrews.
The New Testament presents us with a very
highly developed form of epistle. Recent writers on
the subject have found it convenient to follow Professor
Deissmann in his distinction between the letter and
the epistle. The letter is a private and confidential
conversation with the addressee, his anticipated an-
swers shaping the course of the writing; the epistle is
general in its aim, addresses all whom it may concern,
and tends to publication. The letter is a spontaneous
product of the writer, the epistle follows the rules of
art. If publication be regarded as an essential condi-
tion of literature, the letter may be described as a
" pre-literary form of self-expression". In order to
apply this distinction more effectively to the written"
messages contained in. or referred to by, the New-
Testament Books, we snail group the relevant data as
pre-Pauline, Pauline, and post-Pauline.
Pre-Pauline. — The Book of Acts (ix, 2; xxii, 5;
xxviii, 21) shows that the Jews of Jerusalem sent occa-
sional letters to the synagogues of the Dispersion;
Acts, xv, 22-23, gives a parallel instance of a letter
written by the Apostles from Jerusalem to the churches
in Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia. We may also infer
from the testimony of the New Testament (I Cor., xvi,
3; II Cor., iii, 1; Rom.>xvi, 1-2; Acts, xviii, 27) that
letters of commendation were of common occurrence.
I Cor., vii, 1, informs us that the Corinthian Christians
had applied to St. Paul in their difficulties by way of
letter.
Pauline. — The Pauline Epistles form a collection
which was formerly called 6 drforoXor. They are
called "epistles", though that addressed to the
Hebrews hardly deserves the name, being really a
theological homily. The Epistles mentioned in I Cor.,
v, 9, and Col., iv, 16, have not been preserved to us;
their accidental loss makes us suspect that other Epis-
tles may have perished. The peculiar form and style
of the Pauline Epistles are studied in their respective
introductions and commentaries; but we may add
here that I Tim., II Tim., and Tit. are called Pastoral
Epistles; owing to its peculiar style and form, it is
supposed by some writers that the Epistle to the
Hebrews was not even dictated by the Apostle, but
s
EPISTOUE
510
ERASMUS
only expresses his doctrine. Only the three Pastoral
Epistles and Philemon are addressed to individuals;
all the others are directed to churches, most of which,
however, were well known to the writer. They ex-
hibit more of their author's personal character than
most profane letters do.
Postr Pauline.— Generally speaking, we may de-
scribe the so-called Catholic Epistles as Post-Pauline.
We need not note here that these Epistles are not
named after the addressee, as happens in the case of
the Pauline Epistles, but after the inspired author.
The Epistle of St. James has no final greetings; it was
meant for a class, not for persons known to the writer.
In I John we have a sermon rather than a letter,
though its familiarity of language indicates that the
readers were known to the writer. The following two
Epistles of St. John are real letters in style and form.
St. Peter's first Epistle supposes some familiarity with
his readers on the part of the writer; this can hardly
be said of II Peter or of the Epistle of Jude. What
has been said sufficiently shows that Professor Deiss-
mann's distinction between the artistic epistle and
pre-literary letter cannot be applied with strict accu-
racy. Quite a number of the New-Testament Epistles
contain those touches of intimate familiarity which are
supposed to be the essential characteristics of the
letter.
Jacquikr in Via., DicL de la Bible (Paris, 1899). II, 1897;
Babtlet in Habt., Diet, of the Bible (New York, 1900), 8. v.;
Knabenbauer, Lexicon Btblicum (Paris, 1907), II, 202 sq.;
Prat, TMologie de Saint Paid (Pans, 1908), 33 sq.; Deiss-
mann, BibeUtudien (1895), 189-252.
A. J. Maas.
Epistolss obscurorum vironim. See Hoogstra-
ten; Pfefferkorn; Reuchlin.
Epitaphs, Early Christian. See Inscriptions.
Epping, Joseph, German astronomer and Assyr-
iologist, b. at Neuenkirchen, near Rheine in West-
phalia, 1 Dec., 1835; d. at Exaeten, Holland, 22 Aug.,
1894. His parents died while he was very young
and he owed his early education to the fostering care
of relations. After completing the usual gymnasium
course at Rheine and at Munster he matriculated
at the academy in Munster, where he devoted himself
particularly to mathematics. In 1859 he entered the
novitiate of the Society of Jesus in Munster and after
his philosophical studies was appointed professor of
mathematics and astronomy at Maria-Laach. He
spent the years from 1867 to 1871 in the study of the-
ology and was ordained piiest in 1870. Garcia More-
no, President of Ecuador, had petitioned the Gen-
eral of the Jesuits in the early seventies for members
of the Society to form the faculty of the Polytechni-
cum at Quito, which he had recently founded. A
number of German Jesuits responded to the call,
among them Epping, who set out in June, 1872, for
Quito to become professor of mathematics. He
quickly learned Spanish and was able to write a text-:
book of geometry in that language. He likewise took
an active part in all the scientific work of the Fathers.
The political disturbances which followed the assas-
sination of Moreno (6 Aug., 1875) made it necessary
for the Jesuits to return to Europe, and Epping ar-
rived in Holland in the fall of 1876. He spent the
remaining years of his life at Blijenbeck, ana later at
Exaeten, as professor of astronomy and mathematics
to the younger members of his order, devoting his
leisure to research and literary work.
Epping's first published volume, "Der Kreislauf
im Kosmos", appeared in 1882. It was an exposition
and critique of the Kant-Laplace nebular hypothesis
and a refutation of the pantheistic and materialistic
conclusions which had been drawn from it. His most
important work, however, was begun in collaboration
with Father Strassmaier who, in connexion with his
own studies in Assyriology, had induced him to under-
take a mathematical investigation of the Babylonian
astronomical observations and tables. After consid*
erable labour the key was found. He discovered the
table of differences for the new moon in one of the
tablets and identified GuUu with Mars, Sakku with
Saturn, and Te-ut with Jupiter (Epping and Strass-
maier in " Stimmen aus Maria-Laacn ", Vol. XXI, pp*.
277-292). Eight years later he published " Astrono-
misches aus Babylon oder das Wissen der Chaldaer
uber den gestirnten Himmel" (Freiburg im Br., 1899).
This work was of much importance both from the
standpoint of astronomy and chronology. It con-
tains an exposition of the astronomy ofthe ancient
Babylonians, worked out from their Ephemerides of
the moon and the planets. This was supplemented by
"Die babylonische Berechnung dee Neumondes
(Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, Vol. XXXIX, pp. 225-
240) . He was also the author of a number of articles in
the "Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie". Father Epping
suffered much from ill-health during the last years of
his life. He was none the less a man of untiring activ-
ity and combined geniality and a keen sense of hu-
mour with a deep and simple piety.
Baumoartneb in ZeiUchr. /. Auyrvoloaie (Weimar. 1894).
appendix IX.
H. M. Brock.
Equity. See Law.
Equivocation. See Mental Reservation.
. See Chronology.
Erasmus, Desiderius, the most brilliant and most
important leader of German humanism, b. at Rotter-
dam, Holland. 28 October, probably in 1466; d. at
Basle, Switzerland, 12 July{ 1536. He was the illegit-
imate child of Gerard, a citizen of Gouda, and Mar-
garetha Rogers, and at a later date latinized his name
as Desiderius Erasmus. Eventually hia father be-
came a priest. Erasmus and an elder brother were
brought up at, Gouda by their mother. When nine
years old he was sent to the school of the celebrated
humanist Hegius at Deventer, where his taste for hu-
manism was awakened and his powers of mind re-
ceived their bent for life. The most brilliant' qualities
of his intellect, a wonderful memory and an extraor-
dinarily quick power of comprehension, showed them-
selves even in this his earliest training. His mother
died when he was thirteen years old, and a little later
his father also*; he was now sent by his guardians for
two years, which he afterwards called two lost years,
to the monastery school of Hertogenbosch. Then,
after wandering aimlessly about for a time, he was
forced, through necessity and the insistence of his
guardians, to enter in 1486 the monastery of Emaus,
near Gouda, a house of Canons Regular. He felt no
true religious vocation for such a step, and in later
years characterized this act as the greatest misfortune
of his life. As a matter of fact the beginnings of bis
religious indifferentism and of his weakness ofcharac-
ter are to be sought in his joyless youth and in the
years spent under compulsion m the monastery. He
was left free, however, to pursue his- studies, and de*
voted himself mainly to the ancient classics, whose
content and formal beauty he passionately admired.
His religious training was obtained from the study of
St. Jerome and Lorenzo Valla. In 1491 a lucky acci-
dent freed him from monastic life. The Bishop of
Cambrai was minded to visit Italy and chose Erasmus
as secretary and travelling companion, attracted by
the young man's linguistic attainments; he also or-
dained him priest in 1492. The journey was never
made, but Erasmus remained in the service of the
bishop, who. in 1496, sent him to Paris to complete his
studies. The scholastic method of instruction then
prevalent at Paris was so repugnant to him that he
spent much of his time travelling through France and
the Netherlands, reeeivins occasionally friendly help;
he was also for a while at Orleans, where he worked at
his collection of proverbs, the later "Adagia". The
ERASMUS 511 ERASMUS
money for a trip to England he earned by acting as the ideal ruler. The archduke thought of making
tutor to three Englishmen, from whom he also ob- Erasmus a bishop, wherefore, with the aid of the papal
tained valuable letters of introduction. During his legate Ammonius, the famous scholar obtained a papal
stay in England (1498-99), he made the acquaintance Brief releasing him from all obligations to his monas-
at Oxford of Colet, Thomas More, Latimer, and others, tery and also from the censures he had incurred by
with all of whom acquaintance ripened into lifelong discarding the dress of his order without permission,
friendship. Colet showed him how to reconcile the No longer obliged to have permanent residence, Eras-
ancient faith with humanism by abandoning the mus kept up his wandering life, occupied alternately
scholastic method and devoting himself to a thorough with the composition and the publication of his
study of the Scriptures. Consequently, on his return works. In order to secure absolute freedom Erasmus
to the Continent he took up with ardour the study of refused many brilliant offers, among them an irivita-
Greek at Paris and Louvain. The first publications of tion from the King of France to reside at Paris, from
Erasmus occurred in this early period. In 1500 was Archduke Ferdinand to come to Vienna, and from
issued the " Adagia", a collection of Greek and Latin Henry VIII to return to England. He frequently
proverbs, and in 1508 another greatly enlarged edition went to Basle to visit the famous printer Froben, who
of the same; in 1502 appearedthe ''Enchiridion mili- published henceforth nearly all the writings of Eras-
tis christiani", in whicn he described the nature of mus and procured for them a very wide circulation,
true religion and true piety, but with comments that In this way Erasmus came into closer relations with
were biting and antagonistic to the Church; in 1505 German humanism, and his influence did much to in-
Lorenzo valla's " Annotations " to the New Testa- crease its prestige in south-western Germany, inas-
ment, the manuscript of which he had found in a mon- much as the followers of the " new learning " in Basle,
astery at Brussels. His introduction to this work is Constance, Schlettstadt, and Strasburg, looked up to
important, for in it occurred his first utterance con- him as their leader. One of his chief works at this
cerning the Scriptures, laying especial stress on the period is the "Colloquia Familiaria", first published
necessity of a new translation, a return to the original m 1518, issued in an enlarged form in 1526, and often
text, and respect for the literal sense. a reprinted. It is a kind of textbook for the study of
In 1506 he was finally able, by the aid of his English the Latin language; an introduction to the purely
friends, to attain his greatest desire, a journey to Italy, natural formal training of the mind, and a typical ex-
On his way thither he received at Turin the degree of ample of the frivolous Renaissance spirit. The de-
Doctor of Divinity; at Bologna, Padua, and Venice, fects of ecclesiastical and monastic fife are in this
the academic centres of Upper Italy, he was greeted work held up to pitiless scorn; moreover, he descends
with enthusiastic honour by the most distinguished only too often to indecent and cynical descriptions,
humanists, and he spent some time in each of these His edition of the Greek original of the New Testa-
cities. At Venice he formed an intimate friendship ment, "Novum Instrumentum omne" (Basle, 1516).
with the famous printer Aldus Manutius. His recep- no model of text-critical scholarship^ was accompanied
tion at Rome was equally flattering; the cardinals, by a classical Latin translation destined to replace the
especially Giovanni de' Medici (later Leo X), and Do- Vulgate. Among. the notes, partly textual criticism,
menico Grimani, were particularly gracious to him. partly exegetical comments, were inserted sarcastic
He could not, however, be persuaded to fix his resi- slurs on the ecclesiastical conditions of the period. In
dence at Rome, and refused all offers of ecclesiastical a general introduction he discussed the importance of
promotion. Henry VIII had just reached the throne the Scriptures and the best method of studying them,
of England, and thus awakened in Erasmus the hope Although the Complutensian edition offered a better
of an advantageous appointment in that country, for text and was also printed, but not published, at an
which he accordingly set out. On his way out of Italy earlier date, yet the edition of Erasmus remained for a
(1509) he wrote the satire known as "The Praise of long time authoritative on account of his high reputa-
Folly" ("Moriae Encomium", or "Laus Stultitise"), tion, and became the basis of the textus receptus or re-
which in a few months went through seven editions, ceived text. No less instrumental in preparing the
Originally meant for private circulation, it scourges way for the future Reformation, by setting aside the
the abuses and follies of the various classes of society, scholastic method and undermining the traditional
especially of the Church. It is a cold-blooded, delib- authority of the Scriptures, were the "Paraphrases of
erate attempt to discredit the ChurcK, and its satire and the New Testament'1 (1517 and later). This work
stinging comment on ecclesiastical conditions are not was dedicated to various princes and prelates, e. g. the
intended as a healing medicine but a deadly poison. paraphrases of the Evangelists, to Charles V, Francis
Erasmus may now be said to have reached the acme I; Henry VIII, and Ferdinand I. In these publica-
of his fame; he was in high repute throughout all Eu- tions the attitude of Erasmus towards the text of the
rope, and was regarded as an oracle both by princes New Testament is an extremely radical one, even if he
and scholars. Every one felt it an honour to enter did not follow out all its logical consequences. In his
into correspondence with him. His inborn vanity and opinion the Epistle of St. James shows few signs of the
self-complacency were thereby increased almost to the Apostolic spirit; the Epistle to the Ephesians has not
point of becoming a disease; at the same time he the diction of St. Paul, and the Epistle to the Hebrews
sought, often by the grossest flattery, to obtain the he assigns with some hesitation to Clement of Rome,
favour and material support of patrons or to secure the In exegesis he favoured a cold rationalism and treated
continuance of such benefits. This was also the period the Biblical narratives just as he did ancient classical
of his greatest literary productivity. He wrote at this myths, and interpreted them in a subjective and fig-
time works destined to influence profoundly the eccle- urative, or, as he called it, allegorical, sense.
siastical revolution that was soon to break out. The The literary works issued by Erasmus up to this
next five years he spent in England, but never ac- time made him the intellectual father of the Keforma-
cepted a permanent office; it was only for a short tion. What the Reformation destroyed in the organic
time that he held a professorship of Greek at Cam- life of the Church Erasmus had already openly or
bridge. • When the hopes he had based on the friend- covertly subverted in a moral sense in his " Praise of
ship of Henry VIII proved vain and he realised that Folly ", his " Adagia ", and " Colloquia ", by his pitiless
Henry's money was all needed in warlike schemes, sarcasm or by his cold scepticism. Like his teacher
Erasmus returned to Brabant, where he became one of Lorenzo Valla, he regarded Scholasticism as the
the royal councillors of Archduke Charles, later Em- greatest perversion of the religious spirit; according
peror Charles V. This office gave him a fixed salary, to him this degeneration dated from the primitive
and for his princely patron he now wrote the " Insti- Christological controversies, which caused the Church
tutio principis christiani ", a humanistic portrait of to lose its evangelical simplicity and become the vie-
512 ERASMUS
«
tim of hair -splitting philosophy, which culminated in thought that Luther was only carrying out the pro-
Scholasticism. With the latter there Appeared in the gramme of Erasmus, and this was the opinion of those
Church that Pharisaism which based righteousness on strict Catholics who from the outset of the great con-
good works and monastic sanctity, and on a ceremo- flict included Erasmus in their attacks on Luther,
nialism beneath whose weight* the Christian spirit was Given the wavering character of Erasmus, such at-
stifled. Instead of devoting itself to the eternal salva- tacks were to provoke on his part a very equivocal
tion of souls, Scholasticism repelled the religiously in- attitude, if not plain double-dealing. He gave Luther
clined by its hair-splitting metaphysical speculations clearly to understand that he agreed with him, and
and its over-curious discussion of unsolvable mys- urged only a less violent manner and more considera-
teries. The religious life, he held, was not furthered tion for the pope and ecclesiastical dignitaries. At
by discussions concerning the procession of the Holy the same time he affected in public an attitude of
Ghost, or the causa formalis epciens, and the character strict neutrality, and as time went on withdrew more
indeUbilis of baptism, or gratia gratis data or acquisiia; and more from Luther. In 1519 he wrote to Luther:
of just as little consequence was the doctrine of origi- "I observe as strict a neutrality as possiblet in order
naf sin. Even his concept of the Blessed Eucharist to advance scholarship, which is again beginning to
was quite rationalistic and resembled the later teach- flourish, by my modesty rather than by passion or
ing of Zwingli. Similarly he rejected the Divine ori- violence." That close relations between these two
gin of the primacy, of confession, the indissolubility of fundamentally different characters were maintained
marriage, and other fundamental principles of Chris- as late as the Diet of Worms, though both soon clearly
tian life and the ecclesiastical constitution. He saw the difference in their points of view and their
would replace these traditiuncuUB and amstitutiuncu- attitudes, was largely due to Melanchthon. Though
Ub kominum by the simple words of the Scriptures, the Erasmus had prepared the way for him, Luther was
interpretation of which should be left to the individual greatly dissatisfied with him because of his strongly
judgment. The disciplinary ordinances of the rationalistic concept of original sin and the doctrine of
Church met with even less consideration; fasts, pil- grace. As early as 1517 Luther thus expressed him-
grimages, veneration of saints and their relics, the self concerning Erasmus: "My liking for Erasmus
prayers of the Breviary, celibacy, and religious orders declines from day to day. . . . The human is of more
m general he classed among the perversities of a for- value to him than the Divine. . . . The times are now
malistic Scholasticism. Over against this "holiness dangerous, and I see that a man is not a more sincere
of good works" he set the " philosophy of Christ", a or a wiser Christian for all that he is a good Greek or
purely natural ethical ideal, guided by human sagacity. Hebrew scholar." Luther felt hurt, moreover, by the
Of course this natural standard of morals obliterated cool and reserved manner in which Erasmus passed
almost entirely all differences between heathen and judgment on his writings and actions. Nevertheless,
Christian morality, so that Erasmus could speak with Erasmus always opposed any persecution of Luther,
Sirfect seriousness of a "Saint" Virgil or a "Saint" and frequently ana m no measured terms condemned
orace. In his edition .of the Greek New Testament ' the Bull of excommunication. At the same time, he
and in his "Paraphrases" of the same he forestalled * declined any association with Luther, and protested
the Protestant view of the Scriptures. his ignorance of the latter's writings and his own corn-
Concerning the Scriptures, Luther did not express plete submission to the highest ecclesiastical authority,
himself in a more rationalistic manner than Erasmus; But with all this he took the part of Luther in his
nor did he interpret them more rationalistically. The correspondence with the Elector Frederick of Saxony,
only difference is that Luther said clearly and posi- He expressed his views concerning Luther's doctrine
tively what Erasmus often merely suggested by a in twenty-two "Axiomata" addressed to the Elector's
doubt, and that the former sought m theBible( above court chaplain. Spalatinus, which, to his disgust, were
all other things, the certainty of justification by soon afterwards printed. In this memoir and in other
Christ, while the latter, with an almost Pelagian defin- writings addressed to the emperor and to friends at
iteness, sought therein the model of a moral life. Rome, Erasmus proposed arbitration by a court of
Substantially the same fundamental principles and scholars; he complained, moreover, of the violent at-
arguments were put forth by the representatives of tacks made on himself by the monks, and asserted his
eighteenth-century "Enlightenment" to attain ex- absolute neutrality and his fidelity to Rome. The
actly the same results. It must be added, however, latter assurance was all the more necessary as the
that the attitude of Erasmus towards the religious papal legate Aleander in his reports to Rome put the
questions of his time was conditioned rather bjr liter- authorities on their guard against Erasmus, and ac-
ary interests than by profound interior conviction, cused him of being an accomplice in the religious re-
His demeanour was apt to be influenced by anxiety volt. " The poison of Erasmus has a much more dan-
for peace and by personal considerations; moreover, gerous effect than that of Luther, who by his notorious
in contrast to Luther, it was the refined and scholarly satirical and insulting letters nas injured his own
public, not the common people, that he sought to in- teaching. "
fluence by his writings. He, therefore, laboured for a While Erasmus, by his relations with the Roman
reform of the Church that would not be antagonistic Curia, was able to checkmate the aforesaid and similar
to the pope and the bishops, nor productive of a vio- hostile complaints, in Germany he continued to be
lent rupture, but which, through the dissemination of a regarded with distrust and even with hatred, senti-
larger enlightenment, would eventually but gradually ments that acquired new strength when, in spite of
result in the wished-for reorganization. This was to repeated entreaties, he ref useof to appear publicly
be the work, however, not of the common people, but against Luther. Insinuations and charges of tnis kind
of scholars and princes. Hence he tried subsequently were brought against him, especially by the theolo-
to check the Lutheran movement by some kind of gians of Louvain. Consequently, in 1521, he moved
peaceful compromise. With a scholar's love of peace, to Basle, where the presence of numerous humanists
ne was from the beginning disinclined to enter deeply of the Upper Rhine seemed to assure him a peaceful
into the current religious dispute. For a time nis existence. Even here his attitude continued for a
ref orm ideas seemed to have some prospect of success, considerable time uncertain. To Duke George of
especially during the reigns of Adrian VI and Paul III. Saxony he expressed himself most favourably concern-
As soon, howevert as tne Lutheran movement was ing Luther and blamed both the Bull of excommunica-
seen to mean definitive separation from the Church, it tion and the imperial edict against the reformer; vet
was clear that a rigorous adherence to the latter was in, his correspondence with the emperor and with
the only logical attitude and the one most capable of Adrian VI he denied all association with Luther, and
defence. In the first years of the Reformation many reverted again to his plan of reconciliation by means
ERASMUS— HOLBEIN
ttSE A"TS, PARMA
KBA8MU8
513
ERASMUS
of a court of arbitration. ' He also defended with great
earnestness his own orthodoxy against Stunica, who
wrote the treatise " Erasmi Rotterdami blasphemia et
impietates" (Rome. 1522), to prove that Lutheran
errors were to be found in the aforesaid "Annota-
tiones" to the New Testament. The same year
(1522) the fugitive Von Hutten, on his way to Zurich,
attempted, but in vain, to meet at Basle his former
friend. Von Hutten revenged himself in his " Expos-
tulatio cum Erasmo" (1523), in which he laid bare
with passionate violence all the weaknesses, all the
parviUu et imbeciUiias animi of his former patron.
Erasmus replied from Basle with his " Spongia Erasmi
adversus aaspergines Hutteni", in which, with equal
violence, he attacked the character and life of his op-
ponent, and defended himself against the reproach of
duplicity. He had endeavoured, so he wrote, to hold
aloof from all parties; he had, indeed, attacked Ro-
man abuses, but he had never attacked the Apostolic
See or its teaching.
AH sympathetic association of Erasmus with the
Reformers now ceased, though Melanchthon tried to
stay the final rupture. One after another, the leaders
of the religious anti-Roman movement withdrew
from the famous humanist, especially Zwingli and
CEcolampadius. This same year Erasmus resolved at
last to heed the many appeals made to him, especially
by Adrian VI and Henry VlII, to write against Luther.
For the first time he took a decided stand, moved, no
doubt, by the fear of losing the confidence o^ both
parties. He chose with skill the point on which he
would attack Luther. Erasmus had complained
much earlier that the new religious movement begat
only commotion, moral disorganization, and the in-
terruption, if not the complete ruin, of learned studies.
These abuses he traced to Luther's denial of free will.
He wrote, therefore, in defence of the freedom of the
will, an attack on Luther, entitled: "Diatribe de
libero arbitrio" (1524). The work, it may be said,
was couched in a calm and dignified style. Though by
no means sufficiently profound in its theological rea-
soning, the proofs are drawn with skill from the Bible
and from reason. Luther's reply was the " De servo
arbitrio" (1524), henceforth the official programme of
the new movement. Starting from the third chapter
of the Epistle to the Romans, it teaches the absolute
incompetency of man in his fallen state to perform
moral acts; no franker antithesis to the humanistic
ideal could be imagined. Erasmus replied in a work
entitled "Hyperaspistes" (1526), but without effect.
Luther ignored this reply, except in private letters, in
which he showed much irritation. Some years later,
however, when the " Explanatio Symboli " of Erasmus
appeared (1533), Luther attacked him once more in a
public letter, to which Erasmus replied in his "Ad-
versus ^1"ra"ift"««""*»" epistolam Martini Lutheri".
These passages at arms brought on Erasmus the vio-
lent hatred of the Wittenberg reformer, who now
called him nothing but a sceptic and an Epicurean.
Catholics, however, considered that Erasmus had
somewhat rehabilitated himself, although the more
extreme still disbelieved in him. He had not ceased
to insist on the need of reforms, though he now spoke
more composedly of many matters, such as celibacy.
In his later years, it may be said, he held aloof from
all religious conflicts, devoted to his humanistic
studies and to an intimate circle of such friends as
Boniface Amerbach, Beatus Rhenanus, and Glareanus.
Nor was he indifferent to contemporary efforts at con-
ciliation; he was in favour of ecclesiastical reunion.
Meantime, the Reformation made rapid progress in
Basle, where it took the form, greatly detested by
Erasmus, of a violent destruction of images. He re-
moved, therefore (1529), to Freiburg in the Breisgau.
not far from Basle, in which city he could still find
congenial Catholic surroundings. He did not relax
1 ' efforts for religious peace, in favour of which he
exerted all his influence, especially at the imperial
court. He also wrote, at the request of Melanchthon
and Julius von Pflug, his " De sarcienda Ecclesis Con-
cordia" (1533). in which he advocates the removal of
ecclesiastical abuses in concord with Rome and with-
out anv changes in the ecclesiastical constitution.
Notwithstanding his rupture with Luther, an intense
distrust of Erasmus was still widespread; as late as
1527 the Paris Sorbonne censured thirtv-two of his
propositions. It is a remarkable fact that the atti-
tude of the popes towards Erasmus was never inimi-
cal; on the contrary, they exhibited at all times the
most complete confidence in him. Paul III even
wanted to make him a cardinal, but Erasmus declined
the honour, alleging his age ana ill-health. Naturally
weak and sickly, and suffering all his life from calculi,
his strength in the end failed completely. Under
these circumstances he decided to accept the invita-
tion of Mary, regent of the Netherlands, to live in Bra-
bant, and was preparing at Basle for the journey when
a sudden attack of dysentery caused his death. He
died with composure and with all the signs of a devout
trust in God; he did not receive the last sacraments,
but why cannot now be settled. He was buried with
great pomp in the cathedral at Basle. Shortly before
his death he heard the sorrowful news of the execution
of two of his English friends, Sir Thomas More and
Bishop Fisher.
Editions of the classics and the Fathers of the Church
kept Erasmus fully employed during the later period
of his life at Basle. In his editions of the Fathers
Erasmus formed a means of realizing the theological
ideal of Humanism, which was to make accessible the
original sources of ecclesiastical and theological devel-
opment and thus to popularise the historical concept
of the Church as against the purely speculative view-
point of Scholasticism. As early as 1516-18 Erasmus
had published in nine volumes the works of St. Jerome,
a theologian to whom he felt especially drawn. In
1523 appeared his edition of St. Hilary of Poitiers; in
1526 that of St. Irenseus of Lyons; in 1527, St. Am-
brose; in 1528, St. Augustine; in 1529 the edition of
Epiphaniusj in 1530, St. Chrysostom; his edition of
Origen he did not five to finish. In the same period he
issued the theological and pedagogical treatises:
" Ecclesiastes sive Concionator evangetfcus" (1535), a
greatly admired homiletic work; " Modus confitencu"
U525). a guide to right confession; "Modus orandi
Deum " ; "Vidua Christiana " ; " De civilitate morum
puerilium"; "De prseparatione ad mortem", etc.
Opinions concerning Erasmus will vary greatly. No
one has defended him without reserve, his defects of
character being too striking to make this possible.
His vanity and egotism were boundless, and to gratify
them he was ready to pursue former friends with
defamation and invective; his flattery, where favour
and material advantages were to be had, was often
repulsive, and he lacked straightforward speech and
decision in just those moments when both were neces-
sary. His religious ideal was entirely humanistic:
reform of the Church on the basis of her traditional
constitution, the introduction of humanistic "enlight-
enment" into ecclesiastical doctrine, without, how-
ever, breaking with Rome. By nature a cold, schol-
arly character, he had no real interest in uncongenial
questions and subjects, above all no living affectionate
sympathy for the doctrines and destinies of the
Church. Devoid of any power of practical initiative
he was constitutionally unfitted for a more active part
in the violent religious movements of his day, or even to
sacrifice himself for the defence of the Church. His bit-
ter sarcasm had, indeed, done much to prepare the way
for the Reformation f it spared neither the most sacred
elements of religion nor nis former friends. His was
an absolutely unspeculative brain, and he lacked en-
tirely all power of acute philosophical definition; we
need not wonder, therefore, that on the one band he
ERASTUS
514
ERASTU8
was unable to grasp firmly ecclesiastical doctrine or
deal justly with its scholastic formulation, while on the
other he inveighed with extreme injustice against the
institutions of the Church. It must not be forgotten
that the grave defects of his character were compen-
sated by Drilliant qualities. His splendid gifts explain
the universal European fame of the man through sev-
eral decades, a public esteem and admiration far ex-
celling in degree and extent the lot of any scholar since
his day. He had an unequalled talent for form, great
journalistic gifts, a surpassing power of expression:
tor strong and moving discourse, keen irony, ana
covert sarcasm, he was unsurpassed. In him the
world beheld a scholar of comprehensive and many-
sided learning, though neither profound nor thorough,
a man of universal observation, a writer whose diction
was brilliant and elegant in the highest degree. In a
word, Erasmus exhibits the quintessence of the Re-
naissance spirit; in him are faithfully mirrored both
its good and bad qualities.
It cannot be denied that Erasmus was a potent fac-
tor in the educational movement of his time. As the
foremost of the German humanists, he laboured con-
stantly and effectually for the spread of the new
learning, which imparted to the education of the Re-
naissance period its content and spirit. By his inter-
course with scholars and students, his published sat-
ires on existing institutions and methods, and espe-
cially his work in editing and translating the Greek
and Latin authors, he gave a powerful impulse to the
study of the classics. But his more direct contribu-
tions to education are marked by the inconsistency
which appears in his whole career. Some of his writ-
ings, e. g. his "Order of Study" (De ratione Studii,
1516) and his "Liberal Education of Children" (De
puens statim ac liberaliter instituendis, 1529), contain
excellent advice to parents and teachers on the care of
children, development of individuality, training in
virtue and in the practice of religion, with emphasis on
the moral qualifications of the teacher and the judi-
cious selection of subjects of study. In other writings,
as in the "Colloquia , the tone and the language are
just the opposite, so offensive in fact that even Luther
in his "Table Talk" declares: " If I die I will forbid
my children to read his Colloquies . . . See now what
poison he scatters in his Colloquies among his made-
up people, and goes craftily at our youth to poison
them." It is not surprising that this work was con-
demned by the Sor bonne (1526) as dangerous to morals,
and was eventually placed on the Index. That in
most works on the history of education Erasmus occu-
pies so large a place, while others who contributed far
more to- the development of educational method (e. g.
Vives) are not mentioned; is perhaps due to sympathy
with the anti-ecclesiastical attitude of Erasmus, rather
than to the intrinsic value of his constructive work
(see Stdckl, Gesch. d. Padagogik, Mainz, 1876).
A complete edition of the works of Erasmus, to
which a life of him was added, was issued by Beatus
Rhenanus (Basle, 1540-41) in 9 vols.; an edition was
also published by Le Clerc (Leyden, 1703-06), 10 vols. ;
Ruelens, " Erasmi Rott. Silva carminum " (Brussels,
1864). The editions of the letters of Erasmus have
been as follows: "Epistuls familiares Erasmi"
(Basle, 1518); Herzog, "Epistuke famil. ad Bon.
Amerbachium" (Basle, 1779); Horawitz, "Eras-
miana" in the Transactions of the philosophical-
historical section of the Academy of Vienna, vols. XC
and XCV (1878-85) ; Horawitz, u Erasmus and Martin
Lipsius" (1882): F. M. Nichols, "The Epistles of
Erasmus" (London, 1901-04), 2 vols.; von Minkow-
ski, "Correspondenz des Erasmus mit Polen" (Bres-
lau, 1901). Selections from his "pedagogical writings
were published by Reichling, " Ausgew. padagogische
Schriften des Erasmus" (Freiburg, 1896).
Information about the life of Erasmus is obtained from his
fetters to Servatiua and Grunoius. Duband ds Lave, Erasme
de Rotterd., pricurseur et initiateur de V esprit moderne (Paris;
1872), II; Druiiiiond, Erasmus, His Life and Character (Lon-
don, 1873), II; Fbuoere, Erasme, Hude sur savieetses ouvrages
(Paris, 1874): Gillt, Erasme (Arras. 1879); Richtbr, Eras-
musstudien (Dresden, 1891); Fr. Ski boh m, The Oxford Re-
formers: John- Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More (London,
1887); Fhoudb, Life and Letters of Erasmus (London, 1894,
1899); Emkrton, Erasmus (London, 1899); Pennington,
Erasmus (London, 1901); Capby, Erasmus (London, 1902),
with a good bibliography, pp. 196-220; concerning the policy
of conciliation of Erasmus see Woker, De Erasmi studiis irenv-
eis (Paderborn, 1872); Kalkoff in Zeitschrift fur Reformations^
gesch., I (1904), 1 sqq.; Hartfblder, Erasmus u. die Papste in
Jfislor. Taschenbuch,\l, Series XI, 148 sqq.; Pabtor, GescK
der Papste, I, IV, 472 sqq.; Lxzrcs, Zur Characteristic des reOg.
Standpunktes des Erasmus (1895); Richtkr, Desid. Erasmus u.
seine SteUung tu Luther (Leipzig, 1907); Hermelink, Die re-
ligiosen Reformbestrebungen des deutschen Humanismus (Tu-
bingen, 1907); Stichart. Rasmus von Rotterd., seine SteUung
tur Kirche und xu den rdig. Bewegungen seiner Zeit (Leipzig,
1870) ; Scholz, Die padagogischen una didactischen Grundsatte
des Erasmus (1880); Becher, Die Anxichten des Erasmus iiber
die Erziehung urid den ersten Unterricht der Kinder (1890);
Glocknsr, Das Ideal der Bildung und Erziehung b<* Erasmus
(1890); Hoffmann, Essai a"une lists (T outrages cancernant la
vie etles ecrits aV Erasme (Brussels, 1866); Erasmiana, issued by
the University of Geneva (Geneva, 1897-1901), I-III.
Joseph Sauer.
Erastus and Erastianism. — The name "Erastian-
ism" is often used in a somewhat loose sense as de-
noting an undue subservience of the Church to the
State. This was not. however, the principal question on
which the system of Erastus turned, but rather a sub-
sidiary one and a deduction from it. This can be ex-
plained by a short account of his life and works.
The real name of Erastus was Thomas Lieber or
Liebler. He used the latinized form in his works, and
accordingly has become known by that name. He was
born at Baden, in Switzerland, of humble parents,
7 September, 1524; and died 31 December, 1583. For
his education he went to Basle in 1540, and two years
later, he found a patron by whose assistance he was
able to enter the university. His zeal for learning may
be estimated from the fact that although by disease
he lost the use of his right arm, he learnt to write with
his left hand, and is said to have been able to take
down his notes more fluently than others who had no
similar impediment. During his residence at Basle
there was an outbreak of plague. Erastus was one of
the victims; but he did not suffer severely, and on his
recovery, schools having been suspended, he left Basle
and proceeded to Bologna, where he studied philoso-
phy and medicine. He was afterwards for a time also
at the University of Padua. In 1553 he went to Ger-
many and obtained an appointment as court physician
to the Prince of Hennenbere. We next find him in
1558 as court physician to the elector Palatine, Otho
Heinrich, and occupying at the same time the chair of
medicine in the University of Heidelberg.
Although his work and lectureship were both con*
nected with medicine, the chief interest of Erastus had
always been in theology. Heidelberg was at that
time the scene of severe controversial strife. Erastus,
who was himself a follower of Zwingli, threw himself
heart and soul into the conflict against the Lutherans.
The Elector Frederick III (who had succeeded Otho
Heinrich in 1559) was then enforcing the teaching of
Calvinistic doctrines, and Beza was actively defending
them as against Breny in Stuttgart. A conference
was arranged to take place at the monastery of Maul-
broan in 1564, and by request of the elector, Erastus
took a prominent part therein. He published a state-
ment defending tne doctrine of Zwingli, and on its
being attacked, he wrote a second defence the follow-
ing year. The conference was far from successful in
settling the dispute, which continued in an aggravat-
ed form. In 1568, Erastus wrote his celebrated
"Theses" against what he called the "excommunica-
tory fever", which we shall discuss presently. They
were violently attacked by Beza, and Erastus an-
swered the following year by his "Confirmatio The-
sium". Notwithstanding his efforts, a full presby-
terian system was set up in 1570 at Heidelberg, and the
ERASTUS 515 ERASTUS
•
council proceeded to excommunicate Erastus on the istered his baptism to all, good and bad indisciimin-
eround of his alleged Unitarianism. After a long ately. He laid great, stress also on Christ Himself
further controversy, he succeeded in convincing them having admitted Judas to the participation of the
that this allegation was false: and the excommunica- Holy Communion at its institution; though he grants
tion was removed in 1575: but his position had be- that this is not certain, as some commentators are of
come a difficult one, and nve years later he resigned opinion that the traitor had already gone out, at any
his office. He returned to Basle, where he taught rate Judas was never publicly or even privately ex-
ethics for a short time, until his death. On his tomb eluded; and, in any case, he shared in the celebration
in St. Martin's church he is described as "an acute of the pasch, showing that Christ promulgated' no law
philosopher, a clever physician, and a sincere theolo- of exclusion.
gian". He left behind him the reputation of an up- A further argument is drawn from the nature of the
right life, with great amiability of character, coupled sacraments themselves, again bringing into promi-
with an absorbing zeal for learning. He took an ac- nence the different point of view between Protestants
tive part in combating the superstitions of astrology; and Catholics; for Erastus looked upon the "preach-
but he showed that he was not free from the prejudices ing of the Word'' as equal in sacredness with the
of his day by advocating the killing of witches. sacraments. " I ask ", he said, " are the sacraments
The great work by which Erastus is known is his superior in authority and dignity to the Word? Are
"Seventy-five Theses", to which we have already they more useful and necessary? None of those who
alluded. They were never printed in his lifetime, but have been saved were saved without the Word; but
during his last illness he expressed a desire that they without sacraments, especially without the Lord's
should be published, and Castelvetro, who married his Supper, there doubtless might be, and there have been
widbw, carried out his wishes. The "Theses" and many saved who, however, did not despise these
"Confirmatio thesium" appeared together in 1589, the ordinances. So seems the Apostle to have judged
printer's name and place being suppressed from mo- when he wrote that he was sent not to baptize but to
tives of prudence. The central question about which preach the Word. Do not almost all divines hold the
the "Theses" turned was that of excommunication, sacraments to be visible words and to exhibit to the
The term is not, however, used by Erastus in the eyes what words express to the ear? Why, then, do
Catholic sense as excluding the delinquent from the we go about to exclude nobody from the Word, while
society or membership of the Church. The excom- from the sacraments, especially the Lord's Supper, we
munication to which he alludes was the exclusion of would exclude some, and that contrary to, or without,
those of bad life from participation in the sacraments, the express command of God?" (thesis xxxviii).
He explains what he means in the introduction to the He deals at some length (thesis xv) with the Jewish
" Theses ' ' which he wrote at the end of his life. " It is law as to the " unclean . contending that uncleanness
about sixteen years ago", he writes, "since some men was by no means intended to typify sin; for. in that
were seized on by a certain excommunicatory fever, case, he argues, since the unclean were excluded from
which they did adorn with the title of ecclesiastical sacrifice while the sinful were not, it would follow that
discipline. . . . They affirmed the manner thereof to those who were blameless — for legal uncleanness was
be this ; that some certain presbyters should sit in the incurred by such acts as contact with the dead, etc.—
name of the whole Church and should judge who were were, from being types of sinners, punished more
worthy or unworthy to come unto the Lord's Supper." severely than sinners themselves; this he considers a
The first eight theses are devoted to a detailed expla- reductio ad absurdum. He contended that unclean-
nation of the various senses in which the word excom- ness was a figure, " not of a work, but of a quality —
munication is used, and in the ninth Erastus defines even our depraved nature"; and he adds, "neither
the issue with which he is concerned: "This, then, is did it prefigure in what manner this ought to be pun-
the Question, whether any command or any example ished [in the Church on earth], for Moses taught this in
can be produced from Holy Scriptures requiring or plain and explicit terms, but what should be our con-
intimating that such persons [i. e. sinners] should be dition in a future life." In meeting the question of
excluded from the sacraments." In the following the expulsion from the synagogues alluded to by
thesis (x) he says: "Our answer is that none such can Christ, Erastus contended (thesis xxii) that this was
be found, but rather that many, as well examples as a merely civil act: for the synagogues were also law
precepts, of an opposite tendency, occur everywhere courts; and, in fact, those who were expelled from the
in the Bible." The following twenty-eight theses are synagogues were not excluded from the Temple. He
devoted to developing and maintaining his conclu- added also that he would see no difficulty, even other-
sions, before proceeding in the last half of his work to wise, in admitting that abuses might have crept into
answer possible objections. the Jewish as into the Christian Church, and that the
The chief argument on which Erastus bases his Pharisees might have acted in a spirit out of keeping
whole system is an analogy between the Jewish and with the true and proper interpretation of the Law.
Christian Dispensations, and it is exactly here that the Out of the seventy-five theses of Erastus, the first
fallacy of his conclusions becomes manifest. A Catho- seventy-two are devoted to the question of excommu-
lic, indeed, would be less likely to fall into the error of nication : it is only in the last three that the general rela-
looking upon the Sacrament of the Eucharist and the tion of the Church to the State, which comes as a corol-
Sacrifice of the Mass as in any close way analogous to lary to his theory, is discussed. This can be given in his
the Sacrifices of the Old Law, and the slaying of the own words. u I see no reason", he says, "why the Chris-
paschal lamb ; or the relation of the ceremonial law to tian magistrate at the present day should not possess
the political law of the Jews as in any way realized or the same power which God commanded the map-
realizable in the most Christian of states. To a Prot- trate to exercise in the Jewish commonwealth. Do
estant who looked upon the Bible as the sole source of we imagine that we are able to continue a better con-
Revelation this was different. Erastus argued that by stitution of Church and State than that?" (thesis
the Law of Moses no one was excluded from the offer- lxxiii). He then proceeds to discuss the position of
ing of the paschal sacrifice, but every male was com- the magistrate in tne Jewish nation, and argues in the
manded to observe it under pain of death; and with following thesis (lxxiv) that "if that Church and
respect to the ordinary sacrifices in the Temple, not State were most wisely founded, arranged, and ap-
only was no one excluded from them, but there was a pointed, any other must merit approbation which
positive command for all to assist at least three times approaches to its form as nearly as present times and
a year, on the chief feasts, viz. Pasch, Pentecost, and circumstances will permit. So that wherever the
Tabernacles. In illustration of the Jewish tradition, magistrate is godly, there is no need of any other au-
he also pointed to the conduct of St. John, who admin- thority under any other pretension or title to rule or
ERBEBMANN 516 BROILLA
•
punish the people — as if the Christian magistrate dif- as, for example, by nomination of bishops or by veto
fered nothing from the heathen. ... I allow indeed on such nomination, or even on the election of the
the magistrate ought to consult, when doctrine is con- pope, such as has sometimes existed in the case of some
cerned, those who have particularly studied it; but Catholic powers, is conceded by courtesy, in consider-
that there should be anv such ecclesiastical tribunal to ation of services rendered and by no means acknowl-
take cognizance of men's conduct, we find no such thing edged as a right. See Hergenrother, u Catholic
anywhere appointed in the Holy Scriptures !" It may Church and Christian State" (tr. London, 1876).
reasonably be asked how the system of Erastus could The "Theses" of Erastus and the "Confirmatio The-
work in a state which is professedly un-Christian, and sium" were reprinted at Amsterdam in 1640. An
the last thesis is devoted to answering that question. English translation of the "Theses", without the
"But in those churches, the. members of which live "Confirmatio", appeared in London in 1659— a very
under an ungodly government (for example Popish or literal rendering, m places hardly intelligible. A new
Mohammedan), grave and pious men should be chosen translation of the " Theses", by Dr. Robert Lee, with
according to the precept of the Apostle, to settle dis- a valuable preface, was published at Edinburgh in
putes by arbitration, compose quarrels, and do other 1844 and is still the standard edition.
offices of that sort. These men ought also, in con- Henbon, English Religion in the Seventeenth Century, article
nmrtinn with tha mmisf^rn trt o^mnninYi onH ronmvA Eraetianism (London, 1003); Ferguuon, Refutation if Eratti-
juncuon Wltn tne ministers, to aomonisn ana reprove anim (1692) g^^v Eeeaye on Church and Slate (London,
them Who live Unholy and impure hves; and if they 1870); Dale, Hist, of Eng. Congregationalism (London, 1907);
do not succeed, they may also punish, or rather recall Lechlbr-StXheun in Realeneyklopadie ftir proUstaniUche The-
them to virtue, either by refusin? to hold private in- J^i^cuSJa^ri^S?.' * * DuegpUn0
tercourse with them or by a public rebuke, or by any . * Bernard Ward.
other such mark of disapprobation. But from the
sacraments which God has instituted, they may not Erberm&nn (Ebermann), Veit, theologian and
debar any who desire to partake." controversialist, b. 25 May, 1597, at Rendwewdorff, in
The full system of jErastus was never acwoted or Bavaria; d. 8 April, 1675. He was born of Lutheran
promulgated by any definite sect or band of followers ; parents, but at an early age he became a Catholic, and
but the influence of his opinions was very considerable, on 30 May, 1620, entered the Society of Jesus. After
both m Germany and m Great Britain. The Presby- completing his ecclesiastical studies he taught philoso-
tenans of course have always vigorously repudiated pny and Scholastic theology, first at Mains and af ter-
his doctrines; but m the Westminster Assembly wards at Wursburg. Subsequently he was appointed
(1643-7) there was a strong Erastian party. After a rector of the pontifical seminary at Fulda, which
long controversy, a definite resolution, affirming that position he held for seven years. His theological
the Church has its own government distinct from the attainments and seal for the Church brought him into
civil power, was carried almost unanimously, the sole conflict with many of the leading Reformers of his time,
dissentient being the well-known divine, John Light- He watched with a keen interest what in Protestant
foot. ^On the general questions of the relation between theological circles is known as " the syncretistic contro-
™ i_ j «A_A_ .x * i. _ j ..x j it - -t -•- - frequent encounters with its^ chief
ved himself an able champion of
_,,.,-..- , Catholicism. His principal works are :"AnatomiaCal-
England, though there has always been a party resist- ^tina '» (Mains, 1644), and " Irenicon Catholicum " (2
ing the encroachments of the civil power. We can, vofc Mains, 1645-46), in which he examines critically
perhaps, take Hooker's "Ecclesiastical Polity" as an the religious tenets of George Calixtus;"Interrpgationes
authoritative exposition of this phase of Anglicanism. ** — -^
Hooker was a contemporary
{>reface he gives an account ol w ^.^^^v ~. „..~ — ,
atter with Beza. The eighth volume, however, in Musssu^iTerparaileia EccleaS vera et f als®7'' (Wun-
which he deals with the question before us did not ap- Durg 1559), and " Anti-Mussei pars altera " ( Wursburg
pear until 1648, many years after his death. Its au- 1551 J- "Asserta theologica ae fide divinA" (Wura-
thenticity has been questioned; but it is now gener- burg, *1665).
ally conceded that it is based on rough notes made Hu'bter, Nomendator; Bommervogel, BM. de la c do J.
during his lifetime. He adopts the analogy of Eras- (Paris, 1892), III. 407.
tus between the Jewish nation and a Christian state. Joseph Bchrobder.
Starting from the truism that a good monarch should , „
look to the spiritual good of his subjects no less than Erdlla J Zuniffft, Alonso de, Spanish soldier and
to the temporal, he defends at once the title of the poet, b. in Madrid, 7 August, 1533; d. in the same
king to be head of the Church. He considers that the city, 29 Nov., 1594. After his father's death, his
consent of the laity is required before an ecclesiastical mother became lady-in-waiting to the Infanta Maria
law can be binding, and looks upon Parliament as and made young Alonso a page to Prince Philip. Er-
their mouthpiece, and accordingly defends the right cilia received a very thorough education, for. besides
of Parliament to legislate on ecclesiastical matters, having the most learned teachers, he enjoyed the ad-
He defends the king's power of appointing bishops and vantages of very extensive travelling and of living at
his jurisdiction over ecclesiastical courts. court where he came in contact with high personam.
We may contrast with this the Catholic system of When he was only fifteen he accompanied Philip
the union of Church and State which has always been through Italy and Germany; and their travels lasted
the Church's ideal, and has often been in great meas- three years. Later, Ercilla accompanied hw mother
ure realized, and in our own days has been brought to Bohemia where he left her and then visited Austria,
into prominence by the solemn pronouncements of Hungary, and other countries. Returning to Spain,
Pius IX. The power of the State is maintained to be he soon started out again with Philip. In London he
of God, either immediately, or mediately through the made the acquaintance of Jeronimo de Alderete (1555),
will of the people: and the civil government exists whose stories of his thrilling adventures in the New
side by side with the ecclesiasticalgovernment. Each World so fired Ercilla's imagination that he deter-
is complete in its own sphere. The pope haa " tern- mined to accompany Alderete to the New World. He
poral power", using the term in its true sense, i. e. of therefore obtained leave from Philip, and they set sail
his right to certain interference with the temporal for America, 15 Oct., 1555. Soon after their afnvaL
government of states when the principles of religion however, Alderete died (near Panama, April, 1556).
are at stake. On the other hand; any interference on Ercilla continued on his way to Peru, and in 1557
the part of the State with ecclesiastical appointments, joined the forces of Garcia Hurtado de Mendoxa, who
BBOONWALD
517
EBDINGTON
had recently been appointed Governor of Chile. Dur-
ing the succeeding two or three years he played a
brilliant part in combating an insurrection among
the natives of Arauco, a province of Chile, suffering
great hardships, and distinguishing himself several
times in battle. After a severe illness he returned to
Spain in 1562, and for a time resumed his travels
through Europe. In 1570, he married Dona Maria de
Basin, a woman of illustrious family and of intellec-
tual attainments. He died at Madrid neglected and
in great poverty.
Ercilla's great work is "La Araucana", an epic
poem of thirty-seven cantos, describing the difficulties
encountered by the Spaniards during the insurrection
in Arauco, and the neroio deeds of the natives as
well as his companions. The epic partakes of the
character of history, and the author adheres with such
strict fidelity to the truth, that subsequent historians
characterize his work as thoroughly trustworthy. In
it the difficult art of story-telling is carried to perfec-
tion. Places are admirably described, dates are given
with accuracy, and the customs of the natives faith-
fully set forth, giving to the narrative animation and
colouring. The poem was published in three parts,
the first appearing in 1569, the second in 1578, and the
third in 1590. The best editions are those published
by the Spanish Academy in 1776 and 1828.
Abana. Historia general de Chile (Santiago, 1884); Ticknob,
History of Spanish Literature (New York, 1854), II, III.
Ventura Fuentes.
Erconwald, Saint, Bishop of London, d. about
690. He belonged to the princely family of the East
Anglian Offa, and devoted a considerable portion of
his patrimony to founding two monasteries, one for
monks at Chertsey, and the other for nuns at Barking
in Essex. Over the latter he placed his sister, St.
Ethelburga, as abbess. He himself discharged the
duties of superior at Chertsey. Erconwald continued
his monastic life till the death of Bishop Wini in 675,
when he was called to the See of London, at the in-
stance of King Sebbi and Theodore, Archbishop of
Canterbury. As monk and bishop he was renowned
for holiness of life, and miracles were wrought in attes-
tation of his sanctity. The sick were cured bv con-
tact with the litter on which he had been carried; this
we have on the testimony of Venerable Bede. He
was present in 686 at the reconciliation between Arch-
bishop Theodore and Wilfrith. King Ini in the pref*
ace to his laws calls Erconwald "my bishop1'. Dur-
ing his episcopate he enlarged his church, augmented
its revenues, and obtained for it special privileges
from the king.
According to an ancient epitaph, Erconwald ruled
the Diocese of London for eleven years. He is said to
have eventually retired to the convent of his sister at
Barking, where he died 30 April. He was buried in
St. Paul's, and his tomb became renowned for mira-
cles. The citizens of London had a special devotion
to him, and they regarded with pride the magnificence
of his shrine. During the burning of the cathedral in
1087 it is related that the shrine and its silken cover-
ings remained intact. A solemn translation of St.
Erconwald's body took place 14 Nov., 1148, when it
was raised above the high altar. The shrine was
robbed of its jewels and ornaments in the sixteenth
century; and the bones of the saint are said to have
been then buried at the east end of the choir. His
feast is observed by English Catholics on 14 Novem-
ber. Prior to the Reformation, the anniversaries of St.
Erconwald's death and translation of his relics were
observed at St. Paul's as feasts of the first class, accord-
ing to an ordinance of Bishop Braybroke in 1386.
Bbde, Hittoria Bod., IV, 6; Acta 8S.t April, III; Bdtlbr.
Lives of the Saint*, 30 April; Stanton, Menology of England ana
Wales (London, 1887), 30 April; Britannia Sancta (London,
1745); Stuvbs in Diet. Christ. Biog.t s.v. Erkenwald; Hont in
Diet. Nat. Biog., a. v. Erkenwald.
Columba Edmonds.
Xrdely. See Transylvania.
Erdeswieke, Sampson, antiquarian, date of birth
unknown; d. 1603. He was born at Sandon in Staf-
fordshire, his father. Hugh Erdeswieke, being de-
scended from Richard de Vernon, Baron of Shipbrook,'
in the reign of William the Conqueror. The family
resided originally at Erdeswieke Hall, in Cheshire,
afterwards at Leighton and finally in the reign of
Edward III settled at Sandon. Hugh Erdeswieke
was a staunch Catholic who suffered much for the
Faith. In 1582 he was reported to the Privy Council
by the Anglican Bishop of Coventry as " the sorest and
dangerousest papist, one of them in all England'9.
His son, Sampson, born in the reign of Henry VIII,
entered Brasenose College, Oxford, as a gentleman-
commoner in 1553. Leaving Oxford, he returned to
Sandon where he spent the rest of his life as a country
gentleman under the usual disabilities of a recusant.
He devoted himself to antiquarian studies, particu-
larly to the thorough M Survey of Staffordshire1'. By
this work his name is chiefly remembered, but it was
not published during his lifetime, and considerable
mystery exists as to the original MS., because the
numerous existing copies differ much from one an-
other. A description of these was published by Wil-
iam Salt, F.S.A., in 1844. The "Survey" itself was
§ublished by Degge (1717 and 1723), by Shaw in his
taffordshire (1798), and lastly bv Harwood (1820 and
1844). Other unpublished MSS. by Erdeswieke are
in the British Museum and the College of Arms. Lat-
terly he employed as amanuensis, William Wyrley, a
youth whom he had educated and who afterwards
published writings of his own. One of these, "The
True Use of Armorie", was claimed bv Erdeswieke as
his own work, but he told William Burton the anti-
quary, that he had given Wyrley leave to publish it
under his own name; but Antony a Wood denies this,
adding that "Erdeswieke being oftentimes crazed,
especially in his last day, and fit then for no kind of
serious business, would say anything which came into
his mind, as 'tis very well known at this day among
the chief of the College of Arms1' (Ath. Oxon., Bliss ed.,
II, 217-18). Erdeswieke married first Elizabeth Dix-
well, secondly Mary Digby (24 April, 1593). He died
in 1603, but the date usually given, 11 April, must be
erroneous, as his will is dated 15 May. He is buried in
Sandon Church, beneath an elaborate monument
representing his own recumbent figure. Camden and
other antiquaries praise his knowledge and industry,
and he is believed to have been elected a member of
the Society of Antiquaries founded by Archbishop
Parker in 1572.
Harwood, Erdeswieke* s Survey of Staffordshire (London,
1844), pp. 36-43; Wood, Athena Oxonienses, Bum ed. 1, 736-7;
II, 217-19: Historical MSS. Commission, Reports (1874), II,
V (1876), VI (1877), and VIII (1881); Gillow, BM. Diet. Eng.
Cath. (London. 1886), II, 174: Goodwin in Did. Nat. Biog.
(London, 1889), XVII: Birt, Erdeswieke Family. Some His-
torical Notes from the Margin* of a Manuscript in Dublin Re-
view, GXXIV (London. 1899).
Edwin Burton.
* *
Erdington Abbey, situated in a suburb of Birming-
ham, Warwickshire, England, belongs to the Benedic-
tine congregation of St. Martin of Beuron, Germany,
and is dedicated to St. Thomas of Canterbury. Driven
from Germany by the Falk laws, four of these exiled
monks went to Erdington at the request of Bishop
Ullathorne, O.S.B., and of the Rev. Daniel Haigh,
M.A., a convert Anglican clergyman who gave them
the splendid Gothic church which he had built and
embellished out of his own private fortune, as a thank-
offering to Almighty God for the gift of the true Faith.
Father Haigh's modest presbytery was the first mon-
astery, and here Dom Placid Walter, Arch-Abbot of
the Beuron Congregation, Dom Hildebrand de Hemp-
tine, later Abbot Primate of the Benedictine Order,
Dom Leo Linse, afterwards Abbot of Fort Augustus in
Scotland, Dom Leodgar Stacker, and a lay brother
took up their abode in October, 1876. Dom Placid
was the first prior. Two years later, Dora Hildebrand
succeeded Dom Placid, and at once set about building
a monastery that would accommodate a community
large enough to chant the Divine Office in choir. It
was finished in 1830, when the number of monks was
increased to eleven with three lay brothers.
Meanwhile Father Haigh had found his last resting-
place in the Blessed Sacrament chapel, so the unten-
anted presbytery was converted into a Catholic gram-
mar school, the first of its kind in the neighbourhood of
Birmingham, with Dom Wilfrid Wallace, an English
priest who had lately joined the community, as head
master. Dom Leo Linee became prior in 1882, and
was succeeded in 1886 by Dom Boniface Wolff, who
was followed, in turn, by Dom Silvester Schlecht in
1895. On the feast of the Assumption, 1896, the priory
was transformed into an abbey by a Brief of Leo
XIII, though three yeara elapBed before it received an
abbot. These were years of spiritual and material de-
velopment. A novitiate was opened and a school for
oblates, several members were added to the commu-
nity, and a large addition made to the monastic build-
ings. These comprised the abbot's apartments and
chapel, rooms for guests, entrance hall, parlours, novi-
tiate, and clericate. They were completed and blessed
in 1898. In July, 1899, Dom Ansgar H&ckelmann was
appointed its first abbot, and he was blessed in the
abbey church on 3 Sept., by Bishop Ilsley of Birming-
ham. Since then a spacious refectory and library
have been built, and the community continues to
grow.
Tht Church and Abbey of Erdinaton. A Hteord of Jiflu wart.
' 1); Baxteb, Erdinaion Abbes in
1902).
Peter Nugent.
Erhard of Ratisbon, Saint, bishop of that city in
the seventh century, probably identical with an Ab-
bot Erhard of Ebersheimmii aster mentioned in a
Merovingian diploma of 584. Ancient documents call
him also E rani and Herhard. The legendary account
of his life offers little that is historically certain. The
following, however, seems reliable. Erhard was born
in Ireland, then known as "Scotia". Like many of
his countrymen he went to the Continent as mission-
ary bishop or chorepiscopus, and coming to the Vosges
met there St. Hildulf, said to have been Archbishop of
Trier, and who lived there as a hermit (666-671). He
is called Erhard's brother, but very likely spiritual
relationship was meant. It is said that each of them
founded seven monasteries. Thence Erhard went to
to baptize St. Odilia, blind from her birth, but who re-
ceived her eyesight at her baptism. He sent a mes-
senger to her father, Duke Attich, and reconciled him
with his disowned daughter. According to another
account, St. Odilia was baptized by Hildulf, Erhard
acting as her sponsor. The year of his death is not
known. He was interred in the still-extant Erhard-
crypt at Niedermunster, and miracles were wrought
at his grave, that was guarded in the Middle Ages by
" Erhardinonnen", a religious community of women
who observed there a perpetual round of prayer.
Otto II, in 974, made donations of properties in the
Danube valley to the convent "where the holy con-
fessor Erhard rests". On 7 Oct., 1052, the remains of
the holy bishops Erhard and Wolfgang were raised by
Pope St. Leo IX in presence of Emperor Henry III and
many bishops, a ceremony which was at that time
equivalent to canonization. Ratisbon documents,
however, mention only the raising of Wolfgang, not
that of Erhard. At the close of the eleventh century,
Paul von Bemried, a monk of Pulda, at the suggestion
of Abbess Heilika of Niedermunster, wrote a life of
Erhard and added a second book containing a num-
ber of miracles. The learned canon of Ratisbon, Con-
rad of Megenberg (d. 1374}, furnished a new edition of
this work. The church in Niedermunster, now a par-
iah church, still preserves the crosier of the saint,
made of black buffalo- horn. A bone of his skull was
enclosed in a precious receptacle in 1866 and is placed
upon the heads of the faithful on his feast day, 8 Jan.
Three ancient Latin lives of the saint are found in
the Acta Sanctorum (8 Jan). The beautiful reliquary
Dienste der
_ _ iproduced in Jakob, '
Kirehe" (illust. 16).
GubTTNr.r.it, A'urM Ltbemondiichlt da hi. Msdwfa Erhardut
(Raliabon. 1678); SErr. Vila S. Hrodberti (1881). 59 »qq.;
Eric the Eed.
Discovery op.
Erie, Diocese of (Emensis), established 1853; it
embraces the thirteen counties of North-Western
Pennsylvania, U. S. A.: Erie, Crawford, Warren,
McKean, Potter, Mercer, Venango, Forest, Elk, Cam-
eron, Clarion, Jef-
erson, and Clear-
field, an area of
10,027 square
This territory
enjoys the distinc-
tion of having
been under three
different national
and ecclesiastical
governments: un-
der the French
flag and the See
of Quebec from
1753 to 1758; un-
der the English
flag and the Vicar-
iate Apostolic of
London from 1758
to the Treaty of
Paris, 3 Septem-
ber, 1783, and the
erection of the See
of Baltimore in 1789; under the American flag since
the Treaty of Paris and a part of the See of Baltimore
until the establishment of the Diocese of Philadelphia
in 1808. In August, 1843, when the Diocese of Pitts-
burg was formed, it included all that part of the State
of Pennsylvania west of a line running along the east-
ern border of Bedford, Huntingdon, Clearfield, Elk,
McKean, and Potter counties, and consequently, the
territory of the present Diocese of Erie.
In 1853 the Right Rev. Michael O'Connor, the first
Bishop of Pittsburg, petitioned the Holy See, through
the Fifth Provincial Council of Baltimore, for a di-
vision of his diocese, and took for himself the poorest
part, and thus became the first Bishop of the Diocese
of Erie. When Bishop O'Connor assumed the govern-
ment of the diocese, 29 July, 1853, there were only
twenty-eight churches with eleven secular priests and
three Benedictine Fathers to attend to the wants of
the Catholics scattered throughout the thirteen coun-
ties. At the urgent request and petition of the priests
and people of Pittsburg, Bishop O'Connor was restored
to them, having governed the Diocese of Erie for the
short period of seven months.
His successor at Erie was the Rev. Josue Moody
Young, a member of an old Puritan, New England
family, born 29 Oct., 1808, at Shapleigh, Maine. He
became a convert from Congregationalism and was
baptized in October, 1828, by the famous New Eng-
land missionary, Father Charles D.Ffrench.O.P., when
he then changed the Moody of his name to Maria. He
was ordained priest 1 April, 1838, and consecrated
second Bishop of Erie, in Cincinnati, by Archbishop
jstroasNA 5id ieiuokna
Purcell, on 23 April, 1854. The outlook at his acces- of the Humility of Mary had houses in the diocese,
sion was gloomy. Many of the priests who were affili- The Benedictines settled at St. Mary's, Elk county,
ated with Pittsburg before the division, returned there under Bishop O'Connor and in 1858 took charge of St.
with Bishop O'Connor. Among those who cast their Mary's, Erie. The Redemptorists in 1875 began their
lot with the new diocese the most noteworthy were the foundation, purchasing a Presbyterian college — at
Very Rev. John D. Coady, Revs. Anthony Reck, Northeast — which they made a seminary and college
Joseph Hartman, M. A. De La Roque, John Berbegier, for young men who intended to join their order. They
Andrew Skopez, Kieran O'Brannigan, and also Messrs. have 142 students.
John Koch and Thomas Lonnergan, at that time The Sisters of St. Joseph entered the diocese in 1860,
studying for the priesthood. There were but two and have charge of the orphan asylum, the home for
churches in Erie city, St. Patrick's, the pro-cathedral, the aged, the two hospitals, the Academy of Villa
and St. Mary's, built for a German congregation by Maria, the mother-house in the diocese, and of fifteen
Rev. Joseph Hartman. Outside the city there were parochial schools. The Sisters of Mercy, who entered
twenty-eight churches, with eleven secular priests and the diocese 24 September, 1870, besides the academy
three Benedictines for a Catholic population of 12,000. in Titusville, the mother-house, have charge of eight
The church buildings outside the city of Erie were parochial schools. The Sisters of St. Benedict (St.
.mostly wooden structures. There was only one Mary's, Perm.) (22 July, 1852) have St. Benedict's
Catholic school. The discovery of petroleum on Oil Academy, the mother-house at St. Mary's, and teach
Creek, 28 August, 1859, gave a great impetus to both seven schools. The (Erie) Sisters of St. Benedict, be~
secular and religious progress throughout the diocese, sides the academy and school of St. Mary's Church,
To accommodate the settlers that located in the teach five parochial schools, and also conduct an
valleys of Oil Creek and the Allegheny River, where academy in Sharon. The Fehcian Sisters teach St.
towns sprang up as by magic, churches were hastily Stanislaus' Polish school, in the city of Erie,
erected, but the number of priests was still inadequate. There are in the diocese 100 churches, with resident
As there were no railroads Bishop Young's labours priests, 46 missions with churches, and 11 ehapels:
were in the beginning very heavy. He died suddenly 160 priests — 135 secular, 25 regular; 45 parochial
18 September, 1866. At his death the Catholic popu- schools, 3 academies for young ladies, 1 orphan asylum
lation had more than doubled, and several new with 216 orphans, making a total of young people
churches and schools had sprung into existence. under the care of the Church, 10,385; two hospitals,
The vicar-general. Very Rev. John D. Coady, gov- and one home for the aged. The Catholic population
erned the diocese during the interregnum until the of the diocese is estimated at 121,108.
third bishop, the Rev. Tobias Mullen, was consecrated, Lambino, Hi»t.Cbth. ph. in Diocep of Pittsburg (New York.
2 August 1868. He was bom in the County T£one BJtSn^Hl&ftSL °«' ftl^U&TKS
Ireland, 4 March, 1818, and was ordained priest at 1894); Reuss, B%qq. Cydo. of Cath. Hierarchy of U. S. (Milwau-
kee, 1808).
Jambs J. Dunn.
Pittsburg, 1 Sept., 1844, having gone, there with
Bishop O'Connor from Maynooth the previous year
as a volunteer for the American mission. Under his
direction a new e.-a began, priests were ordained, new Eriugena, John Scotus, an Irish teacher, theo-
parishes sprang up, churches and schools were built, logian, philosopher, and poet, who lived in the ninth
regular conferences for the clergy were held. Religious century.
orders were introduced and new institutions arose for Name. — Eriugena 's contemporaries invariably refer
the maintenance and spread of religion, and for the to him as Joannes Scottus or Joannes Scottigena. In
enlightenment, and comfort, and shelter of suffering the MSS. of the tenth and subsequent centuries the
humanity. The frame churches gave place to brick forms Eriuqena, Ierugena, and Erigena occur. Of
and stone structures. The bishop himself was a tireless these, the oldest and most acceptable, philologically,
worker and infused his own spirit into his priests. A is Eriuqena, which, as it was pernaps sometimes writ-
Catholic weekly, the " Lake Shore Visitor1 ', was issued, ten Enygena, was. changed into Erigena. It means " a
edited mostly by the bishop himself, in the midst of native of Ireland". The form Ierugena is evidently an
labours that called him to every -part of his extensive attempt to connect the first part of the name with the
diocese. The Poles, the Slavs, the Hungarians, and the Greek word Upfc, and means "a native of the Island
Italians had churches and priests provided for them, of Saints"; the combination Joannes Scotus Erigena
the orphans a large new home, the sick were provided cannot be traced beyond the sixteenth century,
with two large hospitals, and finally his crowning Birthplace. — At one time the birthplace of Eriu-
work, St. Peter's Cathedral, was finished, clear of debt, gena was a matter of dispute. Eriuven in Wales and
and consecrated in 1893, the twenty-fifth anniversary Avre in Scotland claimed the honour, and each found
of his consecration. Irt the following year he celebrated advocates. Nowadays^ however, the claim of Ireland
the golden jubilee of his priesthood. His strong active to be considered the birthplace of John is universallv
mind and body began to fail and on 19 May, 1897, he admitted. All the evidence points that way, and leads
suffered a paralytic stroke and a coadjutor, the Rev. us to conclude that when his contemporaries taunt-
John E. Fitz Maurice, president of St. Charles's Semi- ingly referred to his having come to France from Ire-
nary, Overbrook, Philadelphia, was chosen by the Holy land they meant not only that he was educated in the
See and consecrated titular Bishop of Amisus with Isle of Saints but also that Ireland was his birthplace,
right of succession in Philadelphia, 24 February, 1898. Whatever doubt there may have been about the mean-
Bishop Mullen resigned, 10 August, 1899, and died, ing of Scotus, there can be none as to the signification
22 April, 1900. Bishop Fitz Maurice succeeded as of the surname Eriugena.
fourth bishop of the diocese, on 19 September, 1899, Life. — What is known of the life of Eriugena is very
and the good work inaugurated under the late bishop soon told. About 847 he appeared in France at the
went on quietly and steadily. He was born at New- court of Charles the Bald, was received with special
town-Sandes, County Kerry, Ireland, 9 Jan., 1840, favour by that prince, appointed head of the palace
and ordained priest in Philadelphia, 21 Dec., 1862. school, which seems to have had some' kind of per-
After officiating in several parishes he was appointed manent location at Paris, and was commissioned by
rector of the diocesan seminary in 1886. his royal patron to translate the works of Pseudo-
The religious orders in the diocese are the Bene- Dionysius into Latin. This translation brought him
dictines, the Redemptorists, the Brothers of Mary, into prominence in the world of letters and was the
the Benedictine Nuns, the Sisters of St. Joseph, the occasion of his entering into the theological controver-
Sisters of Mercy, and the Felician Sisters. At one sies of the day, especially into those concerning pre-
time the Franciscans, the Bridgettines, and the Sisters destination and the Eucharist. His knowledge of
ianrdsNl
520
ERIUOXNA
Greek is evident from his translations, and is also
proved by the poems which he wrote. It is doubtful,
on the other hand, whether he possessed the knowledge
of Hebrew and other Oriental languages which is
sometimes ascribed to him. In any case there is no
evidence of his having travelled extensively in Greece
and Asia Minor. After leaving Ireland he spent the
rest of his days in France, probably at Paris and Laon.
There was, as we know from the MSS., an important
colony of Irish scholars at the latter place. The tradi-
tion that after the death of Charles the Bald he went
to England at the invitation of Alfred the Great, that
he taught a school at Malmesbury, and was there put
to death by his pupils, has no support in contemporary
documents and may well have arisen from some con-
fusion of names on the part of later historians. It is
probable that he died in France, but the date is un-
known. From the evidence available it is impossible
to determine whether he was a cleric or a layman,
although it is difficult to deny that the general condi-
tions of the time make it more than probable that he
was a cleric and perhaps a monk.
Writings. — 1. Translations of the works of Pseudo-
Dionysius: "De Ccelesti Hierarchia"; "De Ecclesias-
tica Hierarchia " "De Divinis Nominibus " ; " De Mys-
tica Theologft''; "Epistoke"; translations of the
"Ambigua" of St. Maximus. — 2. Commentaries:
"Homilia in prologum S. Evangelii sec. Joannem",
and a commentary on the Gospel of St. John, of which
a few fragments only have come down to us; commen-
taries on the ''Celestial Hierarchy •" and the "Eccle-
siastical Hierarchy" of Pseudo-Dionysius; glosses on
the work of Martianus Capella (still in MS.), and on
the theological opuscula of Boethius (Rand ed., Mu-
nich, 1906T with which is connected a brief " Life" of
Boethius (Pieper ed., "Consolatio Philos.", Leipzig,
1871). — 3. Theological works: "Liber de Prsedestina-
tione", and very probably a work on the Eucharist,
though it is certain that the tract " De Corpora et San-
guine Domini", at one time believed to be Eriugena's,
is the work of Paschasius Radbertus.— 4. Philosophical
works: "De Divisione Naturae", his principal work,
and a treatise, " De Egressu et Regressu Anims ad
Deum ", of which we possess only a few fragments.— 5.
Poems: These are written partly in Latin and partly
in Greek. Many of them are dedicated to Charles the
Bald. The most complete edition of Eriugena's works
is that of Dr. Floss, which is printed as vol. CXXII
of Migne's P. L. A new edition embodying the
results of recent discoveries of manuscripts is often
spoken of, and will doubtless be forthcoming before
long.
Doctrines. — Although the errors into which Eriu-
gena fell both in theology and in philosophy were
many and serious, there can be no doubt that he him-
self abhorred heresy, was disposed to treat the heretic
with no small degree of harshness (as is evident from
his strictures on Gotteschalk), and all through his life
believed himself an unswervingly loyal son of the
Church. Taking for granted the authenticity of the
works ascribed to Dionysius the Areopagite, he con-
sidered that the doctrines he discovered in them were
not only philosophically true, but also theologically
acceptable, since they carried with them the authority
of the distinguished Athenian convert of St. Paul. He
did not for a moment suspect that in those writings he
had to deal with a loosely articulated system of
thought in which Christian teachings were mingled
with the tenets of a subtle but profoundly anti-Chris-
tian pantheism. To this remark should be added
another in order that we may fully understand
Eriugena's attitude towards orthodoxy. He was
accused by his contemporaries of leaning too much
towards the Greeks. And, in fact, the Greek Fathers
were his favourite authors, especially Gregory the
Theologian, and Basil the Great. Of the Latins he
prised Augustine most highly. The influence of these
on the temperament of the venturesome Celt was to-
wards freedom and not towards restraint in theological
speculation. This freedom he reconciled with his
resnect for the teaching authority of the Church as he
understood it. However, in the actual exercise of the
freedom of speculation which he allowed himself, he
fell into many errors which are incompatible with
orthodox Christianity.
The "De Prcddestinabionc" seems to have been writ-
ten after the translation of the works of Pseudo-Dio-
nysius. Nevertheless there is in it only one allusion to
the authority of the Greek Fathers and very little of
the obtrusion of Greek words and phrases which so
abound in the later works. It deals with the problem
raised by Gotteschalk regarding the doctrine of
predestination, and, more specifically, undertakes to
prove that predestination is single, not double — in
other words, that there is no predestination to sin and
punishment but only to grace and eternal happiness.
The authority of Augustine is used very extensively.
In the philosophical setting of the problem, however —
namely, the discussion of the true nature of evil —
Eriugena appears to go back farther than St. Augus-
tine and to nold the radical neo-Platonic view that
evil is non-existent. He is thus compelled to go even
farther than St. Augustine in rejecting the doctrine of
a double predestination. That he exceeded the bounds
of orthodoxy is the contention of Prudentius of Troyes
and Floras of Lyons who answered the " Liber de Pne-
destinatione" in works full of bitter personal attacks
on Eriugena. Their views prevailed in the Councils of
Valencia (855) and Langres (859), in which Eriugena's
doctrine was condemned.
While the "De Carport et Sanguine Domini" is not
Eriugena's, though ascribed to him, there can be no
doubt that in some work, now lost, on that subject he
maintained doctrines at variance with the Catholic
doctrine of Transubstantiation. From the fragment
which has come down to us of his commentary on St.
John we infer that he held the Eucharist to be merely
a type or figure. At least he insists on the spiritual, to
the exclusion, apparently, of the physical,, "eating of
the Flesh of the Son of Man".
In the "De Divisione Naturm", his most important
and systematic work, Eriugena treats in the form of a
dialogue the principal problems of philosophy and
theology. The meaning of the title is evident from the
opening sentences in which he outlines the plan of the
work. "Nature", he says, "is divided into four spe-
cies": (1) "Nature which creates and is not created —
this is God, the Source and Principle of all things; (2)
"Nature which is created and creates" — this is the
world of primordial causes or (Platonic) ideas; (3)
"Nature which is created and does not create" — this
is the world of phenomena, the world of contingent,
sense-perceived things; (4) "Nature which neither
creates nor is created — this is God, the Term to which
all things are returning.
(1) "Nature", then, is synonymous with reality,
and also with God. For, whatever reality the world
of ideas and the world of phenomena possess, is. in the
truest and most literal sense, the reality of God Himself.
"The being of all things is the over-being of God"
(esse omnium est superesse DivinitaUs) is a saying which
he never tires of quoting from the works of Pseudo-
Dionysius. So supremely perfect is the essence of the
Divinity that God is incomprehensible not only to us but
also to Himself. For if He knew Himself in any ade-
quate sense lie should place Himself in some category
of thought, which would be to limit Himself. God is
above all categories. When, therefore, we speak about
Him we are safer in using the negative (d*-o0arun$)
than the positive (<coro0arunj) mode of predication.
That is, we are safer in predicating what He is not
than in venturing to predicate what He is. If we have
recourse to positive predication, we must use the prefix
hyper and say God is hypereubetantia, i. e. more-than-
ERIUGKNA.
521
1RIUGENA
substance, etc. Similarly, when we say that God is the
"Creator" of all things we should understand that
predicate in a sense altogether distinct from the mean-
ing which we attach to the predicate "maker" or
"producer" when applied to finite agents or causes.
Tne "creation" of the world is in reality a theophania,
or showing forth of the Essence of God in the things
created. Just as He reveals Himself to the mind and
the soul in higher intellectual and spiritual truth, so
He reveals Himself to the senses in the created world
around us. Creation is, therefore, a process of unfold-
ing of the Divine Nature, and if we retain the word
Creator in the sense of "one who makes things out
of nothing", we must understand that God "makes"
the world out of His own Essence, which, because of
its incomprehensibility, may be said to be "nothing".
(2) Nature in the second sense, "Nature which cre-
ates and is created ", is the world of primordial causes,
or ideas, which the Father "created" in the Son, ana
which in turn " create", that is determine the generic
and specific natures of concrete visible things. These,
says Eriugena, were called " prototypes", toia feX^jiara,
and "ideas", by the Greeks. Their function is
that of exemplar and efficient causes. For since they
are, though created, identical with God, and since
their loots <is the Word of God, the Second Person of
the Blessed Trinity, they are operative causes and not
merely static types. They are coeternal with the
Word of God. From this, however, it is not necessary
to infer, as some critics have done, that according to
Eriugena the primordial causes are identical with the
Word. As examples of primordial causes Eriugena
enumerates goodness, wisdom, intuition (insight),
understanding, virtue, greatness, power, etc. These
are united inuod, partly separate or scattered hi the
Word, and fully separate or scattered in the world of
Shenomena. For there is underlying all Eriugena's
octrine of the origin of things the image to which
he often referred, namely, that of a circle, the radii of
which are united at the centre. The centre is God, the
radii at a point near the centre are the primordial
causesjthe radii at the circumference are phenomena.
(3) These phenomena are "Nature" m the third
sense, "which is created and does not create".' The
stream of reality, setting out from the centre, God,
passing through the ideas in the Word, passes next
through all the genera suprema, media, and infima of
logic, then enters the region of number and the realm
of space and time, where the ideas become subject to
multiplicity, change, imperfection, and decay. In this
last stage they are no longer pure ideas but only the
appearances of reality, that is phenomena. In the
region of number the ideas become angels, pure incor-
poreal spirits. In the realm of space and time the
ideas take on the burden of matter, which is the source
of suffering, sickness, and sin. The material world,
therefore, of our experience is composed of ideas
clothed in matter — here Eriugena attempts^ reconcil-
iation of Platonism with Aristotelean notions. Man,
too, is composed of idea and matter, soul and body.
He is the culmination of the process of things from
God, and with him, as we shall see, begins the process
of return of all things to God. He is the image of the
Trinity in so far as he unites in one soul being, wis-
dom, and love. In the state of innocence in which he
was created, he was perfect in body as well as in soul,
independent of bodily needs, and without differentia-
tion of sex. The dependence of man's mind on the
body and the subjection of the body to the world of
sense, as well as the distinction of male and female in
the human kind, are all the results of original sin.
This downward tendency of the soul towards the con-
ditions of animal existence has only one remedy,
Divine grace. By means of this heavenly gift man is
enabled to rise superior to the needs of the sensuous
body, to place the demands of reason above those of
bodily appetite, and from reason to ascend through
contemplation to ideas, and thence by intuition to
God Himself. JThe three faculties here alluded to as
reason, contemplation, and intuition are designated by
Eriugena as internal sense (ftcrfvoca), ratiocination
(XAyos), and intellect (*>0*). These are the three de-
grees of mental perfection which man must attain if
he is to free himself from the bondage into which he
was cast by sin, and attain that union with God in
which salvation consists.
(4) Not only man, however, but everything else in
nature is destined to return to God. This universal
resurrection of nature is the subject of the last portion
of Eriugena's work, in which he treats of "Nature
which neither creates nor is created". This is God,
the final Term, or Goal, of all existence. When Christ
became man, He took on Himself body, soul, senses,
and intellect, and when, ascending into Heaven, He
took these with Him, not only the soul of man but his
senses, his body, the animal and the vegetative na-
tures, and even the elements were redeemed, and the
final return of all things to God was begun. Now, as
Heraclitus taught, the upward and the downward
ways are the same. The return to God proceeds in
the inverse order through all the steps which marked
the downward course, or process of things from God.
The elements become lignt, light becomes life, life
becomes sense, sense becomes reason, reason becomes
intellect, intellect becomes ideas in Christ, the Word
of God, and through Christ returns to the oneness of
God from which all the processes of nature began.
This "incorporation" in Christ takes place by means
of Divine grace in the Church, of which Christ is the
invisible head. The doctrine of the final return of all
things to God shows very clearly the influence of Ori-
gen. In general, the system of thought just outlined
is a combination of neo-Platonic mysticism, emanation-
ism, and pantheism which Eriugena strove in vain to
reconcile with Aristotelean empiricism, Christian cre-
ationism, and theism. The result is a body of doc-
trines loosely articulated, in which the mystic and
idealistic elements predominate, and in which there is
much that is irreconcilable with Catholic dogma.
Influence. — Eriugena's influence on the theologi-
cal thought of his own and immediately subsequent
generations was doubtless checked by the condemna-
tions to which his doctrines of predestination and of
the Eucharist were subjected in the Councils of Val-
encia (855), Langres (859), and Vercelli (1050). The
general trend of his thought, so far as it Was discerni-
le at the timeof his translations of Pseudo-Dionysius.
was referred to with suspicion in a letter addressed
by Pope Nicholas I to Charles the Bald in 850. It was
not, however, until the beginning of the thirteenth
century that the pantheism of the "De Divisions
Natura" was formally condemned. The Council
of Paris (1225) coupled the condemnation of Eriu-
gena's work with the previous condemnations (1210)
of the doctrines of Amalric of Chartres and David of
Dinant, and there can be no doubt that the pantheists
of that time were using Eriugena's treatise. While
the great Scholastic teachers, Abelard, Alexander of
Hales, St. Bonaventure, St. Thomas, and Albert the
Great knew nothing, apparently, of Eriugena and his
pantheism, certain groups of mystical theologians,
even as early as the thirteenth century, were inter-
ested in his work and drew their doctrines from it.
The Albigenses, too, sought inspiration from him.
Later, the Mystics, especially Meister Eckhart, were
influenced by him. And in recent times the great
transcendental idealists, especially the Germans, rec-
ognize in him a kindred spirit and speak of him in the
highest terms.
Mione, P. L., CXXII; Rand, Johannes Scotus (Munich,
1906); Gardner, Studies in John the Scot (London, 1900);
Pools, Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought (London,
1884), 63 aq.. 311 sqj Townsend, The Great Sdboolmen (Lon-
don, 1881), 35 sq.; Staudenmaier, Johannes Scotus Eripena
(Frankfort, 1834); Christueb, Leben und Lehre dee J. a. B.
EBLAU
522
ERMLAND
(Gotha, 1860); Huber, Johannes Scotus Erigena (Munich,
1861); Db&ske, Johannes Scotus Erigena. etc. (Leiprig, 1002);
Schmitt, Zwei noeh unbenutzte Handschriftendes J. 3. B. (Bam-
berg, 1900): Noack, Johannes Scotus Erigena (Leipaig, 1876);
Saint-Rknb Taillandier, Scot Erigene et la vhil. scot. (Stras-
burg, 1843); Jacquin, Le neo-platonisme ds Jean Scot in Rev.
des sciences phil. et tMcl.t Oct. 1007; Turner, Hist, of Phil.
(Boston, 1903), 246 sqq.
. William Turner.
Srlau. See Agria.
Ermland, of Ermeland (Varmiensis, Warmia), a
district of East Prussia and an exempt bishopric. St.
Adalbert of Prague (d. 997) and St. Bruno of Querfurt
(d. 1009) converted the early inhabitants of this re-
gion, the heathen Prussians, to Christianity and two
centuries later Teutonic Knights and members of the
Cistercian Order introduced civilization also into the
land. Among these latter was the saintly Bishop
Christian of Oliva (d. 1245). In 1243 the territorial
possessions of the Teutonic Knights were divided into
the Dioceses of Culm, Pomesanien, Ermland, and Sam-
land. Albert Suerber, who came from Cologne, and
who had been Archbishop of Armagh, Ireland, was
appointed Archbishop of Prussia. In 1251 he took
Riga for his see, a choice which was confirmed bv
Alexander IV, who in 1255 made Riga the metropoli-
tan of the four dioceses just mentioned. A priest of
the Order of Teutontic Knights, Heinrich of Strateich,
was selected as the first Bishop of Ermland, but he
was not able to enter upon his office. It was not until
28 August, 1251, that the first actual Bishop of Erm-
land, Anselm of Meissen, who was also a priest belong-
ing to the Order of Teutonic Knights, was consecrated
at Valenciennes bv the papal legate Pietro of Albano.
The diocese included the whole of the old Prussian dis-
tricts of Warmien, Natangen, Barten, and Galindien,
the northern half of Pomesanien and the southern
halves of Nadrauen and Sudauen. The bishop was
given one-third of this territory as personal property
for his support, and in this district he was the secular
ruler and a prince of the Holy Roman Empire; these
rights of the bishop were confirmed in the Golden Bull
of the Emperor Charles IV. In 1260 Bishop Anselm
founded a chapter of sixteen canons attached to the
cathedral of St. Andreas at Braunsberg and trans-
ferred to the chapter the right of electing the bishop.
But Braunsberg was ravaged by the heathen Prussians
in 1262, and the second bishop, Heinrich I (1278-1300),
was obliged in 1280 to transfer the chapter to Frauen-
burg where it has remained ever since.
From the thirteenth century to the fifteenth the
history of Ermland was one of constant wars. Re-
peated rebellions of the native Prussians, incursions of
the Lithuanians, and frequent wars with Poland, in
which the bishop was always the faithful ally of the
Teutonic Order, checked the development of Chris-
tianity and the cultivation of the soil. To these dis-
orders were added the constant encroachments and
violence of the Teutonic Knights who sought to bring
Ermland, like the other Prussian dioceses, under the
dominion of the order. Ermland, however, defended
its rights with great determination against such ef-
forts, and would not allow the order to influence in any
way the election of the bishops and the chapter. Yet
in everything else the bishops held faithfully to the
order, even when its star began to decline, and the
whole territory ruled by the Knights revolted in the
so-called War of the Cities (1454-66). It was in this
period that the celebrated Cardinal Enea Silvio def
Piccolomini (iEneas Silvius) was elected (1457)
Bishop of Ermland ; in the following year, however, he
ascended the papal throne as Pius II. The Peace of
Thorn (1466) removed the diocese from the protector-
ate of the Teutonic Knights and placed it under the
sovereignty of the King of Poland. This transfer
caused the discord to break out afresh, for the King of
Poland claimed for himself in Ermland the same
right he exercised in the rest of his kingdom, that of
naming the bishop. Bishop Nikolaus of Tuneen
(1467-89) and especially the determined Lukas Wat-
zelrode (1489-1512) energetically opposed these un-
just claims and guarded the right of a free election of
the bishop. In 1512 the latter bishop obtained from
Pope Julius II the release of his diocese from its suf-
fragan connexion, always a loose one, with the metro-
politan See of Riga. When this relationship was dis-
solved Ermland was declared an exempt bishopric and
has remained such ever since. Bishop Watzelrode
was equally successful in regulating the internal af-
fairs ot his diocese. On 20 February, 1497, he held a
diocesan synod at Heilsberg, where the bishops resided
until 1800; in 1503 he made new laws for his domain,
reorganized the cathedral school at Frauenburg, se-
lecting for it excellent teachers, among whom was his
celebrated nephew Copernicus, published the Breviary
(Nuremberg, 1494) and the Missal (Strasburg, 1497),
etc. 'His weak successor Fabian of Lozainen (1512-
23), however, in the Treaty of Piotrkow (7 December,
1512), conceded to the King of Poland a limited influ-
ence in the election of bishops. Existing conditions
were, however, entirely changed by the defection to
Protestantism of Albrecht of Brandenburg, Grand
Master of the Teutonic Knights, and the two bishops
of the order who ruled Samland and Pomesanien, and
the secularization of the dominion of the order by the
Peace of Cracow (1525). Two-thirds of the former
220 parishes of Ermland went to the two apostate
bishops. In these troubled times excellent episcopal
rulers saved the diocese from complete defection;
among these bishops was the energetic Moriz Ferber
(1523-37). who by the ordinances issued in 1526 re-
stored order to his desolated territory; another such
bishop was Joannes Dantiscus (1537-48), a noted
poet and diplomat, who conscientiously fulfilled his
duties as bishop and raised the intellectual life of his
clergy (concerning Dantiscus cf. Czaplicki, De vita et
carminibus J. de Curiis Dantisci, Breslau, 1855; Geist-
liche Gedichte des Dantiscus Ubersetzt und heraus-
gegeben von Franz Hipler, Munster, 1857).
But the bishops who deserve the greatest praise for
holding the diocese to the Catholic Faith when threat-
ened by the surrounding Protestantism were Stanis-
laus Hosius (1551-79), later a cardinal, who was distin-
guished for learning and virtue, and Martin Kromer
(1579-89), a noted historian. Among the means suc-
cessfully used for the maintenance of the Faith were
the assembling of various diocesan synods, of which
the most important was the one held by Hosius in
1565 for the purpose of carrying out the decisions of
the Council ot Trent; yearly visitations, and above all
the founding of the Jesuit College at Braunsberg in
1565 [cf . Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Landern
deutscher Zunge (Freiburg im Br., 1907), I, 179 sqq..
307 sqq.]. In addition to these the Congregation of
St. Catherine (Katharinerinnen)j founded at Brauns-
berg in 1571 by Regina Prothmann, did effective work
in the instruction and training of girls; since the an-
nulment of the right of teaching at the time of the
Kulturkamjyf the congregation has devoted itself
almost entirely to the nursing of the sick. In the
seventeenth century (1626-30, 1655-56), and at the
beginning of the eighteenth century (1703-09), the
diocese was repeatedly ravaged by the Swedes, who
forcibly suppressed the Catholic Church services and
carried away its literary and artistic treasures. At
the time of the First Partition of Poland (1772) the
whole of Ermland fell to the share of the Kingdom of
Prussia. In the Treaty of Warsaw (18 September,
1773), King Friedrich II, it is true, guaranteed the
status ouo and the free exercise of religion for the Cath-
olics of the annexed provinces, nevertheless all schools
and institutions for education and training under re-
ligious control were gradually suppressed, and the
landed property of the Church secularized.
The Bull "De salute ammanim", of 16 July, 182ft
EBNAN
523
EBNAN
readjusted ecclesiastical relations for Ermland as well
as for the whole of Prussia. The Diocese of Ermland
now received not only the territory which had been
forcibly taken from it at the time of the Reformation,
but there were incorporated in it as well the whole of
the former Diocese of Samland, five deaneries of the
former Diocese of Pomesanien, and, in 1854, the coun-
try surrounding Marienwerder. Among the more
important Bishops of Ermland during the nineteenth
century were: Philippus Krementz (1867-85), later
cardinal and Archbishop of Cologne, and the successor
of Bishop Krementz, Andreas Thiel (1885-1908); after
the death of the latter (17 July, 1908), Professor Au-
gust Bludau of Monster, a native of Ermland, was
elected bishop of the diocese (26 Nov., 1908).
Statistics. — The Diocese of Ermland includes the
whole province of East Prussia, which is composed of
the government districts of Allenstein, Konigsberg,
and Gumbinnen, but those parts are excepted of the
circles (subdivisions of a district) of Neidenbur^ and
Osterode that belong to the Diocese of Culm; in the
province of West Prussia Ermland includes the urban
and rural circles of Elbing and the circle of Marienburg,
all of which are in the government district of Danzig;
also the whole circle of Stuhm and a part of the circle
of Marienwerder in the government district of Marien-
werder belong to the diocese. It is also divided into
the following sixteen deaneries, each of which is under
the direction of an archpriest: Allenstein, Brauns-
berg, Elbing, Guttstadt, Heilsberg, Littauen, Marien-
burg, Masuren, Mehlsack, Neuteicn, Rossel, Samland,
Seeburg, Stuhm, Wartenburg, Wormditt. In 1908
there were 141 parishes; 37 curacies and vicariates;
67 chaplaincies; 335 diocesan priests viz.: 171 parish
priests and curates, 98 assistants, chaplains, and hold-
ers of benefices, 66 priests in other positions. Reli-
gious— Sisters of St. Catherine, 4 mother-houses
(Braunsberg, Heilsberg, Rossel, Wormditt), 82 branch
houses, and 364 religious; Grey Sisters (Sisters of St.
Elizabeth), 4 houses .and 69 religious; Sisters of St.
Vincent de Paul, 2 houses, 17 religious. The Catholic
higher schools of learning are, the Royal Lyceum
Hosianum with philosophical and theological facul-
ties, opened in 1818; at the close of 1908 the lyceum
had 9 regular professors, 1 adjunct professor, 1 Privat-
dozent (instructor), 39 students; the seminary for
priests at Braunsberg, reorganized in 1832; the gym-
nasium at Braunsberg, reopened in 181 1 ; the progym-
hasium (studies not carried so far as in a gymnasium)
at Rossel, founded in 1833, and the episcopal seini-
naries for boys at Braunsberg and Rdssel, which are
carried on in connexion with the last two institutions.
The cathedral chapter is established at Frauenburg in
the circle (subdistrict) of Braunsberg; since 1800 this
city has also been the see of the bishop. The chapter
consists of 8 canons, including the two dignitaries, a
cathedral provost and a cathedral dean, 4 honorary
canons, 5 cathedral vicars. Pope Benedict XIV
granted the pallium and the crux gestatoria to the
bishops. In 1901 Dr. Eduard Herrmann, a canon of
the cathedral, was appointed auxiliary bishop and
titular of the See of Cybistra. The Catholics number
327,567 in a total population of about 2,000,000.
The most important building of the diocese is the
Cathedral of the Assumption at Frauenburg. It is a
splendid Gothic structure built of brick and begun by
Bishop Heinrich II (1329-34) ; the choir was conse-
crated in 1342 and the nave, commenced in 1355, was
completed in 1388 when the fine vestibule was finished.
The best-known and most visited place of pilgrimage
in the diocese is Heiligelinde.
Tutbbus, De epiaeopalu et epiacopi* ecdeaim Varmienai*
(Cracow, 1637); Tylkowski, Arcs grotitudinia: Elogia cpi*-
coporum Varmteneiwn (Braunsberg, 1653); Wtdzga, Series
epiacoporum Varmiensium (Oliva, 16J1); Beckmann, De prima
opiecopo Varmia commentatio (Braunsberg. 1854); Hist. Soc.
or Ermland, Monumenta histories Warmienaia oder Qnellen-
aammlung zur Geachickte Erm.la.nd9 (Mains and Braunsberg,
1858-J9Q6); Hiplbr. Literaturgeachichle dea Bielhwna Erm}an4
(Braunsberg and Leijpsig, 1873); Dittrich, Die mittdalterlicha
Kunst im Ordenaland Preuaaen (Cologne, 1887): BrCntno, Std-
lung den Biatuma Ermland turn deulechen Orden im lSjahrigen
Stadlekriege in AUpreuaaiache Monatsschrift (Kdnigsberg, 1802),
XXIX: (Konigflberg. 1895), XXXII; BdTTiCHXR, Bau- und
Kunttamkmdler der Proving Oatpreueaen (Kdnigsberg, 1894), Pt.
IV: Das Ermland; Buchholz, Abries einer Geachickte Ermland*
(Braunsberg, 1903).
Gregor Reinhold.
Enian, name of four Irish saints. OUanlon enum-
erates twenty-five saints bearing the name Ernan, Er-
nain, or Ernin; it is, therefore, not surprising that
their Acts have become confused.
(1) St. Ernan, Son of Eogan, d. about 640. He is
mentioned in the Martyrology of Tallagh on 1 January.
He was a nephew of St. Columba, Feilira or Feidh-
limidh (St. Columba's father) being his paternal '
grandfather. Owing to . this relationship, some
writers have mistaken our saint for Ernan of Hinba,
an uncle of St. Columba. His monastery in Ireland
was at Druim-Tomma in the district of Drumhome,
County Donegal. Adamnan relates the wonderful
vision he had on the night St. Columba died (Vit. S.
Col., Ill, 23). Ernan, with some companions, was
fishing in the River Finn, in Donegal. Suddenly at
midnight he beheld the whole sky brightly illumi-
nated. Looking towards the east he perceived an im-
mense pillar of fire shining as the sun at noonday.
This marvellous light then passed into the heavens,
and a great darkness followed, as after the setting of
the sun. This wonderful occurrence was related to
Adamnan by Ernan himself, who at the time is de-
scribed as " a very old man, a servant of Christ, whose
name may be rendered Ferreolus, but in Irish Ernene
(of the clan Mocufirroide), who, himself also a holy
monk, is buried in the Ridge of Tomma (Drumhome)
among the remains of other monks of St. Columba,
awaiting the resurrection of the saints ". Some
writers style this St. Ernan, Abbot of Druim Tomma.
It is uncertain whether he visited Scotland, never-
theless he is regarded as patron saint of Killernan, in
Ross-shire; and it may be that the dedications of
Kilviceuen (church of the son of Eogan) in Mull, and
of Kilearnadale in Jura, Argyleshire, are in his hon-
our. In the "Scottish KaJendars", collected by
Bishop Forbes, his name appears as Ethernanus, and
his commemoration is assigned to 21 and 22 Decem-
ber (pp. 170, 222, 243).
Colqan, Ada 88. Htb., 1 Jan.! Forbks, Kalendara of ScoUiah
Sointa; O'Hanlon, Live* of the Iriah Saint* (Dublin, 18.75). I.
21 ; Adamnan, ed. Reeves, Life of St. Columba, III. 23 ; Gam-
mack in Diet. Chriat. Biog., b. v.
(2) St. Ernan, Abbot of Hinba, lived in the sixth
century. He was uncle of St. Columba, and one of the
twelve who accompanied him from Ireland to Iona.
He was brother of Ethnea, St. Columba's mother, and
son of Dima, the son of Noe of the race of Cathaeir
Ivor (Reeves, notes, p. 263). St. Columba appointed
him superior of the community which he himself had
established on the island of Hinba. The identity of
Hinba has not been established with certainty. It
may be Canna, about four miles N. W. of Rum (ibid.,
p. 264) ; but more likely it is Eilean-na-Naoimh, one
of the Gaveloch Isles, between Scarba and Mull (Fow-
ler's Adamnan, p. 87). Hinba was a favourite place of
resort for St. Columba. There he was visited by St.
Comgall, St. Cannich, St. Brendan, and St. Cormac.
At the request of these holy men, St. Columba cele-
brated Mass, during which St. Brendan beheld a lumi-
nous globe of fire above St. Columba's head. It con-
tinued burning and rising up like a column of flame,
till the Holy Mysteries had been completed (Adamnan,
III, xvii). On another occasion, while visiting St. Er-
nan *s monastery in Hinba, St. Columba was favoured
with heavenly visions and revelations which lasted
three days and nights (Adamnan, III, xviii) . The death
of St. Ernan was tragic. Being seized with an illness,
he desired to be carried to Iona. St. Columba, greatly
BRNXH 524 ERRINGTON
rejoiced at his coming, started to meet him. Ernan lessly in various writings against his opponents the
likewise hastened, but when he was twenty-four paces course he had taken, ifis character as a prince is best
from his nephew he fell to the earth and died. Thus described by himself in " Pourtraict ou description de
was the prophecy of St. Columba fulfilled, that he la vie du Prince Ernest" (1669).
would never again see Ernan alive (Adamnan, I, xlv). Kobnnbcxb in AUgem. deut. Biogr., IV, 284; Husteb, No-
(3) St. Ernan of Cluvain-Deoghra in Meath (or SfJ^JT^ i Usa °f thm ™**°™*al literature is given by
in County Word), sixth or seventh century. He is Strbbeb m Ktrchenlex' * v« Joseph Schroeder.
commemorated on 11 January in the Martyrology of
Tallagh. When St. Fechin visited St. Ernan at Clu- Ernulf , architect, b. at Beauvais, France, in 1040;
vain-Deoghra the grinding noise of the mill outside the d- 1 1-24. He studied under Lanf ranc at the monastery
guest-house gave Trim much' annoyance. St. Fechin °f Bee, entered the Benedictine Order, and lived long
blessed the mill, and it is said that in consequence BS a brother in the monastery of St-Lucien, Beauvais.
thereof the noise ceased to be heard in the guest-house At the suggestion of Lanf ranc he went to England,
for the future. sometime after 1070, and joined the monks of Christ
O'Hanlon. Live* of the Irish SainU, L 174; Co loan, Acta Church, Canterbury. He was made prior by Arch-
SS.Hib.. 138. bishop Anselm, and in 1107 Abbot of Peterborough;
(4) St. Ernan op Torach, d. 17 August, about feJi" £l^. Jfttrf S£^L SZtS?'
650. He was son of Colman of the race of TWn, son J^J \{^*h& *£? S"*6"?
of Niall, and is numbered by some among the Ssciples J£*°f ±h?Jh™* Z^ifi^^JZL bl»£. *?d
of St. Columba. The latter saint foundecTa church and 55^? tJ fZZ^^^.,r [^!> P-!?*"
monastery on the island of Torach or Tory, off the N. Sl^^L ^^nSSt 42SL % Sh ~i
W. coast of Donegal. It is uncertain whether St- fi^SfV "J" ** TnmtZ Tow®r- Jhe chancel was
Ernan actually accompanied St. Columba thither (the JSSS uL^^^i;^^!, ^ &FL* ^
chronology would seemto preclude it), but he was ^TXW^M
chosen tSU its abbot, and i/after year^V regarded ZL^H^^
u%3 ou, no muni uovo vixsu. t» jjckrju ui Buiiic uupuruuiue. << gnicileff " ITI 404 son
The Whole question of thejeparate identity of the last ^J^tI* AUuVetuM' History of Canterbury Cathedral
three Ernans, as discussed by Colgan, Lanigan, and (London. 1854); Wright. Biographia Britannica Literaria
O'Hanlon, is exceedingly complex and obscure. (London, 1856): MS. Cotton. Vcepae, B. Ill, Bibl. Bodl., MS.
CHanlon, Live* of the Irish SainU (Dublin, 1875), I, 174; V&f&Pb lftu^ff\ ST Malmbsburt, De Geet. Pontif., 234;
VIII 230. Hui* lu' <** France, Vol. X; R. L. Pools in Diet. Nat. Biog., s. v.;
Columba Edmonds, fh^Z'wfilJ?"21 En^and ^London* 1904>: Cox» Canterbury
Ernin, Saint. See Mernoc. Thomas H. Poole.
Ernst of Hesse-Rheinfels, landgrave, b. 9 Dec., Errington, William, priest, founder of Sedgley Park
1623, at Cassel; d. 12 May, 1693, at Cologne. He was School, b. 17 July, 1716 ; d. 28 September, 1768. He was
the sixth son of Moritz, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, son of Mark Errington of Wiltshire, a descendant of the
after whose resignation of the government in 1627 to Erringtons of Waiwick Grange, Northumberland ; his
his son Wilhelm V, Ernst and his brother Hermann mother's maiden name was Martha Baker. In 1737 he
respectively founded the collateral lines of Hesse- went to Douai, took the mission oath 28 December,
Rheinfels and Hesse-Rotenburg. He figures promi- 1741, and was ordained a priest in December, 1747.
nently in the religious history of his country on account If he acted as professor at Douai after his ordination,
of the controversial literature called forth by his con- as is generally stated, it could only have been for a
version to the Catholic Faith. Under the strict dis- very snort time, as he left there for England, 26 March,
cipline of his mother his instruction in the principles of 1748 (manuscript list of Douai clergy in the West-
the Reformed Church received the utmost attention, minster archives). On arrival in London he took up
After considerable travel he chose, in 1641, the mili- his residence with Bishop Challoner, then coadjutor to
tary career. In 1642 he entered the Hessian army, Bishop Petre. Kirk states that Dr. Challoner "had a
proving himself an able commander of the Hessian high opinion of Mr. Errington, both as an active and
troops who fought on the side of Sweden during the zealous missionary and as a man of business". It was
Thirty Years1 War. While visiting the Hessian Gen- on account of these qualities that when the bishop
eral Geyso, who was in prison at Gesecke, he was him- wished to found a good middle-class school in England
self arrested and taken prisoner to Paderborn. His he induced Errington to undertake the work. It was a
social intercourse here with the royal army chaplain most difficult undertaking, and Errington made three
laid the foundation of his conversion. After the unsuccessful attempts, the first in Buckinghamshire,
Peace of Westphalia he took up the government of his the second in Wales, and the third at Bctley near New-
{>ortion of Hesse. His desire to establish a collateral castle-under- Lyne in Staffordshire, before he suc-
ine independent of Cassel brought him in 1650 to ceeded in founding a permanent school at Sedgley
Vienna, where his conversion to the Catholic Church Park in the neighbourhood of Wolverhampton. On
was effected by the Augustinian Alfons Staimos. Be- Lady-Day, 1763, he opened this school with twelve
fore his formal reception into the Church, he returned boys in the house known as the Park Hall, till then the
to Rheinfels and challenged the Hessian theologians, residence of John, Lord Ward, afterwards Viscount
George Calixtus of Helmstadt, Crocius of Marburg, Dudley and Ward. The little foundation was at once
and Haberkorn of Giessen, to a public disputation on attacked in Parliament, but Lord Dudley successfully
certain points of doctrine, with the Capuchin Valerian defended himself. The school was not interfered
Magnus. After the disputation the landgrave made a with; it developed into the famous Sedgley Park
formal profession of the Catholic Faith and gave the School which did good service to the Church for over
reasons for his conversion in the work: "Convereionis a century, and is now represented by St. Wilfrid's
ad fidem Catholicam motiva S. et C. Principis ac Dom. College, Oakmoor, near Cheadle. Having founded
Ernesti Hassiae Landgravii" (Cologne, 1652). This the school, Errington 's work there was done, and as
work gave rise to a long and bitter controversy in soon as he secured the appointment of the Rev. Hugh
which he himself took an active part, defending fear- Kendall as head-master in May, 1763, he returned to
SBBOB
525
KETHAL
Bishop Challoner in London. He was appointed arch-
deacon and treasurer of the "Old Chapter" and held
these offices till his death.
Memoir of Errington in Husenbeth, Memoirs of Parker* pre-
lerved (unpublished) at St. Wilfrid's College; Kirk, Biogra-
phic* of Eighteenth Century Catholic*, written early in the nine-
teenth century (London, 1008); Husenbbth, History ofSedgiey
Park School (London, 1856); Gillow, Bxbl. Diet. Eng. Cath., II,
178; Cooper in Diet. NaL Biog.t s. v.
Edwin Burton.
Error, reduplicatively regarded, is in one way or
another the product of ignorance. But besides the
lack of information which it implies, it adds the posi-
tive element of a mental judgment, by which some-
thing false is held to be true4 or something true
avouched to be false. The subject-matter of error so
far a^ morals go, like that of the want of knowledge
whence it proceeds, is either (1) the law itself, or (2)
a fact, or circumstance of a fact. In the first instance,
one is astray in affirming or denying the existence of a
law, or at any rate the inclusion of some individual
case under its operation. In the second, one is labour-
ing under an equal misapprehension, but with regard
to some fact or aspect of a fact. Thus, for example, a
Catholic, who in some unaccountable way would per-
suade himself that there was no law of abstinence on
Friday, would be in error as to the law. If, although
well aware of the precept of the Church, he is under
the mistaken impression that a particular day, which
happens to be Friday, is not Friday, he is in error as to
the fact.
Taking account of the person in whom the error
exists, it is said to be either vincible or invincible.
Error is deemed to be invincible when, in spite of what
h called moral diligence in the premises, it still per-
\ ists. This may happen either because one has never
been touched with any doubt as to the validity of one's
stand, or as to the necessity of an inquiry, or it may be
that one having, with fun honesty of purpose, used
such efforts as are demanded bv the importance of the
auestion at issue, is nevertheless unable to discover
tne truth. Much depends on the value to be attached
to the phrase "moral diligence". It is not easy to
state it in any set formula, unless it be this, that it is
the diligence which prudent persons are accustomed
to bring to bear upon the settlement of like matters.
This notion may be set forth more in detail by the fol-
lowing considerations: (1) The moral diligence re-
quired does not mean that a person is to have recourse
to every conceivable expedient. (2) It does imply that
the endeavours made by an agent, to set himself right,
should be such as are exacted Dy the seriousness of the
business involved, as well as bear a proper ratio to his
capacity and resources. Error is reckoned morally
vincible as often as ft is chargeable to the failure to
exercise these ordinary and necessary precautions.
When an agent deliberately omits means calculated
to dispel his error, or purposely fosters it, it is called
affected. It is not so styled to indicate that it is sim-
ulated, but rather to point out that the erroneous
tenet has been studiously aimed at. When the error is
the offspring of sheer unrelieved negligence, it is
termed crass. The influence of error on moral re-
sponsibility may be determined as follows. An act
clone in invincible error, whether the latter regard the
fact or the law, is never impeachable as a sin. The
reason is that , in this hypothesis, there is no knowledge
of, and consequently no volition of ? evil. On the con-
trary, what is done in morally vincible error is es-
teemed properly imputable to the agent. This is so,
because the error itself is then of the agent's own
choosing, and he is therefore accountable Tor its out-
come. It is obvious, however, that the moral delin-
quency which has its rise in vincible error will have
various degrees of guilt, in proportion to the greater
or lesser culpability of the error itself.
Slater. Manual of Moral Theology (New York 1906); Bal-
lerini, Opus Theohgicum Morale (Prato, 1808); Meter, InsH-
tutionee Juris Naturalis (Freiburg; 1885); Ojettx, Synopsis
Return Moralium et Juris Pontifieix (Prato, 1904).
Joseph F. Delany.
Erskine, Charles, Cardinal, b. at Rome, 13 Feb.,
1739; d. at Paris, 20 March, 1811. He was the son of
Colin Erskine of the Erskine family, who were Earls of
Kellie and Mar; his mother was Agatha Gigli of the
noble family of Gigli of Anagni. He was educated by
Cardinal Henry, Duke of York, at the Scots College,
Rome, and was afterwards a successful advocate, be-
coming Doctor of Laws in 1770. Pope Pius VI made
him pro-auditor and Promoter of the Faith in 1782,
also a domestic prelate, canon of St. Peter's, and dean
of the college of consistorial advocates. He was or-
dained subdeacon, 28 August, 1783. In October,
1793, he was sent as papal envoy to England. By his
tact and ability Mgr. Erskine established excellent
relations with tne Court and the ministry, diminished
the dissensions among Catholics, and avoided stirring
up any anti-Catholic demonstration against himself.
During his stay in London the pope named him audi-
tor, and in 1795 gave him additional powers as envoy
extraordinary. He left London in 1801 and returned
to Rome, where in January, 1803, he was created
cardinal. As a member of the Propaganda he was
still useful to English Catholics, and was made pro-
tector of Scotland! On the French invasion of Rome
in 1808 he was made pro-secretary of Briefs, and was
shut up in the Quirinal with the pope. When Pius
VII was taken prisoner Erskine was allowed to go
free, but his property was now lost and he would have
been reduced to beggary if his Protestant relations had
not made him an allowance. In 1809 Napoleon or-
dered him to Paris and though ill he was forced from
Rome in January, 1810. Shortly after his arrival in
Paris he fell into a gradual decline and soon died.
He was buried in the church of Saint-Genevieve,
now the Pantheon.
Brady, Memoirs of Cardinal • Erskine in Anglo-Roman
Papers (London, 1800), from a MS. life by the cardinal's secre-
tary, Del Medico, now in the Ghislieri college, Rome; Ward,
Down of the Catholic Revival (London, 1909).
Edwin Burton.
Erth&l, Franz Ludwig von, Prince-Bishop of
Wurzburg and Bamberg, b. at Lohr on the Main, 16
September, 1730; d. at Wurzburg, 16 February, 1795.
After studying theology at Mainz, Wurzburg, and
Rome, and jurisprudence at Vienna he became presi-
dent of the secular Government of Wurzburg in 1762.
When he was sent in 1768 as Ambassador to Vienna
to get the imperial investiture for Adam Friedrich,
Count von Seinsheim, the Prince-Bishop of Wurzburg,
Emperor Joseph II made him imperial privy coun-
cillor and inspector of the Imperial Chamber (Supreme
Court of the empire) at Wetzlar. In 1776 he took part
as imperial commissioner in the Diet of Ratisbon. He
succeeded Adam Friedrich as Prince-Bishop of Wurz-
burg, 18 March, 1779, and as Prince-Bishop of Bam-
berg on the following 12 April. His rule was a blessing
for Church and State. Being himself deeply religious,
he endeavoured to imbue his clergy and peopte with the
spirit of true faith and piety. As Tar as the Church and
his episcopal position permitted, he yielded to the
rationalistic tendencies of the age, but was a stanch
defender of papal rights against the adherents of
Febronianism. As temporal ruler he never allowed
personal considerations to outweigh the welfare of the
people, and used his private means for the erection
and improvement of charitable institutions. At Barn*
berg he founded a hospital which at that time was a
model of its kind, and at Wurzburg he greatly im-
proved and partly rebuilt the already existing hospital
of St. Julius. He improved the entire educational sys-
tem, bettered the economic conditions of rural life and
of the civil administration, and set the finances of his
SETBAL
526
SEWIK
principalities on a firm basis. Von Erthal is the author
of a work in German, refuting the revolutionary prin-
ciples of his age, which is entitled: " Ueber den nerr-
scnenden Geist dieser Zeiten und ilber das Verhalten
dee rochtschaffenen Christen bei denselben" (Wurz-
burg, 1793). Some of his sermons were collected and
published after his death (Bamberg, 1797).
Leitschuh, Franz Ludwig von Erthal, FUratbischof von Bam-
berg und Wurzburg, Herzog von Franken (Bamberg, 1894);
Earlier biographies were written by Sprenke (WUrzburg,
1826), Bbrnhard (Tubingen, 1852), Rothlauf (Bamberg,
1865), Mollbr (Passau, 1880).
Michael Ott.
Erthal, Friedrich Karl Joseph, Freiherr von,
last Elector and Archbishop of Mainz, b. 3 Jan., 1719,
at Mainz; d. "25 July, 1802. at Aschaffenburg. He
was an unworthy brother of Franz Ludwig, the Prince-
Bishop of Bamberg and Wurzbure, received his educa-
tion at Reims, held prebends in Bamberg and Mainz
at an early age, became canon at the cathedral of
Mainz in 1753, rector of the university in 1754, presi-
dent of the Aulic Council in 1758, and custos of the
cathedral in 1768. From 1769-1774 he was plenipo-
tentiary of the Electorate of Mainz at the imperial
court of Vienna. On 18 July, 1774, he succeeded the
deceased von Breidbach-Burresheim as Elector and
Archbishop of Mainz and eight days later as Prince-
Bishop of Worms. He was ordained priest on 11
Sept., 1774, and received episcopal consecration the
following year on 14 May. At the beginning of his
reign it appeared as if he would try to stem the tide of
rationalism which had swept over the Church of
Mainz during the weak rule of von Breidbach-Bur-
resheim. One of his first acts as bishop was the dis-
missal of the free-thinking councillors of his prede-
cessor. Soon, however, he became one of the most
notable supporters of free-thought in theology and of
Febronianism in the government of the Church.
George Fdrster, a Protestant, became his librarian and
William Heinse, another Protestant, and author of the
the lascivious romance "Ardinghello", was his official
reader. Erthal suppressed the Carthusian monastery
and two nunneries at Mainz and used their revenues to
meet the expenses of the university, in which he ap-
pointed numerous Protestants and free-thinkers as
Srofessors. Notorious unbelievers such as Anthony
Uau and others were invited to the university in 1784
to supplant the Jesuits in the faculty of theology.
As a spiritual ruler, Erthal was guided by the prin-
ciples of Febronianism. In union with the Arch-
bishops Max Franz of Cologne, Clemens Wenzeslaus
of Trier, and Hieronymus Joseph of Salzburg he con-
voked the Congress of Ems at which twenty-three
antipapal articles, known as the " Punctation of Ems "
were drawn up and signed by the plenipotentiaries of
the four archbishops on 25 August, 1786. The pur-
pose of the Punctation was to lower the papal dignity
to a merely honorary primacy and to make the pope a
primus inter pares, with practically no authority over
the territories of the archbishops. In order to in-
crease his political influence he joined (25 October,
1785) the Confederation of Princes which was estab-
lished by King Frederick the Great. In 1787 he ap-
parently receded from the schismatic position of the
Punctation of Ems and applied to Rome for a renewal
of his quinquennial faculties and for the approbation
of his new coadjutor, Karl Theodor von Dal berg.
Somewhat later, however, he resumed his opposition
to papal authority and continued to adhere to the
Punctation even after the other archbishops had re-
jected it. His opposition was made futile by the rev-
olutionary wars which raged in his electorate from
1792-1801. By the treaty of Campo-Formio in 1797
Erthal was deprived of his possessions west of the
Rhine and by tne Concordat of 1801 he lost also spirit-
ual jurisdiction over that part of his diocese. The
negotiations concerning the reimbursement of Erthal
for the loss of his territory west of the Rhine were not
yet completed when he died.
Fliedner, Qedachtniaarede auf Friedrich Karl Joeeph
(Frankfort, 1802); Bruck, Die rationalist. Beatrebungen xm
hath. DeuUchland (Mains, 1865): Idem, Oeach. der hath. Kirch*
in DeuUchland im neunzehnlen Jahrh. (Mains, 1902), I, 9 aqq.
et passim: Bockenheimer, Kurmairt im Furatenbunde (Mains,
1905); Idem, Die Restauration der Maimer Hochschule
(Mains, 1885); Henneb, Erzbiachoje von Mainz (Mains, 1879),
327 sqq.; Sen neb, Der Dom zu Mainz (Mains, 1827), III, 230
sqq.
Michael Ott.
Erwin of Steinbach, one of the architects of the
Strasburg cathedral, date of birth unknown; d. at
Strasburg, 17 January, 1318. According to a tradition
which arose in a latenage he was called Erwin of Stein-
bach, and a monument has been erected to him in the
village of Steinbach near Baden-Baden. Two of his
sons, Erwin and Johannes, after them his grandson
Gerlach, from 1341-71 and, up to 1382, another scion
of the family named Kuntzc, were also superintending
architects. Hence they were heads of the Strasburg
guild of stone-masons, the influence of which extended
as far as Bavaria, Austria, and the borders of Italy.
No written account exists as to the training for his
work which the elder Erwin received. It must, how-
ever, be taken for granted that he had proved his
abilities as a master-builder in other places before he
was entrusted with the construction of the facade of
the cathedral of Strasburg about the year 1277. His
work on the cathedral snows the influence of the
French Gothic. When Erwin took charge of the con-
struction the cathedral was completed except the
porch of the tower, and reflected in its parts the devel-
opment of architectural styles from the first quarter of
the eleventh century. As a matter of fact, the west-
front was now built By three masters, of whom one was
Erwin. At the same time a part of the nave that had
been badly damaged by fire in 1298 had to be repaired.
Three plans of the facade are still in existence; accord-
ing to Dehio the best design belongs to Erwin, to whom
it is customary to ascribe the entire construction.
Eichborn, it is true, has tried to prove that Erwin
drew the weakest of the three plans. In any case the
three master-architects by their joint work deserve the
praise that, especially since Goethe, has been assigned
to Erwin alone; they are not responsible, however, for
the ungraceful central screen of the third story be-
tween the towers, nor for the pinnacle of the north
. tower. This front offers a happy combination of hori-
zontal members in the French style with the German
principle of daring height. The rose-window, also
French in design and placed in the central one of the
nine fields, gives a welcome point of rest to the eve.
The somewhat peculiar ornamentation consists of a
double tracery of bars and geometrical designs which
covers the facade like a net dividing and filling the
large surfaces. By the novelty and tne daring of the
new style the individual members of this facade are in
marked contrast to the older parts of the building* the
front, moreover, is connected directly with the body of
the cathedral. The ornamental sculpture of the build-
ing, which is richer than that ordinarily found in Ger-
man cathedrals, is attributed to Erwin's workshop,
from which came also the monument to Conrad of
Lichtenberg in the chapel of St. John. In this chapel
the early Gothic forms correspond to the carving in
the chapter-hall. Erwin's last work was the construc-
tion of the beautiful chapel of the Blessed Virgin. The
legend of the woman sculptor, Savina, who, it is as-
serted, was a daughter of Erwin, rests on a mistaken
interpretation of the words of a scroll. The inscrip-
tions referring to Erwin, which along with tradition
are our only sources of information, have also given
rise to various doubts.
Woltmann, Oeachichle der deuUchen Kunat im Elaoaa (Leip-
rijf, 1876), v-vi and Supplement; Idem, Repertorium fur Kunat*
vnaaenachaft (1876), I; Kraub, ibid.; Idem in Kunatchronik\
XI; Idem, Kunat und AUertum in Blaoaa-Lothringen (1877)j
KBYTflRi
527
ESAU
L»r™cBOH. Sinudwrp (Bielefeld, 1903): Dxmo. Kirehlicht it under the hegem
Baukun* J* Abmdtond. (1882-1001). Q GlBTMANN passed again to th«
was occupied by the Russians. In 1859 it was almost
Eiythra, a. titular see in Ask Minor. According to destroyed by an earthquake,
legend the city was founded by colonists from Crete. Erzerum is built at an altitude of over six thousand
The name must have been derived from the red stone feet on a hill, which is surrounded by mountains of
common in the country. Ruled by kings at first, the some ten thousand feet in height. The climate is
city passed through periods of oligarchy and democ- healthful, but rigorous. Winter lasts eight and sum- '
racy, became tributary to (.'rcesun and Cyrus, sub- mer only four months. The Western Euphrates (Kar™
., when it took sides with the Romans,
though still preserving its autonomy. Finally it was
incorporated with the province of Asia. Erytni ~_
<f whom 27,000 are Turks, the rest Armenians, Greeks,
and a few Europeans £ about 900 Catholics, mostly Ax-
is). The city is divided into three parts: the
suffragan of Ephesus; to the bishops mentioned by
Lequien (Or. christ., I, 727): Eutychius (431), Dra-
contius (451), Theoctistus (553), Eustathius (787),
65 mosques, many churches, and several large
bazaars. The chief industries are blacksmiths' and
ties etudes grecques, VII, 80). By the sixteenth cen- Catholic Armenian bishops reside at Erzerum. _ The
audits port. ._ ..
or Rithri, not far
from Tshesme', in the
vilayet of Aidin or
Smyrna. The ruins
include walls which
ate about three miles
in circuit, a theatre,
aqueducts, columns,
and a Byzantine for-
Mnutm,
IEB,i4*Uj
O; Lampr]
('Berlin!
of En
and
Hush. The former
diocese has (1909)
10,000 faithful, 38
priests, 30 parishes,
66 churches or
chapels, a seminary,
19 schools with about
1000 pupils, and a
hospital. Armenian
Sisters of the Im-
maculate Conception
have a monastery.
Two Capuchins con-
duct the Latin mis-
Cu'rion. A YtarofBr-
li™ (BerGn 1871)^
1892); Buk»
Encuc, >, v.; Surra, Diet.
at Or. and Rom. Orog.
(London, 1878), I, 860-
62.
S. VaILHE.
Enerum (Theo- , . ^^
DOBioPOLis), Diocese ■ ■ 753- ft
of (Erzeruuiensis ■ I KWdu 1
Armenioruw). The ■ ■ <f™°>"*-, '
native name, Garin
(Gr. Kaftnrlrii; Arab.
Kalikelah),is still used __
by the Armenians. The kings of Armenia established and Rebecca, the twin-brother of Jacob. The struggle
here their summer residence. Later Garin fell into the of the two brothers, whenstill within Rebecca's womb.
Ewer of the Byzantines, who named it Theodosiopo- was prophetic of the lifelong opposition, deepening
(415), under which title it is still a Latin titular see. at times into hatred, which marked the relations be-
• It became then a Greek bishopric, suffragan to Cass- tween Esau and Jacob (Gen., xxv, 22 sq.). Esau,
area of Cappadocia. Three bishops are known at this who came forth first, when grown up, became a skilful
period, Peter (448), Manasses (451), and another Peter hunter, and was much loved by Isaac, who ate of his
(553). (See Lequien, Or. christ., I, 437.) This eccle- hunting (Gen xxv, 24-28). "Coming faint out of
siastical situation lasted at least until the ninth cen- the field", and much moved by the sight and savour
passed under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchof Anti- already informed _ _ .
och. From 622 to 633, a great council, which brought vealed to Rebecca, Jacob was quick to draw advan
s to the import of the oracle re-
about a temporary union of the Armenian and Greek tage from the greed of his famished brother. Con-
Churches, was held at Garin; the Emperor Heraclius senting to the condition imposed, Esau not only ex-
attended with the Armenian and Greek patriarchs and changed his first birthright for the red pottage, but
many bishops of both Churches (Hefele. Ill, 73, evenconfinned thesale by anoath, saying, "Lo, Idie;
132). In 1201 the city was plundered by the Seljuk what will the first birthright avail me? And so
Turks, who named it Erzerum, which appears to mean taking bread, and the pottage of lentils, he ate, and
"the country of the Romans", that is to say of the drank, and went his way; making little account of
Greeks, though some think that the name is acorrup- having sold his first birthright" (Gen., xxv, 29-34).
tion of Arzen er-Roum, Arzen being an ancient Ar- That this transaction was widely known is justly in-
menian city in the neighbourhood. Erzerum was cap- ferred from the very name (Edom, red), which, though
tured in 1214 by the sultans of Ieonium, in 1387 by rarely given to Esau himself, is almost universally ap-
Timur-Leng, in 1400 by the Osmanli Turks. In 1430 plied to his descendants. "Esau, being forty years
it fell into the power of local dynasties, which held old, married wives, Judith, the daughter of Been the
ftftOH 528 KSOHATOLOOT
Hethito, and Basemath the daughter of Elon of the v In Cologne, too, he contracted a close friendship with
same place" (Gen., xxvi, 34). This selection of several members of the Carthusian Order, among
Chanaanite wives, who "both offended the mind of whom Johann Landsberger, Gerhard Hamontanus, and
Isaac and Rebecca" (Gen., xxvi, 35), seemed to have Theodorich and Bruno Loher are worthy of special men-
caused peculiar suffering to Rebecca, who, speaking tion. Though his feeble health did not allow him to
with her husband, declared, " I am weary of my life become a member of the order, he lived in the monas-
because of the daughters of Heth: if Jacob take a wife tery, for a time at least, and followed its rule of life as
of the stock of this land, I choose not to live'1 (Gen., closely as possible. In 1538 Nicolaus was appointed
xxvii. 46). Old and with eyes so dim he could not pastor of tne Beguinage at Diest; after a year he sur-
see, Isaac ordered Esau to take quiver and bow, so rendered his charge for a time, but took it up again
that after having prepared a savoury dish with the with such success that after his death he was corn-
fruit of his hunting, he might receive the parting bless- monly spoken of as the saintly Father Eschius. He
ing, belonging to the eldest son. Esau, yielding was also instrumental in founding several diocesan
ready obedience, went "into the field to fulfil his fath- seminaries according to the rules laid down by the
er's commandment". (Gen., xxvii, 1-5.) Mean- Council of Trent. Among his literary works the fol-
while, clothed with the very good garments of his lowing are worthy of note: "Introductio in vitam in-
older brother, with hands and neck so carefully cov- troversam", which is really an introduction to a new
ered under the tender hides of the kids as to resemble edition of the " Tempi um animse" (Antwerp, 1563
the hairy skin of Esau, Jacob, following in every de- etc.); "Exercitiatheologra mystics;, seuexercitiaquae-
tail the advice of Rebecca, knelt before Isaac, ottered dam pia, qua? compendio hominem ad vitam perfec-
the savoury dish, and begged and obtained the coveted tarn instituendam juvare possunt ' ' (Antwerp, 1563).
blessing. Great then was the astonishment, and PvJF*^NWienel^J^W°££k' 1892>: Hehmm in Kirch-
genuine the indignation, of the disappointed Esau, *"***<>» (Fiwburg. 1888). IV, 888.
who " roared out with a great cry ' ', on hearing the de- " JllAAS*
ceived Isaac declare, "thy brother came deceitfully _ . . , A, . . , - A ',. .
and got thy blessing". Though sympathizing with ™1c™t?1°^? *?** «**-?* of systematic theology
his grief-stricken son, Isaac, realizing more fully the ^nich ^S^1^ th? d.0?tnnes of the last things (ra
import of the oracle communicated to Rebecca, felt ***aTfi-. ^ Greek tuJe w of comparatively recent
impelled to add: " I have blessed him, and he shall be mtroduction, but m modern usage it has largely sup-
blessed"; "I have appointed him thy lord, and have Planted its Latin equivalent De Nomanmxe. As the
made all his brethren his servants". (Gen., xxvii, 6- numerous doctrinal subjects belonging to this section
37.) The restraining influence of the father's pros- of theology will be treated ex professo under their sey-
ence is admirably portrayed in the few words uttered eral proper titles, it is proposed in this article merely
by Esau: " the days will come of the mourning of my to t**6 8Ucn a view of the wnole field «* Wl11 v*™* to
father, and I will kill my brother Jacob" (Gen., xxvii, indicate the place of eschatology in the general frame-
41). That this exclamation revealed a deep-seated wo£ of religion, explain its subject-matter and the
Surpose, the evident anxiety of Rebecca, the hasty outlines of its content m the various religions of man-
ight of Jacob to Haran, and his long stay with his J£nd, and illustrate by comparison the superiority of
uncle Laban, clearly demonstrated. (Gen., xxvii, Christian eschatological teaching.
42-xxxi, 38.) Indeed, even after a self-imposed exile , . A? a preliminary indication of the subject-matter, a
of twenty years, the carefully instructed messengers distmction may be made between the eschatology of
sent to Esau in the land of Seir (Gen., xxxii. 3) and the J he individual and that of the race and the universe at
strategic division of his household and flocks into two lar8e- T"e former, setting out from the doctrine of
companies clearly indicate Jacob's abiding sense of personal immortality, or at least of survival in some
distrust (Gen. xxxii 4-8). *orm after death, seeks to ascertain the fate or condi-
After extending a cordial welcome to his returning tion> temporary or eternal, of individual souls, and
brother, Esau parted from Jacob and " returned, that J>ow * ■£ th* if nes of the future depend on the present
day, the way that he came, to Seir" (Gen., xxxiii, llfe- ™ ****** deals ^n events like the resurree-
1-16), where he and his descendants became exceed- £on and the general judgment, in which, according to
ingly rich (Gen., xxxvi, 1-8). The very name Edomr Christian Revelation, all men will participate, and
tie, given to the descendants of Esau (Edom), has W1*h th* 81«ns and portents in the moral and physical
served to perpetuate the remembrance of the circum- o^ter that are to precede and accompany those events,
stances attending Esau's birth and the sale of his first P°th aspects—the individual and the umversal—be-
birthright. From the noteworthy preference of long to the adequate concept of eschatology; but it is
Jacob to Esau (Gen., xxv, 22 sq.), St. Paul (Rom., ix, only in Christian teaching that both receive due and
4-16) shows that in the mystery of election and grace proportionate recognition. Jewish eschatology only
God is bound to no particular nation and is influenced attained its completion in the teaching of Christ and
by no prerogative of birth or antecedent merit. When the Apostles; while in ethnic religions eschatology
Isaac, old and full of days, had died, we find Esau seldom rose above the individual view, and even then
with Jacob at Hebron, there to bury their father in the was often so vague, and so little bound up with any
cave of Machpelah (Gen., xxxv, 28-29). adequate notion of Divine justice and of moral retnbu-
Palis in Vio.f Diet, de la Bible, s. v.; Cowan in Hastings, tion, that it barely deserves to be ranked as religious
Diet, of the Bible, 8. v.; Dods, Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph (Lon- teaching.
don, 1880). tw„,„t r> rw— - I- Ethnic Eqchatologies. — (1) Even among the
Daniel P. Duffy. loweMavage and barbariim-races the univeiSality
Each (Eschius), Nicolaus Van, a famous mystical of religious beliefs, including belief in some kind of ex-
theologian, b. in Oisterwijk near Hertogenbosch (Bois- istence after death, is very generally admitted by
le-Duc), Holland, in 1507 ; d. 19 July, 1578. After finish- modern anthropologists. Some exceptions, it is true,
ing his classical studies in the school of the Hierony- have been claimed to exist; but on closer scrutiny the
mites, he studied philosophy, theology, and canon law evidence for this claim has broken down in so many
at Louvain, but refused to take his doctor's degree. In cases that we are justified in presuming against any
1530 he was ordained priest, and then settled in Cologne exception. Among the lower races the truth and
in order to devote himself to higher studies and the prac- purity of eschatological beliefs vary, as a rule, with the
tice of Christian perfection. At the same time he be- purity of the idea of God and of the moral standards
came the private tutor of a number of young men, that prevail. Some savages seem to limit existence
mainly university students. Blessed Peter Canisius and after death to the good (with extinction for the
Lawrence Surius are the most celebrated of his pupils, wicked), as the Nicaraguas, or to men of rank, as the
X80HAT0LOOT 529 E80HATOLOOT
Tongas; while the Greenlanders, New Guinea negroes, then, life in its fullness, unending life with Osiris, the
and others seem to hold the possibility of a second sun-god, who journeys daily through the underworld,
death, in the other world or on the way to it. The even identification with the god, with the right to be
next world itself is variously located — on the earth, in celled by his name, is what the pious Egyptian looked
the skies, in the sun or moon — but most commonly forward to as the ultimate goal after death. The de-
under the earth; while the life led there is conceived parted are habitually called the "living"; the coffin is
either as a dull and shadowy and more or less impotent the " chest of the living ", and the tomb the " lord of
existence, or as an active continuation in a higher or life". It is not merely the disembodied spirit,
idealized form of the pursuits and pleasures of earthly the soul as we understand it, that continues to live,
life. In most savage religions there is no very high or but the soul with certain bodily organs and functions
definite doctrine of moral retribution after death ; but suited to the conditions of the new life. In the elabo-
it is only in the case of a few of the most degraded rate anthropology which underlies Egyptian eschatol-
races, whose condition is admittedly the result of de- ogy, and which we find it hard to understand, several
generation, that the notion of retribution is claimed to constituents of the human person are distinguished,
be altogether wanting. Sometimes mere physical the most important of which is the K&, a kind of semi-
prowess, as bravery or skill in the hunt or in war, takes material double: and to the justified who pass the
the place of a strictly ethical standard ; but, on the judgment after death the use of these several constit-
other hand, some savage religions contain unexpect- uents, separated by death, is restored,
edly clear and elevated ideas of many primary moral This judgment which each undergoes is described in
duties. detail in chapter oxxv of the Book of the Dead. The'
(2) Coming to the higher or civilized races, we shall examination covers a great variety of personal, social,
glance briefly at the eschatology of the Babylonian and religious duties and observances; the deceased .
and Assyrian, Egyptian, Indian, Persian, and Greek must be able to deny his guilt in regard to forty-two
religions. Confucianism can hardly be said to have great categories of sins, and his heart (the symbol of
an eschatology, except the very indefinite belief in- conscience and morality) must stand the test of being
volved in the worship of ancestors, whose happiness weighed in the balance against the image of Maat, god-
was held to depend on the conduct of their living de- dess of truth or justice. But the new life that begins
scendants. Mohammedan eschatology contains noth- after a favourable judgment is not at first any better
ing distinctive except the glorification of barbaric sen- or more spiritual than life on earth. The justified is
suality. still a wayfarer with a long and difficult journey to ac- -
(a.) Babylonian and Assyrian. — In the ancient Baby- complish before he reaches bliss and security in the
Ionian religion (with which the Assyrian is substan- fertile fields of Aalu. On this journey he is exposed
tially identical) eschatology never attained, in the his- to a variety of disasters, for the avoidance of which he
torical period, any high degree of development. Ret- depends on the use of his revivified powers and on the
ribution is confined almost, if not quite, entirely to knowledge he has gained in life of the directions and
the present life, virtue being rewarded by the Divine magical charms recorded in the Book of the Dead, and
bestowal of strength, prosperity, long life, numerous also, and perhaps most of all, on the aids provided by
offspring, and the like, and wickedness punished by surviving friends on earth. It is they who secure the
contrary temporal calamities. Yet the existence of preservation of his corpse that he may return and use
an hereafter is believed in. A kind of semi-material it, who provide an indestructible tomb as a home or
ghost, or shade, or double (ekimmu), survives the shelter for his Ka, who supply food and drink for his
death of the body, and when the body is buried (or, sustenance, offer up prayers and sacrifices for his bene-
less commonly, cremated) the ghost descends to the fit, and aid his memory by inscribing on the walls of
underworld to join the company of the departed. In the tomb, or writing on rolls of papyrus enclosed in the
the " Lay of Ishtar " this underworld, to which she de- wrappings of the mummy, chapters from the Book of
scended in search of her deceased lover and of the the Dead. It does not, indeed, appear that the dead
" waters of life ' \ is described in gloomy colours ; and were ever supposed to reach a state in which they were
the same is true of the other descriptions we possess, independent of these earthly aids. At any rate they
It is the "pit", the "land of no return", the "house of were always considered free to revisit the earthly
darkness , the " place where dust is their bread, and tomb, and in making the journey to and fro the blessed
their food is mud"; and it is infested with demons, had tne power of transforming themselves at will into
who, at least in Ishtar's case, are empowered to inflict various animal-shapes. It was this belief which, at
various chastisements for sins committed in the upper the degenerate stage at which he encountered it,
world. Herodotus mistook tor the doctrine of the transmigra-
Though Ishtar's case is held by some to be typi- tion of souls. It should be added that the identifica-
cal in this respect, there is otherwise no clear indi- tion of the blessed with Osiris ("Osiris N. N." is a
cation of a doctrine of moral penalties for the wicked, usual form of inscription) did not, at least in the earlier
and no promise of rewards for the good. Good and and higher sta^e of Egyptian religion, imply pantheis-
bad are involved in a common dismal fate. The loca- tic absorption in the deity or the loss of individual per-
tion of the region of the dead is a subject of contro- sonality. Regarding the fate of those who fail in the
versy among Assyriologists, while the suggestion of a judgment after death, or succumb in the second proba-
brighter hope in the form of a resurrection (or rather tion, Egyptian eschatology is less definite in its teach-
of a return to earth) from the dead, which some would ing. "Second death" and other expressions applied
infer from the belief in the "waters of life" and from to them might seem to suggest annihilation; but it is
references to Marduk. or Merodach, as "one who sufficiently clear from the evidence as a whole that
brings the dead to life", is an extremely doubtful continued existence in a condition of darkness and
conjecture. On the whole there is nothing hopeful or misery was believed to be their portion. And as there
satisfying in the eschatology of this ancient religion, were degrees in the happiness of the blessed, so also in
(b) Egyptian. — On the other hand,, in the Egyptian the punishment of the lost (see Book of the Dead, tr.
religion, which for antiquity competes with theBaby- Budge, London, 1901).
Ionian, we meet with a highly developed and compara- (c) Indian. — In the Vedic, the earliest historical
tively elevated eschatology. Leaving aside such diffi- form of the Indian religion, eschatological belief is
cult questions as the relative priority and influence of simpler and purer than in the Brahministic and Bud-
different, and even conflicting, elements in the Egyp- dhistic forms that succeeded it. Individual immor-
tian religion, it will suffice for the present purpose to tality is clearly taught. There is a kingdom of the
refer to what is most prominent in Egyptian eschatol- dead under the rule of Yama, with distinct realms for
ogy taken at its highest and best. In the first place, ' the good and the wicked. The good dwell in a realm
V.-34
1
ESCHATOLOGY 530 E80HATOLOGY
of light and share in the feasts of the gods ; the wicked though vigorous and definite enough, is never quite
are banished to a place of "nethermost darkness", free from ritual and ceremonial conditions, and as
Already, however, in the later Vedas. where these be- time goes on becomes more and more complicated by
liefs find developed expression, retribution begins to these observances, especially by the laws of purity,
be ruled, more by ceremonial observances than by Certain elements are holy (fire, earth, water), certain
strictly moral tests. On the other hand, there is no others unholy or impure (dead bodies, the breath, and
trace as yet of the dreary doctrine of transmigration, all that leaves the body, etc.) ; and to defile oneself or
but critics profess to discover the germs of later pan- - the holy elements by contact with the impure is one of
theism. the deadliest sins. Consequently corpses could not
In Brahminiem (q. v.) retribution gains in promi- be buried or cremated, and were accordingly exposed
nence and severity, out becomes hopelessly involved on platforms erected for the purpose, so that birds
in transmigration, and is made more and more de- of prey might devour them. When the soul leaves
pendent either on sacrificial observances or on theo- the body it has to cross the bridge of Chinvat (or
sophical knowledge. Though after death there are Kinvad), the bridge of the Gatherer, or Accountant,
numerous heavens and hells for the reward and pun- For three days good and evil spirits contend for the
ishment of every degree of merit and demerit, tnese possession of the soul, after which the reckoning is
are not final states, but only so many preludes to fur- taken, and the just man is rejoiced by the apparition,
ther rebirths in higher or lower forms. Pantheistic in the form of a fair maiden, of his good deeds, words,
absorption in Brahma, the world-soul and only reality, and thoughts, and passes over safely to a paradise of
with the consequent extinction of individual person- bliss; while the wicked man is confronted by a hideous
ality — this is the only final solution of the problem of apparition of his evil deeds, and is dragged* down to
existence, the only salvation to which man may ulti- hell. If the judgment is neutral the soul is reserved
mately look forward. But it is a salvation which only in an intermediate state (so at least in the Pahlavi
a few may hope to reach after the present life, the few books) till the decision at the last day. The devel-
who have acquired a perfect knowledge of Brahma, oped conception of the last days, as it appears in the
The bulk of men who cannot rise to this high philo- later literature, has certain remarkable affinities with
sophic wisdom may succeed, by means of sacrificial Jewish Messianic and millennial expectations. A
observances, in mining a temporary heaven, but they time during which Ahriman will gain the ascendancy
are destined to further births and deaths. is to be followed by two millennial periods, in each of
Buddhist eschatology still further develops and which a great prophet will appear to herald the corn-
modifies the philosophical side of the Brahministic ing of Soshyant (Or Sosiocn), the Conqueror and
doctrine of salvation, and culminates in what is, Judge, who will raise the dead to life. The resurrec-
strictly speaking, the negation of eschatology and of tion will occupy fifty-seven years and will be followed
all theology — a religion without a God, and a lofty by the general judgment, the separation of the good
moral code without nope of reward or fear of punish- from the wicked, and the passing of both through a
ment hereafter. Existence itself, or at least individ- purgatorial fire, gentle for the just, terrible for sinners,
ual existence, is the primary evil ; and the craving for but leading to the restoration of ail. Next will follow
existence, with the many forms of desire it begets, is the final combat between the good and the evil spirits,
the source of all the misery in which life is inextricably in which the latter will perish, all except Ahriman and
involved. Salvation, or the state of Nirvana, is to be the serpent Azhi, whose destruction is reserved to
attained by the utter extinction of every kind of de- Ahura Mazda and Scraosha, the priest-god. And last
sire ; and this is possible by knowledge — not the knowl- of all hell itself will be purged, and the earth renewed
edge of God or the soul, as in Brahminism, but the by purifying fire.
purely philosophical knowledge of the real truth of (e) Greek. — Greek eschatology as reflected in the
things. For all who do not reach this state of philo- Homeric poems remains at a low level. It is only
sophic enlightenment or who fail to live up to its re- very vaguely retributive and is altogether cheerless in
quirements — that is to say for the vast bulk of man- its outlook. Life on earth, for all its shortcomings, is
Kind — there is nothing in prospect save a dreary cycle the highest good for men, and death the worst of evils,
of deaths and rebirths with intercalated heavens and Yet death is not extinction. The fvxi survives — not
hells; and in Buddhism this doctrine takes on a still the purely spiritual soul of later Greek and Christian
more dread and inexorable character than in pre- thought, but an attenuated, semi-material ghost, or
Buddhistic Brahminism. (See Buddhism.) shade, or image, of the earthly man; and the life of
(d) Persian. — In the ancient Persian religion (Zoro- this shade in tne underworld is a dull, impoverished,
astrianism, Mazdaism, Parseeism) we meet with what almost functionless existence. Nor is there any dis-
is perhaps, in its better elements, the highest type of tinction of fates either by way of happiness or of
ethnic eschatology. But as we know it in the Parsee misery in Hades. The judicial office of Minos is illu-
literature, it contains elements that were probably bor- sory, and has nothing to do with earthly conduct ; and
rowed from other religions; and as some of this litera- there is only one allusion to the Furies suggestive of
ture is certainlyjwst-Christian, the possibility of Jew- their activity among the dead (Iliad. XI X7 258-60).
ish and even Christian ideas having influenced the Tartarus, the lower nell, is reserved for a few special
later eschatological developments is not to be lost sight rebels against the gods, and the Elysian Fields for a
of. The radical defect of the Persian religion was its few special favourites chosen by divine caprice,
dualistio conception of deity. The physical and In later Greek thought touching the future life
moral world is the theatre of a perpetual conflict be- there are notable advances beyond the Homeric stage,
tween Ahura Mazda (Ormuzd), the good, and Angra- but it is doubtful whether the average popular faith
Mainyu (Ahriman), the evil, principle, co-creators of ever reached a much higher level. Among early phil-
the universe and of man. % Yet the evil principle is not osophers Anaxagoras contributes to the notion of a
eternal ex parte post; he will finally be vanquished and purely spiritual soul ; but a more directly religious
exterminated. A pure monotheistic Providence contribution is made by the Eleusinian and Orphic
promises at times to replace dualism, but never quite Mysteries, to the influence of which in brightening
succeeds — the latest effort in this direction being the and moralizing the hope of a future life we nave the
belief in Zvran Akarana, or Boundless Time, as the concurrent witness of philosophers, poets, and histo-
supreme deity above both Ahriman and Ormuzd. rians. In the Eleusinian Mysteries there seems to
Morality has its sanction not merely in future retribu- have been no definite doctrinal teaching — merely the
tion, but in the present assurance that every good and promise or assurance for the initiated of the fullness of
pious deed is a victory for the cause of Ahura Mazda; life hereafter. With the Orphic, on the other hand,
but the call to the individual to be active in this cause, the divine origin and pre-existence of the soul, for
E80HAT0L0OT 531 ESOHATOLOQY
which the body is but a temporary prison, and the compromising monotheism ; the universe is ruled by
doctrine of a retributive transmigration are more or the wisdom, justice, and omnipotence of the one, true
less closely associated. It is hard to say how far the God. And man is created by God in His own image
common belief of the people was influenced by these and likeness, and destined to relations of friendship
mysteries, but in poetical and philosophical literature and fellowship with Him. Here we have revealed in
their influence is unmistakable. This is seen especially clear and definite terms the basal doctrines which are
in Pindar among the poets, and in Plato among the at the root of eschatological truth, and which, once
philosophers. Pindar has a definite promise of a they had taken hold of the life of a people, were bound,
future life of bliss for the good or the initiated, and even without new additions to the revelation, to safe-
not merely for a few, but for all. Even for the wicked guard the purity of an inadequate eschatology and to
who descend to Hades there is hope; having purged lead in time to richer and higher developments. Such
their wickedness they obtain rebirth on earth, and if, additions and developments occur in O.-T. teaching;
during three successive existences, they prove them- but before noticing them it is well to call attention to
selves worthy of the boon, they will finally attain to the two chief defects, or limitations, which attach to
happiness in the Isles of the Blest. Though Plato's the earlier eschatology and continue, by their persist-
teacning is vitiated by the doctrine of pre-existence, ence in popular belief, to hinder more or less the cor-
metempsychosis, and other serious errors, it repre- rect understanding and acceptance by the Jewish peo-
sents tne highest achievement of pagan philosophic pie as a whole of the highest eschatological utterances
speculation on the subject of the future life. The of their own inspired teachers.
divine dignity, spirituality, and essential immortality (2) The first of these defects is the silence of the
of the soul being established, the issues of the future earlier and of some of the later books on the subject of
for every soul are made clearly dependent on its moral moral retribution after death, or at least the extreme
conduct in the present life in the body. There is a vagueness of such passages in these books as might be
divine judgment after death, a heaven, a hell, and an understood to refer to this subject. Death is not
intermediate state for penance and purification; and extinction; but Sheol, the underworld of the dead, in
rewards and punishments are graduated according to early Hebrew thought is not very different from the
the merits and demerits of each. The incurably Babylonian Aralu or the Homeric Hades, except that
wicked are condemned to everlasting punishment in Jahve is God even there. It is a dreary abode in
Tartarus ; the less wicked or indifferent go also to Tar- which all that is prized in life, including friendly inter-
tarus or to the Acherusian Lake, but only for a time ; course with God, comes to an end without any definite
those eminent for goodness go to a happy home, the promise of renewal. Dishonour, incurred in life or in
highest reward of all being for those who nave purified death, clings to a man in Sheol, like the honour he may
themselves by philosophy. have won by a virtuous life on earth ; but otherwise
From the foregoing sketch we are able to judge both conditions in Sheol are not represented as retributive,
of the merits and defects of ethnic systems of eschatol- except in the vaguest way. Not that a more definite
ogy. Their merits are perhaps enhanced when they retribution or the hope of renewal to a life of blessed-
are presented, as above, in isolation from the other ness is formally denied and excluded ; it simply fails to
features of the religions to which they belonged. Yet find utterance in earlier O.-T. records. Religion is
their defects are obvious enough; and even those of pre-eminently an affair of this life, and retribution
them that were best and most promising turned out, works out here on earth. This idea, which to us seems
historically, to be failures. The precious elements of so strange, must, to be fairly appreciated, be taken in
m eschatological truth contained in the Egyptian religion conjunction with the national as opposed to the indi-
were associated with error and superstition, and were vidual viewpoint [see under (3) of this section]; and
unable to save the religion from sinking to the state of ' allowance must also be made for its pedagogic value
utter degeneration in which it is found at the approach for a people like the early Hebrews. Christ Himself
of the Christian Era. Similarly, the still richer and explains why Moses permitted divorce (" by reason of '
more profound eschatology of the Persian religion, the hardness of your heart' ' — Matt., xix, 8); revela-
vitiated by dualism and other corrupting influences, tion and legislation had to be tempered to the capacity
failed to realize the promise it contained, and has sur- of a singularly practical % and unimaginative people,
vived only as a ruin in modern Parseeism. Plato's who were more effectively confirmed in the worship
speculative teaching failed to influence in any notable . and service of God by a vivid sense of His retributive
degree the popular religion of the Gnsco-Roman providence here on earth than they would have been
world; it failed to convert even the philosophical few; by a higher and fuller doctrine of future immortality
and in the hands of those who did profess to adopt it, with its postponement of moral awards. Nor must
Platonism, uncorrected by Christianity, ran to seed in we exaggerate the insufficiency of this early point of
Pantheism and other forms of error. view. It gave a deep religious value and significance
II. Old-Testament Eschatology. — Without go- to every event of the present life, and raised morality
inp into details either by way of exposition or of above tne narrow, utilitarian standpoint. Not worldly
criticism, it will be sufficient to point out how Old- prosperity as such was the ideal of the pious Israel-
Testament eschatology compares with ethnic systems, ite, but prosperity bestowed by God as the gracious
and how, notwithstanding its deficiencies in point of reward of fidelity in keeping His Commandments,
clearness and completeness, it was not an unworthy Yet, when all has been said, the inadequacy of this
preparation for the fullness of Christian Revelation. belief for the satisfaction of individual aspirations
(1) Old-Testament eschatology, even in its earliest must be admitted; and this inadequacy was pound to
and most imperfect form, shares in the distinctive prove itself sooner or later in experience. Even the
character which belongs to O.-T. religion generally, substitution of the national for tne individual stand-
in the first place, as a negative distinction, we note the point could not indefinitely hinder this result.
entire absence of certain erroneous ideas and tenden- (3) The tendency to sink the individual in the na-
cies that have a large place in ethnic religions. There tion and to treat the latter as the religious unit was
is no pantheism or dualism, no doctrine of pre-exist- one of the most marked characteristics of Hebrew
ence (Wisdom, viii, 17-20, does not necessarily imply faith. And this helped very much to support and
this doctrine, as has sometimes been contended) or of prolong the other limitation just noticed, according to
metempsychosis ; nor is there any trace, as might have which retribution was looked for in this life. Deferred
been expected, of Egyptian ideas or practices. In the and disappointed personal hopes could be solaced by
next place, on the positive side, the O. T. stands apart the thought of their present or future realization in the
from ethnic religions in its doctrine of God, and of man nation. It was only when the national calamities,
in relation to God. Its doctrine of God is pure and un- culminating in the exile, had shattered for a time the
KSOHATOLOOY 532 KSOHATOLOQY
people's hope of a glorious theocratic kingdom that explain the first two as prayers for deliverance from
the eschatology of the individual became prominent; some imminent danger of death, but the assurance
and with the restoration there was a tendency to re- they express is too absolute and universal to admit
vert to the national point of view. It is true of the this interpretation as the most natural. And this as-
O. T. as a whole that the eschatologv of the people surance becomes still more definite in the other two
overshadows that of the individual, though it is true psalms, by reason of the contrast which death is
at the same time that, in and through the former, the asserted to introduce between the fates of the just and
latter advances to a clear and definite assurance of a the impious. The same faith emerges in the Book of
personal resurrection from the dead, at least for the Job, first as a hope somewhat questionably expressed,
children of Israel who are to share, if found worthy, in and then as an assured conviction. Despairing of vin-
the glories of the Messianic Age. dication in this life and rebelling against the thought
It is beyond the scope of this article to attempt to that righteousness should remain finally unrewarded,
trace the growth or describe the several phases of this the sufferer seeks consolation in the hope of a renewal
national eschatologv, which centres 'in the hope of the of God's friendship beyond the grave: "O that thou
establishment of a theocratic and Messianic kingdom wouldest hide me in Sheol, that thou wouldest keep
on earth (see Messias). However spiritually this idea me secret, until thy wrath be past, that thou wouldest
may be found expressed in O.-T. prophecies, as we read appoint me a set time, and remember me. If a man
them now in the light of their progressive fulfilment in die, shall he live again? All the days of my warfare
the N.-T. Dispensation, the Jewish people as a whole would I wait, till my release should come'* (xiv, 13
duns to a material ana political interpretation of the sq.). In xvi, 18-xvii, 9, the expression of. this hope
kingdom, coupling their own domination as a people is more absolute; and in xix, 23-27, it takes the form
with the triumph of God and the worldwide establish- of a definite certainty that he will see God, his Re-
ment of His rule. There is much, indeed, to account deemer: "But I know that my Redeemer liveth and
for this in the obscurity of the prophecies themselves, that he shall stand up at the last upon the earth [dust] ;
The Messias as a distinct person is not always men- and after this my skin has been destroyed, yet from [ai.
tioned in connexion with the inauguration of the king- without] my flesh shall I see God, whom I shall see for
dom, which leaves room for the expectation of a theo- myself and my eyes shall behold, and not another"
phany of Jahve in the character of judge and ruler. (25-27). In his risen body he will see God, according
But even when the person and place of the Messias are to the Vulgate (LXX) reading: " and in the last day
distinctly foreshadowed, the fusion together in proph- I shall rise out of the earth. And I shall be clothed
ecy of what we have learned to distinguish as His first again with my skin, and in my flesh I shall see my
and His second coming tends to give to the whole God" (25-26).
picture of the Messianic kingdom an eschatological The doctrine of the resurrection finds definite ex-
character that belongs in reality only to its final stage, pression in the Prophets; and in Isaias, xxvi, 19: "thy
It is thus the resurrection of the dead in Isaias, xxvi, dead shall live, my dead bodies shall rise again.
19, and Daniel, xii, 2, is introduced; and many of Awake and sing, ye that dwell in the dust1' etc.; and
the descriptions foretelling " the day of the Lord", the Daniel, xii, 2: "and many of those that sleep in the
judgment on Jews and Gentiles, the renovation of the dust of the earth shall awake: some unto everlasting
eartn and other phenomena that usher in that day, life, and others unto everlasting shame and contempt
while applicable m a limited sense to contemporary etc., it is clearly a personal resurrection that is taught
events and to the inauguration of the Christian Era, — in Isaias a resurrection of righteous Israelites; in
are much more appropriately understood of the end of Daniel, of both the righteous and the wicked. The
the world. It is not, therefore, surprising that the judgment, which in Daniel is connected with the resur-
religious hopes of the Jewish nation should have be- -rection, is also personal; and the same is true of the
come so predominantly eschatological, and that the judgment of the living (Jews and Gentiles) which in
popular imagination, foreshortening the perspective of various forms the prophecies connect with the "day
Divine Revelation, should have learned to look for the of the Lord ". Some of the Psalms (e. g. xlviii) seem
establishment on earth of the glorious Kingdom of to imply a judgment of individuals, good and bad,
God, which Christians are assured will be realized only after death; and the certainty of a future judgment
in heaven at the close of the present dispensation. of "every work, whether it be good or evil", is the
(4) Passing from these general observations which final solution of the moral enigmas of earthly life of-
seem necessary for the true understanding of O.-T. fered by Ecclesiastes (xii, 13-14; cf. iii, 17). Coming
eschatology, a brief reference will be made to the pass- to the later (deuterocanonical) books of the O. T. we
ages which exhibit the growth of a higher and fuller have clear evidence in II Mach. of Jewish faith not
doctrine of immortality. The recognition of individ- only in the resurrection of the body (vii, 9-14), but in
ual as opposed to mere corporate responsibility and the efficacy of prayers and sacrifices for the dead who
retribution may be reckoned, at least remotely, as a have died in godliness (xii, 43 sqq.). And in the sec-
gain to eschatology, even when retribution is confined ond and first centuries b. c, in the Jewish apocryphal
chiefly to this life; and this principle is repeatedly literature, new eschatological developments appear,
recognized in the earliest books. (See Gen., xviii, 25; chiefly in the direction of a more definite doctrine of
Ex., xxxii, 33; Num., xvi, 22; Deut., vii, 10; xxiv, 16; retribution after death. The word Sheol is still most
II K., xxiv, 17 ; IV K., xiv, 6 ; Is., iii, 10 sq. ; xxxiii, 15 commonly understood of the general abode of the de-
saq.; Jer., xii, 1 sq.; xvii, 5-10; xxxii, 18 sq.; Ezech., parted awaiting the resurrection, this abode having
xiv, 12-20 ; xviii, 4, 18 sqq. ; Psalms, passim; Prov., ii, different divisions for the reward of the righteous ana
21 sq.; x, 2; xi, 19, 31; etc.) It is recognized also in the punishment of the wicked: in reference to the
the very terms of the problem dealt with in the Book latter, Sheol is sometimes simply equivalent to heJL
of Job. Gehenna is the name usually applied to the final place
But, coming to higher things, we find in the Psalms of punishment of the wicked after the last judgment,
and in Job the clear expression of a hope or assurance or even immediately after death; while paradise is
for the just of a life of blessedness after death. Here often used to designate the intermediate abode of the
is voiced, under Divine inspiration, the innate crav- souls of the just, and heaven their home of final bless-
ing of the righteous soul for everlasting fellowship edness (for detailed references to apocryphal literature
with God, the protest of a strong and vivid faitn see Charles, article "Eschatology" in ''Encyel. Bib-
against the popular conception of Sheol. Omitting lica", §§63, 70). Christ's use of these terms shows
doubtful passages, it is enough to refer to Psalms that the Jews of His day were sufficiently familiar with
xv (A.V. xvi), xvi (A.V. xvii), xlviii (A.V. xlix), and their N.-T. meanings,
lxxii (A.V. lxxiii). Of these it is not impossible to III. Catholic Eschatology. — In this article then
*
S80HATOLOOT 533 KSOHATOLOOY
0 no critical discussion of N.-T.eschatology nor any at- misery or of subjective punishment of any kind, but
tempt to trace the historical developments of Catholic merelv implies the objective privation of supernat-
teaching from Scriptural and traditional data; only a ural bliss, which is compatible with a condition of
brief conspectus is given of the developed Catholic perfect natural happiness. But in the narrower sense
system. For criticaland historical details and for the in which the name is ordinarily used, hell is the state
refutation of opposing views the reader is referred to of those who are punished eternally for unrepented
the special articles dealing with the various doctrines, personal mortal sin. Beyond affirming the existence
The eschatological summary which speaks of the of' such a state, with varying degrees of punishment
"four last things" (death, judgment, heaven, and corresponding to degrees of guilt and its eternal or
hell) is popular rather than scientific. For system- unending duration, Catholic doctrine does not go. It
atic treatment it is best to distinguish between (A) in- is a terrible and mysterious truth, but it is clearly and
dividual and (B) universal and cosmic eschatology, emphatically taught by Christ and the Apostles,
including under (A): (1) death ; (2) the particular judg- Rationalists may deny the eternity of hell in spite of
ment; (3) heaven, or eternal happiness; (4) purgatory, the authority of Christ, and professing, Christians,
or the intermediate state ; (5) hell, or eternal punish- who are unwilling to admit it, may try to explain
ment; and under (£): (6) the approach of the end of away Christ's words; but it remains as the Divinely
the world; (7) the resurrection of the body; (8) the gen- revealed solution of the problem of moral evil. (See
eral judgment; and (9) the final consummation of all Hell.) Rival solutions have been sought for in some
things. The superiority of Catholic eschatology con- form of the theory of restitution or, less commonly, in
Bists in the fact that, without professing to answer the theory of annihilation or conditional immortality,
every question that idle curiosity may suggest, it gives The restitutionist view, which in its Origenist form
a clear, consistent, satisfying statement of all that was condemned at the Council of Constantinople in
need at present be known, or can profitably be under- 543, and later at the Fifth General Council (see Apoca-
stood, regarding the eternal issues of life and death for tastasis), is the cardinal dogma of modern Universal-
each of us personally, and the final consummation of ism (q. v.),- and is favoured more or less by liberal
the cosmos of which we are a part. Protestants and Anglicans. Based on an exagger-
(A) Individual Eschatology. — (1) Death, which con- ated optimism for which present experience offers no
sists in the separation of soul and body, is presented guarantee, this view assumes the all-conquering effi-
under many aspects in 'Catholic teaching, but chiefly cacy of the ministry of grace in a life of probation after
(a) as being actually and historically, in the present death, and looks forward to the ultimate conversion
order of supernatural Providence, the consequence of all sinners and the voluntary disappearance of
and penalty of Adam's sin (Gen., ii, 17; Rom., v, 12, moral evil from the universe. Annihilationists; on
etc.) ; (b) as being the end of man's period of proba- the other hand, failing to find either in reason or Rev-
tion, the event which decides his eternal destiny (II elation any grounds for such optimism, and consider-
Cor., v, 10; John, ix, 4; Luke, xii, 40; xvi, 19 sqq.; ing immortality itself to be a grace and not the natural
etc.), though it does not exclude an intermediate state attribute of the soul, believe that the finally impeni-
of purification for the imperfect who die in God's tent will be annihilated or cease to exist — that God
grace ; and (c) as being universal, though as to its ab- will thus ultimately be compelled to confess the failure
solute universality (for those living at the end of the of His purpose and power.
world) there is some room for doubt because of I (B)Univrrsaland Cosmic Eschatology. — (6)Notwith-
Thess., iv, 14 sqq.; I Cor., xv, 51 ; II Tim., iv, 1. standing Christ's express refusal to specify the time of
(2) That a particular judgment of each soul takes theend(Mark,xiii,32;Acts,i,6sq.),itwasacommonbe-
place at death is implied m many passages of the N . T. lief among early Christians that the end of the world was
(Luke, xvi, 22 sqq. ; xxiii, 43 ; Acts, i, 25 ; etc.), and in near. This seemed to have some support in certain say-
the teaching of tne Council of Florence (Denzinger, ings of Christ in reference to the destruction of Jeru-
Enchiridion, no. 588) regarding the speedy entry of salem, which are set down in the Gospels side by side
each soul into heaven, purgatory! or hell. (See with prophecies relating to the end (Matt., xxiv; Luke,
Judgment, Particular.) xxi), ana in certain passages of the Apostolic writings,
(3) Heaven is the abode of the blessed, where (after which might, not unnaturally, have been so under-
the resurrection with glorified bodies) they enjoy, stood (but see II Thess., ii, 2 sqq., where St. Paul cor-
in the company of Christ and the angels, the im- rects this impression). On the other hand, Christ had
mediate vision of God face to face, being supernatur- clearly stated that the Gospel was to be preached to
ally elevated by the light of glory so as to be capable of all nations before the end (Matt., xxiv, 14), and St.
such a vision. There are infinite degrees of glory cor- Paul looked forward to the ultimate conversion of the
responding to degrees of merit, but all are unspeak- "Jewish people as a remote event to be preceded by the
ably happy in the eternal possession of God. Only conversion of the Gentiles (Rom., xi, 25 sqq.). Vari-
the perfectly pure and holy can enter heaven; but for ous other signs are spoken of as preceding or ushering
those who have attained that state, either at death or in the end, as a great apostasy (II Thess., ii, 3 scjq.),
after a course of purification in purgatory, entry into or falling away from faith or charity (Luke, xviii, 8;
heaven is not deferred, as has sometimes been erro- xvii, 26; Matt., xxiv, 12), the reign of Antichrist
neously held, -till after the General Judgment. (q. v.), and great social calamities and terrifying phy-
(4) Purgatory is the intermediate state of unknown sical convulsions. Yet the end will come unexpect-
duration in which those who die imperfect,but not in un- edly and take the living by surprise.
repented mortal sin, undergo a course of penal purifica- (7) The visible coming (parousia) of Christ in power
tion, to qualify for admission into heaven. They share and dory will be the signal for the rising of the dead
in the communion of saints (a. v.) and are benefited (see Resurrection). It is Catholic teaching that all
by our prayers and good works (see Dead, Praters the dead who are to be judged will rise, the wicked as
for the). The denial of purgatory by the Re- well as the just, and that they will rise with the bodies
formers introduced a dismal blank in their eschatol- they had in this life. But nothing is denned as to
ogy and, after the manner of extremes, has led to ex- what is required to constitute this identity of the risen
treme reactions. (See Purgatory.) and transformed with the present body. Though not
(5) Hell, in Catholic teaching, designates the place formally defined, it is sufficiently certain that there is
or state of men (and angels) who, because of sin, are to be only one general resurrection, simultaneous for
excluded for ever from the Beatific Vision. In this the good and the bad. (See Millennium.) Regard-
wide sense it applies to the state of those who die with ing the qualities of the risen bodies in the case of the
only original sin on their souls (Council of Florence, just we have St. Paul's description in I Cor., xv (cf.
Denzinger, no. 588), although this is not a state of Matt., xiii, 43; Phil., hi, 21) as a basis for theological
BSOHENBAOH
534
KSOORIAL
speculation ; but in the case of the damned we can only
affirm that their bodies will be incorruptible.
(8) Regarding the general judgment there is nothing
of importance to be added here to the graphic descrip-
tion of the event given by Christ Himself, who is to be
Judge (Matt., xxv ; etc.)- (See Judgment, General.)
(9) There is mention also of the physical universe
sharing in the general consummation (II Pet., iii, 13;
Rom., viii, 19 saq.; Apoc, xxi, 1 sqq.). The present
heaven and earth will be destroyed, and a new heaven
and earth take their place. But what, precisely, this
process will involve, or what purpose the renovated
world will serve is not revealed. It may possibly be
part of the glorious Kingdom of Christ of which " there
shall be no end". Christ's militant* reign is to cease
with the accomplishment of His office as Judge (I Cor.,
xv, 24 sqq.), but as King of the elect whom He has
saved He will reign with them in glory for ever.
A good bibliography of older works is given in Alger, A
Critical History of the Doctrine of the Future Life with complete
Bibliography by Ezra Abbott (New York, 1871). Salmond,
Christian Doctrine of Immortality (5th ed., Edinburgh, 1903) —
very complete; Oesteblt, The Doctrine of the Last Things (Lon-
don, 1908). For ethnic eschatologies the reader is referred for a
fuller bibliography to the special articles on the various religions
mentioned j it is enough to refer here, for the lower races, to per-
tinent sections in Lubbock, On the Origin of Civilisation ana the
Primitive Condition of Man (5th ed., London. 1890); Ttlob,
Primitive Culture (3rd ed., London, 1891); Rbville, Let reli-
gions dee peuples non-civUises (Paris, 1883); for higher races, to
Jastbow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, 1898);
Jeremiajb, Die babytonisch-assyrischen VorsteUungen vom Zu-
stand nach dem Tode (Leipzig, 1887): Buwje, Egyptian Ideas of
the Future Life (London, 1901); Petri e, Relimon and Con-
science in Ancient Egypt (London, 1898); Satce, The Religions of
Ancient Egypt and Babylonia (Oiffora Lectures, 1901); Rhys-
Davids, Buddhism (London, 1882); Jackson, Zoroaster, the
Prophet of Ancient Iran (New York, 1898); Rohde, Psyche, See-
lencult und Unsterblichkeitsgiaube der Oriechen (2nd ed., Frei-
burg, 1898); besides general works on ancient religions like
those of Tiele, De la Saussaye, etc. For biblical eschatol-
msee Davidson-Charles-Salmond in Hast., Diet, of the
, s. v.; Charles, Critical History of the Doctrine of a Future
Life in Israel, in Judaism and in Christianity (London, 1899):
Idem in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s. v. (this author is to be read
with caution; he is extremely arbitrary in dating and interpre-
ting documents); Atzberger, Die chrvttliche Eschatologie in den
Stadien ihrer Offenbarung im Alien und Neuen Testaments (Frei-
burg im Br., 1890); Mangenot, Fin du Monde in Via., Diet, de
la Bible. For the history of Catholic eschatology see Atzber-
ger, Oeschichte der chrisuichen Eschatologie innerhalb der vorni-
oanischen Zeit (Freiburg im Br., 1896); and for modern escha-
tological problems and controversies see bibliography of the
several articles referred to in the last section of this article.
P. J. Toner.
Eschenbach, Wolfram von. See Wolfram.
Escobar, Marina de, Venerable, mystic and
foundress of a modified branch of the Brigittine Order
b. at Valladolid, Spain, 8 Feb., 1554; d. there 9 June,
1633. Her father, Iago de Escobar, was professor of
civil and canon law and for a time governor of Osuna,
a man noted for his learning and his saintly life; her
mother was Margaret Montana, daughter of Charles
V's physician. She was an apt scholar and even in
youth showed powers of reflection beyond her age.
Until her forty-fifth year her attention was given
mainly to her own perfection, then she devoted herself
more to promoting the piety of others. At fifty her
continual bodily afflictions became so severe that she
was confined to her bed for the remainder of her life.
Providence provided her with an admirable spiritual
guide, in the Venerable Luis de Ponte (1554-1624).
The special external work entrusted to her was to
establish a branch of the Order of the Holy Saviour or
Brigittines but with the rules greatly modified to suit
the times and the country. With the revelation of the
work came the knowledge that she would not live to
see its accomplishment. By divine command, as she
believed, she wrote her revelations, and when too
feeble she dictated them. Luis de Ponte arranged
them and left them for publication after her death.
In his preface he declares his belief in their genuine-
ness because she advanced in virtue and was preserved
free from temptations against purity, showed no pride,
and had peace in prayer, feared deception, desired no
extraordinary favours, loved suffering, was zealous for
souls and, lastly, was obedient to her confessor. The
writings were published in one large volume and are
divided into six books containing his remarks and her
own, interspersed between the visions themselves.
Book I treats of the extraordinary means by which
God had led her; II contains revelations about the
mysteries of redemption; III about God and the
Blessed Trinity; IV about Guardian Angels and the
B. V. Mary's prerogatives; V gives means to help souls
in purgatory and to save souls on earth; and VI re-
veals her perfection as shown under terrible sufferings.
The style of the work is free and flowing and she
speaks with simplicity and naive frankness. The vis-
ions, always picturesque, and pleasing or alarming
according to their subject, are all instructive and
at times distinctly curious; but the descriptions
are mere outlines, leaving much to the imagination,
and never going into details. Their variety is great.
For some the following would have special interest:
Daily communion and Satan's objection to it; mystic
espousals; how the bodies of saints can appear in
visions; internal stigmata; some saints with whom
modern hagiozraphers have dealt harshly, as St.
Christopher. Their brevity of detail may account in
{>art for the oblivion into which they have fallen. Her
ife, so far as de Ponte had prepared it, was published
at Madrid in 1664; the second part appeared there in
1673. It was translated into Latin by M. Hanel, S. J.,
and published again at Prague in 1672-1688, and in an
enlarged edition at Naples 1690. All these editions
are now very rare. A German translation, in four
volumes, appeared in 1861. (See Brigittines.)
Edward P. Graham.
Escobar y Mendosa, Antonio, b. at Valladolid in
1589; d. there 4 July, 1669. In his sixteenth year he
entered the Society of Jesus. Talent and untiring
labour won him distinction for scholarship among the
leaders of ecclesiastical science in his age. His writ-
ings are recognized as classical and challenge criticism
as far as their orthodoxy is concerned. For this rea-
son Pascal's efforts (fifth and sixth Provincial Letters)
to fasten the charge of laxism on Escobar's "Manual of
Cases of Conscience", together with his unscrupulous
insinuations of adroit hypocrisy on Escobar's part,
are too base and cowardly to merit serious considera-
tion. At the same time, it is onlv fair to add that
Escobar's writings are not entirely beyond the pale of
criticism. Unprejudiced critics find him inexact in
quotations, subtle in discussion, obscure and loose in
reasoning. Besides the " Manual", Escobar's chief
works are: " Summula casuum conscientise " (Pamp-
lona, 1626); "Examen et praxis confessariorum "
(Lyons, 1647); "Theologia Moralis" (Lyons, 1650;
Venice, 1652) ; " Univers® Theologies Moralis receptee
sententiie " (Lyons, 1663) ; " De Triplici Statu Eccle-
siastico" (Lyons, 1663); "De Justitia et de legibus"
(Lyons, 1663).
Escobar was also a preacher of note. For fifty
consecutive years he delivered a series of Lenten ser-
mons with signal success.
Hurter, Nomenclator, II, 264 sqq.; Badkr in Kirchenlex.,
IV, 1892: Buchberger, Kirchliches Handler., s. v.; Cat in La
Grande Encyc, s.v.
J. D. O'Neill.
Escorial, The, a remarkable building in Spain
situated on the south-eastern slope of the Sierra Oua-
darrama about twenty-seven miles north-west of Ma-
drid. Its proper title is El real Monasterio de San
Lorenzo del Escorial, Escorial being the name of a
small town in the vicinity. The structure comprises
a monastery, church, pantheon or royal mausoleum, a
palace intended as summer and autumn residence of
the court, college, library, art-galleries, etc., and is
called by Spaniards the eighth wonder of the world.
It was begun in 1563, at the order of Philip II, by the
ESDRAS
535
E8DRA8
architect Juan Bautista de Toledo, assisted by Lucas
de Escalante and Pedro de Tolosa, and was intended
to commemorate the, Spanish victory over the French
at the battle of St-Quentin in 1557. Probably another
reason was that Philip II was obliged by the will of
Charles V to erect a royal mausoleum.
Bautista 's plan was ambitious and eccentric ; he was
influenced by Renaissance ideals and used the Doric
style in its severest forms. He died in 1567 and was
succeeded by Juan de Herrera and Juan de Minjores.
The plan of the building is somewhat in the shape of a
gridiron, and is thought thus to commemorate the
fate of its patron saint, St. Laurence, upon whose feast
day, 10 August, the battle of St-Quentin was fought.
The church was consecrated in 1586, and the pantheon
was completed in 1654. Charles III built some addi-
tions ana the building generally was restored under
Ferdinand VII. The Escorial has twice been devas-
tated by fire, and in 1807 it was looted by the French
troops. It is built of a light-coloured stone resembling
granite, for the most part highly polished. The gen-
eral plan is a parallelogram with a perimeter of 3000
feet; its area is about 500,000 square feet. There are
four facades, the finest external aspect being on the
southern side. The western or principal front is 744
feet long and 72 feet high, while the towers at each
end rise about 200 feet. The main entrance is in the
centre of this facade. Monegro's figure of Saint Lau-
rence stands above the door. The vestibule is about
eighty feet wide and leads into the Court of the Kings.
To the right are the library, refectory, and convent:
the college is On the left. The church is the finest of
the several buildings contained within the walls of the
Escorial. Its tall towers on either side, the immense
dome, with its superimposed massive lantern and cross,
and tne portals of the vestibule, at once attract atten-
tion. The church is of stone throughout, huge in plan,
and severe in its Doric simplicity. Pompeo Leoni de-
signed and cast the metal statues that ornament the
splendid screen. A hall behind the ante-choir is known
as the library. On the south side of the church is the
Court of the Evangelists, a square of 166 feet with two-
storied cloisters in the Grecian style. Adjoining it is
the monastery of Saint Laurence. Both the monastery
and the church were served by Hieronymite monies
until 1835; in 1885 Augustinians took charge. The
Augustinian monks also conduct the college, the build-
ing of which formed an important part of the great
structure. On 10 Feb., 1909, it was slightly damaged
by fire. The small room which Philip II occupied
during the latter part of his life and in which he
died adjoins the choir of the church. Through an
opening in the wall he could see the celebration of
tne Mass when ill. The corridor of the Hall of the
Caryatides is supposed to represent the handle of the
gridiron.
The Escorial is a treasure-house of art and learning.
The civilized world was searched to stock the library
with great books and fine manuscripts. Greece, Arabia,
and Palestine contributed, and the collection was at
one time the finest in Europe, the Arabic documents
being among the most remarkable of the manuscripts.
From the Inquisition the library received about one
hundred and forty works. It contains 7000 engrav-
ings and 35,006 volumes, including 4627 manuscripts :
among the last named are 1886 Arabic, 582 Greek, and
73 Hebrew manuscripts, besides 2086 in Latin and
other languages (cf. Casiri, Bibliotheca arab.-hisp.
Escur., Madrid, 1760-1770, 2 vols.). Among its manu-
script treasures are a copy of the Gospels Eliminated
in gold on vellum, and the Apocalypse of Saint John
richly illustrated. It also contains a large collection
of church music, included in which are compositions
of the monks, del Valle, Torrijos. and Corduba, besides
many of the musical works of Antonio Soler. The most
important tapestries of the Escorial are in the palace;
many of them were designed by Goya and Maella. The
weaving was done chiefly in Madrid, Imt those de-
signed by Teniers were made in Holland. Since 1837
the finest pictures of the large collection of paintings
have been placed in the museum at Madrid. Among
the famous artists whose works were or still are in the
Escorial are: Carducci, Giordano, Goya, Holbein, Pan-
toja, Reni, Ribera, Teniers, Tibaldo, Tintoretto, Ti-
tian, Velazquez, Zuccaro, Zurbardn.
Calvkrt, The Escorial (London and New York, 1907);
Hamlin, History of Architecture (London and New York, 1004),
351; B. and B. F. Banister, A History of Architecture (London
and New York, 1905), 537, 539; Smith, Architecture, Gothic and
Renaissance (London)} 232.
Thomas H. Poole.
Esdras. — I. A famous priest and scribe connected
with Israel's restoration after the Exile. The chief
sources of information touching his life are the canoni-
cal books of Esdras and Nehemias. A group of apocry-
phal writings is also much concerned with him, but they
can hardly be relied upon, as they relate rather the
legendary tales of a later age. Esdras was ofpriestly
descent and belonged to the line of Sadoc (I Esd., vii,
1-5). He styles himself "son of Saraias" (vii, 1), an
expression which is by many understood in a broad
sense, as purporting that Saraias, the chief-priest,
spoken of in IV K., xxv, 18-21, was one of Esdras's
ancestors. Nevertheless he is known rather as " the
scribe" than as "priest": he was "a ready scribe
[a scribe skilled] in the law of Moses 'V, and therefore
especially qualified for the task to which he was des-
tined among his people.
The chronological relation of Esdras's work with
that of Nehemias is, among the questions connected
with the history of the Jewish Restoration, one of the
most mooted. Many Biblical scholars still cling to the
view suggested by tne traditional order of the sacred
text (due allowance being made for the break in the
narrative — I Esd., iv, 6-23), and place the mission of
Esdras before that of Nehemias. Others, among
whom we may mention Professor Van Hoonacker of
Louvain, Dr. T. K. Cheyne in England, and Professor
C. F. Kent in America, to do away with the number-
less difficulties arising from the interpretation of the
main sources of this history, maintain that Nehemias's
mission preceded that of Esdras. The former view
holds that Esdras came to Jerusalem about 458 b.c,
and Nehemias first in 444 and the second time about
430 b.c. ; whereas, according to the opposite opinion,
Esdras's mission might have taken place as late as 397
b.c. However this may be, since we are here con-
cerned only with Esdras, we will limit ourselves to
summarising the principal features of his life and work,
without regard to the problems involved, which it suf-
fices to have mentioned.
Many years had elapsed after permission had been
given to the Jews to return to Palestine; amidst diffi-
culties and obstacles the restored community had set-
tled down again in their ancient home and built a new
temple; but their condition, both from the political
and the religious point of view, was most precarious:
they chafed under the oppression of the Persian sa-
traps and had grown indifferent and unobservant of
the Law. From Babylon, where this state of affairs
was well known, Esdras longed to go to Jerusalem and
use his authority as a priest and interpreter of the
Law to restore things to a better condition. He was
in favour at the court of the Persian king; he not only
obtained permission to visit Judea, but a royal edict
clothing him with ample authority to carry out his
purpose, and ample support from the royal treasury.
The rescript, moreover, ordered the satraps "beyond
the river1' to assist Esdras liberally and enacted that
all Jewish temple officials should be exempt from toll,
tribute, or custom. "And thou, Esdras, appoint
judges and magistrates, that they may judge all the
people, that is beyond the river ' ' (I Esd., vii, 25) . Fi-
nally, the Law of God and the law of the king were
f
ISDRAS
536
ISDRAS
alike to be enforced by severe penalties. The edict
left all Jews who felt so inclined free to go back to their
own country. Some 1800 men, including a certain
number of priests. Levites, and Nathinites, started
with Esdras from Babylon, and after-five months the
company safely reached Jerusalem. Lonjej-neglected
abuses had taken root in the sacred city. These
Esdras set himself vigorously to correct, after the
silver and gold he had carried from Babylon were
brought into the Temple and sacrifices offered. The
first task which confronted him was that of dealing
with mixed marriages. Regardless of the Law of
Moses, many, even the leading Jews and priests, had
intermarried with the idolatrous inhabitants of the
country. Horror-stricken by the discovery of this
abuse — the extent of which was very likely unknown
heretofore to Esdras — he gave utterance to his feelings
in a prayer which made such an impression upon the
people that Sechenias, in their names, proposed that
the Israelites should put away their foreign wives and
the children born of them. Esdras seized his oppor-
tunity, and exacted from the congregation an oath
that they would comply with this proposition. A
general assembly of tne people was called by the
princes and the ancients; but the business could not
be transacted easily at such a meeting and a special
commission, with Esdras at its head, was appointed to
take the matter in hand. For three full months this
commission held its sessions; at the end of that time
the "strange wives" were dismissed.
What was the outcome of this drastic measure we
are not told: Esdras's memoirs are interrupted here.
Nor do we know whether, his task accomplished, he
returned to Babylon or remained in Jerusalem. At any
rate we find him again in the latter city at the reading
of the Law which took place after the rebuilding of
the walls. No doubt this event had kindled the en-
thusiasm of the people ; and to comply with the popu-
lar demand, Esdras brought the Book of the Law.
On the first day of the seventh month (Tishri), a great
meeting was held " in the street that was before the
Watergate", for the purpose of reading the Law.
Standing on a platform, Esdras read the Dook aloud
"from tne morning until midday1'. At hearing the
words of the Law, which they had so much trans-
gressed, the congregation broke forth into lamenta-
tions unsuited to the holiness of the day; Nehemias
therefore adjourned the assembly. The reading was
resumed on the next day by Esdras, and they found
in the Law the directions concerning the feast of the
Tabernacles. Thereupon steps were at once taken
for the due celebration of this feast, which was to last
seven days, from the fifteenth to the twenty-second
day of Tishri. Esdras continued the public reading
of the Law every day of the feast ; and two days after
its close a strict fast was held, and " they stood; and
confessed their sins, and the iniquities of their fathers"
(II Esd., ix, 2). There was a good opportunity
to renew solemnly the covenant between tne people
and God. This covenant pledged the community to
the observance of the Law, the abstention from inter-
marriage with heathens, the careful keeping of the
Sabbath and of the feasts, and to various regulations
agreed to for the care of the Temple, its service, and
the payment of the tithes. It was formally recited by
the princes, the Levites, and the priests, and.signed by
Nehemias and chosen representatives of the priests,
the Levites, and the people (strange as it may appear,
Esdras's name is not to be found in the list of the sub-
scribers— II Esd., x, 1-27). Henceforth no mention
whatever is made of Esdras in the canonical literature.
He is not spoken of in connexion with the second mis-
sion of Nehemias to Jerusalem, and this has led many
to suppose that he was dead at the time. In fact both
the time and place of his death are unknown, although
there is on tne banks of the Tigris, near the place
where this river joins the Euphrates, a monument pur-
Sorting to be Esdras's tomb, and which, for centuries,
as been a place of pilgrimage for the Jews.
Esdras's role in the restoration of the Jews after the
exile left a lasting impression upon the minds of the
people. This is due mostly to the fact that hence-
forth Jewish life was shaped-on the lines laid down by
him, and in a way from which, in the main, it never
departed. There is probably a great deal of truth in
the tradition which attributes to him the organization
of the synagogues and the determination of the books
hallowed as canonical among the Jews. Esdras's
activity seems to have extended still further. He is
credited by the Talmud with having compiled "his
own book* (that is to say Esd.-Nehem.), "and the
genealogies of the book of Chronicles as far as him-
self" (Treat. " Baba bathra", 15*). Modern scholars,
however, differ widely as to the extent of his literary
work: some regard him as the last editor of the Hexa-
teuch, whereas, on the other hand, his part in the com-
position of Esdras-Nehemias and Paralipomenon is
doubted. At any rate, it is certain that he had nothing
to do with the composition of the so-called Third ana
Fourth Books of Esdras. As is the case with many men
who played an important part at momentous epochs
in history, in the course of time Esdras's personality
and activity assumed, in the minds of the people, gi-
gantic proportions; legend blended with history and
supplied the scantiness of information concerning his
life ; he was looked upon as a second Moses to whom
were attributed all institutions which could not possi-
bly be ascribed to the former. According to Jewish
traditions, he restored from memory— an achieve-
ment little short of miraculous— all the books of the
O. T., which were believed to have perished during the
Exile; he likewise replaced, in the copying of Holy
Writ, the old Phoenician writing by the alphabet still
in use. Until the Middle Ages, and even the Renais-
sance, the crop of legendary achievements attributed
to him grew up; it was then that Esdras was hailed as
the organizer of the famous Great Synagogue — the
very existence of which seems to be a myth — and the
inventor of the Hebrew vocal signs.
Rtle, Ezra and Nehemiah (Cambridge, 1803): Ciaib, Esdras
et Nehemias (Paris, 1882): Lagrange, Nehemie-Esdras in
Revue BMique (1865), 193; Van Hoonacker, NShemie en
Van 90 tTArtaxerxes I; Esdras en Van 7 cTArtaxerxes II
(Ghent, 1802); Idem, Zorobabel et le second temple (Ghent,
1802); Idem, Nouveues etudes sur la resiauration juive apres
VexU de BabyUme (Paris and Lou vain, 1806); Idem, Nenemie-
Esdras in Revue BMique (1805), 186; SchOrer, Gesch. it* jud.
Volkes im ZeitaUer J. C. (Leipsifc 1001): Kostebs. Het Herstd
van Israel in het versische Tijdvak (Leyden, 1804); Kuenen, De
Chronoloqie van net perzische Tijdvak der Joodsme geschiedenis
(Amsterdam, 1800).
II. Books of Esdras. — Not a little confusion
arises from the titles of these books. Esdras A of the
Septuagint is III Esdras of St. Jerome, whereas the
Greek Esdras B corresponds to I and II Esdras of the
Vulgate, which were originally united into one book.
Protestant writers, after the Geneva Bible, call I and
II Esdras of the Vulgate respectively Ezra and Nehe-
miah, and III and IV Esdras of the Vulgate respec-
tively I and II Esdras. It would be desirable to have
uniformity of titles. We shall follow here the termi-
nology of St. Jerome.
/ Esdras (Gr. Esdras B, first part; A.V. Ezra). —
As remarked above, this book formed in the Jewish
canon, together witn II Esd., a single volume. But
Christian writers of the fourth century adopted the
custom — the origin of which is not easy to assign— of
considering them as two distinct works. This custom
prevailed to such an extent that it found its way even
into tne Hebrew Bible, where it has remained m use.
On the other hand, the many and close resemblances
undeniably existing between Esd.-Neh. and Far., and
usually accounted for by unity of authorship, nave
suggested that possibly all these books formed, in the
beginning, one single volume, for which the title of
" Ecclesiastical Chronicle of Jerusalem " has been pro-
CSDRAS
537
ESDRAS
as fairly expressing its contents. Should these
>ks be regarded as independent, or as parts of a
larger work? There is little discussion as to the union
of I and II Esd., which may well be considered as a
single book. As to the opinion holding Eed.-Neh. and
Far. to be only one work, although it seems gaining
ground among Biblical students, yet it is still strongly
opposed by many who deem its arguments unable to
outweigh the evidence in the opposite direction. We
should not expect to find in I Esd., any more than in
II Esd., a complete account of the events connected
with the Restoration, even a complete record of the
lives of Esdras and Nehemias. The reason for this
lies in the author's purpose of simply narrating the
principal steps taken in the re-establishment of the
theocracy in Jerusalem. Thus, in two parallel parts,
our book deals (1) with the return of the Jews under
the leadership of Zorobabel ; (2) with the return of an-
other band commanded by Esdras. In the former,
withvthe decree of Cyrus (i, 1-4) and the enumeration
of the most prominent members of the caravan (ii),
we read a detailed account of the rebuilding of the
Temple and its successful completion, in spite of bitter
opposition (iii-vi). The events therein contained
cover twenty-one years (536-515). The latter part
deals with facts belonging to a much later date (458 or
397). Opening with the decree of Artaxerxes (vii)
and the census of the members of the party, it briefly
relates the journey across the desert (viii), and gives
. all the facts connected with the enforcement of the
law concerning marriages with foreign women (ix-x).
I Esd. is a compilation the various parts of which
differ in nature, in origin, and even in language. At
least three of the parts may be recognised: (1) the per-
sonal memoirs of Esdras (vii, 27-ix, 15); (2) lists very
likely taken from public documents (ii, 1-70; vii, 1-5) :
(3) Aramaic writings (iv, 7-vi, 18; vii, 12-26), supposed
with some probability to be a portion of " a more com-
prehensive history of the restored community " (Stade) .
These the compiler put together into the present
shape, adding, of course, now and then some remarks
of his own, or some facts borrowed from sources other-
wise unknown to us. This compilatory character does
not, as some might believe, lessen in any way the high
historical value of the work. True, the compiler was
very likely not endowed with a keen sense of criticism,
ana he has indiscriminatingly transcribed side by side
all his sources "as if all were alike trustworthy" (L.
W. Batten) ; but we should not forget that he has pre-
served to us pages of the highest value; even those that
might be deemed of inferior trustworthiness are the
only documents available with which to reconstruct
the history of those times; and the compiler, even from
the standpoint of modern scientific research, could
hardly do anything more praiseworthy than place
within our reach, as he did, tne sources of information
at his disposal. The composition of the work has long
been attributed without discussion to Esdras himself.
This view, taught by the Talmud, and still admitted
by scholars of good standing, is, however, abandoned
by several modern Biblical students, who, although
their opinions are widely at variance on the question
of the date, fairly agree, nevertheless, that the book is
later than 330 b. c.
// Esdras.— See Nehemias.
/// Esdras (Qr. Esdras A; Prot, writers, I Esdras). —
Although not belonging to the Canon of the Sacred
Scriptures, this book is usually found, ne prorsus in-
Ureal, in an appendix to the editions of the Vulgate.
It is made up almost entirely from materials existing
in canonical books. The following scheme will show
sufficiently the contents and point out the canonical
parallels: —
III Esd., i=II Par., xxxv, xxxvi. — History of the
Kingdom of Juda from the great Passover of
Joflias to the Captivity.
Ill Esd., ii, 1-15 (Greek text, 14) =1 Esd., i
— Cyrus's decree. Return of Sassabasar.
Ill Esd;. ii, 16 (Gr. 15)-31 (Gr. 25) =1 Esd., iv, 6-
24. — Opposition to the rebuilding of the Temple.
Ill EsdM hi, 1-v, 6. — Original portion. Story of
the three pages. Return of Zorobabel.
Ill Esd., v, 7-46 (Gr. 45)=I Esd., ii.— List of
those returning with Zorobabel.
Ill Esd., v, 47 (Gr. 46)-73 (Gr. 70) =1 Esd., iii.
1-iv, 5. — Altar of holocausts. Foundation of
the Temple laid. Opposition.
Ill Esd., vi, vii=I Esd., v, vi. — Completion of the
Temple.
Ill Esa., viii, 1-ix, 36=1 Esd., vii-x. — Return of
Esdras.
III Esd., ix, 37-56 (Gr. 55) =11 Esd., vii, 73-
viii, 12. — Reading of the Law by Esdras.
The book is incomplete, and breaks off in the middle of
a sentence. True, the Latin version completes the
broken phrase of tne Greek; but the book in its en-
tirety probably contained also the narrative of the feast
of Tabernacles (II Esd., viii). A very strange feature
in the work is its absolute disregard of chronological
order; the history, indeed; runs directly backwards,
mentioning first Artaxerxes (ii, 16-31), then Darius
(iii— v, 6), finally Cyrus (v, 7-73). All this makes it
difficult to detect the real object of the book and the
purpose of the compiler. It has been suggested that
we possess here a history of the Temple from the time
of Josias down to Nehemias, and this view is well sup-
ported by the subscription of the Old Latin version.
Others suppose that, in the main, the book is rather an
early translation of the chronicler's work, made at a*
time when Par., Esd., and Neh. still formed one contin-
uous volume. Be this as it may, there seems to have
been, up to St. Jerome, some hesitation with regard to
the reception of the book into the Canon; it was freely
quoted by the early Fathers, and included in Origen s
" Hexapla ". This might be accounted for by the fact
that III Esd. may be considered as another recension
of canonical Scriptures. Unquestionably our book
eannot claim to be Esdras's work. From certain par-
ticulars, such as the close resemblance of the Greek
with that of the translation of Daniel, some details of
vocabulary, etc., scholars are led to believe that III
Esd. was compiled, probably in Lower Egypt, during
the second century b. c. Of the author nothing can
be said except, perhaps, that the above-noted resem-
blance of style to Dan. might incline one to conclude
that both works are possibly from the same hand.
Howorth, The Real Character and the Importance of the First
Book of Esdras in The Academy. Jan. -June, 1803; Calm bt. Dis-
sertation sur le troisieme livre a" Esdras in Commentaire liUeral
(Paris, 1724), III; SchOrer, Ajpokryphen des A.T. in Realen-
cyklopadie filar prot. Theol. und Kirche (Leipsig, 1896).
IV Esdras. — Such is the title of the book in most
Latin MSS. ; the (Prot.) English Apocrypha, however,
give it as II Esd., from the opening words: "The sec-
ond book of the prophet Esdras". Modern authors
often call it also the Apocalypse of Esdras. This re-
markable work has not been preserved in the original
Greek text; but we possess translations of it in Latin,
Syriac, Arabic (two independent versions), Ethiopian,
and Armenian. The Latin text is usually printed in
the appendix to the editions of the Vulgate; but these
editions miss seventy verses between vii, 35. and vii,
36. The missing fragment, which was react in the
other versions, was discovered in a Latin MS. by R. L.
Bensly, in 1874, and has been since repeatedly printed.
In the Latin the book is divided into sixteen chapters.
The two opening (i, ii) and the two concluding (xv,
xvi) chapters, however, which are not to be found in
the Eastern translations, are unhesitatingly regarded
by all as later additions, foreign to the primitive work.
The body of the Fourth Book, the unity of which
appears to be unquestionable, is made up of seven vis-
ions which Esdras is supposed to have seen at Baby*
ESGLIS
538
ESKIL
Ion, the thirtieth year after the destruction of Jerusa-
lem (the date given is wrong by about a century). In
the first vision (iii, 1-v, 20), Esdras is lamenting over
the affliction of his people. Why does not God fulfil
his promises? Is not Israel the elect nation, and bet-
ter, despite her "evil heart", than her heathen neigh-
bours? The Angel Uriel chides Esdras for inquiring
into things beyond his understanding; the "prophet
is told that the time that is past exceeds the time to
come, and the signs of the end are given him. — In an-
other vision (v, 21-vi, 34), he learns, with new signs of
the end, why God " doeth not all at once "• — Then fol-
lows (vi, 35-ix, 25) a glowing picture of the Messianic
age. "My son" shall come in his glory, attended by
those who did not taste death. Moses, Henoch, Elias,
and Esdras himself; they shall reign 400 years, then
" my son " and all the living shall die; after seven days
of the old silence ", the Resurrection and the Judg-
ment.— Next (ix, 26-x, 60) Esdras beholds, in the ap-
pearance of a woman mourning for her son who died
on his wedding day, an apocalyptic description of the
East and future of Jerusalem. — This vision is followed
y another (xi, 1-xii, 39) representing the Roman Em-
pire, under the figure of an eagle, and by a third (xiii)
describing the rise of the Messianic kingdom. — The
last chapter (xiv) narrates how Esdras restored the
twenty-four books of the O. 'T. that were lost, and
wrote seventy books of mysteries for the wise among
the people.
The Fourth Book of Esdras is reckoned among the
most beautiful productions of Jewish literature.
Widely known in the early Christian ages and fre-
quently quoted by the Fathers (especially St. Ambrose),
it may be said to have framed the popular belief of the
Middle Ages concerning the last things. The liturgi-
cal use shows its popularity. The second chapter has
furnished the verse Requiem ceternam to the Office of
the Dead (24-25), the response Lux perpetua lucebii
Sanctis tuis of the Office of the Martyrs during Easter
time (35), the introit Accipiie jucunditatem for Whit-
Tuesday (36-37), the words Modo coronantur of the
Office of the Apostles (45) ; in like manner the verse
Cradina die for Christmas eve, is borrowed from xvi,
53. However beautiful and popular the book, its
origin is shrouded in mystery. Tne introductory and
concluding chapters, containing evident traces of
Christianity, are assigned to the third century (about
a. d. 201-268). The main portion (iii-xiv) is undoubt-
edly the work of a Jew — whether Roman, or Alexan-
drian, or Palestinian, no one can tell; as to its date,
authors are mostly widely at variance, and all dates
have been suggested, from 30 b. c. to a. d. 218; schol-
ars, however, seem to rally more and more around the
year a. d. 97.
Benbly, The Missing Fragment of the Latin Translation of the
Fourth Book of Ezra (Cambridge, 1875); Hilgrnfeld, Messias
Judceorum (Leipzig, 1869), IV; Kabisch, Das IV Buch Esra auf
seine Ouetlen untersucht (Gdttingen, 1889); SchOrer. Apokry-
phen des A.T. in Realencj/klop&die /flr prot. Theol. und Kxrche
(Leipzig, 1896); Lagrange, Notes sur le Messianisme au temps
de Jesus in Revue Biblique (1905), 486-501; Idem, Le Messianisme
chet les Juifs (Paris, 1909); Le Hir, Le quatrieme livre oV Esdras
in Etudes Bibliques (Paris, 1869), I; Ren an, V Apocalypse de
Van 97 in Revue des Deux Mondes (1875), 1 March.
Charles L. Souvay.
Esglis, Louis-Philippe Mariauchau d', eighth
Bishop of Quebec, Canada ; b. Quebec, 24 April, 1710 ; d.
4 June, 1788. After completing his studies at the Quebec
Seminary, he was ordained priest in 1734 and appointed
pastor of Saint-Pierre-d'Orleans. After thirty-five
years of humble ministry, he was called to the episco-
pate and consecrated coadjutor of Quebec, 12 July,
1772, the first native of Canada to attain to the dignity
of bishop. On the resignation of Bishop Briand, he
succeeded to the See of Quebec 29 Nov., 1784. In his
first pastoral letter he alludes to the appointment of a
coadjutor, a precaution justified by age, infirmity,
and the necessity of securing a successor. Bishop
Jean-Francois Hubert was nominated coadjutor that
same year, but the approval of the British Govern-
ment was withheld till 1786. Bishop d'Esglis tried
unsuccessfully to supply the dearth of clergy by ob-
taining priests from France. The British Government
favoured preferably the emigration of priests for the
settlements in Upper Canada and the Maritime Prov-
inces. Pending the arrival of a missionary for the Aca-
dians, a layman was authorized to baptize and witness
marriage contracts. Bishop d'Esglis issued (1787) a
pastoral letter to all the faithful of the lower provinces,
exhorting them to union and steadfastness in the Faith.
He died in the fifty-fifth year of his priesthood and
was buried at Saint-Pierre.
Tirru, Les Eviques de Quebec (Quebec, 1889); Archives of the
Archdiocese of Quebec; Le Canada Ecdesiastique (Montreal.
1908).
, Lionel Lindsay.
Eskil, Archbishop of Lund, Sk&ne, Sweden; b.
about 1100; d. at Clairvaux, 6 (7?) Sept., 1181; one of
the most capable and prominent princes of the Church
in Scandinavia. A man of profound piety, he was
always zealous for the welfare of the church, and was
a courageous and unselfish defender of the rights of the
hierarchy in its struggle against the civil power and
clerical usurpers. His father Christian was descended
from an illustrious dynastic family of Jutland and was
related to several royal families. When twelve years
of age the young Eskil was received into the renowned
cathedral school at Hildesheim. Here, during a dan-
gerous illness, he was honoured by a vision of the
Mother of God, who. chiding him with his frivolous
conduct, saved him from imminent perdition and re-
stored his health, demanding five measures of different
varieties of com as a thank-offering. This vision was
interpreted to mean that Eskil would attain high ec-
clesiastical dignity and 'establish five confraternities.
In 1131, his uncle, Asser (Asger), the first Archbishop
of Lund, nominated him provost of the cathedral. In
1134 he was consecrated Bishop of Roskilde, and after
Asser 's death ( 1 1 37) succeeded him as archbishop. He
successfully defended the metropolitan rights of his
see in spite of the protestations of the archbishops of
Bremen. He received the pallium from Innocent II
through the papal legate, Cardinal Theodignus, who,
with many Scandinavian bishops, was present at the
provincial Synod of Lund (1139). Eskil completed
the new cathedral (Romanesque), which he conse-
crated in 1145. On this occasion he increased the
membership and the endowments of the cathedral
chapter, and improved the condition of the cathedral
school.
On various occasions Eskil was involved in the in-
ternal political disputes of rival kings, even to the ex-
tent of being temporarily held captive in his own
cathedral, for which he was, however, later indemni-
fied by various land-grants. During the Crusades,
Eskil, animated by the example of St. Bernard, also
preached a crusade against the pagan Wends, which,
unfortunately, proved unsuccessful. He, neverthe-
less, continued his campaign' with youthful ardour,
even in his old age, till, after the conquest of Rtlgen.
the Wends accepted Christianity. In 1152 Cardinal
Nicholas Breakspear, as papal legate, was sent to
Scandinavia to settle ecclesiastical affairs. Norway
was constituted a separate ecclesiastical province with
its metropolitan see at Trondhjem (Nidaros). Eskil
remained Archbishop of Lund. He was also nomin-
ated Primate of Sweden and papal legate for the
North. By a proper selection of persons for the
higher ecclesiastical offices he effected an immense
improvement in the standard of religious life. In
1 161 he drew up a code of canon law for Skane, which,
ten years later, was introduced into Seeland. The
monastic orders are especially indebted to Eskil. As
Bishop of Roskilde he called the Benedictines to
Nsestved; and the monastery of the Regular Augus-
ESKIMO
539
ESKIMO
tinians at Eskilso near Roskilde most probably traces
its origin to him. Later he established the Pre-
monstratensiaif monastery in Tommerup, Sk≠ the
Knights of St. John also settled in Lund during his
time. There was also, in Sceland, an establishment of
Carthusian monks, but only for a short time. The
Cistercian monks were especial favourites of Eskil, who
founded their first monastery in 1144 at Herivadum
near Helsineborg, which was soon followed by one at
Esrom in Nordseeland (1154). From both of these
various branches were established. Eskil corre-
sponded with St. Bernard, whom he admired and
revered. With a view to being admitted to the Cis-
tercian Order he visited St. Bernard at Clairvaux in
1152. Bernard refused him admission, pointing out
that his services as bishop would be more beneficial to
the Church at large.
Hearing of Bernard's death (1153), Eskil made a
pilgrimage to the saint's grave and thence to Rome,
where allnis archiepiscopal privileges were ratified by
Pope Adrian IV (Breakspear). Returning he was
imprisoned at Thionville (at the instigation of the
Archbishop of Bremen?). In a dignified letter to the
kings and the bishops of Denmark Eskil expressed his
willingness rather to suffer innocently in defence of
the Church's prerogatives than to be ransomed.
Having obtained his liberty in 1158, Eskil returned
home, where he found King Waldemar sole sovereign.
When the latter took the part of Victor, the antipope,
Eskil, faithful to Alexander III, took refuge in foreign
parts. Excepting a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he lived
in France (Clairvaux), in close proximity to the pope.
In 1164 he consecrated Stephen of Alvastra, a Cister-
cian monk, first Archbishop of Upsala. After Walde-
mar's reconciliation with Alexander III, Eskil re-
turned home (1168). Subsequent to the solemn
translation of the relics of the canonised (1169)
martyr-duke, Knud Lavard (d. 1131), Waldemar's
father, Eskil crowned the king's seven-year-old son
at Rings ted, 1170. After another sojourn at Clair-
vaux (1174-76), the venerable archbishop received
permission from the pope to resign and to nominate a
successor. In the spring of 1177, in the presence of
the king, numerous prelates, and a great concourse of
people assembled in the cathedral of Lund, Eskil, hav-
ing read the papal decree, declared that he resigned on
his own initiative, laid the official insignia on the altar,
and, all consenting, designated Bishop Absalon of
Roskilde as his successor. He then retired to Clair-
vaux, spending his last days as a simple monk. The
Cistercians honour him as venerable. The question
whether Eskil was married and had a daughter is a
subject of controversy. Although the celibacy of the
clergy did not generally obtain during his time, we
may, nevertheless, infer from his strictly religious
principles that Eskil did not ignore the provisions of
canon law by marrying after his admission to Sacred
orders.
Henrique*, Mencloaium Ciatercienie (Antwerp, 1030):
Soumblius, Disputationes historic* de mentis et falis EskUlx
(Lund, 1764-65); Langebek, Scriptores Rerum Danicarum
(Copenhagen, 1772-3), I, 43, II, 619 so.; Suhm, Historic af
Danmark (Copenhagen, 1792-1800), V, VI, VII; Helveo, Den
danske Kirkes Historic (Copenhagen, 1862), I, 333-436: Olrik,
Konae og Prastestand i Danmark (Copenhagen, 1895), II, 20-92;
Jouqenabn, Hist oris ke Afhandlinger (Copenhagen, 1898), I,
5-58; Steenbtrup, Danmarks Riaes Historic (Copenhagen,
1901-4), I, 554-646.
Philipp Baron von Kettenburg.
Eskimo, a littoral race occupying the entire Arctic
coast and outlying islands of America from below
Cook Inlet in Alaska to the mouth of the St. Law-
rence, a distance of more than five thousand miles,
including the coasts of Labrador, Baffin Land, and
Ellesmere Land, with the west and south-east coasts
of Greenland, the northern shores of Hudson Bay, and
the Aleutian Islands, while one body, the Yuit, has
even crossed Bering Strait, and is now permanently
established on the extreme point of Siberia. Tra-
ditional and historical evidence go to show that the
Eskimo formerly extended considerably farther south
along Hudson Bay and the St. Lawrence, and perhaps
even into New England. With the exception of the
Aleut, who differ very considerably from the rest,
the various small bands scattered throughout the vast
stretch of territory are practically homogeneous, both
linguistically and ethnologically, indicating long ages
of slow development under similar and highly special-
ized conditions. In physique they are of medium
stature, but strong ana hardy, with yellow-brown skin
and features, suggesting the Mongolian rather than the
Indian, although there is no reason to suppose them
of other than American origin. The (only apparent
admixture with the Indian occurs on their extreme
southern frontier in Alaska. Owing to their constant
exposure in the chilling waters, they are not long-lived.
In character they are generally peaceable, cheerful,
and honest, but with the common savage disregard of
morality. The Aleut of the Alaskan peninsula and
the Aleutian Islands speak a distinct language in two
dialects, while all the others, including the Yuit of
Siberia, speak practically but one language, in several
dialects. The name by which they are commonly
known is derived from an Algonkian term signifying
"eaters of raw flesh1'. They call themselves Inuit, in
various dialectic forms, meaning simply "people".
Living in a land of perpetual snow and ice, the
Eskimo depend entirely upon hunting and fishing for
a living, while the seafaring habit has made them per-
haps the most expert and oaring boatmen in the world.
In summer they hunt the caribou and musk-ox on land ;
in winter they hunt the seal and polar bear in the
water or on the ice floes. In travelling by sledge, and
to some extent in hunting and sealing, they rely much
upon an intelligent breed of dogs trained to harness.
Their houses are grouped into little settlements never
more than a day's journey from the ocean. Those for
temporary summer use are generally simple tents of
deer or seal-skin. Their winter homes are either sub-
terranean excavations roofed over with sod and earth
laid upon a framework of timber or whale ribs, or are
dome-shaped structures built of blocks cut from the
hardened snow, with passage-ways and smaller rooms
of the same material, with sheets of clear ice for win-
dows. The roof of the snow-house is sometimes lined
on the inside with skins to prevent dripping from the
melting snow. Besides the bed platforms extending
around the sides of the rooms, with the spears,
harpoons, and other hunting equipment, the most im-
portant items of furniture are the stone lamps, fed
with whale oil, for heating, lighting, and cooking
purposes. The characteristic woman's tool is the
idu or skin-dressing knife.
Their clothing is of skins with the hair outside, or of
the intestinal membranes of the larger sea animals,
there being little difference between the costumes of
men and women. Tattooing is common among the
women, labrets are used in some tribes, but trinkets
are seldom worn and the face is not painted. Their
food consists of meat and fish, commonly boiled in
a stone kettle, with an abundance of blubber and oil,
together with berries gathered in the short summei
season . From lack of running water, crowded quarters,
and greasy environment, they are as a rule extremely
filthy in person and habit. They are very ingenious
and expert in the dressing of skins, the shaping of
their fishing and hunting implements, and the con-
struction of their skin canoes; they also display great
artistic instinct and ability in the carving of designs
in walrus ivory. The peculiar Eskimo kaiak or skin
boat, made of dressed seal hides stretched around a
framework of whale ribs or wood, with an opening in
the top only large enough to accommodate the sitting
body of one man, is one of the most perfect contri-
vances in the world for water travel, being light, swift.
B8MAMBU0
540
ESNAMBUO
and practically unsinkable. It is propelled by means
of a double paddle. The sledge is commonly a frame-
work of drift-wood, but is sometimes made from the
rib bones of whales, or even of a cigar-shaped mass of
dried salmon wrapped in skins and frozen solid. The
social organization is very simple, each little village
community being usually distinct and independent
from the others, with little of tribal cohesion or chiefly
authority, the head man being rather an adviser than a
ruler. Established custom, however, has all the force
of law. The bond of affection between parent and
children is very strong, children being seldom correct-
ed or punished, and old people being held in respect.
Monogamy is the rule, but polygamy and polyandry
are sometimes found. 'Violations of law, including
murder, are punished by the injured individual or his
nearest relations.
Their religion, like that of most primitive peoples, is
a simple animism, interpreted by the angakoks or
medicine-men and enforced by numerous taboos. All
the powers of nature, animate and inanimate, on sea
and land, are invoked or propitiated as the occasion
arises. A special deity in the central region is an old
woman of the sea, who presides over storms and sea-
animals, the latter having been created from her own
fingers. Some tribes believe in two souls, one of
which remains near the dead body until it can enter
that of a little child, while the other goes to one of
several soul lands, either above or below the earth.
There are numerous hunting and eating taboos and
ceremonial precautions. Singing, music, story-telling,
hand-games, mask-dances, and athletic competitions
make up a large part of the home life. A peculiar
institution among the central and eastern tribes is that
of the so-called "nith song" (Norse nith, contention),
or duel of satire, in which two rivals exhaust upon
each other their capacity for ridicule until one or the
other is declared victor by the company.
The history of the Eskimo goes back beyond the Col-
umbian period as far at least as their first contact with
the Scandinavians about the year 1000, almost simul-
taneously in Greenland and on the coast of Labrador or
New England. They do not seem to have approached
the neighbourhood of the Scandinavian settlements
in South Greenland until about the end of the thir-
teenth century. In 1379 they made their first attack
upon the Greenland colony, and a war began, of which
all details are lost, but which ended in the complete
destruction of the colony towards the close of the next
century, so that even the way to Greenland was en-
tirely forgotten, and on the second discovery of the
island in 1585, by Davis, it was found occupied only
by Eskimo, who remained in sole possession until the
second colonization from Denmark in 1721, under the
leadership of the missionary Hans Egede. Since then
most of the Greenland Eskimo have been gradually
civilized and Christianized under Lutheran and Mora-
vian auspices.
In 1752 a Moravian missionary party made a land-
ing on the Eskimo coast of Labrador, but was at once
attacked by the natives, who killed six of them. In
1771, however, they attempted a mission settlement
at Nain, this time with success, Nain now being the
chief station on the Labrador coast, with five other
subordinate stations, counting altogether some 1200
Christian Eskimo. Regular mission work in Alaska
was begun among the Aleut by the Russian Orthodox
church in 1794, resulting in a few years in the com-
Elete Christiamzation of the Aleut, who had already,
owever, been terribly reduced by the wanton cruelty
of the fur traders. Russian mission work is still car-
ried on successfully both on the islands and along the
west coast of Alaska. Protestant workers entered the
field about 1880, beginning with the Presbyterians,
followed successively by the Moravians, Episcopalians,
the Swedish Evangelical Union, Congregationalists,
Lutherans, and Friends, numbering now altogether
about fifteen stations along the Eskimo coast of Alas-
ka, besides others among the neighbouring Indians.
Of special note in connexion with this work is the suc-
cessful introduction of Siberian reindeer by Rev.
Sheldon Jackson, Presbyterian, under government
patronage, to supplement the diminishing food sup-
ply of the natives. In 1865 the noted Oblate mis-
sionary explorer Father Emil Petitot, descending the
Mackenzie, visited the Eskimo at the mouth of the
Anderson River on the Arctic coast of the British North-
West, preached to them, and afterwards to those at the
mouths of Mackenzie and Peel Rivers, and crossed over
in 1870 into Alaska. Among the ethnologic results of
his work in this region are a grammar and vocabulary
of the Tchighit Eskimo (Paris, 1876). In 1886 the
Jesuits entered Alaska, establishing their first mission
among the Indians at Nulato on the Yukon, and pro-
ceeding later to the Eskimo, among whom they have
now a number of flourishing stations, the principal
being those of Holy Cross (Koserefsky), St. Mary's
(Akularak), and one at Nome. They are assisted by
the Sisters of St. Anne and the Lamennais Brothers,
and count some 1300 converts among the Eskimo,
exclusive of Indians. The Eskimo grammar and dic-
tionary of Father Francis Barnum, S.J. (1901) ranks as
standard. No permanent mission work has ever been
attempted by any denomination along the Arctic and
Hudson Bay coast from Alaska to Labrador (see
Alaska). The total number of Eskimo is estimated
at about 29,000, viz. Greenland 11,000; Labrador
1400; Central Region 1100: Alaska Eskimo proper
13,000; Aleut 1000; Yuit of Siberia 1200.
Barnum, The Innuit Language (Boston, 1901); Boas, The Cen-
tral Etkimo in Sixth Report, Bureau Am. Ethnology (Washington,
1888); Report, Director of Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions
(Washington, 1007): Cranz, Hist, of Greenland, 2 vols., tr. from
Ger. (London, 1767); Dall, Tribes of the Extreme Northwest in
Cont. N. Am. Ethnology (Washington, 1877), II; Egede, Descrip-
tion of Greenland, tr. from Ger. (London, 1818); Jackson, Facte
about Alaska (New YorkUlKB); Labrador Miesionen der BrUder
Unitat (Spandau, 1871); Moonet, Missions in Hodge, Handbook
of Amer. Indiana (Washington, 1007): Murdoch, The Point
Barrow Bxped. in Ninth Kept. Bur. Am. Ethn. (Washington,
1802); Nelson, The Eskimo about BeringStrait in Eighteenth
Rept.Bur.Am. Ethn. (Washington, 1800); jPetitot, Vocabulaire
Francais-Esquimau, etc. (Pans, 1876); Rink, Tales and Tradi-
tions of the Eskimo— Greenland (London, 1876); Thalbitzbr, A
Phonetical Study of the Eskimo Language (Copenhagen, 1004);
Turner, Ethnology of the Ungava District in Eleventh Kept. Bur.
Am. Ethn. (Washington, 1804).
James Moonet.
Eanambuc, Pierre Belain, Sieur d', captain in
the French marine, b. 1565, at Allouville, near Yvetot
(Seine-Inferieure) ; d. at St. Christopher in Dec., 1636.
He was the founder of the French colonies in the An-
tilles, and their first governor. Sailing from Dieppe,
in 1625, on a brigantine of four guns with a crew of
thirty-five men, he took possession of the island of St.
Christopher. Returning to France in the following
year he brought about the formation by Richelieu of
the Company of the American Islands (Oct., 1626).
At this time he was authorized to occupy St. Christo-
pher and Barbadoes. Once established at St. Chris-
topher he wished to make the influence of France felt
throughout the Antilles, and for ten years directed all
his energies to the accomplishment of this great work.
Owing to his efforts, colonists were recruited through-
out Lower Normandy, chiefly in the vicinity of
Dieppe, Honfleur, and Havre-de-Grace, and these es-
tablished flourishing settlements in Guadeloupe,
Dominica, Lea Saintes, and Marie Galante. In Sep-
tember, 1635, d'Esnambuc recruited at St. Christo-
pher one hundred and fifty determined men, and land-
ing at Martinique, built in the following year the town
of St.-Pierre. He died in the same year at St. Christo-
pher, leaving to his nephews the government of the
kingdom beyond the sea, which he had merely in-
augurated. On hearing of his death Richelieu de-
clared that the king and his realm had lost one of their
best servants.
Du Trrtre, Histoire Generate dee isles de Saint-Chrietophe, do
ESPBJO 541 ESPEN
ta Guadeloupe, etc. (Parte, 1664) 4. 45-46; Morbau pa auwr- d. at Amersfoort, Netherlands, 2 Oct., 1728. He
Mbbt, Lou et constitution* dee colonic* franeateee, I, 18, 29, 33, t*nmY\\ckt*A hia hiotior studioa at T^nvain KopjimR
36, 61: Mahoby, BHain fBsnambuc et Us Normande aux An- ^P1®^-™ ni§ner Studies at IXMVain, pecame
tdee (1863); Idem, Lee Seigneur* de la Martinique in Revue priest in 1673, and doctor of CIVU and Canon law in
mar. et colon. (Pan*. 1878); ^sabd, Documenu rdatife a la 1675. He soon began to teach canon law at the
marme Normande (Rouen, 1889), 147, y»ui*i. ,190. University of Louvain where he was obliged to lecture
only for six weeks during the summer vacation; the
Espejo, Antonio, a Spanish explorer, whose fame Professor might explain one or other waportant
rests upon a notable expedition w&ch he conducted ebt*tor of the decretals, at his choice. He never
into New Mexico and Arizona in 1582-3. According accepted any other chair at the umyerwty, and he
to his own statement, he was b. in Cordova, but the **&*>*. even this position m order to devote nun-
dates both of his b. and d. are unknown. Allowing self entirely to study. He was consulted by all
the reports brought to Mexico from the north by f18*** on account of his orof ound learning m canon
CabewTde Vaca ahd the Franciscan monk, Marcos <fo law, and his famous work, "Jus canomcum univer-
Nissa, a powerful expedition had been fitted out under «™ > although it nosed numerous just cnUcisms,
the governor, Coronado, in 1540, which after passing ^remains remarkable. The author is accused, not
through the territories of the Pueblo tribes of the Rio without reason, of having borrowed conmderably from
Grandfe^ had penetrated as far as the province of the works ^of his » ^ecessors, notably ^fromThomas-
Quivira, probably the country of the Wichita Indians m* jet it must be recognised that Van Bspen poe-
on the Middle Arkansas, returning in the summer of «"~ \&* .«* °f ^ting f orth in a lucid and ^mtelhgibie
1542. Two Franciscan volunteers, Father Juan de wa7 'the discipline of the ancient Church; he .also cast
Padilla and a lay brother, Luis, remained behind, of "#* uP°n questions which up to his tune had been
whom the first was afterwards murdered by the tribe very obscure. His clear and conc^ style gives to has
—the first missionary martyr of the United States— wo/k a value which the labours of his predecessors do
while of the fate of the other nothing was ever known, not possess. He collected the most recent ^legislative
Forty years later three other Franciscans undertook decisions of the Church and discussed them with
to establish missions among the Tigua, about the judgment, ^except where party spirit bhndedhim. He
present Bernalillo, New Mexico. Soon rumours of ^also the ^contestable merit of showmg with pre-
their death at the hands of the Indians came back to cision the special law of Belgium. Benedict XIV rec-
Mexico, and finding the authorities dilatory in the ogmaed his authontym this matter. On the other hand
matter, Espejo, a wealthy mining proprietor, offered *e wa? a ^nuous defender of the Galhcan theories,
to equip and lead a search expedition at his own ex- Hc misconstrued the right of religious authonty and
pense. The offer was accepted and, being regularly exaggerated beyond measure the right of the civil
commissioned, with only fourteen soldiers, a number P°wcr- It may be added, however, that he exalted
of Christian Indians, aid a cavalcade of horses and and combated m turn all power, even thecivil power,
mules, he left San Bartolome, Chihuahua, for the gc exalted the power of the bishops m order to lessen
north on 10 Nov., 1582. From the junction of the that of the religious orders, and the rights of an ex-
Concho with the Rio Grande he ascended the latter *"** chapter m order to combat the powers of the
stream, through populous tribes, to the pueblo of R0**? He ^ed for nmiself unplewant notoriety in
Puara, where he learned
the
Indians
mountains. * ' was ol little consequence
Having accomplished his first purpose, Espejo de- J™*?* ™e ,ProB?fAtl0ns -S??!?11^!* -y ?e./Bu11
termined to explore the unknown country Wjrond. M Vn«^tu8 ("13) provided the doctrine itself was
After visiting several of the neighbouring pueblos he re^2? y* . . , , , . ,r « , *_
crossed over to the Zufii, near the present Arisona line, . A06 Janae1m^ J11™"1"1 tolan rS*?? * S^u
where he found three Christian Indians of Coronado's bemg consulted by the Jansenists of Holland with re-
earlier expedition. Here several of the party decided ft"1 to the ordination of the Jansemst Bishop of
to returned with only nine soldiers alod a party of Utrecht, Cornelius Steenoven, he pronounced m
Indians he pushed on to the Hopi (Moqui) villages in favour of this ordination, which had been performed
northern Arisona, where he met a friendly reception without the authorization of the Holy See. An un-
and was given guides to a mountain country farther successful attempt has been made to justify Van Es-
on— apparently some fifty miles northward from the l*n 8. conductm Uim matter, on the ground that he
site of Prescott— where he procured some rich sped- merel? d™*™ "»* episcopal ordmation performed
mens of silver ore. Iteturning to the Rio GrandeThe by a s^e bishop was val^ pis was not the whole
visited several other pueblos farther up the river and question, nor was it indeed the principal question,
then went over to the Pecos, noting other mines by ^ to determine whether an episcopal ordination,
with a handful of men, as great results as had been "J1*? a declaration of orthodox faith. At the order
obtained by Coronado with a whole army and at the °f the civil power, ^e University of Louvain con-
cost of an exterminating warfare upon the Indians, demned and deprived (1728) Van Espen of his urn-
He soon afterwards submitted a report, with a map of versity functions. In the meantime he fled, and took
the regions explored, but his later proposition to or- J6"?6 u at Maastricht, and afterwards at Amers-
ganise a colonizing expedition was defeated by the foort' wtere h* found protection in the Jansemst
jealousy of the viceroy community, and where he died. The Augustinian
Espejo, Relacion del viaQt, etc. in Pachboo, CoUceion de Desirant, professor at the University of Louvain, is
Documentor iniditoe (Madrid. 1864-1881), XV; also » variant accused of having fabricated false documents in the
lWifc^AECo^M controverBV with Van Espen. Thisstrug^e is known
York, 1886); H. H. Bancroft. Hietory of ArivmadndNew as the "Forgery of Ixmvain". Demrant was con-
Mexieo (San Francisco, 1889), XVII of complete works. demned by the academical authorities and banished
James Moonet. forever from his native country. The best edition of
the works of Van Espen, all of which are on the Index,
Zspen, Zeger Bernhard Van, also called Ebpb- is that published in four volumes at Louvain, 1753.
vxus, a Belgian canonist, b. at Louvain, 9 July, 1646; A fifth volume, "Supplementum ad varias colleo-
E8PEN0E
542
ESPOUSALS
tiones operum", was published at Brussels in 1768,
and contains numerous biographical details.
Du Pacdb Bellegarde, Vie at van Eepen (Brussels, 1767);
Laurent, Van Eepen (Paris, 1800); de Bavat, Van Bepent
jurieconsutie et canonist* Beige in Betgique Judiciaire (Brussels,
1846), IV, 1463; Verhoeven, Van Seven in Revue Catholiqu*
(Lou vain, 1846-47), IV, 407; de Ram in Bajciiuisen, Ada
Zegeri Bernardi Van Eapen circa mieeumem HoUandicam (Mech-
lin, 1827).
A. Van Hove.
Espence (Espencasus), Claude d', a French theo-
logian, b. in 1511 at Chalons-sur-Marne; d. 5 Oct.,
1671, at Paris. He entered the College de Navarre in
1536, and four years later was made rector of the
University of Paris, even before receiving the doctor-
ate, which was conferred on him in 1542. He was then
called to the court of Cardinal de Lorraine. Some
propositions in his Lenten sermons of 1543 were
referred to the Sorbonne, and d'Espence was asked to
explain or retract them. He was one of the theologians
called to the consultation held at M6lun in 1544 in
relation to the Council of Trent. In 1547, having been
sent to the council itself, then transferred to Bologna,
he returned to France almost immediately, as the
council was again adjourned. He went to another
consultation held at Orleans in 1560. At the Confer-
ence of Poissy (1561) he argued against Beza in favour
of tradition, the infallibility of the Church, the Sacra-
ment of Order, etc. The same year an anonymous
work was published on the veneration of images.
This work was censured by the Sorbonne, and as
d'Espence was believed to be its author, he was required
to subscribe to the sixteenth article of the faculty,
which was directed against Protestants.
D'Espence *s works, collected in one volume (Paris,
1619), are: "Traite* con tre l'erreur vieil et renouvele*
des Predestines" (Lyons, 1548); "Institution d'un
Frince chretien" (Lyons, 1548), dedicated to Henry
I; "De clandestinis matrimoniis" (Paris, 1561), in
which the parents' consent is held to be necessary for the
validity of marriage; "Cinq sermons ou traites . . ."
(Paris, i 562) ; "Libellus de privata et publica missa",
which shows that in the primitive Church Mass
was not celebrated unless some of the faithful were
present; "De continents " (Paris, 1565); "Commen-
tarius in epistolam primarn ad Timotheum" (Paris,
1561); "Comm. in posteriorem epist. ad Timotheum1'
(Paris, 1564); "Comm. in epist. ad Titum" (Paris,
1568). To these are added a few other works, treatises,
discourses, sermons, conferences, and poems.
Hurter, Nomenclator, I, 6; Dupin, Nouvelle Bibliothtque dee
auteure ecclisiaatiques (Paris, 1710), XVI, 104; Simon, Hut.crU.
dee. principaux commentairee du N. T. (Rotterdam, 1693), 591;
Kerker in Kirchenlex., IV, 906; Bartheleicy, Etude bxog. but
Claude d? Espence (ChAlons-sur-Mame, 1853).
C. A. DUBRAT.
Espinel, Vicente, poet and novelist; b. at Ronda
(Malaga), Spain, 1544; d. at Madrid, 1634. He
studied at Salamanca and while still young went as a
soldier to Italy and Flanders. Returning to Ronda,
he took Holy orders and was made chaplain of the
hospital at that place. Later, he went to Madrid,
where he lived with Lope de Vega whose friend and
teacher he was, and died there in poverty, as we are
told by Lope in his "Laurel de Apolo". In 1618 he
gublished at Barcelona a romance descriptive of
panish manners entitled "Relaciones de la Vida y
Hechos del Escudero Marcos de Obreg6n". The
work attracted attention at the time, and afterwards
became famous because of several imitations and be-
cause of the controversies which it caused. It has
been thought that many of the adventures of the hero
are to a great extent drawn from those in the life of
Espinel himself. The work is admirably written, is
filled with wise maxims, and the language is pure and
simple. Le Sage, the author of "Gil Bias de Santil-
lana", has been accused of borrowing many incidents
and characters from Espinel's work. As a poet, Es-
Sinel also enjoyed some reputation. He translated
[orace's "Art of Poetry", and published his own
" Diversas Rimas ' ' in Madrid in 1 591 . He was the in-
ventor of the measure known at first as the " espinela "
and later as the "decima", because it hasten syllables.
He was also noted for his musical taste. He added
the fifth string to the national guitar. The "Marcos
de Obreg6n" was translated into English by Algernon
Langton (London, 1816), into German by Tieck
(Breslau, 1827), with a preface and notes, and into
French by Vidal d'Audiguier (1816).
Tieck, KriHeche Schriften (1848); Biblioteca de Autcree Ee~
paiioUe (1848-86).
Ventura Fuentks.
Espinosa, Alonso de, Spanish priest and historian
of the sixteenth century. Little is known of his early
life. . He is first heard of towards the end of the six-
teenth century in Guatemala where he had become a
Dominican. It was while he was in Central America
that he first heard of the miracles of Our Lady of Can-
delaria. This was an image of the Virgin and Child
that had been among the Guanches of Tenerife since
long before their conversion to Christianity, and had
been venerated not only by the Guanches, but later by
their conquerors, the Spaniards. Inspired bv the
fame of this image . Espinosa soon found a member of
the fraternity which had possession of it, and resolved
to make researches and write a history of the image
and its miracles. The result was his "Guanches of
Tenerife " published at Seville in 1594. Although the
author's main purpose was to record the history of Our
Lady of Candelaria, the work is important as being on
the whole the best account of the Guanches, a lost race
which has left scarcely any remains, even of their lan-
guage; and also, though less significant, because he
gives a good account of the conquest and settlement of
the Canary Islands by the Spaniards. He divides his
work into four books, in the first of which he describes
the Island of Tenerife, gives its early history, and an
account of its inhabitants, their customs, food and
dress, marriages, training for war, and mode of inter-
ment. The second book gives a detailed history of the
image, from its mysterious appearance, on the east
coast of the island, to Espinosa s own time. The third
book is devoted to the invasion, conquest, and settle-
ment of the island by the Spaniards. The fourth and
last book contains an enumeration of various cures
and other miracles performed by the image. A re-
print of Espinosa 's nook appeared at Santa Cruz in
1848, as one of the "Biblioteca Islefia" series. A
translation by Sir Clements Markham was published
by the Hakluyt Society in London in 1907.
Ventura Fuentes.
Espirito-Santo, Diocese of. See Spirito Santo.
Espousals, a contract of future marriage between
a man and a woman, who are thereby affianced. The
ecclesiastical law governing this contract was amended
by the pontifical decree Ne Temere", on espousals
and marriages, which was published 2 Aug., 1907, and
took effect 19 April (Easter), 1908. For the old leg-
islation see Betrothal; the present article will be
confined to the new. Regarding espousals the decree
enacts as follows: " Only those espousals are held to
be valid and to beget canonical effects which are made
in writing, signed by both parties, and either by the
parish priest or the ordinary of the place, or at least by
two witnesses. In case one or both of the parties be
unable to write, this fact is to be noted in the docu-
ment, and another witness is to add his signature to
the contract as above, together with that of the parish
priest or the ordinary of the place, or the two witnesses.
Until Easter of 1908, there was no written document
prescribed for espousals, except for Spain. Like other
contracts, the promise of marriajge was supposed to
bind the parties' making it according to prevailing law
ISPOUSALS 543 ESSENCE
or custom. That caused many difficulties which called "espoused" to Joseph (" his mother Mary wa»
necessitated this law. Private, clandestine espousals espoused to Joseph", Matt., i, 18) because the matri-
are henceforth of no value in the eyes of the Church, monv was never consummated. The term spouse is
In the United States engagements were, as a rule, not applied to married people until their marriage is con-
considered effective enough to entail the impediment summated (Colvenerius, Cal. Marian., 23 Jan.).
of public honesty which, unless the engagement were Peter d'Ailly, chancellor of the University of Paris
properly revoked, would render null and void the mar- (d. 1420), and his famous disciple, Jean Charlier, called
riage of either affianced party with a blood-relation in Gerson, were the first energetic propagators of the
the first degree of the otner affianced party, and make devotion in honour of St. Joseph. Gerson worked
sinful marriage with any other person not so related, many years to effect the institution of a special votive
unless the engagement had been rightly broken, feast (Thursday of ember week in Advent), the ob-
These are the canonical effects which are not begotten ject of which should be the virginal espousal of Mary
unless the espousals are made in writing, whether by and Joseph. Gerson 's friend, Henry Cnicoti, canon of
filling out a blank formula or by writing the document the cathedral chapter of Chartres, had bequeathed a
entirely. certain sum for the celebration in the cathedral of this
' As to the obligation of contracting espousals in votive feast, for which Gerson had composed a proper
writing; it is to be noted that the law does not concern Office. It seems that Gerson carried out the will of his
itself with the promise of marriage as a matter of con- friend, but tradition does not tell us on what day the
science; only with establishing the fact that espousals feast was celebrated.
have no legal value and will not be considered in case The first definite knowledge of a feast in honour ot
of contention by ecclesiastical courts, unless they are the espousals of Mary dates from 29 Aug., 1517, when
in writing. Hence, in foro interna the Church leaves with nine other Masses in honour of Mary, it was
the matter to the confessor. The law suggests no granted by Leo X to the Nuns of the Annunciation,
particular formula for the contract of espousals. It founded by Sainte Jeanne de Valois. This feast was
must, however, express the promise of future mar- celebrated on 22 October as a double of the second
riage. There must be no condition attached contrary class. Its Mass, however, honoured the Blessed Vir-
to the nature or laws of Christian marriage. No time gin exclusively; it hardly mentioned St. Joseph and
is assigned by the law within which the promise must therefore did not correspond to the idea of Gerson.
be fulfilled; still the time should be reasonable and Also purely as a feast of Mary it appears in the Missal
accord with the common teaching of competent au- of the Franciscans, to whom it was granted 21 Aug.,
thorities. The document must be signed by both 1537, for 7 March (double major). About the same
parties — man and woman — promising to marry each time the Servites obtained the feast for 8 March. The
other on or within some definite date. If either or Office of the Nativity of Mary was recited, changing
both are unable to write their names, that must be theword Nativitas to Desponsatio. After the religious
noted in the document. < They must, of course, affix orders, among the dioceses which adopted the feast of
their signatures somehow, which must be attested the Espousals of Mary, Arras takes the lead. It has been
by a special witness. In addition, either the parish kept there since 23 Jan., 1556. The first proper Office
priest or ordinary must sign it; both need not sign it; was composed by Pierre Dore", O.P. (d. 1569), con-
the signature of one only is required. By ordinary is feasor of Duke Claude of Lorraine. This Office foi-
meant the bishop of the diocese where the parties nap- lowed the outlines given by Gerson and commemorated
pen to be, or his vicar-general, or any one exercising both Joseph and Mary. Pierre Dore in 1546 unsuc-
episcopal jurisdiction, as for instance, the adminis- cessfully petitioned Paul III to extend the feast of the
trator when the see is vacant. By parish priest, as Desponsatio B.M.V. to the Universal Church. But
used in the present decree, is to be understood! not only even without the recommendation of the Apostolic
the priest who legitimately presides over a parish that See, the feast was adopted by many Churches. In
is canonically erected, but also, in localities where par- Moravia it was in the sixteenth century kept on 18
ishes are not canonically erected, the priest to whom July. In subsequent times Rome did not favour any
the care of souls has been legitimately entrusted in any further extension of the feast, but after it had been
specified district, and who is equivalent to a parish refused (1655) to the King of Spain, it was granted to
priest; and also, in missions where the territory has the German Emperor for Austria, 27 Jan., 1678 (23
not yet been perfectly divided, every priest generally Jan.) • in 1680 it was conceded to Spain, but trans-
deputed for the care of souls in any station by the ferred (13 July, 1682) to 26 Nov., because in Spain the
superior of the mission. The ordinary or parish priest feast of St. Ildephonsus or St. Raymond is Kept 23
cannot depute any other priest to sign in their stead Jan. In 1680 it was extended to the entire German
(Reply of S. Congregation of Council, 30 March, 1908). Empire, 1689 to the Holy Land (double, second
If the signature of the ordinary or of the parish priest class), 1702 to the Cistercians (20 Feb.), 1720 to
cannot be obtained, then at least two witnesses must Tuscany, and 1725 to the Pontifical States. In our
sign. Their signatures are not needed if either of the days it is kept in nearly the entire Latin Church on 23
foregoing have signed. The witnesses should of course Jan., in the Spanish-speaking countries on 26 Nov., but
be competent, though they differ in age and sex. The it has never Deen extended to the Universal Church,
local ecclesiastical authorities are to decide where the Since Pius V abolished the Office of Pierre Dore and
document is to be deposited. The new law does not introduced the modern Office, it is again a feast of
provide for the annulment of espousals. The reasons Mary. The commemoration of St. Joseph in Mass,
that formerly sufficed to annul them still remain. If Vespers, Lauds (decree 5 May, 1736) can only be made
espousals were made as prescribed by the new law, by a special privilege.
their binding force continues until they shall have Sett*, Die Verehrung dee hi. Joseph (Freiburg, 1008); Hol-
been dissolved by proof of either or both parties claim- WErK» t'<uii M«™™ <Freib™*« 1802>- n „
ing their dissolution. Frederick G. Holweck.
McNigholas, The New Marriaoe Legielation (1008), 15-21;
S™. ™« ¥*» ft. f*1^*??1 Morriape,283 «qq.; Cronin, Essence and Existence (Lat. essentia, existentia).—
2ftfe£ iSST* ^town* 32-40; D» B«c«r, Legtelu- ginoe they are transcendentals, it is not possible to
Joseph Selinqer. put forward a strict definition of either of the subjects
of the present article. Essence, however, is properly
Espousals of the Blessed Virgin Mary (De- described as that whereby a thing is what it is, an
8PON8ATIO Be ata Marls Virginis), a feast of the equivalent of the to rl 1jr eW of Aristotle (Metaph.,
Latin Church. It is certain that a real matrimony VII, 7). The essence is thus the radical or ground
was contracted by Joseph and Mary. Still Mary is from which the various properties of a thing emanate
/
KSSEMOX
544
and to which they are necessarily referred. Thus the
notion of the essence is seen to be the abstract counter-
part of the concrete entity; the latter signifying that
which is or may be (ens actu, ens potentiA), while the
former points to the reason or ground why it is pre-
cisely what it is. As furnishing in this manner an
answer to the question What? (Quid?)— ^as, e. g..
What is man? — essence is equivalent to quiddity; ana
thus, as St. Thomas remarks (I, Q. iii, a. 3), the es-
sence of a thing is that which is expressed by its defi-
nition. Essence and nature express the same reality
envisaged in the two points of view as being or acting.
As the essence is that whereby any given thing is that
which it is, the ground of its characteristics and the
principle of its being, so its nature is that whereby it
acta as it does, the essence considered as the founda-
tion and principle of its operation. Hence again St.
Thomas: "Nature is seen to signify the essence of a
thine according as it has relation to its proper opera-
tion'' (De ente et essentia, cap. i). Furthermore,
essence is also in a manner synonymous with form,
since it is chiefly by their formal pnnciple that beings
are segregated into one or other of the species. Thus,
while created spiritual things, because they are not
composed of matter and form, are specifically what
they are by reason of their essences or "forms alone,
the compounded beings of the corporeal world receive
their specification and determination of nature, or
essence, principally from their substantial forms. A
further synonym of essence is species; but it is to be
carefully noted that essence in this connexion is used
rather with a logical or metaphysical connotation
than with a real or physical one. This distinction is
of considerable importance. The real or physical es-
sence of compound entities consists in, or results
from, the union of the constituent parts. Thus if
we consider man as a being composed of matter and
form, body and soul, the physical essence will be the
body and soul. Apart from any act of abstraction,
body and soul exist in the physical order as the con-
stituents of man. On the other hand, we may con-
sider man as the result of a composition of genua
proximum and differentia ultima, i. e. of his animality
and his rationality. Here the essence, humanity, is
metaphysical or logical. Thus, while the real es-
sence, to speak still only of composite beings, consists
in the collection of all those physical component parts
that are required to constitute the entity what it is,
either actually or potentially existent, without which
it ,can be neither actual nor potential, the logical es-
sence is no more than the composition of ideas or no-
tions, abstracted mentally and referred together in
what are known as "second intentions1'.
This consideration provides a basis for the distinc-
tion of essences according to the degree of physical and
metaphysical complexity or simplicity which they
severally display. The supreme Being has — or rather
is — a unique and utterly simple essence, free from
all composition, whether physical or metaphysical.
Moreover, in God— otherwise, as we shall see, than in
creatures — there is no distinction of any kind between
His essence and His existence. Spiritual created
beings, however, as free from the composition of
matter and form, have physically simple essences; yet
they are composite in that their essences are the
result of a union of genus and differentia, and are not
identical with their existence. In the angel the es-
sence is the species consequent on this union. Cor-
poreal creatures not only share in metaphysical com-
plexity of essence, but have, on account of their
material composition, a physical complexity as well.
The characteristic attributes of the essence are im-
mutability, indivisibility, necessity, and infinity. —
Since the essence of anything is that whereby the thine
is what it is, it follows directly from the principle of
contradiction that essences must be immutable. This,
of course, is not true in the sense that physical essences
cannot be brought into being or cease to exist, nor that
they cannot be decomposed into their constituent
parts, nor yet that they are not subject to accidental
modification. The essence of God alone, as stated
above, is so entirely free from any sort of composition
that it is in the strictest sense immutable. Every
essence, however, is immutable in this, that it cannot
be changed or broken up into its constituent parts and
yet remain the same essence. The attribute is tran-
scendental and is applied to essence precisely as it is
essence. Thus, while the essence of any given man
may be broken up into body and soul, animality and
rationality, man as man and humanity as humanity
is changeless. One individual ceases to exist; the
essence itself, whether verified or not in concrete actu-
ality, persists. The definition, "man is a rational
animal1', is an eternally immutable truth, verifiable
whenever and wherever the subject man is given,
either as a concrete and existent entity, or as a mere
potentiality. Similarly, essences are said to be in-
divisible; that is to say, an essence ceases to be what
it is when it is broken up into its constituents. Neither
body nor soul alone is man. Neither animality nor
rationality, taken separately, is humanity. There-
fore, precisely as essence, it is indivisible. In like
manner necessity is predicated of essences. They are
necessary in that, though they may be merely possible
and contingent, each must of necessity always be
itself. In tne order of actual being, the real essence is
necessarily what it is. since it is that whereby the
thing is what it is ; in the order of the merely possible,
it must necessarily be identical with itself. Finally,
essences are said to be eternal and infinite in the nega-
tive sense that, as essences, there is no reason for their
non-existence, nor for their limitation to a given num-
ber of individuals in any species. From what has
been said, the distinction between essence considered
as physical and as metaphysical will be apparent. It
is tne metaphysical essence that is eternal, immutable,
indivisible, necessary, etc. ; the physical essence that is
temporal, contingent, etc. In other words, the meta-
physical essence is a formal universal, while the physi-
cal essence is that real particularisation of the uni-
versal that provides the basis for the abstraction.
So far the present article has been occupied in ex-
hibiting the Scholastic view with regard to essence,
and in obtaining a certain precision of thought rather
than in raising any problems intimately connected
with the subject. Notice must be taken, however, of
a philosophical tradition which has found adherents
mainly among British philosophers and which is at
variance with the Scholastic. This tradition would
treat as futile and illusory any investigation or discus-
sion concerning the essences of thmgs. By those
who hold it, either the fact of essence is flatly denied
and what we conceive of under that name is relegated
to the region of purely mental phenomena; or, what
practically amounts to the same thing, that fact is
judged to be doubtful and consequently irrelevant;
or again, while the fact itself may be fully admitted,
essence is declared to be unknowable, except in so far
as we may be said to know that it is a fact. Of those
who take up one or other of these positions with regard
to the essence of things, the most prominent may be
cited. Hobbes and Locke, Mill, Hume, Reid, and
Bain, the Positivists and the Agnostics generally, to-
gether with a considerable number of scientists of the
present day, would not improperly be described as
either doubtful or dogmatically negative as to the
reality, meaning, and cognoscibility of essence. The
proponents and defenders of such a position are by no
means always consistent. While they make state-
ments of their case, based for the most part on purely
subjective views of the nature of reality, that the
essences of beings are nonentities, or at least unknow-
able, and, as a consequence, that the whole science of
metaphysics is no more than a jargon of meaning!
ESSENCE 545 ESSENCE
•
terms and exploded theories, they, on the other hand, essences emerges also from the doctrine of univer-
express opinions and make implicit admissions that sals, which, although formally subjective in character,
tell strongly against their own thesis. Indeed, it are true expressions of the objective realities from
would generally seem that these philosophers, to some which they are abstracted. As Father Rickaby re-
extent at least, misunderstand the position which they marks: " In the rough the form of expression could
attack, that they combat a sort of intuitive knowledge hardly be rejected, that science seeks to arrive at the
of essences, erroneously supposed by them to be very nature of things and has some measure of suc-
claimed by Scholastics, and do not at all grasp the cess in the enterprise "; and again, "In short, the very
theory of the natures of things as derived from a pains- admission that there is such a thing as physical sc*-
taking consideration of their characteristic properties, ence, and that science is cognitio rerum per causa* — a
Thus even Bain admits that there may in all proba- knowledge of things, according to the rationale of
bility be some one fundamental property to which all thera— is tantamount to saying that some mannei
the others might be referred; and ne even uses the of acquaintance with essences is possible; that the
words "real essence" to designate that property, world does present its objects ranged according to at
Mill tells us that " to penetrate to the more hidden least a certain number of different kinds, and that
agreement on which these more obvious and super- we can do something to mark off one kind from an-
ficial agreements (the differentiae leading to the great- other." (General Metaphysics, c. III.)
est number of interesting propria) depend, is often one Existence is that whereby the essence is an actuality
of the most difficult of scientific problems. And as ft in the line of being. By its actuation the essence is
is among the most difficult, so it seldom fails to be removed from the merely possible, is placed outside its
among the most important . Father Rickaby in his causes, and exists in the world of actual things. St.
" General Metaphysics11 gives the citations from both Thomas describes it as the first or primary act of the
Mill and Bain, as well as an important admission from essence as contrasted with its secondary act or opera-
Corn te, that the natural tendency of man is to inquire tion (I Sent., dist. xxxiii, Q. i, a. 1, ad 1) ; and again, as
for persistent types, a synonym, in this context, for "the actuality of all form or nature" (Summa, I, Q. iil,
essences. The philosophical tradition, or school, to a. 4). Whereas the essence or auiddity gives an an-
which allusion is made — although we have antici- swer to the question as to what tne thing is, the exist-
pated its assertions by the admissions into which its ence is the affirmative to the question as to whether it
professors have allowed themselves to be drawn by the is. Thus, while created essences are divided into both
exigencies of reason and human language — may be possible and actual, existence is always actual and op-
divided roughly into two main classes, with their repre- posed by its nature to simple potentiality. With Te-
sentatives in I>ocke and Mill. Locke got rid of the old gard to the existence of things, the question has been
doctrine by making the "supposed essences' ' no more raised as to whether, in the ideal order, the possible is
than the bare significations of their names. He does antecedent to the actual. The consideration here
not, indeed, deny that there are real essences ; on the does not touch on the real or physical order, in which it
contrary, he fully admits this. But he asserts that is conceded by Scholastics that tne potentiality of crea-
we are incapable of knowing more than the nominal or tures precedes their actuality. 'Hie unique actuality,
logical essences which we form mentally for ourselves, pure and simple (as against such theorists as von
Mill, though, as we have seen, he occasionally aban- Hartmann, maintaining an absolute primitive poten-
dons his standpoint for one more in keeping with the tiality of aU existence), that necessarily precedes all
Scholastic view, professedly goes further than Locke potentiality, is that of God, in Whom essence and exist-
in utterly rejecting real essences, a rejection quite in ence are identical. We are concerned with the ques-
keeping with his general theory of knowledge, which tion: Is the concept of a possible entity prior to that of
eliminates substance, causality, and necessary truth, an existing one? Rosmini answers this question in the
The considerations previously advanced will serve affirmative. The School generally takes the opposite
to indicate a line of argument used against scepticism .view, maintaining the thesis that the primitive idea is
in this matter. The Scholastics do not and never have of existent entity — that is, essence as actualized and
claimed any direct or perfect acquaintance with the placed outside of its causes — in the concrete, though
intimate essences of all things. They recognize that, confused and indeterminate. Such an idea is of nar-
in very many cases, no more than an approximate row intension, but extensively it embraces all being,
knowledge can be obtained, and this only through The thesis is supported by various considerations, such
accidental characteristics and consequently by a very as that the essence is related to its existence as poten-
indirect method. Still, though the existence of the tial to actual, that the act generally is prior to poten-
concrete beings, of which the essences are in question, tiality, and that this latter is known, and only known,
is contingent and mutable, human knowledge, espe- through its corresponding actuality. Or, we know
cially in the field of mathematics, reaches out to the the possible being as that which may be, or may exist;
absolute and necessary. For example, the properties and this necessary relation to actual existence, without
of a circle or triangle are deducible from its essence, which the possible is not presented to the mind, indi-
That the one differs specifically from the other, and cates the priority, in the line of thought, of the actually
each from other figures, that their diverse and neces- existent over the merely possible. Existence is thus
sary attributes, their characteristic properties, are seen to be in some sense distinguished from the es-
dependent upon their several natures ana can be in- sence which it actuates.
ferred by a mathematical process from these — so much The question agitated in the School arises at this
we know. The deductive character of certain geo- point: What is the nature of the distinction that ob-
metrical proofs, proceeding from essential definitions, tains between the physical essence and the existence
may at least be urged as an indication that the human of creatures? It is to be borne in mind that the con-
mind is capable of grasping and of dealing withes- troversy turns not upon a distinction between the
sences. merely possible essence and the same essence as actu-
Similarly, and even from the admissions of the alized, and thus physically existent; but on the far
opponents of the Scholastic tradition given above, it different and extremely nice point as to the nature of
may reasonably be maintained that we have a direct the distinction to be drawn between the actualized and
knowledge of essence, and also an indirect', or indue- physically existent essence and its existence or actual-
tive knowledge of the physical natures existent in lty, by which it is existent in the physical order,
the world about us. The essences thus known do That there is no such distinction in God is conceded by
not necessarily point to the fact of existence ; they may all . With regard to creatures, several opinions have
or may not exist ; but they certify to us what the been advanced. Many Thomists hold that a real dis-
things in question are. The knowledge and reality of tinction obtains here and that the essence and existr
1
ESSENES 546
enoe of creatures differ as different entities. Others, omnipotent and omniscient. Moses was held in very
among them Dominicus Soto, Lepidi, etc., seem to pre- high esteem and to blaspheme his name meant death,
fer a distinction other than real. TheScotists, affirm- The sun was held in such reverence as to awaken a
ing their "formal distinction", which is neither pre- suspicion of idolatry. An all-disposing Fate was ad-
cisely logical nor real, but practically equivalent to mitted, yet free will, apparently, was not denied,
virtual, decide the point against a real distinction. They refused to join in the Temple sacrifices through
Suarea, with many of bis school, teaches that the dis- fear of pollution, though they sent gifts thither; it
tinctkm to be made is a logical one. The principal seems that no blood-sacrifice was offered by them, as
arguments in favour of the two chief views may be they claimed that a reverent mind was the best offer-
summarized as follows: — ing to God. The Sabbath was observed with most
ThomisU: (a) If essence and existence were but one rigorous exactitude, not even the calls of nature being
thing, we should be unable to conceive the one without .answered. Assembled in their meeting-places, where
conceiving the other. But we are as a fact able to con- they sat according to seniority, the Scripture was read
ceive of essence by itself, (b) If there be no real dis- and. explained, generally in an allegorical manner, by
tinction between the two, then the essence is identical some wise member. They washed frequently, as ex-
with the existence. But in God alone are these identi- treme importance was attached to ceremonial purity,
cal. and they followed scrupulously the prescriptions
Suarez: (a) A real physical essence is actual in the against Le vitical defilements; even for a junior to touch
line of being and not merely possible. But this actual- a senior was pollution to the latter. What their eso-
ity must belong to it, as a physical essence ; for it is, teric doctrines were is not known. Death was wel-
ex hypothesis neither nothing nor merely possible, and corned, as they held " that bodies are corruptible and
the actuality of an essence is its existence. Cardinal the matter composing them is not lasting, but souls
Franzelin cast the argument in this form: "Estomnino are immortal and live for ever, and proceeding from
evidens in re posita extra suas causae, in statu actual- the most subtle ether have been drawn into bodies as
itatis, ne ratione quidem abstrahi posse formalem into prisons by some natural longing. But when they
existentiam" (De verbo Incarnato). (b) It is incon- are set free from the bonds of the flesh then they re-
ceivable how the existence of a real or physical essence joice as being freed from a long servitude and mount
should differ from the essence of its existence. upwards. And agreeing with the opinions of the
These positions are maintained, not only by argu- Greeks, they declare that the good dwell beyond the
ment, but by reference to the authority and teaching ocean in a place which is never oppressed by snow or
of St. Thomas, as to whose genuine doctrine there rain-storms or intense heat, but is always calm and
is considerable difference of opinion and interpretation, refreshed by a cool breeze breathing from the ocean.
It does not, however, appear to be a matter of great To the baa souls they allot a gloomy, tempestuous
moment, as Soto remarks, whether one holds or re- cave full of never-ending torments" (Jos., Bell,
jects the doctrine of a real distinction between essence Jud., I, ii, 8). Some conclude from the words just
and existence, so long as the difference between God quoted that the Essenes disbelieved in the resurrectipn
and His creatures is safe-guarded, in that existence is of the body.
admitted to be of the essence of God and not of the Among the virtues the Essenes cultivated especially
essence of creatures. And this would seem to be suf- obedience, truthfulness, continence, justice, and tem-
ficiently provided for even in the supposition that ere- perance; they paid great attention to the sick,
ated essences are not distinct from their existences as respect to the aged, ana showed marked kindness and
one thing is from another, but as a thing from its hospitality to strangers. All men were regarded as
mode. egual, and slavery was abhorred as contrary to the law
Blanc, Did. de PhU. (Paria, 1906): Eqidius, TracUUua de of nature. / Those guilty of great crimes were pun-
l^'SSSg.S'WAJSra!!: teklfeU?.^ ^Ivkmg J^u&n or perpettuU excommunication
Philosophic der Vorzdt (Innsbruck, 1878); Lahoume, PtvUc- which, since they were not allowed to eat anything
tiones Loaica* pruologia (Louvain, 1899): Lepidi, Eiementd prepared by outsiders, entailed always great hardship
essentia ab existentid Theses QuaUuor; Locke, itseay Concerning less and °eyond man's capacity, but ethlCS Was Studied
Human Understanding in Works (London, 1714); Lorenzelli, with zeal. They searched for medicinal remedies in
Philosophic Theoretical InstUutiones (Paris, 1896); Martineau, nature as thw HovntoH nrwial *»ori» tn tr»» moV irm.
Times of Ethical Theory (1885): Merger, OnUologie (Paris ™*™> as tney aevotea special care to tne SICK irre~
1902); Mill. System of Logic (i84£); Reid, ed. Hamilton; spective of creed, and investigated the properties of
Works (1872); Rickabt. General Metaphysics (London, 1898); minerals. They laid claim to magical powers and
^^^Jrf^t^ n m ** °nchi}vfen; Suarez. abiiity to predict. For the latter some cases are given
Francis Aveunq. ty J°*l*J»i amo?g them that of the Essene, Mana-
nem, who foretold Herod the Great s kingship when he
— .,,,.-. waa but a boy without any royal prospects. All
Essenes, one of three leading Jewish sect* men- things were held in common, their very houses not
tioned by Josephus as flourishing in the second cen- being their own. They laboured principally at agri-
tury b. c, the two others being the Pharisees and the cultural pursuits or made farm implements and house-
Sadducees. Concerning their origin, history, and hold articles, but never weapons of war, which they
tenets there has been much inconclusive controversy, were not allowed to carry, except a staff for defence
The only ancient authorities we have are a few para- when travelling. Harvests and wages went to the
graphs in Philo Jadams, a somewhat lengthy descrip- stewards, who gave as each needed. Clothes and
twn in Josephus, and a scanty notice in Pliny. The shoes were retained until worn out. No trading waa
following synopsis is derived mainly from the first allowed except barter. Anointing with oil was con-
two. They are styled Eswei by Philo, who derives it sidered a defilement. Servants were forbidden as
from ftrtof, holy , and Essen, and Esaeni by Jose- tempting men to injustice. Their rulers or presidents
phus. Their number according to both authors was were elected, likewise their priests — if they can be so
about 4000 and their chief place of residence along called — and their stewards. In towns an officer was
the west side, but away from the shore, of the Dead appointed to look after travelling brethren. One
Sea. They also dwelt in other, mostly secluded, hundred members constituted a court of justice whose
parts and small towns of Palestine; yet some were unanimous decision was irrevocable. The members
found in cities. The sect arose about 150 b. c. (the were divided into four classes. The daily routine is
first-named Essene is Judas, 110 b. c.) and disap- given as follows: They were up before daybreak and
peared towards the end of the first century a. d. They spoke of no profane subject before the sun, and to it
worshipped one God, Creator and Ruler of all things, they addressed a prayer as if soliciting it to rise. Each
EST
547
ESf
was sent then to his appointed employment at which
he worked until the fifth hour, i. e. eleven o'clock,
when ail assembled and having bathed in water spe-
cially exorcised, and clothed themselves in white, they
entered the common dining-room quietly and silently.
Before each were placed some bread and a dish of one
sort of food. A priest said grace and then, but not
(>efore, they might eat. At the end of the repast
prayer was again said, the white garments laid aside,
and resuming their ordinary attire they worked until
evening, when they supped in the same manner. At
the noonday meal, which was regarded apparently as a
sacrificial feast, being prepared by their priests, no
stranger was admitted, out at supper it was otherwise.
As they spoke only in turn and observed great modera-
tion in food and drink the silence at the meals ap-
peared to outsiders, so we are told, something very
solemn and mysterious* Many of the Essenes reached
a great age and they acquired such fortitude of mind
and body thai the worst torments inflicted on them by
the Romans failed to shake their constancy and they
met death with a smile.
Most of the Essenes rejected marriage, not on ac-
count of any wrong in it but because they did not
trust women and desired peace and harmony. They
perpetuated their sect by adopting children and ad-
mitting adults who were ''weary of battling with the
rough sea of life", as Pliny save. At then* coming
they received an apron to wear during their ablutions,
a white garment, and a little spade-like instrument
with which to dig a hole and cover their excrement
from the rays of the sun. For one year their temper-
ance was tested by observing outside the community
its ascetic rules. Then came a fresh trial of two years,
during which they shared in the lustral rites, but not
in the meals, of the initiated. If found satisfactory
they were chosen full members and bound themselves
by fearful oaths to honour God, observe justice, to be
loyal to all, but especially to those in authority, and if
ever in authority themselves not to outshine others by
dress, to love truth and honesty, to conceal nothing
from their fellows, and to reveal nothing to strangers,
also to keep secret at all costs their books and the names
of their angels. ^ This was the only time when Essenes
took oaths, their word being regarded by all as so
sacred that Herod excused them from the oath of alle-
giance. Some of them observed the same rules vet
married, but merely for the order's sake and only after
three years' probation and if the woman appeared
healthy and likely to bear children.
The Essenes have received an amount of attention
during the last three centuries out of all proportion
to then* numbers, their influence upon contemporary
life, or their importance as factors in religious develop-
ment. This sprang from two causes, one external and
the other internal. The latter was the curious mixt-
ure of Jewish and foreign elements in their tenets and
customs. This peculiarity aroused the curiosity and
exercised the ingenuity of the learned to account for
the combination. That the Essenes were really Jews,
though speaking very likely Greek (Jews by race, says
Josephus), is admitted. Their belief in one God, rev-
erence for Moses, strict observance of the Sabbath,
fanatic adherence to circumcision (Hippolytus), etc.
all show this; while their attitude towards the sun,
election of priests, their mode of life, likened to the
Pythagorean by Josephus himself, etc. seem to show
outside influence. The source of this influence, like
everything Essenic, begets controversy, but so far no
one has succeeded in determining it satisfactorily.
Buddhism, Parseeism, Pythagoreanism (old, new, and
Orphic), Hellenism, etc. have all had their claims put
forth as one of the parents of this hybrid sect. Suffice
it to say that Persian- Babylonian influence through
the Captivity, and Hellenism filtering in through Alex-
andria and the use of the Greek tongue can amply
account for foreign elements* Thg. claim that .these
elements, if divested of their Grecian appearance,
could be proved to have their roots in Biblical ground
is not ligntly to be set aside. The external cause of
attention was the bias of English deists and Conti-
nental rationalists who strove to metamorphuse the
Essenes into predecessors from whom gradually and
quite naturally Christians developed ; and Freemasons
pretended to find in Essenism pure Christianity. In
reference to such chimeras it is enough to say that
between Essenism in certain aspects and Christianity
there are some points of resemblance; it could not
very well be otherwise because Essenism was Judaic in
its foundation and Christianity was not destructive
but progressive. On the other hand, the differences
are fundamental. That John the Baptist and Christ
were Essenes are mere assumptions based on simi-
larities which spring naturally and independently
from asceticism and voluntary poverty. ^ So likewise
the vaunted dependence between Essenism and mo-
nasticism can be resolved into necessary traits of any
ascetic, communistic life (see "Wuku" m " Studien u.
Mittheilungen d. Ben. Cist. Ordens" 1890, 1, 223-30;
Berliere in "Revue BeneU", 1891 , VIII, 12-190). u The
attitude of Jesus and His disciples is altogether anti-
Essen ic" (Jewish Encyc). The strict silence about
any Messias is due partly perhaps to the secrecy of the
Essenes and mainly no doubt to His rejection by their
chronicler, Josephus. In fine, our present knowledge
of the Essenes is slight and not all of it trustworthy, as
its sources are scanty, coloured, and unreliable.
Ancient Authorities: Philo, Quod Omnia Probus Liber,
xii, also extracts from his Apologia Jud. in Eusebius, Prop.
Evang.,VlIl,x{- Joseph us. Bell. Jud., II, viii; Liii, 5; II, vu\
3; Idem, Ant. Jud.. XIII, v, 9; XV, x, 4-5; XVIII, i, 5, etc,
in tr. Complete Works (Paris, 1875), ed. Dindorf; Pliny, Hist.
Nat., V, xvi-xvii; Hippolytus, PhUosophumena (Gdttingen,
1859), IX; Epiphanius, Hareses, xix.
Modern Literature. — This is very extensive. See: Light*
foot, Colossians and Philemon (London, 1884); Edbrshbim,
Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah (New York, 1896). I;
Rioos, Hist, of the Jew. People (New York, 1900); Morrison,
The Jews under Roman Rule (New York, 1890); Oesterlkt
and Box, The Religion and worship of the Synagogue (New
York, 1907), vi; Kbim, Hist, of Jesus of Nazara (London, 1873);
Pride aux. Connection of the O. and N. Test.; Carpzovius, Ap-
paratus Hist.-Crit. (Leipsig, 1748). 31, 215; SchCrer, A Hist, of
the Jewish People in the Time of Christ (tr. Edinburgh. 1886), a f uD
bibliography; Grabtz, Gesch. d. Juaen (1905), III (tr. London,
1892); Bollinger, Heidenthum u. Judenthum (1857), tr. The
Gentile and Jew (London); Ewald, Gesch, d. Volk. Israel (1868),
tr. Hist, of Israel (London, 1870); KrOqer, Beitrage zur A ennL
d. Pharisier u. Essener in Theol. Quart. (Tubingen, 1894);
Fribdlander, Zur Entstehungsgesch. d. Christenthum* jVienna,
1894); Idem, Diereligiosen Bewegungen d. Judent. im Zeit. Jes%
(Berlin, 1905); Smith, Did. of the Bible; Ginbburg in Diet.
Christ. Biog.f Conybeare in Hast., Diet, of Bible, s. v.; Idem,
Diet, of Christ and the Gospels, a. v.; KdNio in Kirchenlex.; The
Jewish Encyclopedia*
E. P. Graham.
Est (Estius), Willem Hessels van, a famous
commentator on the Pauline Epistles, b. at Gorcum,
Holland, in 1542; d. at Douai, 20 Sept., 1613. Gor-
cum at that time contained about 5000 inhabitants,
among whom the most illustrious belonged to the
family of Est, both on his father's and mother's
side. Est was born at a time of great excitement,
and though the mildest of men his whole life was spent
amidst scenes of controversy and civil war. Luther
was still in full vigour, though he had only four years
to live, Calvin was active at Geneva^ and Europe was
flooded with books and pamphlets violently attacking
the Church. Very few writers did more to show (and
that in quite an unostentatious manner) the hollow-
ness of the reformers' Biblical arguments than Est.
He received his early education at home, after which
he went to Utrecht, where he studied classics and
thence proceeded to Louvain, where he spent about
twenty years in the study of philosophy, theology,
and Holy Scripture. During the last ten vears there
he was professor of philosophy in one of the colleges.
In 1580 he received the degree of Doctor of Theology.
He was throughout distinguished by sincere piety,
great, ability, and application to study. During this
1
s
ESTABLISHMENT
548
ESTAINO
time he was frequently the bearer of pecuniary aid to
his uncle. Nicolas Pieck, O.S.F., who was giving mis-
sions in Belgium; but the latter would never accept
any help. In 1572, while Est was still at Louvain,
a great catastrophe befell his native town, which
was captured by the Calvinists. His father, brother,
and uncle were made prisoners and were in imminent
danger of their lives. The father and brother escaped,
but Nicolas Pieck, who was then Superior of the Fran-
ciscan convent at Gorcum, and eighteen other eccle-
siastics, were taken to Brielle, on the sea-coast, and
put to death for the Catholic Faith with revolting
brutality. Est wrote what is considered the best
history of the Martyrs of Gorcum, who were canon-
ized by Piua IX in 1867. From this history we learn
many details about Est and his relatives.
When Est first arrived at Louvain he found the
place in a ferment owing to the recently broached
opinions of Baius (q. v.), one of the professors of Holy
Scripture, and who held a leading position in the
university all the time that Est was there. Violent
controversy raged round the person of Baius during all
that time. It is evident from the commentaries of
Est that he was much influenced on questions of
grace and free will by the teaching of his old professor,
Baius; and on these points he has to be read with some
caution. After having been made doctor, he con-
tinued teaching philosophy at Louvain two years
longer. In 1582 he was made professor of theology at
Douai, a position which he retained for thirty-one
years. He was also for many years rector of the dioc-
esan seminary and during the last eighteen years of
his life chancellor of the University of Douai. He
was noted for his piety, modesty, and compassion for
the poor, and greatly admired for his vast learning,
solid judgment, and eloquence. He was afterwards
styled doctor fundatissimus by the learned Pope Bene-
dict XIV. Soon after he left Louvain a fresh contro-
versy broke out there, into which he appears to have
been drawn. About 1586 Lessius began to refute the
errors of Baius in his ordinary course of lectures. The
friends of Baius, who admired him fdr his edifying life,
great learning, and manly submission, felt annoyed
that his shortcomings should have been thus pointedly
accentuated by their opponents. They attacked cer-
tain propositions of Lessius, resembling those of Mo-
lina and Suarez, and had them condemned by the
university as savouring of Semipelagianism. The sis-
ter university of Douai added its condemnation (said
to have been obtained under a misapprehension), and
its terms were in still more violent language. It has
been said, though on no very clear evidence, that
the form of condemnation was drawn up by Est.
There can be little doubt but that he was in favour of
the condemnation. The whole controversy finally led
up to the Congregatio de Auxiliis (q. v.). On maturer
examination the teaching of Lessius on grace etc. was
found to be innocuous.
Most of Est's works, which were written in Latin,
were not published until after his death. His greatest
work is his " In omnes Divi Pauli et Catholicas Epis-
tolas Commentarii" (Douai, 1614-15; Mainz, 1858-
60). There are several later editions, that of Mainz
(1841-45, 7 vols.) being one of the best. To this work
was prefixed the author's protestation of loyalty
to the Church in which he declares that he desires to
submit all things to the judgment of the Catholic
Church and its supreme pastor and judge on earth,
the Roman pontiff, and ii anything has been spoken
in error that it be considered as unsaid. In his com-
mentaries he everywhere endeavours to arrive at the
literal meaning of the author, with great judgment,
acumen, and erudition. He refutes objections, as
occasion arises, with calmness and freedom from pas-
sion. No serious student of the Epistles can afford to
neglect this work. Home, a Protestant writer (In-
trod., London, 1834, II, 293), says that it is "a most
valuable work, which Romanists and Protestants
alike concur to recommend as an excellent critical help
to the exposition of the Apostolic Epistles. The pref-
aces of Est are particularly valuable." His other
works are: "Commentarii in IV libros Sententiarum
Petri Lombardi" (Douai, 1615); "Annotations in
praecipua et dimciliora S. Scripturse loca" (Douai,
1617); "Historia Martyrum Gorcomiensium" (Douai,
1603: also in the "Acta SS." for July, II, 754-847).
He also translated the life of Blessed Edmund Cam-
pion, S.J., from French into Latin, and left copious
notes for a new edition of the works of St. Augustine.
Historia Martyrum Chrcomiensium (Douai, 1603); Mruiteia,
Les Martyr* de Gorcum (Paris, 1908); short Life prefixed to the
Louvain ed. of his commentary, and the Eulogium by Hot,
ibid.; Hurter, Nomendator, s. v. Estiue and Lessius; Rapin,
Histoire du Jansenisme (Pans, 1840), i.
C. Aherne.
Establishment (or Established Church), 'The.
— The union of Church and State setting-up a definite
and distinctive relation between the two is frequently
expressed in English by the use of the word "estab-
lishment", applied to such union in both Catholic and
Protestant States, in spite of the fundamental differ-
ences of principle which characterize them. "The
Establishment'', or " the Established Church " is often
used as a distinctive name for the ecclesiastical system
established by law in Scotland, in Ireland (until 1869),
but especially in England. The pre-Reformation
Church of England was the religion of the people and
its establishment was the spontaneous act of the
people; the distinctive feature of the post-Reforma-
tion Church is that it was imposed upon the people
bv legal enactment, and based upon the principle
of royal supremacy. Papal jurisdiction, was not
simply swept away but was-transferred entire to the
Crown. And except for the brief return to Catholic
unity under Mary (1553-1558) and during the Com-
monwealth (1640-1660), the arrangements then made
have continued to limit the liberty of action of the
Anglican body alike in matters doctrinal and discip-
linary. Convocation cannot meet, discuss, or enact
new canons without royal permission (25 Hen. VIII,
c. 19); the effective nomination of archbishops and
bishops, etc., rests with the Crown (25 Hen. VIII,
c. 19); supreme spiritual and ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion is annexed to the Crown (25 Hen. VIII, 19, cf . 1
Eliz., c. 1). Moreover, no modification of its formu-
laries or doctrines has been permitted without the
sanction of an act of Parliament. The term "by law
established", as applied to the Church of England, is
first met with in the canons of the Convocation of 1604
(c. iii), which declares " that the Church of England by
law established under the King's Majesty" is a true
and Apostolic Church. It is of frequent occurrence
in subsequent statutes. The term " established ' ' was
applied to the prescribing and settling by law of the
liturgical formularies of the English Church in the
Act of Uniformity, 1558 (1 Eliz., c. 2, §27). (See
Anglicanism; Convocation of thb Fnglish
Clergy.)
Gibbon, Codex Juris Ecdesiattici Anglicani (London, 1713);
Newman, Present Position of Catholics in England (London,
1851), Loct. ii; Phillimore, The Ecclesiastical Law of the
Church of England (Londont 1805); Hbnbon, Cross-Bench
Views of Current Church Questions (London, 1002): If cMullan
and Ellis, The Reformation Settlement (London, 1003): Acton.
History of Freedom and other Essays (London, 1007); Hbnbon,
Our National Church (London, 1008).
Bernard Ward.,
Eitainff Jean-Baptiste-Charles-Henri-Hector,
Comte d , Marquis de Saillans, a French ad-
miral, b. at the chateau de Ravel (Auversne), 28 No-
vember, 1720; d. at Paris, 28 April. 1794. He first
served in the army as a colonel of infantry. In 1757,
having obtained the rank of brigadier-general, he went
to the East Indies, with Lally-Tollendal. Made a
prisoner at the siege of Madras (1750), he was set free
f
on parole, entered the service of the French East In-
dia Company, and (with two vessels) destroyed the
British factories in Sumatra and the Persian Gulf. He
was on his way to France, in 17(10, when he fell into the
hands of the English and was sent to Plymouth. Re-
leased a second time, he was appointed lieutenant-
Sncral of the navy in 1763, and vice-admiral in 1777.
le year later, he left Toulon in command of a fleet of
twelve battleships and fourteen frigates with the in-
tention of assisting, the struggling American colonies
against Great Britain. Unfavourable winds delayed
him and so Admiral Howe's fleet escaped his pursuit
and d'Estaing took possession of Newport (8 August).
A great naval battle was about to take place, when a
violent stormarose and dispersed the two fleets. After
a short sojourn in Boston harbour, he sailed to the West
Indies where he took St. Vincent and Grenada (4 July,
1779) and badly damaged Admiral Byron's fleet. His
attempts to retake Savannah, in concert with the
Americans, were unsuccessful ; a severe wound obliged
him to give up the enterprise. On his return to
France, in 1780, he fell into disfavour at the court.
Three years later, however, he was placed at the head of
the Fran co- Spanish fleet
.■ bled before Cadis,
that he gave in the third year of his reign, divorced
her and ordered the most attractive maidens of the
kingdom brought before him that he might select her
successor from among them. Among these wai
Esther, whose rare beauty captivated the king and
moved him to place her on the throne. Her uncle
Mardoehai remained constantly near the palace so
that he might advise and counsel her. While at the
Eite of the palace he discovered a plot of two of the
ing's eunuchs to kill their royal master. This plot he
revealed to Esther, who in turn informed the king.
The plotters were executed, and a record of the ser-
vices of Mardoehai was entered in the chronicles of the
kingdom. Not long thereafter, Aman, a royal fa-
vourite before whom the king had ordered all to bow,
having frequently observed Mardoehai at the gate of
the palace and noticed that he refused to prostrate
himself before him, cunningly obtained the king's eon-
sent for a general massacre m one day or alt the Jews in
the kingdom. Following a Persian custom, Aman de-
termined by lot (ptlr, pi. purim), that the massacre
should take place a twelvemonth hence. A royal de-
cree was thereupon sent throughout the Kingdom of
Persia. Mardochui in-
formed Esther of this- b i
Th« Tbiumpb or 8cl~._ .„„„
M*»bochjU Paolo Caliari (Veronese),
but peace was signed and no operations took place.
He was then made a grandee of Spain. When the
French Revolution broke out, he favoured the new
ideas. A member of the Assembly of Notables, he
was named commandant of the National Guard at
Versailles in 1780, and admiral in 1792. He con-
stantly endeavoured to protect the king, and at the
trial of Marie Antoinette in 1793 spoke in her favour.
He was charged with being a reactionary and was sent
to the scaffold, 28 April. 1794. In his moments of
leisure, he wrote a poem, "LeRSve" (1755), a tragedy,
" Lea Thermopylee" (1789), and a book on the colonies.
J«l. Diaionnairt critique dt WoorapAie tt d'hittoirt (Paris,
1872): EitrtUI du journal iTun affiarr dt la imn'ni d* Vatadrt
aV 14. U Ctmlt d-EHaina (P«ri», 1782); Livot. L* Cnmu
tffftloina (P»ri«, 1887).
Louis N. Delamarre.
Esther (Heb. VIDM, star, happiness; Sept. 'BrAf*),
Queen of Persia and wife of Aasuerus, who is
identified with Xerxes (485-465 b. c). She was a
Jewess of the tribe of Benjamin, daughter of Abihail,
and bore before her accession to the throne the name
of Edissa (ntnrt, HOdOuOh, myrtle). Her family
had been departed from Jerusalem to Babylon in the
time of Jechoniaa (599 b. c). On the death of her
parents she was adopted by her father's brother, Mar-
doehai, who then dwelt in Susan, the capital of Persia.
King Assuerus being angered at the refusal of his wife
Vaethi to respond to his invitation to attend a banquet
begged her to use her influence with the king and thus
avert the threatening danger. At first she feared to
enter the presence of the king unsummoned, for to do
so was a capita] offence. But, on the earnest entreaty
of her uncle, she consented to approach after three
days, which with her maids ahe would pass in fasting
and prayer, and during which she requested her uncle
to have all the Jews in the city fast and pray.
On the third day Esther appeared before the king,
who received her graciously and promised to grant her
request whatever it might be. She then asked him
and Aman to dine with her. At the banquet they ac-
cepted her invitation to dine with her again
i gallon
gave him, issued orders for the erection of
which he purposed to hang the hated
Mardoehai. But that night the king, being sleepli ,
ordered the chronicles of the nation to be read to him.
Learning that Mardoehai had never been rewarded for
his service in revealing the plot of the eunuchs, he
asked Aman, the next day, to suggest a suitable re-
ward for one "whom the king desired to honour".
Thinking it was himself that the king had in mind,
Aman suggested the use of the king's apparel and in-
signia. These the king ordered to be bestowed on
Mardoehai. At the second banquet, when the king re-
peated to Esther his offer to grant her whatever she
might ask, she informed him of the plot of Aman
which involved the destruction of the whole Jewish
ESTHER
550
ESTHER
people to which she belonged, and pleaded that they rise of rationalism the opinion of Luther found many
should be spared. The King ordered that Aman supporters. When modern rationalists argue that the
should be hanged on the gibbet prepared for Mardo- Book of Esther is irreligious in character, unlike the
chai, and, confiscating his property, bestowed it upon other books of the O. T., and therefore to be re-
the intended victim. He charged Mardochai to ad- jected, they have in mind only the first or proto-
dress to all the governors of Persia letters authorizing canonical part, not the entire book, which is mani-
the Jews to defend themselves and to kill all those festly religious. But, although the first part is not
who, by virtue of the previous decree, should attack explicitly religious, it contains nothing unworthy of a
them. During two days the Jews took a bloody re- place in the Sacred Scriptures. And any way, as
venge on their enemies in Susan And other cities. Driver points out (Introduc. to the Lit. of the O. T.),
Mardochai then instituted the feast of Purim (lots) there is no reason why every part of the Biblical
which he exhorted the Jews to celebrate in memory of record should show the " same degree of subordination
the day which Aman had determined for their de- of human interests to the spirit of God ".
struction, but which had been turned by Esther into a As to the authorship of the Book of Esther there is
day of triumph. The foregoing story of Esther is nothing but conjecture. The Talmud (Baba Bathra
taken from the Book of Esther as found in the Vulgate. 15*) assigns it to the Great Synagogue; St. Clement
Jewish traditions place the tomb of Esther at Hama- of Alexandria ascribes it to Mardochai; St. Augustine
dan (Ecbatana). The Fathers of the Church consul- suggests Esdras as the author. Many, noting the
ered Esther as a type of the Blessed Virgin Mary. In
her poets have found a favourite subject. (R.
Schwartz, Esther im deutschen u. neulateinischen
Drama des Reformationszeitalters, Oldenburg, 1894.)
writer's familiarity with Persian customs and institu-
tions and with the character of Assuerus, hold that he
was a contemporary of Mardochai, whose memoirs
he used. But such memoirs and other contemporary
Book of Esther. — In the Hebrew Bible and the documents showing this familiar knowledge could
Septuagint the Book of Esther bears only the word have been used by a writer at a later period. And,
" Esther" as title. But the Jewish rabbis called it although the absence in the text of allusion to Jerusa-
also the " volume of Esther", or simply " the volume " lem seems to lead to the conclusion that the book was
(megillah) to distinguish it from the other four vol- written and published in Persia at the end of the reign
umes (megiUoth), written on separate rolls, which were of Xerxes I (485-465 b. c.) or during the reign of his
read in the synagogues on certain feast days. As this son Artaxerxes I (465-425 b. c), the text seems to
one was read on the feast of Purim and consisted offer several facts which may be adduced with some
largely of epistles (cf. Esth., ix, 20, 29), it was called show of reason in favour of a later date. They are:
by the Jews of Alexandria the " Epistle of Purim ". (1) an implied statement that Susan had ceased to be
In the Hebrew canon the book was among the Hagio- the capital of Persia, and a vague description of the
grapha and placed after Ecclesiastes. In the Latin extent of the kingdom (i, 1); (2) an explanation of
Vulgate it has always been classed with Tobias and Persian usages that implies unfamiliarity with them
Judith, after which it is placed. The Hebrew text on the part of the readers (i, 13, 19; iv, 11; viii, 8);
that has come down to us varies considerably from (3) the revengeful attitude of the Jews towards the
those of the Septuagint and the Vulgate. The Septu- Gentiles, by whom they felt they had been wronged,
agint, besides showing many unimportant divergen- and with whom they wished to have little to do (iii,
cies. contains several additions in the body of the 8 sqq.) ; (4) a diction showing many late words and a
book or at the end. The additions are the portion of deterioration in syntax; (5) references to "the
the Vulgate text after ch. x, 3. Although no trace of Macedonians" and to the plot of Aman as an attempt
these fragments is found in the Hebrew Bible, thev are to transfer " the kingdom of the Persians to the
most probably translations from an original Hebrew Macedonians" (xvi, 10, 14). On the strength of these
or Chaldaic text. Origen tells us that they existed in passages various modern critics have assigned late
Theodotion's version, and that they were used by dates for the authorship of the book, as, 135 b. c,
Josephus in his "Antiquities" (XVl). St. Jerome, 167 b. a, 238 b. a, the beginning of the third century
finding them in the Septuagint and the Old Latin ver- b. c, or the early years of the Greek period which
sion, placed them at the end of his almost literal began 332 B.C. The majority accept the laBt opinion,
translation of the existing Hebrew text, and indicated Some of the modern critics who have fixed upon
the place they occupied in the Septuagint. The late dates for the composition of the book deny that it
chapters being thus rearranged, the book may be has any historical value whatever, and declare it to be
divided into two parts: the first relating the events a work of the imagination, written for the purpose of
'which preceded and led up to the decree authorizing popularizing the feast of Purim. In support of their
the extermination of the Jews (i-iii, 15; xi, 2; xiii, 7) ; contention they point out in the text what appear to
the second showing how the Jews escaped from their be historical improbabilities, and attempt to show
enemies and avenged themselves (iv-v, 8; xiii-xv). that the narrative has all the characteristics of a
The Book of Esther, thus taken in part from the romance, the various incidents being artfully arranged
Hebrew Canon and in part from the Septuagint, found so as to form a series of contrasts and to develop into
a place in the Christian Canon of the O. T. The chap- a climax. But what seem to be historical improba-
ters taken from the Septuagint were considered bilities are in many cases trivial. Even advanced
deuterocanonical, and, after St. Jerome, were sepa- critics do not agree as to those which seem quite sen-
rated from the ten chapters taken from the Hebrew ous. While some, for instance, consider it wholly
which were called protocanonical (see Canon of the improbable that Assuerus and Aman should have
Holy Scriptures). A great many of the early been ignorant of the nationality of Esther, who was
Fathers clearly considered the entire work as in- in frequent communication with Mardochai, a well*
spired, although no one among them found it to his known Jew, others maintain that it was quite possible
purpose to write a commentary on it. Its omission and probable that a young woman, known to be a
in some of the early catalogues of the Scriptures was Jewess, should be taken into the harem of a Persian
accidental or unimportant. The first to reject the king, and that with the assistance of a relative she
book was Luther, who declared that he so hated it should avert the ruin of her people, which a high offi-
that he wished that it did not exist (Table Talk. 59). cial had endeavoured to effect. The seeming im-
His first followers wished only to reject the deutero- probability of other passages, if not entirely ex-
canonical parts, whereupon these, as well as other plained{ can be sufficiently explained to destroy the
deuterocanonical parts of the Scriptures, were de- conclusion, on this ground, that the book is not his-
clared by the Council of Trent (Sess. IV, de Can. torical. As to artful contrasts and climax to which
Scripture) to be canonical and inspired. With the appeal is made as evidences that the book is the work
ESTIENNOT
551
ETERNITY
of a mere romancer, it may be said with Driver (op.
cit.) that fact is stranger than fiction, and that a con-
clusion based upon such appearances is precarious.
There is undoubtedly an exercise of art in the com-
position of the work, but no more than any historian
may use in accumulating and arranging the incidents
of his history. A more generally accepted opinion
among contemporary critics is that the work is sub-
stantially historical. Recognizing the author's close
acquaintance with Persian customs and institutions,
they hold that the main elements of the work were
supplied to him by tradition, but that, to satisfy his
taste for dramatic effect, he introduced details which
were not strictly historical. But the opinion held by
most Catholics and by some Protestants is, that the
work is historical in substance and in detail. They
base their conclusions especially on the following:
(1) the vivacity and simplicity of the narrative; (2)
the precise and circumstantial details, as, particu-
larly, the naming of unimportant personages, the
noting of dates and -events; (3) the references to the
annals of the Persians; (4) the. absence of anachron-
isms; (5) the agreement of proper names with the
time in which the story is placed ; (6) the confirmation
of details by history and archaeology; (7) the celebra-
tion of the feast of Purim in commemoration of the
deliverance of the Jews by Esther and Mardochai at
the time of the Machabees (II Mach., xv, 37), at the
time of Josephus (Antiq of the Jews, XI, vi, § 13), and
since. The explanation of Kautzsch (An Outline of
the Hist, of the Lit. of the O. T., p. 131) that the story
of Esther was engrafted on a Jewish feast already
existing and probably connected with a Persian fes-
tival, is only a surmise. Nor has any one else suc-
ceeded better in offering an explanation of the feast
than that it had its origin as stated in the Book of
Esther.
Herodotus, History, VII, 8, 24, 3& 37-39; IX, 108; Raw-
linbon, Hiat. lUus. of the O. T. (Chicago, 1880), 208 sqq.;
Ewald, Hist, of Israel; Dictionaries of the Bible, s. v.; Dieu-
lapoi, Le Livre d Esther et le palais tTAesuerus in Rev. dee
Etudes Juives (1888); Rohart and Vigouboux in Diet, de la
Bib., s. v.; Gigot, Special Introduction to the Scriptures (1903);
Davidson, Introduction (1863). Commentaries by Calmet, a
Lapide, Menochids in Mignb, Script. Sacr. Cursus Comp., XIII.
Scholz (1892); Seisenberger (1901). Protestant: Paton,
A Critical and Exeoetical Commentary on the Book of Esther,
(New York, 1908) in Int. Crit. Com.; Streane, The Book of Esther
{Oxford, 1908); Wildebaer (Martx), Die funf MeoiUot (1898);
Siegfried (Nowack) (1901).
A. L. McMahon.
Estiennot de la Serre, Claude, Benedictine of the
Congregation of Saint-Maur, b. at Varennes, France,
1639; a. at Rome, 1699. He joined the Benedictines
at Venddme and was professed there in 1658. After
teaching humanities tor a short time to the junior
monks at Pontlevoy, he was, at the instance of Dom
Luc d'Achery. sent to the Abbey of St-Germain-des-
Pr6s, Paris, %where his aptitude for study and research
was quickly discovered by Dom Mabillon, whose inti-
mate friend and fellow- worker he became. Together
they journeyed on foot through Flanders", visiting all
its chief monastic libraries. In 1670 he was made
sub-prior of St-Martin's, Pontoise, a history of which
abbey, in three volumes, was his first published work.
Between 1673 and 1682 he compiled his chief work,
entitled " Antiquites Be,ne,dictine8,,, in which the mon-
astic traditions of France are treated under the head-
ings of the different dioceses. In 1684 he was ap-
pointed procurator for his congregation in the Curia
Romana, which post required his residence in Rome
for the remainder of his life. On his way thither from
Paris he visited numerous monasteries and collected a
great quantitv of literary material, which he sent back
to Dom Mabillon and most of which found its way into
the "Annales O.S.B." or the "Gallia Christiana".
During the fifteen years he lived in Italy he laboured
fruitfully on behalf of his congregation, and he was
also greatly trusted by the French bishops, for whom
he acted in many matters of ecclesiastical business.
Hcenjoyed the entire confidence of several popes and
other high officials of the Church, and he is described
as combining all the qualities of a man of letters with
great business ability. Besides the history of Pon-
toise and the "Antiquites", already mentioned, he
collected sixteen volumes of " Fragments historiques",
but though he did not publish much under his own
name, he worked incessantly in the chief libraries of
Italy, all of which were open to him, and the results of
his researches he forwarded to Dom Mabillon and
others at St-Germain-des-Pres, to whom they were of
great service. He was buried in the church of the
Minims of SS. Trinita de' Monti.
Tamin, Hist. lit. de la cono. de St-Maur (Brussels, 1770).
G. Cyprian Alston.
Esstergom, Diocese of. See Gran.
Eternal Gospel. See Joachim of Flora.
Eternity (oeternum, originally ceviternum, alAvtop,
aeon-long) is defined by Boetius (De Consol. Phil., V,
vi) as " possession, without succession and perfect, of
interminable life" (interminabilis vitae tota simul et
perfecta possessio). The definition, which was
adopted by the Schoolmen, at least as applying to eter-
nity properly so called, that of God, implies four
things: that eternity is (1) a life, (2) without beginning
or end, (3) or succession, and (4) of the most perfect
kind. God not only is or exists, but lives. The no-
tion of life, like all notions however abstract or spirit-
ual, is, when applied to God, but analogous. He not
only does not live precisely as anything else with
which we are acquainted lives; He does not even exist
as anything else exists. " Our notions of life and exist-
ence are derived from creatures, in which life implies
change, and existence is something added to essence,
thus involving composition. In God there can be no
composition or change or imperfection of any kind,
but all is pure act or being. The agnostic, however, is
not thereby justified in saying that we can know noth-
ing and should predicate nothing of God. It is true
that, however we conceive Him or in whatever terms
we speak of Him, our ideas and terminology are ut-
terly beneath and unworthy of Him. Yet, even while
arguing in.this way, the agnostic thinks and speaks of
Hun as really as we do; nor can he or we do otherwise,
compelled as we are to trace things back to their first
cause. Yielding to this necessity, we can but think
and speak of Him in the highest and most spiritual
terms known to us; not merely as existing, for instance,
but as living; correcting at once, as far as we can, the
form of our thought and predication, by adding that
the Divine life is perfect, free from the least trace of
defect. That is how and why we represent the Di-
vine existence as a life. It is a life, moreover, not only
without beginning or end but also without succession
— tota simul, that is without past or future; a never-
changing instant or "now". It is not so difficult to
form some faint notion of a duration which never be-
gan and shall never end. We hope that our own life
shall be endless; and materialists nave accustomed us
to the notion of a series stretching backward without
limit in time, to the notion of a material universe that
never came into being but was always there. The
Divine existence is that and much more; excluding all
succession, past and future time — indeed all time,
which is succession — and to be conceived as an ever-
enduring and unchanging "now".
In forming this notion of eternity it is well to
think of the Divine immensity in its relation to space
and extended things. One may conceive first a broken
straight line — a line of separate dots; then a continu-
ous line within two limits, beginning and end. The
line can be, but is not, divided into parts, shorter lines
or dots, and the whole is finite both ways. It is like
and yet unlike a finite spirit; like, since it has no actual
parts or divisions and is limited; yet unlike since it
ETERNITY
552
ETERNITY
s
may be divided, whereas a spirit cannot be divided.
Spirit exists whole and entire wherever it exists at all;
and though it may fill the space occupied by a human
body, let us say, it is whole and entire in every possible
part of it; not quite unlike the continuous line. If we
further think of the end or limits of the line as re-
moved, of the earth's axis, for instance, as extending
indefinitely into space, the line is not only continuous
or unbroken but infinite, without end or beginning,
yet still divisible; like, but so unlike, the immensity of
God. For God is a spirit, and as the human soul fills
the space occupied by the body to which it is united,
yet is whole and entire in every possible part of that
space, so God fills all space whatsoever, extending
without limit in all directions, and yet is whole and en-
tire everywhere, in the smallest conceivable point, in
the very loose or improper sense in which we may think
or speak of God as being " whole ". Even the spatial
relations of the soul to the body are coarse as compared
to those which God's existence bears to that of creatures
and the spaces in which they exist or may exist. For
however free from extension created spirits may be,
they are not incapable of real internal change, real mo-
tion of some kind within themselves; whereas God,
filling all space, is incapable of the least change or mo-
tion, but is so truly the same throughout that He is
best conceived as an infinitely extended point, the
same here, there, everywhere.
If, now, we apply to the time-line what we have been
attempting in that of space, the infinite, unchangeable
point which was immensity becomes eternity; not a
real succession of separate acts or changes (which is
known as "time"); nor even the continuous duration
of a being which is changeless in its substance, how-
ever it may vary in its actions (which is what St.
Thomas understands by an ovum) ; but an endless line
of existence and action which not only is not actually
interrupted, but is incapable of interruption or of the
least change or movement whatsoever. And as, if one
instant should pass away and another succeed, the
present becoming past and the future present, there
is necessarily a change or movement of instants;
so, if we are not to be irreverent in our concept of God,
but to represent Him as best we can, we must try to
conceive Him as excluding all, even the least, change
or succession; and his duration, consequently, as being
without even a possible past or future, but a never be-
ginning and never-ending, absolutely unchangeable
" -* ~~ That is how eternity is presented in Catholic
now
philosophy and theology. The notion is of special in-
terest in helping us to realize, however faintly, the re-
lations of God to created things, especially with regard
to His foreknowledge. In Him there is no before or
after, and therefore no foreknowledge, objectively;
the distinction which we are wont to draw between His
knowledge of intelligence or science or prescience and
His knowledge of vision is merely our way of repre-
senting things, natural enough to us, but not by any
means objective or real in Him. There is no real ob-
jective difference between His intelligence and His vis-
ion, nor between either of these and the Divine sub-
stance, in which there is no possibility of difference or
change. That infinitely perfect substantial intelli-
gence, immense as it is eternal, and withal existing en-
tire and immutable as an indivisible point in space and
as an indivisible instant in time, is coextensive, in the
sense of being intimately present, with the space-ex-
tension and the time-succession of all creatures; not
beside them, nor parallel with them, nor before or after
them; but present in and with them, sustaining them,
co-operating with them, and therefore seeing — not
foreseeing — what they may do at any particular
point of the space-extension, or at any instant of
the time-extension, in which they may exist or oper-
ate. God may be considered as an immovable point
in the centre of a world which, whether as a more or
lass closely connected group of granulated individuals,
or as an absolutely continuous ether mass, turns round
Him as a sphere may be supposed to turn in all direc-
tions round its centre (St. Thomas, Cont. Gent., I, c.
lxvi). The imagery, however, must be corrected by
noting that while in the time-line God's duration is an
ever-enduring point or "now", his immensity in the
space-line is not at all like the centre of a circle or
sphere; but is a point, rather, which is coextensive
with, in the sense of being intimately present to, every
other point, actual or possible, in the continuous or dis-
continuous mass that is supposed to move around Him.
Bearing this correcting notion well in mind, we may
conceive Him as this immovable point in the centre of
an ever-moving, though here and there continuous,
circle or sphere. The space and time relations are con-
stantly changing between Him and the moving things
around Him. not through any change in Him, but only
by reason of the constant cnange m them. In them
there is before and after, but not in Him, Who is
equally present to them all, no matter how or when they
may have come into being, or how they may succeed
one another in time or in space. Some of them are
free acts; and almost from the time the human mind
began to speculate on these questions, and wherever
still there are any even rudimentary speculations, the
question has arisen and does arise as to how an act can
be free not to happen if, as we suppose, God's abscn
lutely infallible foresight saw from all eternity that it
was to be. To this Catholic philosophy supplies the
only answer which can be given; that it is not true to
say that God either saw or foresaw anything, or that
He will see it, but only that He sees it. And as my
seeing you act does not interfere with your freedom of
action, but I see you acting freely or necessarily, as the
case may be, so God sees all finite things, quiescent or
active, acting of necessity or freely, according to what
may be objectively real, without m the least interfer-
ing thereby with the mode or quality of their existence
or of their action. Here again, however, care must be
taken not to conceive the Divine knowledge as being
determined by what the finite may be or do; some-
what as we see things because the knowledge is borne
in upon us from what we see. It is not from the finite
that God gets His knowledge, but from His own Di-
vine essence, in which all things are represented or
mirrored as they are, existing or merely possible, neces-
sary or free. On this aspect of the question see God.
When, therefore, one is asked or tempted to ask, what
God did or where He was before time and place began,
with the creation of the world, the answer must be a
denial of the legitimacy of the supposition that He
was " before". It is only in relation to the finite and
mutable that there can be a before and after. And
when we say, that, as faith teaches, the world was
created in time and was not from eternity, our mean-
ing should not be that the existence of the Creator
stretched back infinitely before He brought the world
into being; but rather that while His existence remains
an unchangeable present, without possibility of before
or after, of change or succession, as regards itself, the
succession outside the Divine existence, to each in-
stant of which it corresponds as the centre does to any
point in the circumference, had a beginning, and might
nave extended indefinitely further backward, without,
however, escaping the omnipresence of the eternal
"now" (See Billot, De Deo Uno et Trino, q. 10, p.
122).
So far for the strict or proper notion of eternity, as
applying solely to the Divine existence. There is a
wide or improper sense in which we are wont to repre-
sent as eternal what is merely endless succession in
time, and this even though the time in auestion
should have had a beginning, as when we speak of the
reward of the good and the punishment of the wicked
as eternal, meaning by eternity only time or succession
without end or limit in the future. In the Apocalypse
there is a well-known passage in which a great angel is
ETHELBERT
553
ETHELBERT
represented as standing with one foot on sea and one
on land, and swearing by Him that liveth forever that
time shall be no more. Whatever the meaning of the
oath may be, it has found an echo in our religions ter-
minology, and we are wont to think and say that with
death, and especially with the Last Judgment, time
shall cease. The meaning is not that there will be no
more succession of any kind ; but that there will be no
substantial change or corruption in what survives
death, the soul; or in the body that shall have been
raised from the dead ; or in the heavens and earth as
they shall be renewed after Christ's second coming.
There is, moreover, an 'implication or connotation of
the doctrine that in the future life of souls, whether in
heaven or in hell, succession will be accidental, the act
in which their essential happiness or misery will con-
sist being continuous and unbroken vision and love,
or blinded wrong vision and hatred, of God. This
kind of duration is in our ordinary language spoken of
as life or death eternal, by a kind of participation, in a
wide or improper sense, in the character of the Divine
eternity (Billot, op. cit., 119). Questions of the great-
est importance have been raised as to the possibility of
an eternal world, in the sense of a world of matter,
such as we know, having never had a beginning and
therefore not needing a first cause ; also as to the pos-
sibility of eternal creation, in the sense of a being,
with or without succession, having had no beginning
of existence and yet having been created by God (see
Creation). For other questions as to eternity see
Heaven, Hell. "Eternal life" is a term some-
times applied to the state and life of grace, even before
death ; tnis being the initial stage or seed, as it were,
of the never-ending life of bliss in heaven, which, by a
species of metonymy, is regarded as being present in
its first stage, that of grace. This, if we are true to
ourselves and to God, is sure to pass into the second
stage, the life eternal.
The basis of all later treatment of the question of eternity Is
that of St. Thomas, I, Q. x. For a fuller exposition see
Suarxs, De Deo, I, iv; Idem, Metaphysial, disp. 1, ss. 4 sq.:
Lbssius, De perfectionibus divtnis.lW. For the teaching of
early non-Christian philosophers (Plato, Aristotle, and the
nbo-Platonists), as also of the Fathers, see Pbtavius, De
Deo, III, til, iv. In the same chapters he discusses the meaning
of the term ovum. For the testimony of the Fathbbs as to the
possibility of creation from eternity, see Pbtavius, op. cit., vi.
Briefer expositions may be found in the ordinary handbooks of
philosophy, on ontology and natural theology; also in the
various treatises De Deo Uno.
Walter McDonald.
Ethelbert, Saint, date of birth unknown; d. 794;
King of the East Ancles, was, according to the
"Speculum Historiale' or Richard of Cirencester
(d. about 1401), the son of King Ethelred and Leo-
f rana, a lady of Mercia. Brought up in piety, he was
elected king on Ethelred 's death, ruled wisely; and was
a man of singular humility. Urged to marry, he de-
clared his preference for a life of celibacy, but at length
consented to woo Altrida (Alfrida). daughter of Offa.
King of the Mercians. Leofrana foreboded evil and
tried to dissuade Ethelbert; but in spite of an earth-
quake, an eclipse of the sun. and a warning vision, he
proceeded from Bury St. Edmunds to Villa Australia,
where Offa resided. On his arrival Altrida expressed
her admiration for Ethelbert, declaring that Offa
ought to accept him as suzerain. Cynethryth, the
queen-mother, urged by hatred of Ethelbert, so pois-
oned OftVs mind against him, that he accepted the
offer of a certain Grimbert to murder their guest.
Ethelbert, having come for an interview with Offa,
was bound and beheaded by Grimbert. The body
was buried ignominiously, but, revealing itself by a
heavenly light, was translated to the cathedral at
Hereford, where many miracles attested Ethelbert 's
sanctity. The head was enshrined at Westminster
Abbev
The "Chrpnicon" of John Brompton (fl. 1437) adds
a few particulars: the body with the head was first
buried on the banks of the Lugg. On the third night
the saint commanded one Bntnfrid, a nobleman, to
convey his relics to Stratus-way. During the journey
the head fell out of the cart and healed a man who had
been blind for eleven years. Finally the body was
entombed at Fernley, the present Hereford. Accord-
ing to Brompton, Altrida became a recluse at Crop-
land. Offa repented of his sin (Matthew of Paris
represents Offa as ignorant of the plot till after Ethel-
bert's murder), gave much land to the martyr,
" which the church of Hereford holds to the present
day", founded St. Albans and other monasteries, and
made his historic pilgrimage to Rome.
St. Ethelbert figures largely in the Missal, Breviary,
and Hymnal of the Use of Hereford. His feast is on
20 May. Thirteen English churches, besides Here-
ford cathedral, are dedicated in honour of Ethelbert;
and one of the gateways of Norwich cathedral bears
his name.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, sub anno 792; Richard or Ciren-
cester, Speculum Historiale, in R. 8., I, 262 sqq.: Chronicle of
Brompton, in Twtsdkn, 748 sqq.; Acta S3., May, V, 271;
Bibl. Hag. Lot., 394: Brewer, Opera Oirald. Cambren., Ill, 407,
V, pp. xlv and 407: Wharton, Anglia Sacra, II, p. xxii:
Hardy, Catalogue of Materials, I, 495; Stubbs in Did. of
Christian Biography, II, 215; Chevalier, Repertoire, I, 1365;
Hunt in Did. Nat. Biog.t XVIII, 17; Stanton, Menalogy.
Patrick Ryan.
Ethelbert, Saint, King of Kent, b. 552; d. 24
February, 616; son of Eormenric, through whom he
was descended from Hengest. He succeeded his fa-
ther, in 560, as King of Kent and made an unsuccess-
ful attempt to win from Ceawlin of Wessex the over-
lordship of Britain. His political importance was
doubtless advanced by his marriage with Bertha,
daughter of Charibert, King of the Franks (see Ber-
tha. I). A noble disposition to fair dealing is argued
by his giving her the old Roman church of St. Martin
in his capital of Cantwaraburh (Canterbury) and
affording her every opportunity for the exercise of her
religion, although he himself had been reared, and re-
mained, a worshipper of Odin. The same natural
virtue, combined with a quaint spiritual caution and,
on the other hand, a large instinct of hospitality, ap-
pears in his message to St. Augustine when, in 597,
the Apostle of England landed on the Kentish coast
(see Augustine of Canterbury).
In the interval between Ethelbert's defeat by Ceaw-
lin and the arrival of the Roman missionaries, the
death of the Wessex king had left Ethelbert, at least
virtually, supreme in southern Britain, and his bap-
tism, which took place on Whitsunday next following
the landing of Augustine (2 June, 597) had such an
effect in deciding die minds of his wavering country-
men that as many as 10.000 are said to have followed
his example within a few months. Thenceforward
Ethelbert became the watchful father of the infant
Anglo-Saxon Church. He founded the church which
in after-ages was to be the primatial cathedral of all
England, besides other churches at Rochester and
Canterbury. But, although he permitted, and even
helped, Augustine to convert a heathen temple into
the church of St. Pancras (Canterbury), he never com-
pelled his heathen subjects to accept baptism. More-
over, as the lawgiver who issued: their first written
Laws to the English people (the ninety "Dooms of
Ethelbert", a. d. 604) he holds in English history a
place thoroughly consistent with his character as the
temporal founder of that see which did more than any
other for the upbuilding of free and orderly political
institutions in Christendom. When St. Melhtus had
converted Saebert, King of the East Saxons, whose
capital was London, and it was proposed to make that
see the metropolitan, Ethelbert, supported by Augus-
tine, successfully resisted the attempt, and thus fixed
for more than nine centuries the individual character
of the English Church. He left three children, of
whom the only son, Eadbald, lived and died a pagan.
n
ETHELBERT
554
ETHELDREDA
Stubbs in Did. Christ. Bioar., s. v.; Hunt in Did. Nat.
Bioar., m. v.; Beds, Hid. Bed., I, II; Gbegort of Tours, Ma-
teria Franeorum, IV, IX; Ada S3.; Butler, Live* of the Saint*,
24 Feb.
£. Macpherson.
Ethelbert, Archbishop of York, England, date
of birth uncertain; d. 8 Nov., 781 or 782. The name
also appears as Albert, Adalbbrht, jElberht,
Aldberht, Aluberht, Eadberht and Elchbert.
He was the teacher and intimate friend of Alcuin,
whose poem on the saints and prelates of the Church of
York, De Sanctis et Pontificibus Ecclesise Eboracen-
sis", is the principal source of information concerning
Ethelbert 's life. He was a kinsman of his predecessor
Archbishop Egbert (brother to Eadberht, King of
North umbria) and a pupil in the school which Egbert
founded at York. When he reached man's estate,
Egbert ordained him priest and made him master of
the school. Among his pupils was Alcuin, who has
left us an affectionate description of him, from which
we learn how varied his erudition was — grammar,
rhetoric, law, poetry, astronomy, natural history, and
Sacred Scripture being all mentioned as subjects in
which he instructed his pupils. He is described as
severe to the stubborn, gentle to the docile, while of
those who were scholars after his own heart it is said
" Hos sibi conjunxit, docuit, nutrivit, amavit". His
ready sympathy won the affection of his students,
while his strenuous energy urged them on to further
progress. Even after Egbert became archbishop, he
reserved to himself the duty of lecturing on the New
Testament, while he entrusted the work of explaining
the Old Testament to Ethelbert. As a keen scholar
he loved books ardently and spared no pains in form-
ing a library at York, which was probably the largest
collection of books to be found outside Rome. Al-
cuin, in enumerating many of these, mentions several
Latin and Greek classical authors, as well as the
Fathers and other Christian writers. Ethelbert, in
his search for books, travelled far, and we know that
he visited Rome among other places. Everywhere
his learning and power of sympathy won for him
friends, so that his influence for good was widespread
and he ranks as one of the foremost among the promo-
ters of education in the eighth century.
In 766 Archbishop Egbert died, and Ethelbert was
unanimously chosen to succeed him. He was conse-
crated 24 April, 767, and received the pallium from
Adrian I in 773. As archbishop he continued his
simple and laborious life, working with such success
that he is regarded as one of the founders of the Church
of York. He set himself to rebuild the minster which
had been destroyed by fire in 741. It is impossible to
obtain certain information as to the extent of his
work, but Alcuin speaks as though he began, finished,
and consecrated it: —
Ast nova basilica mirae structure, diebus
Prsesulis huius erat jam csepta, peracta, sacrata.
He speaks of its magnificence, the columns and
crypts, bright windows and ceilings, the tall crucifix of
precious metals, the thirty altars it contained, and the
gold, silver, and jewels employed in the decoration of
sacred vessels and altars. Eanbald and Alcuin were
employed by the archbishop to superintend its con-
struction. From York Ethelbert developed both
missionary work and educational effort. He sent out
from his school both preachers and teachers, the latter
of whom founded new schools while the former spread
the truths of Christianity among the heathen. Thus
we find Ethelbert holding a council in Northumbria at
which it was decided to send Willehad as a missionary
to the Frisians and Saxons. From the York school,
too, came Alubert and Liudger, the Apostles of North
Gennany.
In 780 Ethelbert, desiring to prepare for death, con-
secrated Eanbald as his coadjutor bishop and com-
mitted to Alcuin the care of the school and library.
He then retired to a cell where he spent some time i&
devotion. Shortly before his death, in the autumn of
781 or 782, he appeared once more in public that he
might consecrate the cathedral which was now com-
plete. Ten days later he died and was buried in his
church at York. Alcuin mourned his loss as that of a
father, and composed in his honour the splendid
panegyric (lines 1394-1595) which is the gem of the
poem on the Church of York. To him Ethelbert — or
iElbert, as he calls him — was both pontiff and saint,
"Jam cui Christus amor, potus, cibus, omnia Chris-
tus".
AvcuiNjPoema de Pontificibus d Sanctis Ecdesia Bboracensis
in P. L., CI, 814 sqa... also in The Historians of the Church of
York and its Archbishops (Rolls Series, London, 1870), I. In
Vol. II of the same publication there are short notices from
three medieval chronicles. See also Rains in Did. Christ.
Biop., II, 217. Ethelbert is referred to in the Did. Nat. Biog. as
iEthelberht, s. v. Eanbald I, but has no separate notice.
Edwin Burton.
Etheldreda,' Saint, Queen of Northumbria, b.
(probably) about 630 ; d. at Ely, 23 June, 679. While
still very young she was given in marriage by her
father, Anna. King of East Anglia, to a certain Ton-
bert, a subordinate prince, from whom she received as
morning gift a tract of land locally known as the Isle
of Ely. She never lived in wedlock with Tonbert,
however, and for five years after his early death was
left to foster her vocation to religion. Her father
then arranged for her a marriage of political conven-
ience with Egfrid, son and heir to Oswy, King of
Northumbria. From this second bridegroom, who
is said to have been only fourteen years of age, she
received certain lands at Hexham ; through St. Wilfrid
of York she gave these lands to found the minster of
St. Andrew. St. Wilfrid was her friend and spiritual
guide, but it was to him that Egfrid, on succeeding
his father, appealed for the enforcement of his marital
rights as against Etheldreda's religious vocation.
The bishop succeeded at first in persuading Egfrid to
consent that Etheldreda should five for some time in
peace as a sister of the Coldingham nunnery, founded
by her aunt, St. Ebba, in what is now Berwickshire.
But at last the imminent danger of being forcibly
carried off by the king drove her to wander southwards,
with only two women in attendance. They made
their way to Etheldreda's own estate of Ely, not,
tradition said, without the interposition of miracles,
and, on a spot hemmed in by morasses and the waters
of the Ouse, the foundation of Ely Minster was begun.
This region was Etheldreda's native home, and her
royal East Anglian relatives gave her the material
means necessary for the execution of herholy design.
St. Wilfrid had not yet returned from Home, where
he had obtained extraordinary privileges for her foun-
dation from Benedict II, when she died of a plague
which she herself, it is said, had circumstantially fore-
told. Her body was, throughout many succeeding
centuries, an object of devout veneration in- the fa-
mous church which grew up on her foundation. (See
Ely, Ancient Diocese of.) One hand of the saint
is now venerated in the church of St. Etheldreda,
Ely Place, London, which enjoys the distinction of
being the first — and at present (1909) the only —
S re-Reformation church in Great Britain restored to
atholic worship. Built in the thirteenth century as
a private chapel attached to the town residence of the
Bishop of Ely, the structure of St. Etheldreda's passed
through many vicissitudes during the centuries follow-
ing its desecration, until, in 1873-74, it was purchased
by Father William Lockhart and occupied by the
Institute of Charity, of whose English mission Father
Lockhart was then superior.
Dodo, Church History of England; Schrodl in Kirchenlex.t
s. v. Edilthrjide; Bedk, Ilisl. Bed., IV— with the historian's
Latin poem in her honour, Mabillon, Ada SS. Ord. Bened.;
Ixx-KHABT, S. Etheldreda* s and Old London (2nd ed.( London,
1890).
E. Macpherson,
ETHELHARD
555
ETHERIANTJS
Ethelhard (jEthelheard. Ethblheard), four-
teenth Archbishop of Canterbury, England, date of
birth unknown; d. 12 May, 805. Much obscurity sur-
rounds the details of his life previous to his election.
He is described by Symeon of Durham as "Abbas
Hludensis Monasterii", but it is uncertain what mon-
astery is thus designated. It has been variously lo-
cated at Louth in Lincolnshire (the most probable
identification), Lydd, and Luddersdown in Kent, and
at Malmesbury. William of Malmesbury is certainly
mistaken in identifying him with Ethelhard, ninth
Bishop of Winchester.
The rise of Offa, King of the Mercians (757-796),
had divided England into three great states: North-
umbria, Mercia, and Wessez. The king sought to
consolidate his kingdom by giving it an mdependent
ecclesiastical organization; for although Northumbria
had its own archbishopric at York, Mercia, after con-
quering Kent, was still ecclesiastically subject to the
powerful see of Canterbury, then ruled over by Jaen-
bert (766-791). Offa's scheme was to weaken Can-
terbury's influence by dividing the southern province,
and creating a Mercian archbishopric at Lichfield: this
he successfully accomplished when on the occasion of
the Legatine visit of George and Theophylact, sent by
Pope Hadrian I (772-795) in 786-788, Higbert re-
ceived the pallium as Archbishop of Lichfield, and
Canterbury was left with only London, Winchester,
Sherborne, Rochester, and Selsey as suffragan sees.
On the death of Jaenbert (12 Aug., 791), Ethelhard
was raised to the see through the influence of Offa,
which makes it likely that he was a Mercian abbot.
Although he was elected in 791, his consecration only
took place on 21 July, 793: the delay being probably
due to the unwillingness of the Kentish clergy and
people to receive a Mercian archbishop, and to his
being consecrated by the Archbishop of Lichfield.
Had Offa's policy of separate ecclesiastical organiza-
tion prevailed, it would nave impeded the attainment
of national unity, and its defeat by Ethelhard is an
event of the greatest importance in the history of the
making of the English nation. During Offa's lifetime
little could be done to restore Canterbury's rights and
prestige. The year 796 was full of incident: the
nobles of Kent rose in arms, and rallying round Ead-
bert Praen, a cleric and a member of their royal house,
endeavoured to shake off the yoke of the Mercian
Offa. As Ethelhard *s difficulties increased Alcuin ex-
horted him not to desert his Church; but after taking
severe ecclesiastical measures against the recalcitrant
cleric he was obliged to flee. Offa died on 26 July.
His successor Egfrith died after a very short reign,
about 13 Dec. ; Cenwulf succeeded in Mercia, but the
struggle continued in Kent until the capture of Ead-
bert in 798.
The co-operation of Ethelhard and Cenwulf in de-
posing Eadlbert, and in upholding the Mercian cause
in Kent, increased the importance of Canterbury, and
the archiepiscopal authority of Higbert waned. Cen-
wulf restored an estate taken from Canterbury by
Offa, and wrote in 798 to Pope Leo asking him to ex-
amine into the question of the diminution of the
rights of that see, and enclosing a letter from Ethel-
hard and his suffragans. Ethelhard meanwhile had
returned to his see, and Alcuin wrote exhorting him to
do penance for having deserted it. The success of
Abbot Wada's mission to Rome, the tone of the letter
of Leo III to Cenwulf, and the successful conference
with Eanbald II of York, with reference to the restora-
tion of the rights of his see, determined Ethelhard to
set out for Rome in 801. Alcuin's friendship once
more stood him in good stead; he sent a servant to
meet him at St. Josse-sur-mer, and furnished him with
letters of recommendation to Charles the Great. Suc-
cess attended his efforts in Rome. Pope Leo III
(795-816) granted his request, and ended the dispute
between Canterbury and Lichfield by depriving Lich-
field of its recently acquired honours and powers. The
gope's decision was officially acknowledged ' by the
ouncil of Clovesho on 12 Oct., 803, in presence of
Cenwulf and his Witan. and Higbert was deprived of
his pallium, in spite of Alcuin's plea that so good a
man should be spared that humiliation.
It is during Ethelhard's occupancy of the See of
Canterbury that we first meet with official records of
the profession of faith and obedience made by the
English bishops-elect to their metropolitan. The
first document of that type is the profession of obedi-
ence to the See of Canterbury made in 796 by Bishop
Eadulf of Linsey, who, as a suffragan of Lichfield,
ought to have been consecrated by Higbert: it would
appear to coincide with the collapse of Higbert's
archiepiscopal authority at the death of Offa.
Symeon or Durham {Roll* Series), IT, 53; William op
Malmesbury, Gesta Ponttficum (Rolls Series), 57-59; Stubbs,
b. v. Ethelhard in Did. Christ. Biog.; Hunt in Diet. Nat. Biog.
The extant documents concerning Ethelhard are collected in
Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents,
III, 467-555 (Oxford, 1871).
Edward Myers.
Ethelwold, Saint, Bishop of Winchester was born
there of good parentage in tne early years of the tenth
century; d. 1 Aug., 984. After a youth spent at the
court of King Athelstan, Ethelwold placed himself
under Elphege the Bald, Bishop of Winchester, who
gave him the tonsure and ordained him priest along
with Dunstan. At Glastonbury, where he was dean
under Saint Dunstan, he was a mirror of perfection.
In 955 he became Abbot of Abingdon; and 29 Novem-
ber, 963, was consecrated Bishop of Winchester by
Dunstan, with whom and Oswald of Worcester [he
worked zealously in combating the general corruption
occasioned by* the Danish inroads. At Winchester,
both in the old and in his new minster (see S within,
Saint), he replaced the evil-living seculars with monks
and refounded the ancient nunnery. His labours ex-
tended to Chertsey, Milton (Dorsetshire), Ely, Peter-
borough, and Thorney; expelling the unworthy, re-
building and restoring; to the rebellious "terrible as a
lion", to the meek "gentler than a dove". The epi-
thets "father of monks" and "benevolent bishop"
summarize Ethelwold 's character as reformer and
friend of Christ's poor. Though he suffered mucn
from ill-health, his life as scholar, teacher, prelate,
and royal counsellor was ever austere. He was buried
in Winchester cathedral, his body being translated
later by Elphege, his successor. Abingdon monastery
in the twelfth century had relics of Ethelwold. He is
said to have written a treatise on the circle and to have
translated the "Regularis Concordia". His feast is
kept on 1 August.
Not to be confounded with the foregoing are (2) St.
Ethelwold, monk of Ripon, anchoret at Lindisfarne, d.
about 720; feast kept 23 March; and (3) St. Ethel-
wold, Abbot of Melrose, Bishop of Lindisfarne, d. c.
740; feast kept 12 February.
Primary sources for Ethelwold of Winchester are Chronicon
de Abingdon, in Rolls Series, passim, especially his Life, by
•/Elvric, II, 255; and the Life ascribed to Wulfstan, precentor
of Winchester, in Acta SS., August, 1, 83 sqq. Cf. also Memor-
ials of Dunstan, in Rolls Series, 6{ Duqdalb, Monasticon, I,
190; Bollandistb, Bibl. hag. lot., 398; Chevalier, Repertoire,
1367; Stantok, 375; Hunt, in Diet. Nat. Biog., XVIII, 37.
For Ethelwold 'a Benedictional, see Archaologia, XXIV.
For (2) Ada SS., March, III, 463, with citations from Bedb,
Life of St. Cuthbert; Stanton, M etiology; Chevalier, Reper-
toire, 1367 (bis).
For (3) Acta SS., Feb., II, 604; Stanton, 63; Chevalier.
Patrick Ryan.
Etherianus, Hugh and Leo, brothers, Tuscans by
birth, employed at the court of Constantinople under
the Emperor Manuel I (Comnenus, 1143-1180).
Their name is spelled in various ways: iEtherianus,
Heterianu8, Eretrianus, etc. Leo is of little impor-
tance. We know from his brother (Adv. Graec, 1, 20)
that he was " occupied in translating the imperial
-s
1
STHIOS
556
STHIOS
letters", evidently an interpreter for Latin corre-
spondence. Hugh, who does not seem to have held
any official post at court, but was a very learned theo-
logian, had many opportunities of discussing the
questions at issue between the Orthodox and Catholics
(so he tells us: Adv. Graec, Preef. I., Migne, P. L.,
CCII, 165). As a result of these disputes lie wrote a
work in three books: "De hseresibus quas Grseci in
Latinos devolvunt, sive quod Spiritus Sanctus ex
utroque Patre et Filio procedit" (P. L., CCII, gener-
ally quoted as "Adv. Gmbcos"). This work, the first
exhaustive and scientific defence of the Filioque, was
composed in both languages, Latin and Greek. The
author sent copies to the Orthodox Patriarch of Anti-
och, Aimerikos, and to Pope Alexander III (1159-
1181), whose letter of acknowledgment is still extant
(Ep. xlix, Baronius, an. 1 177, n. 37, 38). Hugh Etheri-
anus by this treatise obtains a very important place
among Catholic controversialists against the Eastern
Church. It appears that the emperor, who was well
disposed towards Latins, had suggested that he should
write it, having asked him whether they have "any
authorities of saints who say that the Holy Ghost pro-
ceeds from the Son" (ib., Prsef. I, CCII, col. 165).
Hugh had used his knowledge of Greek and his op-
portunities of studying their Fathers so well that ne
was able to produce texts from nearly all the recog-
nized authonties on both sides. He quotes especially
Sts. Athanasius, Cyril of Alexandria, Basil, Gregory
Nazianzen, Chrysostom, John Damascene, etc.
From the Latins ne produced witnesses from Sts. Au-
gustine, Jerome, Gregory I, Ambrose, Hilary. He
was also well acquainted with the writings of his ad-
versaries and quotes Photius, Nicetas of Tnessalonica,
Theophylactus of Achrida, etc. The l»atin version is
very corrupt and untrustworthy. There are also
some incorrect expressions noted by the later editors,
such as that God the Father is the cause of the Son
(this is a concession to the Greeks that was, however,
tolerated by the Council of Florence; Denzinger, En-
chiridion, n. 586). Nevertheless, since it was written
this work has been the foundation of nearly all Latin
controversy with the Greeks. St. Thomas Aquinas
used it for his "Opusc. I, contra errores Gnecorum"
and Cardinal Bessarion refers to it with great praise
(Ep. ad Alex., P. L.,CLXI, 328). Hugh Etherianus
also wrote a treatise " De regressu animarum ab in-
feris", in answer to a petition of the clergy of Pisa,
and (probably) a short work " De Graecorum malis con-
suetudinibus . A " Liber de immortali Deo ", written
by him, is lost.
Mignk, P. L., CCII; Herqenr5ther, Photius (Ratisbon,
1867-1809), II, 646; III. 175 sag., 814 sqq., etc.; Werner,
Thomas von Aquin (Ratisbon, 1858), 731-738.
Adrian Fortescue.
Ethics. — I. Definition. — Many writers regard
efhics (Gr. "hOurfi) as any scientific treatment of the
moral order and divide it into theological, or Christian,
ethics (moral theology) and philosophical ethics (mor-
al philosophy). What is usually understood by ethics,
however, is philosophical ethics, or moral philosophy,
and in this sense the present article will treat the
subject. Moral philosophy is a division of practical
philosophy. Theoretical, or speculative, philosophy
nas to do with being, or with the order of things not
dependent upon reason, and its object is to attain by
the natural light of reason a knowledge of this order
in its ultimate causes. Practical philosophy, on the
other hand, concerns itself with what ought to be, or
with the order of acts which are human and which
therefore depend upon our reason. It is also divided
into logic and ethics. The former rightly orders the
intellectual activities and teaches the proper method in
the acquirement of truth, while the latter directs the
activities of the will ; the object of the former is the
true; that of the latter, the good. Hence ethics may
be defined as the science of the moral rectitude of
human acts in accordance with the first principles of
natural reason. Logic and ethics are normative and
practical sciences, because they prescribe norms or
rules for human activities and show how, according to
these norms, a man ought to direct his actions.
Ethics is pre-eminently practical and directive; for
it orders the activities of the will, and the latter it is
which sets all the other faculties of man in motion.
Hence, to order the will is the same as to order the
whole man. Moreover, ethics not only directs a man
how to act if he wishes to be morally good, but sets
before him the absolute obligation he is under of doing
good and avoiding evil.
A distinction must be made between ethics and
morals, or morality. Every people, even the most un-
civilized and uncultured, has its own morality or sum
of prescriptions which govern its moral conduct. Na-
ture has so provided that each man establishes for
himself a code of moral concepts and principles which
are applicable to the details of practical life, without
the necessity of awaiting the conclusions of science.
Ethics is the scientific or philosophical treatment of
morality. The subject-matter proper of ethics is the
deliberate, free actions of man; for these alone are in
our power, and concerning these alone can rules be
prescribed, not concerning those actions which are
performed without deliberation, or through ignorance
or coercion. Besides this, the scope of ethics includes
whatever has reference to free human acts, whether as
principle or cause of action (law, conscience, virtue),
or as effect or circumstance of action (merit, punish-
ment,'etc.). The particular aspect (formal object)
under which ethics considers free acts is that of their
moral goodness or the rectitude of order involved in
them as human acts. A man may be a good artist or
orator and at the same time a morally bad man, or,
conversely, a morally good man and a poor artist or
technician. Ethics has merely to do with the order
which relates to man as man, and which makes of him
a morally good man.
Like ethics, moral theology also deals with the
moral actions of man; but unlike ethics, it has its
origin in supernaturally revealed truth. It pre-
supposes man's elevation to the supernatural order,
and, though it avails itself of the scientific conclusions
of ethics, it draws its knowledge for the most part from
Christian Revelation. Ethics is distinguished from the
other natural sciences which deal with moral conduct
of man, as jurisprudence and pedagogy, in this, that
the latter do not ascend to first principles, but borrow
their fundamental notions from ethics, and are there-
fore subordinate to it. To investigate what constitutes
good or bad, just or unjust, what is virtue, law, con-
science, duty, etc., what obligations are common to all
men, does not lie within the scope of jurisprudence or
pedagogy, but of ethics; and yet these notions and
principles must be presupposed by the former, must
serve them as a ground-work and guide ; hence they are
subordinated to ethics. The same is true of political
economy. The latter is indeed immediately con-
cerned with man's social activity inasmuch as it treats
of the production, distribution, and consumption of
material commodities, but this activity is not in-
dependent of ethics; industrial life must develop in
accordance with the moral law and must be dominated
by justice, equity, and love. Political economy was
wholly wrong in trying to emancipate itself from the
requirements of ethics. Sociology is at the present
day considered by many as a science distinct from
ethics. If, however, by sociology is meant a philo-
sophical treatment of society, it is a division of ethics;
for the inquiry into the nature of society in general,
into the origin, nature, object, and purpose of natural
societies (the family, the state) ana their relations to
one another forms an essential part of Ethics. If,
on the other hand, sociology be regarded as the aggre-
gate of the sciences which nave reference to the soci'ri
41
ETHICS
557
ETHICS
life of man, it is not a single science but a complexus
of sciences; and among these, so far as the natural
order is concerned, ethics has the first claim.
II. Sources and Methods of Ethics.— -The
sources of ethics are partly man's own experience and
partly the principles and truths proposed by other
philosophical disciplines (logic and metaphysics).
Ethics takes its origin from the empirical fact that
certain general principles and concepts of the moral
order are common to all peoples at all times. This
fact has indeed been frequently disputed, but recent
ethnological research has placed it beyond the possi-
bility of doubt. All nations distinguish between what
is good and what is bad, between good men and bad
men, between virtue and vice; they are all agreed in
this: that the good is worth striving for, and that evil
must be shunned, that the one deserves praise, the
other, blame. Though in individual cases they may
not be one in denominating the same thing good or
evil, they are nevertheless agreed as to the general
principle, that good is to be done and evil avoided.
Vice everywhere seeks to hide itself or to put on the
mask of virtue ; it is a universally recognized principle,
that we should not do to others what we would not
wish them to do to us. With the aid of the truths
laid down in logic and metaphysics, ethics proceeds to
give a thorough explanation of this undeniable fact,
to trace it back to its ultimate causes, then to gather
from fundamental moral principles certain conclusions
which will direct man, in the various circumstances and
relations of life, how to shape his own conduct towards
the attainment of the end for which he was created.
Thus the proper method of ethics is at once specula-
tive and empirical; it draws upon experience and
metaphysics. Supernatural Christian Revelation is
not a proper source of ethics. Only those conclu-
sions properly belong to ethics which can be reached
with the help of experience and philosophical prin-
ciples. The Christian philosopher, however, may not
ignore supernatural revelation, but must at least
recognize it as a negative norm, inasmuch as he is
not to advance any assertion in evident contradiction
to the revealed truth of Christianity. God is the
fountain-head of all truth — whether natural, as made
known by Creation, or supernatural as revealed through
Christ and the Prophets. As our intellect is an image
of the Divine Intellect, so is all certain scientific
knowledge the reflex and interpretation of the Creator's
thoughts embodied in His creatures, a participation
in His eternal wisdom. God cannot reveal super-
naturally and command us to believe on His authority
anything that contradicts the thoughts expressed by
Him inHifl creatures, and which, with the aid of the
faculty of reason which He has given us, we can discern
in His works. To assert the contrary would be to
deny God's omniscience and veracity, or to suppose
that God was not the source of all truth. A conflict,
therefore, between faith and science is impossible, and
hence the Christian philosopher has to refrain from
advancing any assertion which would be evidently
antagonistic to certain revealed truth. Should his
researches lead to conclusions out of harmony with
faith, he is to take it for granted that some error has
crept into his deductions, just as the mathematician
whose calculations openly contradict the facts of
experience must be satisfied that his demonstration is
at fault.
After what has been said, the following methods of
ethics must be rejected as unsound. (1) Pure Ration-
alism.— This system makes reason the sole source of
truth, and therefore at the very outset excludes every
reference to Christian Revelation, branding any such
reference as degrading and hampering free scientific
investigation. The supreme law of science is not
freedom, but truth. It is not derogatory to the true
dignity and freedom of science to abstain from assert-
ing what, according to Christian Revelation, is mani-
festly erroneous. (2) Pure Empiricism, which would
erect the entire structure of ethics exclusively on the
foundation of experience, must also be rejected.
Experience can tell us merely of present or past
phenomena; but as to what, of necessity, and univer-
sally, must, or ought to, happen in the future, experi-
ence can give us no clue without bringing in the aid of
necessary and universal principles. Closely allied to
Empiricism is Historicism, which considers history as
the exclusive source of ethics. What has been said of
Empiricism may also be applied to Historicism. His-
tory is concerned with what has happened in the past
and only too often has to rehearse the moral aberrations
of mankind. (3) Positivism is a variety of Empiricism •
it seeks to emancipate ethics from metaphysics and
base it on facts alone. No science .can be con-
structed on the mere foundation of facts, and inde-
pendently of metaphysics. Every science must set out
from evident principles, which form the basis of all cer-
tain cognition. Ethics especially is impossible without
metaphysics, since it is according to the metaphysical
view we take of the world that ethics shapes itself.
Whoever considers man as nothing else than a more
highly developed brute will hold different ethical views
from one who discerns in man a creature fashioned to
the image and likeness of God, possessing a spiritual,
immortal soul and destined to eternal life; whoever
refuses to recognize the freedom of the will destroys
the very foundation of ethics: Whether man was
created by God or possesses a spiritual, immortal soul
which is endowed with free will, or is essentially differ-
ent from brute creation, all these are questions per-
taining to metaphysics. Anthropology, moreover, is
necessarily presupposed by ethics. No rules-can be
prescribed for man's actions, unless his nature is clearly
understood. (4) Another untenable system is Tra-
ditionalism, which in France, during the first half of the
nineteenth century, counted many adherents (among
others, de Bonald, Bautain), and which advanced the
doctrine that complete certainty in religious and moral
questions was not to be attained by the aid of reason
alone, but only by the light of revelation as made
known to us through tradition. They failed to see
that for all reasonable belief certain knowledge of the
existence of God and of the fact of revelation is neces-
sarily presupposed, and this knowledge cannot be
gathered from revelation. Fideism, or, as Paulsen
designated it, the Irrationalism of many Protestants,
also denies the ability of reason to furnish* certainty
in matters relating to God and religion. With Kant,
it teaches that reason does not rise above the phenom-
ena of the visible world; faith alone can lead us into
the realm of the supersensible and instruct us in
matters moral and religious. This faith, however, is
not the acceptance of truth on the strength of external
authority, but rather consists in certain appreciative
judgments, i.e. assumptions or convictions which are
the result of each one's own inner experiences, and
which have, therefore, for him a precise worth, and
correspond to his own peculiar temperament. Since
these persuasions are not supposed to come within the
range of reason, exception to them cannot be taken
on scientific grounds. According to this opinion, re-
ligion and morals are relegated to pure subjectivism
and lose all their objectivity and universality of value.
III. Historical View of Ethics. — As ethics is the
philosophical treatment of the moral order, its history
does not consist in narrating the views of morality en-
tertained by different nations at different times; this
is properly the scope of the history of civilization, and
of ethnology. The history of ethics is concerned
solely with the various philosophical systems which in
the course of time have been elaborated with refer-
ence to the moral order. Hence the opinions ad-
vanced by the wise men of antiquity, such as Pytha-
goras (582-500 b. c); Heraclitus (535-475 b. a), Con-
fucius (558-479 b. a), scarcely belong to the history
\
\
\
ETHICS 558 ETHICS
of ethics; .for, though they proposed various moral from Aristippus in holding that the largest sum total
truths and principles, they did so in a dogmatic and possible of spiritual and sensual enjoyments, with the
didactic, and not in a philosophically systematic greatest possible freedom from displeasure and pain,
manner. Ethics properly so called is first met with is man's highest good. Virtue is the proper directive
among the Greeks, i. e. in the teaching of Socrates norm in the attainment of this end.
(470-599 B. a). According to him, the ultimate ob- The Cynics, Antisthenes (444-369 b. c.) and Dio-
ject of human activity is happiness, and the necessary genes of Sinope (414-324 b. c), taught the direct con-
means to reach it, virtue. Since everybody neces- trary of Hedonism, namely, that virtue alone suffices
sarily seeks happiness, no one is deliberately corrupt, for happiness, that pleasure is an evil, and that the
All evil arises from ignorance, and the virtues are one truly wise man is above human laws. This teaching
and all but so many kinds of prudence. Virtue can, soon degenerated into haughty arrogance and open
therefore, be imparted by instruction. The disciple contempt for law and for the remainder of men (Cyn-
of Socrates, Plato (427-347 b. c), declares that the icism). The Stoics, Zeno (336-264 b. c.) and his dis-
8ummum bonum consists in the perfect imitation of ciples, Cleanthes, Chrysippus, and others, strove to
God, the Absolute Good, an imitation which cannot refine and perfect the views of Antisthenes. Virtue,
be fully realized in this life. Virtue enables man to in their opinion, consists in man's living according to
order his conduct, as he -properly should, according to the dictates of his rational nature, and, as each one's
the dictates of reason, and acting thus he becomes like individual nature is but a part of the entire natural
unto God. But Plato differed from Socrates in that order, virtue is, therefore, the harmonious agreement
he did not consider virtue to consist in wisdom alone, with the Divine Reason, which shapes the whole course
but in justice, temperance, and fortitude as well, these of nature. Whether they conceived this relation of
constituting the proper harmony of man's activities. God to the world in a pantheistic or a theistic sense, is
In a sense, the State is man writ large, and its function not altogether clear. Virtue is to be sought for its
is to train its citizens in virtue. For his ideal State he own sake, and it suffices for man's happiness. All
proposed the community of goods and of wives and other things are indifferent and are, as circumstances
the public education of children. Though Socrates require, to be striven after or shunned. The passions
and Plato had been to the fore in this mighty work and affections are bad, and the wise man is independ-
and had contributed much valuable material to the ent of them. Among the Roman Stoics were Seneca
upbuilding of ethics; nevertheless, Plato's illustrious (4 b. c.-a. d. 65), Epictetus (born about a. d. 50), and
disciple, Aristotle (384-322 B.C.), must be considered the Emperor Marcus Aurelius (a. d. 121-180), upon
the real founder of systematic ethics. With charac- whom, however, at least upon the latter two, Chris-
teristic keenness he solved, in his ethical and political tian influences had already begun to make themselves
writings, most of the problems with which ethics con- felt. Cicero (106-43 b. c.) elaborated no new philo-
cerns itself. Unlike Plato, who began with ideas as sophical system of his own, but chose those particular
the basis of his observations, Aristotle chose rather to views from the various systems of Grecian philosophy
take the facts of experience as his starting-point; which appeared best to him. ' He maintained that
these he analysed accurately, and sought to trace to moral goodness, which is the general object of all
their highest and ultimate causes. He sets out from virtues, consists in what is becoming to man as a ra-
the fact that all men tend to happiness as the ultimate tional being distinct from the brute. Actions are
object of all their endeavours, as the highest good, often good or bad, just or unjust, not because of hu-
which is sought for its own sake, and to which all other man institutions or customs, but of their own intrinsic
goods merely serve as means. This happiness cannot nature. Above and beyond human laws, there is a
consist in external goods, but only in the activity natural law embracing all nations and all times, the
proper to human nature — not indeed in such a lower expression of the rational will of the Most High God,
activity of the vegetative and sensitive life as man from obedience to which no human authority can
possesses in common with plants and brutes, but in exempt us. Cicero gives an exhaustive exposition of
the highest and most perfect activity of his reason, the cardinal virtues and the obligations connected
which springs in turn from virtue. This activity, with them; he insists especially on devotion to the
however, has to be exercised in a perfect and enduring gods, without which human society could not exist.,
life. The highest pleasure is naturally bound up with Parallel with the above-mentioned Greek and Ro-
th is activity, yet, to constitute perfect happiness, ex- man ethical systems runs a sceptical tendency, which
ternal goods must also supply their share. True nap- rejects every natural moral law, bases the whole
piness, though prepared for him by the gods as the moral order on custom or human arbitrariness, and
object and the reward of virtue, can be attained only frees the wise man from subjection to the ordinary
through a man's own individual exertion. With keen precepts of the moral order. This tendency was fur-
penetration Aristotle thereupon proceeds to investi- thered by the Sophists, against whom Socrates and
gate in turn each of the intellectual and moral virtues, Plato arrayed themselves, and later on by Carneades,
and his treatment of them must, even at the present Theodore of Cvrene, and others,
time, be regarded as in great part correct. The na- A new epoch in ethics begins with the dawn of
ture of the State and of the family were, in the main, Christianity. Ancient paganism never had a clear
rightly explained by him. The only pity is that his and definite concept of the relation between God and
vision did not penetrate beyond this earthly life, and the world, of the unity of the human race, of the
that he never saw clearly the relations of man to destiny of man, of the nature and meaning of the
God. moral law. Christianity first shed full light on these
A more hedonistic (^onj, "pleasure") turn in and similar questions. As St. Paul teaches (Rom., ii,
ethics begins with Democritus (about 460-370 b. a), 24 sq.); God has written His moral law in the hearts
who considers a perpetually joyous and cheerful dis- of all men, even of those outside the influence of
position as the highest good and happiness of man. Christian Revelation ; this law manifests itself in the
The means thereto is virtue, which makes us inde- conscience of every man and is the norm according to
pendent of external goods — so far as that is possible — which the whole human race will be judged on the day
and which wisely discriminates between the pleasures of reckoning. In consequence of their perverse in-
that are to be sought after and those that are to be clinations, this law had to a great extent become ob-
shunned. Pure Sensualism or Hedonism was first scured and distorted among the pagans ; Christianity,
taught by Aristippus of Cyrene (435-354 b. c), ac- however, restored it to its pristine integrity. Thus,
cording to whom the greatest possible pleasure, espe- too, ethics received its richest and most fruitful stim-
cially sensual pleasure, is the end and supreme good of ulus. Proper ethical methods were now unfolded,
human endeavour. Epicurus (341-270 b. c.) differs and philosophy was in a position to follow up ana
ETHICS
559
BTHIOS
develop these methods by means supplied from its
own store-houoe. This course was soon adopted in
the early ages of the Church by the Fathers and eccle-
siastical writers, as Justin Martyr, Ireiiaeus, Tertul-
lian, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, but especially
the illustrious Doctors of the Church, Ambrose, Jer-
ome, and Augustine, who, in the exposition and de-
fence of Christian truth, made use of the principles
laid down by the pagan philosophers. True, the
Fathers had no occasion to treat moral questions from
a purely philosophical standpoint, and mdependently
of Christian Revelation; but in the explanation of
Catholic doctrine their discussions naturally led to
philosophical investigations. This is particularly
true of St. Augustine, who proceeded to thoroughly
develop alone philosophical lines and to establish
firmly most of the truths of Christian morality. The
eternal law (lex ceterna), the original type and source of
all temporal laws, the natural law, conscience, the
ultimate end of man, the cardinal virtues, sin, mar-
riage, etc. were treated by him in the clearest and
most penetrating manner. Hardly a single portion of
ethics does he present to us but is enriched with his
keen philosophical commentaries. Later ecclesiasti-
cal writers followed in his footsteps. '
A sharper line of separation between philosophy
and theology, and in particular between ethics and
moral theology, is first met with in the works of the
great Schoolmen of the Middle Ages, especially of
Albert the Great (1193-1280), Thomas Aquinas
(1225-1274), Bonaventure (1221-1274), and Duns
Scotus (1274-1308). Philosophy and, by means of it,
theology reaped abundant fruit from the works of
Aristotle, which had until then been a sealed treasure
to Western civilization, and were first elucidated by
the detailed and profound commentaries of Bl. Albert
the Great and St. Thomas Aquinas, and pressed into
the service of Christian philosophy. The same is par-
ticularly true as regards ethics. St. Thomas, in his
commentaries on the political and ethical writings of
the Stagirite, in his "Summa contra Gentiles" and his
11 Qus3stiones disputat®", treated with his wonted
clearness and penetration nearly the whole range of
ethics in a purely philosophical manner, so that even
to the present day his works are an inexhaustible
source whence ethics draws its supply. On the
foundations laid by him the Catholic philosophers and
theologians of succeeding ages have continued to
build. It is true that in tne fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, thanks especially to the influence of the so-
called Nominalists, a period of stagnation and decline
in philosophy set in, but the sixteenth century is
marked by a revival. Ethical questions, also, though
largely treated in connexion with theology, are again
made the subject of careful investigation. We men-
tion as examples the great theologians Victoria, Dom-
inicus Soto, L. Molina, Suarez, Lessius, and De Lugo.
Since the sixteenth century special chairs of ethics
(moral philosophy) have been erected in many Cath-
olic universities. The larger, purely philosophical
works on ethics, however, do not appear until the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, as an example
of which we may instance the production of Ign.
Schwarz, " Institutions juris universalis naturae et
gentium" (1743).
Far different from Catholic ethical methods were
those adopted for the most part by Protestants.
With the rejection of the Church's teaching authority,
each individual became on principle his own supreme
teacher and arbiter in matters appertaining to faith
and morals. True it is that the Reformers held fast to
Holy Writ as the infallible source of revelation, but as
to what belongs or does not belong to it, whether, and
how far, it is inspired, and what is its meaning — all this
was left to the final decision of the individual. The
inevitable result was that philosophy arrogantly
threw to the winds all regard for revealed truth, and in
many cases became involved in the most pernicious
errors. Melanchthon, in his "Elementa philosophise
moralis", still clung to the Aristotelean philosophy j
so, too, did Hugo Grotius, in his work, "De jure belli
et pacis". But Cumberland and his follower, Samuel
Pufendorf, set out along rather devious paths in mat-
ters ethical, inasmuch as they identified moral good-
ness with the utilitarian interests of human society.
Pufendorf, moreover, assumed, with Descartes, that
the ultimate ground for every distinction between
good and evil lay in the free determination of God's
Will, a view which renders the philosophical treat-
ment of ethics fundamentally impossible. Quite an
influential factor in the development of ethics was
Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679). He supposes that the
human race originally existed in a rude condition
(status natures) in which every man was free to act as
he pleased, and possessed a right to all things, whence
arose a war of all against all. Lest destruction should
be the result, it was decided to abandon this condition
of nature and to found a state in which, by agreement,
all were to be subject to one common will (one ruler).
This authority ordains, by the law of the State, what is
to be considered by all as good and as evil, and only
then does there arise a distinction between good and
evil of universal binding force on all. The Pantheist
Baruch Spinoza (1632-1677) considers the impulse to
self-preservation as the foundation of virtue. Every
being is endowed with the necessary impulse to assert
itself, and, as reason demands nothing contrary to
nature, it requires each one to follow this impulse and'
to strive after whatever is useful to him. And each
individual possesses power and virtue just in so far as
he obeys this impulse. Freedom of the will consists
merely in the anility to follow unrestrainedly this
natural impulse. Shaftesbury (1671-1713) bases
ethics on the affections or inclinations of man. There
are sympathetic, idiopathic, and unnatural inclina-
tions. The first of these regard the common good, the
second the private good of the agent, the third are
opposed to the other two. To lead a morally good
life, war must be waged upon the unnatural impulses,
while the idiopathic and sympathetic inclinations
must be made to harmonize. This harmony consti-
tutes virtue. In the attainment of virtue the subjec-
tive guiding principle of knowledge is the "moral
sense , a sort of moral instinct. This "moral sense"
theory was further developed by Hutcheson (1694-
1747); meanwhile, "common sense" was suggested
by Thomas Reid (1710-1796) as the highest norm of
moral conduct. In France the materialistic philoso-
Shers of the eighteenth century — as Helvetius, de la
lettrie, Holbach, Cond iliac, and others— dissemin-
ated the teachings of Sensualism and Hedonism as
understood by Epicurus.
A complete revolution in ethics was introduced by
Immanuel Kant (1724-1804). From the wreck of
pure theoretical reason he turned for rescue to practi-
cal reason, in which he found an absolute, universal,
and categorical moral law. This law is not to be con-
ceived as an enactment of external authority, for this
would be heteronomy, which is foreign to true moral-
ity ; it is rather the law of our own reason, which is,
therefore, autonomous, that is, it must be observed for
its own sake, without regard to any pleasure or utility
arising therefrom. Only that will is morally good
which obeys the moral law under the influence of such
a subjective principle or motive as can be willed by the
individual to become the universal law for all men.
The followers of Kant have selected now one now an-
other doctrine from his ethics and combined therewith
various pantheistical systems. Fichte places man's
supreme good and destiny in absolute spontaneity and
liberty ; Schleiermacher, in co-operating with the pro-
gressive civilization of mankind. A similar view re-
curs substantially in the writings of Wilhelm Wundt
and, to a certain extent, in those of the pessimist, Ed-
l
fcTHICS 560 ethics .
Ward von Hartmann, though the latter regards culture Men differ from one another and are subject to chance,
and progress merely as means to the ultimate end, and with them, the manner and means of viewing the
which, according to him, consists in delivering the world about them also change. Moreover the judg-
Absolute from the torment of existence. ments passed on matters religious and moral depend
The system of Cumberland, who maintained the essentially upon the inclinations, interests, and charae-
common good of mankind to be the end and criterion ter of the person judging, while these latter in turn
of moral conduct, was renewed on a positivistic basis are constantly varying. Pragmatism differs from
in the nineteenth century by Auguste Comte and has Relativism inasmuch as that only is to be considered
counted many adherents, e. g., in England, John true which is proven by experience to be useful ; and,
Stuart Mill, Henry Sidgwick, Alexander Bain ; in Ger- since the same thins is not always useful, unchange-
many, G. T. Fechner, F. E. Beneke, F. Paulsen, and able truth is impossible.
others. Herbert Spencer (1820-1903) sought to effect In view of the chaos of opinions and systems just
a compromise between social Utilitarianism (Altru- described, it need not surprise us that, as regards
ism) and private Utilitarianism (Egoism) in accord- ethical problems, scepticism is extending its sway to
ance with the theory of evolution. In his opinion, the utmost limits, in fact many exhibit a formal con-
that conduct is good which serves to augment life and tempt for the traditional morality. According to
pleasure without any admixture of displeasure. In Max Nordau, moral precepts are nothing but "con-
consequence, however, of man's lack of adaptation to yentional lies"; according to Max Stirner, that alone
the conditions of life, such absolute goodness of con- is good which serves my interests, whereas the common
duct is not as yet possible, and hence various com- good, the love for all men, etc. are but empty phan-
promises must be made between Altruism and Egoism, toms. Men of genius and superiority in particular are
With the progress of evolution, however, this adapta- coming more and more to be regarded as exempt from
bility to existing conditions will become more and the moral law. Nietzsche is the originator of a school
more perfect, and consequently the benefits accruing whose doctrines are founded on these principles,
to the individual from his own conduct will be most According to him, goodness was originally identified
useful to society at large. In particular, sympathy with nobility and gentility of rank. Whatever the
(in joy) will enable us to take pleasure in altruistic man of rank and power did, whatever inclinations he
actions. possessed, were good. The down-trodden proletariat,
The great majority of non-Christian moral philoso- on the other hand, were bad, i.e. lowly and ignoble,
phers have followed the path trodden by Spencer, without any other derogatory meaning being given
Starting with the assumption that man, by a series of to the word bad. It was only by a gradual process
transformations, was gradually evolved from the that the oppressed multitude through hatred and
brute, and therefore differs from it in degree only, they envy evolved the distinction between good and bad,
seek the first traces and beginnings of moral ideas in in the moral sense, by denominating the character-
the brute itself. Charles Darwin had done some istics and conduct of those in power and rank as bad,
preparatory work along these lines, and Spencer did - and their own behaviour as good. And thus arose
not hesitate to descant on brute-ethics, on the pre- the opposition between the morality of the master
human justice, conscience, and self-control of brutes, and that of the slave. Those in power still continued
Present-day Evolutionists follow his view and attempt to look upon their own egoistic inclinations as noble
to show how animal morality has in man continually and good, while the oppressed populace lauded the
become more perfect. With the aid of analogies " instincts of the common herd ", i.e. all tholse qualities
taken from ethnology, they relate how mankind orig- necessary and useful to its existence — as patience,
inally wandered over the face of the earth in semi- meekness, obedience, and love of one's neighbour,
savage hordes, knew nothing of marriage or the fam- Weakness became goodness, cringing obsequiousness
ily, and only by degrees reached a higher level of became humility, subjection to hated oppressors was
morality. These are the merest creations of fancy, obedience, cowardice meant patience. All morality
If man is nothing more than a highly developed brute, is one long and audacious deception." Hence, the
he cannot possess a spiritual and immortal soul, ana value attached to the prevailing concepts of morality
there can no longer be question of the freedom of the must be entirely re-arranged, intellectual superiority
will, of the future retribution of good and evil, nor can is above and beyond good and evil as understood in
man in consequence be hindered from ordering his life the traditional sense. There is no higher moral
as he pleases and regarding the well-being of others order to which men of such calibre are amenable,
only in so far as it redounds to his own profit. The end of society is not the common good of its mem-
As the Evolutionists, so too the Socialists favour the bers; the intellectual aristocracy (the over-man) is
theory of evolution from their ethical viewpoint; yet its own end; in its behalf the common herd, the "too
the latter do not base their observations on scientific many", must be reduced to slavery and decimated,
principles, but on social and economical considerations. As it rests with each individual to decide who belongs
According to K. Marx, F. Engels, and other exponents of to this intellectual aristocracy, so each one is at 1 iberty
the so-called " materialistic interpretation of history ' ', to emancipate himself from the existing moral order,
all moral, religious, juridical, and philosophical con- In conclusion, one other tendency in ethics may be
cepts are but the reflex of the economical conditions of noted, which has manifested itself far and wide: name-
society in the minds of men. Now these social relations ly, the effort to make morality independent of all re-
are subject to constant change; hence the ideas of hgion. It is clear that many of the above-mentioned
morality, religion, etc. are also continually changing, ethical systems essentially exclude all regard for God
Every age, every people, and even each class in a given and religion, and this is true especially of materialistic,
people forms its moral and religious ideas in accor- agnostic, and, in the last analysis, of all pantheistic
dance with its own peculiar economical situation, systems. Apart, also, from these systems, independ-
ence, no universal code of morality exists binding ent morality11, called also "lay morality", has gained
on all men at all times ; the morality of the present day many followers and defenders. Kant's ideas formed
is not of Divine origin, but the product of history, and the basis of this tendency, for he himself founded a
will soon have to make room for another system of code of morality on the categorical imperative and
morality. Allied to this materialistic historical in- expressly declared that morality is sufficient for itself,
terpretation, though derived from other sources, is and therefore has no need of religion. Many modern
the system of Relativism, which recognizes no absolute moral philosophers — Herbart, Eduard von Hartmann,
and unchangeable truths in regard either to ethics or Zeller, Wundt, Paulsen, Ziegler, and a number of
to anything else. Those who follow this opinion aver others — have, followed Kant in this respect. For
that nothing objectively true can be known by us. several decades practical attempts have been made
ETHICS 561 ETHICS
tendency manifests a lively activity in what is known R. de Cepeda; in France and Belgium, to de Lehen
as the ''ethical movement", whose home, properly (Institutes de droit naturel), de Margerie, Onclair,
speaking, is in the United States. In 1876, Felix Ath, Vallet, Charles Perin, Piat, de Pascal, Moulart,
Adler, professor at Cornell University, founded the Castelein; in England and America, to Joseph Rickabv,
"Society for Ethical Culture", in New York City. Jouin, Russo, Hollaind, J.J.Ming. In German-speak-
Similar societies were formed in other cities. These ing countries the reawakening of Scholasticism in
were consolidated in 1887 into the " Union of the general begins with Kleutgen (Theologie der Vorzeit,
Societies for Ethical Culture1'. Besides Adler, the 1853; Philosophic der Vorzeit, 1860), and of ethics
chief propagators of the movement by word of in particular with Th. Meyer (Die Grundsatze der
mouth and writing, were W. M. Salter and Stanton Sittlichkeit und des Rechts, 1868; Institutiones juris
Coit. The purpose of these societies is declared to naturalis seu philosophise moralis universse, 1885-
be " the improvement of the moral life of the members 1900). After them came A. Stockl, Ferd. Walter, Moy
of the societies and of the community to which they de Sons, C. Gutberlet, Fr. J. Stein, Brandis, Costa-Ros-
belong, without any regard to theological or philo- setti, A. M. Weiss, Renninger, Lehmen, Willems, V.
sophical opinions". In most of the European coun- Frins, Heinrich Peach, and others. We pass over
tries ethical societies were founded on the model of numerous Catholic writers, who have made a specialty
the American organization. All these were combined of sociology and political economy,
in 1894 into the ""International Ethical Association1'. IV. Outlines of Ethics. — It is clear that the fol-
Their purpose, i. e. the amelioration of man's moral lowing statement cannot pretend to treat thoroughly
condition, is indeed praiseworthy, but it is erroneous all ethical questions; it is intended rather to afford
to suppose that any such moral improvement can be the reader an insight into the most important prob-
brought about without taking religion into consider- lems dealt with by ethics, as well as into the methods
ation. In fact many members of the ethical societies adopted in their treatment. Ethics is usually divided
are openly antagonistic to all religions, and: would into two parts: general, or theoretical ethics, and spe-
therefore do away with denominational schools and cial, or applied ethics. General ethics expounds and
supplant religious teaching by mere moral instruction, verifies the general principles and concepts of the
Even upon purely ethical considerations such attempts moral order; special ethics applies these general prin-
m list be unhesitatinglv rejected. If it be true that ciples to the various relations of man, and determines
even in the case of adults moral instruction without his duties in particular.
religion, without any higher obligation or sanction, is Reason itself can rise from the knowledge of the
a nonentity, a meaningless sham, how much more so visible creation to the certain knowledge of the exist-
is it in the case of the young? It is evident that, ence of God, the origin and end of all things. On this
judged from the standpoint of Christianity, these fundamental truth the structure of ethics must be
efforts must meet with a still more decided condem- based. God created man, as He created all things
nation. Christians are bound to observe not only the else, for His own honour and glory. The ultimate end
prescriptions of the natural law, but also all the pre- is the proper motive of the will's activity. If God
cepts given by Christ concerning faith, hope, love, were not the ultimate object and end of His own activ-
Divine worship, and the imitation of Himself. The ity, He would depend upon His creatures, and would
Christian, moreover, knows that without Divine grace not be infinitely perfect. He is, then, the ultimate
and, hence, without prayer and the frequent reception end of all things, they are created for His sake, not,
of the sacraments, a morally good life for any con- indeed, that He can derive any benefit fr%m them,
siderable length of time is impossible. From their which would be repugnant to an infinitely perfect,
earliest years, therefore, the young must not only re- being, but for His glory. They are to manifest His
ceive thorough instruction in all the Commandments, goodness and perfection. Irrational creatures cannot
but must be exercised and trained in the practical use of themselves directly glorify God, for they are inca-
of the means of grace. Religion must be the soil and pable of knowing Him. They are intended as means to
atmosphere in which education develops and flourishes, the end for which rational man was created. The end
While, among non-Catholics ever since the Refor- of man, however, is to know God, to love Him and
mation, and especially since Kant, there has been an serve Him, and thereby attain to perfect and unending
increasing tendency to divorce ethics from religion, happiness. Every man has within him an irresistible,
and to dissolve it into countless venturesome and indestructible desire for perfect happiness; he seeks
frequently contradictory systems, Catholics for the to be free from every evil and to possess every obtain-
most part have remained free from these errors, be- able good. This impulse to happiness is founded on
cause, in the Church's infallible teaching authority, man's nature; it is implanted there by his Maker; and
the guardian of Christian Revelation, they have aJ- hence will be duly realized, if nothing is wanting on
ways found secure orientation. It is true that to- the part of man s own individual endeavour. But
wards the end of the eighteenth, and at the beginning perfect happiness is unattainable in the present life, if
of the nineteenth century, Illuminism and Rational- for no other reason, at least for this, that inexorable
ism penetrated here ana there into Catholic circles death puts an early end to all earthly happiness
and attempted to replace moral theology by purely There is reserved for man a better life, if he freely
philosophical ethics, and in turn to transform the chooses to glorify God here on earth. It will be the
latter according to the Kantian autonomy. This crown of victory to be conferred upon him hereafter, if
movement, however, was but a passing phase. With at present he remains subject to God and keeps His
a reawakening of the Church's activity, fresh impetus Commandments. Only from the viewpoint of eternity
was given to Catholic science, which was of benefit to do this earthly life and the moral order acq. uire their
ethics also and produced in its domain some excellent proper significance and value. But how does man,
fruits. Recourse was again had to the illustrious past considered in the natural order, or apart from every
of Catholicism, while, at the same time, modern ethical influence of supernatural revelation, come to know
systems gave occasion to a thorough investigation and what God requires of him here below, or how he is to
verification of principles of the moral order. Taparelli serve and glorify Him, in order to arrive at eternal
d'Azeglio led the way with his great work " Saggio happiness? — By means of the natural law.
teoretico di diritto naturale appoggiato sul fat to" From eternity there existed in the mind of God the
(1840-43). Then followed, in Italy, Audisio, Ros- idea of the world, which He freely determined to cre-
mini, Liberatore, Sanseverino, Roselli, Zigliara, Sig- ate, as well as the plan of government according to
V.— 86
1
ETHICS 562 ETHICS
vhich He wished to rule the world and direct it to its obligation jt imposes does not arise from man's own
end. This ordination existing in the mind of God from autonomy, as Kant held, nor from any other human
all eternity, and depending on the nature and essential authority, but from the Will of the Creator; and man
relations of rational beings, is the eternal law of God cannot violate it without rebelling against God, his
(lex edema Dei), the source from which all temporal master, offending Him, and becoming amenable to His
laws take their rise. God does not move and govern justice. How deeply rooted among all nations this
His creatures by a mere external directive impetus, as conviction of the higher origin of the natural law was,
the archer does the arrow, but by means of internal is shown by the fact that for various violations of it
impulses and inclinations, which he has bound up (as murder, adultery, perjury, etc.) they did their ut-
with their natures. Irrational creatures are urged, by most to propitiate the angered -deity by means of
means of physical forces or natural impulses and in- prayers and sacrifices. Hence they looked upon the
stincts, to exercise the activity peculiar to them and deity as the guardian and protector of the moral order,
keep the order designed for them. Man, on the other who would not allow the contempt of it to go unpun-
hand, is a being endowed with reason and free will ; as ished. The same conviction is manifested by the value
such, he cannot be led by blind impulses and instincts all nations have attached to the moral order, a value
in a manner conformable to his nature, but must needs far surpassing that of all other earthly goods. The
depend upon practical principles and judgments, noblest among the nations maintained that it was
which point out to him how he is to order his conduct, better to unaergo any hardship, even death itself,
These principles must somehow or other be mani- rather than prove recreant to ones duty. Theyunder-
fested to him by nature. ~ All created things have im- stood, therefore, that, over and above earthly treasures,
planted in their natures certain guiding principles, there were higher and more lasting goods whose attain-
necessary to their corresponding activities. Man ment was dependent upon the observance of the moral
must be no exception to this rule. He must be led by order, and this not by reason of any ordinance of man,
a natural, inborn light, manifesting to him what he is but because of the law of God. This being premised, it
to do or not to do. This natural Tight is the natural is clearly impossible to divorce morality from religion
law. When we speak of man as possessing a natural, without robbing it of its true obligation and sanction,
inborn light, it is not to be understood in the sense that of its sanctity and inviolability and of its importance
man has innate ideas. Innate ideas do not exist. It as transcending every other earthly consideration,
is true, nevertheless, that the Creator has endowed The natural Taw consists of general practical princi-
man with the ability and the inclination to form many pies (commands and prohibitions) and the conclusions
concepts and develop principles. As soon as he comes necessarily flowing therefrom. It is the peculiar funo-
to the use of reason, he forms, by a natural necessity, tion of man to formulate these conclusions himself,
on the basis of experience, certain general concepts of though instruction and training are to assist him in
theoretical reason — e. g. those of being and not being, doing so. Besides this, each individual has to take
of cause and effect, of space and time — and so he ar- these principles as the guide of his conduct and apply
rives at universal principles, e. g. that "nothing can them to his particular actions. This, to a certain
exist and not exist at the same time", that "every extent, everybody does spontaneously, by virtue of an
effect has its cause ", etc. As it is in the theoretical, so innate tendency. As in the case of all practical things,
also in the practical order. As soon as reason has so in regard to what concerns the moral order, reason
been sufficiently developed, and the individual can uses syllogistic processes. When a person, e. g., is on
somehow or other practically judge that he is some- the point of telling a lie, or saying what is contrary to
thing more than a mere animal, by an intrinsic neces- his convictions, there rises before his mental vision the
wrong
least
for-
which is therefore worth striving for, and something bidden; what you are about to say is a lie; therefore,
which is unbecoming and therefore to be avoided, what you are about to say is forbidden.'' Theconclu-
And, as by nature he feels himself attracted by what is sion thus arrived at is our conscience, the proximate
good and repelled by what is evil, he naturally forms norm of our conduct. Conscience, therefore, is not an
the judgments, that "good is to be done and evil obscure feeling or a sort of moral instinct, but a prac-
a voided , that "man ought to live according to the tical judgment of our reason on the moral character of
dictates of reason", etc. From his own reflections, individual acts. If we follow the voice of conscience,
especially when assisted by instruction from others, he our reward is peace and calm of soul ; if we resist this
easily comes to the conclusion that in these judgments voice, we experience disquiet and remorse,
the will of a superior being, of the Creator and Designer The natural law is the foundation of all human laws
of nature, has its expression. Around about him he and precepts. It is only because we recognise the
perceives that all things are well ordered, so that it is necessity of authority for human society, and because
very easy for him to discern in them the handiwork of the natural law enjoins obedience to regularly constt-
a superior and all-wise power. He himself has been tuted authority, that it is possible for a human supe-
appointed to occupy in the domain of nature the posi- rior to impose laws and commands binding in con-
tion of lord and master; he, too, must lead a well science. Indeed all human laws and precepts are
regulated life, as befits a rational being, not merely fundamentally the conclusions^ or more minute de-
because he himself chooses to do so, but also in obedi- terminations, of the general principles of the natural
ence to his Creator. Man did not give himself his law, and for this very reason every deliberate infrac-
nature with all its faculties and inclinations ; he re- tion of a law or precept binding in conscience is a sin,
ceived it from a superior being, whose wisdom and i. e. the violation of a Divine commandment, a rebel-
power are everywhere manifest to him in Creation. lion against God, an offence against Him, which will
The general practical judgments and principles: not escape punishment in this life or in the next, un-
"Do good and avoid evil , "Lead a life regu- less duly repented of before death,
lated according to reason", etc., from which all the The problems hitherto mentioned belong to general,
Commandments of the Decalogue are derived, are the or theoretical, ethics, and their investigations in nearly
basis of the natural law, of* which St. Paul (Rom., ii, 14) all cases bear upon the natural law, whose origin,
says, that it is written in the hearts of all men. This nature, subject-matter, obligation, and properties it
law is an emanation of the Divine law, made known to is the scope of ethics to explain thoroughly and verify,
all men by nature herself; it is the expression of the The general philosophical doctrine of rigjit is usually
will of nature's Author, a participation of the created treated in general ethics. Under no circumstances
rational being in the eternal law of God. Hence the may the example of Kant and others be imitated in
ETHICS 563 ETHICS
severing the doctrine of right from ethics, or moral Christianity restored to mankind the consciousness of
philosophy, and* developing it as a separate and in- its unity and solidarity, and supernaturally trans-
dependent science. The juridical order is but a part figured the natural precept to love our neighbour, by
of the moral order, even as justice is but one of the demonstrating that all men are children of the same
moral virtues. The first principles of right: "Give Father in heaven, were redeemed by the blood of the
every man his due"; "Commit no injustice"; and the same Saviour, and are destined to the same super-
necessary conclusions from these: Thou shalt not natural salvation. And, better still, Christianity
kill";" Thou shalt not commit adultery", and the like, provided man with the grace necessary to the fulfil-
talong to the natural law, and cannot be deviated ment of this precept and thus renewed the face of the
from without violating one's duty and one's neighbour's earth. In man's intercourse with his fellow-men the
rights, and staining one's conscience with guilt in the precepts of justice and of the other allied virtues go
sight of God. hand in hand with the precept of love. There exists
Special ethics applies the principles of general, or in man the natural tendency to assert himself when
theoretical, ethics to the various relations of man, and there is question of his goods or property. He expects
thus deduces his duties in particular. General ethics his fellow-men to respect what belongs to him, and in-
teaches that man must do good and avoid evil, and stinctively resists any unjust attempt to violate this
must inflict injury upon no one. Speciaiethics descends proprietorship. He will brook an injury from no one
to particulars and demonstrates what is good or bad, in all that regards his life or health, his wife or child,
right or wrong, and therefore to be done or avoided in his honour or good name : he resents faithlessness and
the various relations of human life. First of all, it ingratitude on the part of others, and the lie by which
treats of man as an individual in his relations to God, they would lead him into error. Yet he clearly under-
to himself, and to his fellow-men. God is the Creator, stands that only then can he reasonably expect others
Master, and ultimate end of man ; from these relations to respect his rights when he in turn respects theirs,
arise man's duties toward God. Presupposing his own Hence the general maxim : " Do not do to others, what
individual efforts, he is, with God's assistance, to hope you would not wish them to do to you"; from which
for eternal happiness from Him; he must love God are naturally deduced the general commandments
above all things as the highest, infinite good, in such a known to all men: "Thou shalt not kill, nor commit
manner that no creature shall be preferred to Him ; he adultery, nor steal, nor bear false witness against thy
must acknowledge Him as his absolute lord and master, neighbour ' ', etc. In this part of ethics it is customary
adore and reverence Him, and resign himself entirely to investigate the principles of right as regards private
to His holy Will. The first, highest, and most essen- ownership. Has every man the right to acquire prop-
tial business of man is to serve God. In case it is erty? Or, at least, may not society (the State)
God's good pleasure to reveal a supernatural religion abolish private ownership and assume possession and
and to determine in detail the manner and means of control of all material goods either wholly or in part,
our worship of Him, man is bound by the natural law in order thus to distribute among the members of the
to accept this revelation in a spirit of faith, and to community the products of their joint industry? This
order his life accordingly. Here, too, it is plain that latter question is answered in the affirmative by the
to divorce morality from religion is impossible. Re- Socialists; and yet, it is the experience of all ages that
ligious duties, those, namely, which have direct refer- the community of goods and of ownership is altogether
ence to God, are man's principal and most essential impracticable in larger commonwealths, and would,
moral duties. Linked to these duties to God are man's if realized in any case, involve widespread slavery,
duties regarding himself. Man loves himself by an The second part of special, or applied, ethics, called
intrinsic necessity of his nature. From this * fact by many sociology, considers man as a member of
Schopenhauer drew the conclusion that the command- society, as far as this can be made the subject of philo-
ment concerning self-love was superfluous. This sophical investigation. Man is by nature a social being;
would be true, if it were a matter of indifference how out of his innate needs, inclinations, and tendencies the
man loved himself. But such is not the case ; he must family and State necessarily arise. And first of all the,
love himself with a well-ordered love. He is to be Creator had to provide for the preservation and propa-
solicitous for the welfare of His soul and to do what is gation of the human race. Man's life is brief; were no
necessary to attain to eternal happiness. He is not his provision made for the perpetuation of the human
own master, but was created for the service of God; species, the world would soon become an uninhabited
hence the deliberate arbitrary destruction of one's _ solitude, a well-appointed abode without occupants,
own life (suicide), as well as the freely intended muti- Hence God has given man the power and propensity to
lation of self, is a criminal attack upon the proprietary propagate his kind. The generative function was not
right God has to man's person. Furthermore, every primarily intended for mans individual well-being, but
man is supposed to take a reasonable care to preserve for the general good of his species, and in its exercise,
his health. He has certain duties also as regards therefore, he must be guided accordingly. This general
temperance ; for the body must not be his master, but good cannot be perfectly realized except in a lasting, in-
an instrument in the service of the soul, and hence dissoluble monogamy. The unity and indissolubility
must be cared for in so far only as is conducive to this of the marriage bond are requirements of the natural
purpose. A further duty concerns the acquisition of law, at least in the sense that man may not on his own
external material goods, as far as they are necessary authority set them aside. Marriage is a Divine in-
for man's support and the fulfilment of his other obh- stitution, for which God Himself has provided by-
cations. This again involves the obligation to work; means of definite laws, and in regard to which, there-
f urthermore, God has endowed man with the capacity fore, man has not the power to make any change,
for work in order that he might prove himself a bene- The Creator might, of course, dispense for a time from
ficial member of society; for idleness is the root of all the unity and indissolubility of the marriage tie; for,
evil. Besides these self-regarding duties, there are though the perfection of the married state demands
similar ones regarding our fellow-men: duties of love, these qualities, they are not of absolute necessity; the
justice, fidelity, truthfulness, gratitude, etc. The com- principal end of marriage may be attained to a certain
mandment of the love of our neighbour first received degree without them. God could, therefore, for wise
its true appreciation in the Christian Dispensation, reasons grant a dispensation in regard to them for a
Though doubtlessly contained to a certain extent in certain length of time. Christ, however, restored
the natural law, the pagans had so lost sight of the marriage to the original perfection consonant with its
unity of the human race, and of the fact that all men nature. Moreover, He raised marriage to the dignity
are members of one vast family dependent upon God, of a sacrament and made it symbolic of His own union
that they looked upon every stranger as an enemy, with the Church; and had He done nothing more in
n
. -^
ETHICS
564
ETHICS
this respect than restore the natural law to its pristine
integrity, mankind Would be bound to Him by an
eternal debt of gratitude . For it was chiefly by means
of the unity and indissolubility of the married life that
the sanctuary of the Christian family was established,
from which mankind has reaped the choicest blessings,
and compared with which paganism has no equivalent
to offer. This exposition of the nature of marriage
from a theistic standpoint is diametrically opposed
to the views of modern Darwinists. According to
them, men did not primitively recognize any such
institution as the married state, but lived together in
complete promiscuity. Marriage was the result of
gradual development, woman was originally the centre
about which the family crystallized, and from this
latter circumstance there arises an explanation of the
fact that many savage tribes reckon heredity and
kinship between families according to the lineal de-
scent of the female. We cannot dwell long upon these
fantastic speculations, because they do not consider
man as essentially different from the brute, but as
gradually developed from a purely animal origin.
Although marriage is of Divine institution, not every
individual is obliged, as a human being, to embrace
the married state. God intends marriage for the
propagation of the human race. To achieve this pur-
pose it is by no means necessary for each and every
member of the human family to enter upon marriage,
and this particularly at the present time, when the
question of over-population presents so many grave
difficulties to social economists. In this connexion
certain other considerations from a Christian point of
view arise, which do not, however, belong to philo-
sophical ethics. Since the principal end of marriage is
the procreation and education of children, it is in-
cumbent upon both parents to co-operate according
to the requirements of sex in the attainment of this
end. From this it may readily be gathered what
duties mutually exist between husband and wife, and
between parents and their children.
The, second natural society, the State, is the logical
and necessary outcome of the family. A completely
isolated family could scarcely support itself, at all
events it could never rise above tne lowest grade of
civilization. Hence we see that at all times and in all
places, owing to natural needs and tendencies, larger
groups of families are formed. A division of labour
takes place. Each family devotes itself to some in-
dustry in which it may improve and develop its re-
sources, and then exchanges its products for those of
other families. And now the way is opened to civili-
zation and progress. This grouping of families, in
order to be permanent, has need of authority, which
makes for security, order, and peace, and in general
provides for what is necessary to the common good.
Since God intends men to live together in harmony
and order, He likewise desires such authority in the
community as will have the right to procure what is
needful for the common good. This authority, con-
sidered in itself and apart from the human vehicle in
which it is placed, comes immediately from God, and
hence, within its proper sphere, it imposes upon the
consciences of the subjects the duty of obedience. In
the light of this interpretation, the exercise of public
power is vested with its proper dignity and inviolabil-
ity, and at the same time is circumscribed by necessary
limitations. A group of families under a common
authoritative head, and not subject to any similar
aggregation, forms the primitive State, however small
this may be. By further development, or by coalition
with other States, larger States gradually come into
existence. It is not the purpose of the State to sup-
plant the families, but to safeguard their rights, to
protect them, and to supplement their efforts. It is
not to forfeit their rights or to abandon their proper
functions that individuals and families combine to
form the State, but to be secured in these rights, and
to find support and encouragement in the discharge of
the various duties assigned them. Hence the State
may not deprive the family of its right to educate and
instruct the children, but must simply lend its assist-
ance by supplying, wherever needful, opportunities for
the better accomplishment of this duty. Only so far
as the order and prosperity of the body politic requires
it, may the State circumscribe individual effort and
activity. In other words, the State is to posit the
conditions under which, provided private endeavour
be not lacking, each individual and each family may
attain to true earthly happiness. By true earthly
happiness is meant such as not only does not interfere
with the free performance of the individual's moral
duties, but even upholds and encourages him therein.
Haying defined the end and aim of tne State, we are
now in a position to examine in detail its various
functions and their extent. Private morality is not
subject to State interference; but it is the proper
function of the State to concern itself with the inter-
ests of public morality. It must not only prevent
vice from parading in public and becoming a snare to
many (e. g. through immoral literature, theatres,
plays, or other means of seduction), but also see to it
that the public ordinances and laws facilitate and ad-
vance morally good behaviour. The State may not
affect indifference as regards religion; the obligation
to honour God publicly is binding upon the State as
such. It is true that the direct supervision of religious
matters in the present supernatural order was en-
trusted by Christ to His Church; nevertheless, it is
the duty of the Christian State to protect and uphold
the Church, the one true Church founded by Cnrist.
Of course, owing to the unfortunate division of Chris-
tians into numerous religious systems, such an inti-
mate relation between Church and State is at the
present day but rarely maintained. The separation
of Church and State, with complete liberty of con-
science and worship, is often the only practical modus
vivendi. In circumstances such as these the State
must be satisfied to leave the affairs of religion to the
various bodies, and to protect the latter in those
rights which have reference to the general public order.
Tne education and instruction of children belongs per
«6 to the family, and should not be monopolized by the
State. The latter has, however, the right ana the
duty to suppress schools which disseminate immoral
doctrine or foster the practice of vice; beyond such
control it may not set limits to free individual en-
deavour. It may, however, assist the individual in
his efforts to secure an education, and, in case these
do not suffice, it may establish schools and institu-
tions for his benefit. Finally, the State has to exer-
cise important economical functions. It must protect
fn-ivate property and see to it that in man's industrial
ife the laws affecting justice be carried out in all their
force and vigour. But its duties do not stop here. It
should pass such laws as will enable its subjects to
procure what is needed for their respectable sustenance
and even to attain a moderate competency. Both
excessive wealth and extreme poverty involve many
dangers to the individual and to society. Hence, the
State should pass such laws as will favour the sturdy
middle class of citizens and add to their numbers.
Much can be done to bring about this desirable condi-
tion by the enactment of proper tax and inheritance
laws, of laws which protect tne labouring, manufac-
turing, and agricultural interests, and which supervise
and control trusts, syndicates, etc.
Although the authority of the State comes immedi-
ately from God, the person who exercises it is not
immediately designated by Him. This determination
is left to the circumstances of men's progress and de-
velopment or of their modes of social aggregation.
According as the supreme power resides in one individ-
ual, or in a privileged class, or in the people, collec-
tively, governments are divided into three forms: the
ETHICS 565 ETHICS
monarchy; the aristocracy; the democracy. The treatment of international law. According to them
monarchy is hereditary or elective, according as sue- the only international rights and duties are those
cession to supreme power follows the right of prime- which have been established by some positive measure
geniture of a family (dynasty) or is subject to suf- either implicitly or explicitly agreed upon. This, in-
frage. At the present day the only existing kind of deed, is the position that must be taken by all who
monarchy is the hereditary, the elective monarchies, reject the natural law. On the other hand, this posi-
such as Poland and the old German Sovereignty, hav- tion precludes the possibility of any positive inter-
ing long since disappeared. Those States in which the national law whatever, for lasting and binding com-
sovereign power resides in the body of the people, are pacts between various States are possible only when
called polycracies, or more commonly, republics, and the primary principle of right is recognized — that it is
are divided into aristocracies and democracies. In just and obligatory to stand by lawful agreements,
republics the sovereignty is vested in the people. The Now this is a principle of natural law; hence, those
latter elect from their number representatives who who deny the existence of the natural law (e. g. E. von
frame their laws and administer the affairs of govern- Hartmann) must consequently reject any interna-
ment in their name. The almost- universally prevail- tional law properly so called, in their opinion inter-
ing form of government in Europe, fashioned upon the national agreements are mere conventions, which each
model created by England, is the constitutional mon- one observes as long as he finds it necessary or advan-
archy, a mixture of the monarchical, aristocratic, and tageous. And so we are eventually led back to the
iemccratic forms. The law-making power is vested principles of ancient paganism, which, in the inter-
in the king and two chambers. The members of one course between nations, too often identified right with
chamber represent the aristocratic and conservative might. But Christianity brought the nations into a
element, while the other chamber, elected from the closer union and broke down the barriers of narrow-
body of citizens, represents the democratic element, minded policy. It proclaimed, moreover, the duties of
The* monarch himself is responsible to no one, yet his love and justice as binding on all nations, thus restoring
governmental acts require the counter-signature of and perfecting the natural law. The fundamental
tnt ministers, who in turn are responsible to the principles: "Give each one his due", "Do injury to
chamber. no man ' ', " Do not to others what you would not have
With regard to its appointed functions the govern- them do to you", etc., have an absolute and universal
ment of the State is divided into the legislative, judi- value, and hence must obtain also in the intercourse
ciary, and executive powers. It is of primary impor- between nations. Purely natural duties and rights are
tance that the State enact general and stable laws common to all nations; the acquired or positive ones
governing the activities of its subjects, as far as this is may vary considerably. Various, too, are the rights
required for the good order and well-being of the whole and duties of nations in peace and in war. Since,
body. For this purpose it must possess the right to however, there are, under this head, many details of a
legislate ; it must, moreover, carry out these laws and doubtful and changeable character, the codification of
provide, by means of the administrative, or rather international law is a most urgent desideratum. Be-
executive, power for what is needful to the general sides this an international court should be established
good of the community; finally, it has to punish in- to attend to the execution of the various measures
fractions of the laws and authoritatively settle legal promulgated by the law and to arbitrate in case of
disputes, and for this purpose it has need of the judi- dispute. The foundations of such an international
ciary power (in civil and criminal courts). This right court of arbitration have been laid at The Hague ; un-
of the State to impose penalties is founded on the fortunately, its competence has been hitherto very
necessity of preserving good order and of providing much restricted, and besides, it exercises its functions
for the security of the whole body politic. In a com- only when the Powers at variance appeal to it of their
m unity there are always found those who can in no own accord. In the codification of international law
other way be effectually forced to observe the laws and no one would be more competent to lend effective co-
respect the rights of others than by the infliction of operation and to maintain the principles of justice and
punishment. Hence the State must have the right to love which should exist between nations in their inter-
enact penal statutes, calculated to deter its subjects course with one another, than the pope. No one can
from violating the laws, and the right, moreover, to offer sounder guarantees for the righteousness of the
actually inflict punishment after the violation has principles to be laid down, and no one can exert
occurred. Among the legitimate modes of punish- greater moral influence towards carrying them into
ment is capital punishment. It is considered, and effect. This is even recognized by unprejudiced
rightly so, a step forward in civilization, that nowa- Protestants. At the Vatican Council not only the
days a milder practice has been adopted in this regard, many Catholic bishops present, but the Protestant
and that capital punishment is more rarely inflicted. David Urquhart appealed to the pope to draw up a
and then only for such heinous crimes as murder and schedule of the more important principles of interna-
high treason. Nevertheless, humanitarian sentimen- tional law, which were to be binding on all Christian
taiism has no doubt been carried to an exaggerated nations. Religious prejudice, however, places many
degree, so much so that many would on principle do difficulties in the way of realizing this plan,
away with capital punishment altogether. And yet, M hutitxoionea iuHa naturalia aeu phOoeophi* moral*
this is the only sanction sufficiently effective to deter universe (Freiburg, 2d ed., 1906.). I; (i900)/ll; Schiffwi, Dw-
some men from committing the gravest crimes. puuuionm philosophies moralia (Turin, 1891), II; Costa-Ros-
When it is asserted, with Aristotle, that the State is K!Tr!i^tfjf,op*^ "ST8!? (Inybruck, gd •d^SS©); Frims,
. . ^^T^ T* »x i* it • * * £ ^^ wv«»^ mo jye actQma Rumania (Freiburg. 2 vols., 1897-1904); Fbrritti,
a society sufficient for itself, this is to be considered hutUuHonea philosophic* moraiie (Rome, 3 vole., 1st ed., 1885);
true in the sense that the State needs no further devel- Castblbin, Instituitone* philosophies moralia et aodolia (Bras-
opment to complete its organisation, but not in the ^^SS^$SSj^£M^^S!^S^i
sense that it is mdependent in every respect. The morale et aodale (Park, 1894-95); Ziouaba. Summa philoso-
greater the advance of mankind in progress and civili- phiea: III, PhUosophia moralia (Lyons, 3d ed., 1880); libera-
«atton, the more necefaarvand frequent the commu- jg-j %»«'&'&£. IJfoSfitL &A &
mcation between nations becomes. Hence the ques- 1888); Minq, The Data of Modern Ethics Examined (New York,
tion arises as to what rights and duties mutually exist 2d ed., 1897); Ruseo, DephUosophiA morali pradectiones (1891);
between nation and nation. That portion of ^ ' TrtaM" *"-"--- "-» f p^~~ *« "^™ i**™. s^™
which treats this question from a philosophical
point is called the theory of international , _. ._
the law of nations Of course many writers of the ST^^S^ ?33& ISSTZSTflLZ fwl
present day deny the propriety of a philosophical Wnni, Orundriu oner GadiiM* der MonlphOo*opKi*
\
ETHIOPIA
566
ETHIOPIA
(Vienna, 1850); Schneider, Gottliche WtUordnurw itnd religions-
iose Sittlichkeit (Paderborn, J 900); Cathbxih, Aioralphilosophie
(Freiburg, 4th ed.f 1904); Sidowick, The Methods of Ethics
(London, 1801); Id., Outline* of the History of Ethica (London,
3d ed.( 1802); Bain, Mental and Moral Science (London, many
editions); Spencer, Principle* of Ethics (London, 2 vols.);
Caldbrwood, Handbook of Marat Philosophy (London, 14th
ed. ) ; Janet, Histoire de la philosophie morale (Pans) ; Fouillee,
Critique des systhnes de morale contemporaine (Paris, 2d ed.,
1887): Martensen, ChrxsUiche Ethik (2 vols.: I, 6th ed., 1892;
II, 4th ed., 1894); Kobtun. Christliche Ethik (Berlin, 1898);
HdvTDiNO, Ethik (Leipsig, 1888) ; Paulsen, System der Ethik
(Berlin, 7th and 8th ed., 1906); Wundt, Ethik (Stuttgart, 3d
ed., 1903); Jodl, Geschichte der Ethik in der neuem Philosophic
(Stuttgart, 2 vols., 1882-80); Zieqler, Die Ethik der Griechen
und Rdmer (Bonn, 1886); Geschichte der christlichen Ethik
(Strasburg, 1802).
V. Cathrein.
Ethiopia. — The name of this region has been de-
rived, through the Greek form aldtowl*, from the two
words aW«, "I burn", and ty, "face". It would thus
mean the coloured man's land — the land of the
scorched faces. But a different origin is claimed
for the name by many modern writers, some of whom
say that the Greeks borrowed the word from the Egyp-
tians, and that as early as the Twelfth Dynasty the
Egyptians knew Ethiopia under the name of Ksh, or
Kdn. One form of this word, with the aleph prefix,
Ekoshi (the Coptic eshoosh, eshdsh, ethosh), would thus
be the real root- word. Others again maintain that it
is derived from the Arabic word afyab, the plural form
of #6, which means "spices", "perfumes" (Glaser,
"Die Abessinier in Arabien una Afrika", Munich,
1895), or from an Arabo-Sabean word, afyub, which
has the same meaning. (Hallvy in "Revue Se*-
mitique", IV.)
Geography. — It is not easy to determine precisely
to what part of the world the name of Ethiopia properly
applies in the course of history. The territory it cov-
ered, and even the use of the word to denote a terri-
tory, have varied in various ages and at the hands
of different writers. In the early pages of the Bible
Ethiopia is used to designate the lands inhabited by
the sons of Cush, and is therefore applied to all the
scattered regions inhabited by that family. Such a
use of the word is purely ethnographical. Elsewhere,
however, in the Bible it is applied to a definite region
of the globe without consideration of race, and is thus
used geographically. It is in this sense that we find it
mentioned in all Egyptian documents (Brugsch, Geo-
eraphische Inschriften altagyptischer Denkmaler).
It denoted the region of Africa south of Egypt, and its
boundaries were by no means constant. Generally
speaking, it comprised the countries known in our own
day as Nubia, Kordofan, Senaar, and Northern Abys-
sinia. v It had one unvarying landmark, however: its
northern boundary always began at Syene. We know
from the writings of Pliny, Strabo, and Pomponius
Mela that in the eyes of Greek geographers Ethiopia
included not only all the territory south of Syene on
the African Continent, but embraced all that part of
Asia below the same parallel of latitude. Hence it
came to pass that there were two regions with but one
name: Eastern Ethiopia, including all the races dwell-
ing to the east of the Ked Sea as far as India ; Western
Ethiopia stretching southward from Egypt and west-
ward as far as the southern boundary of Mauretania.
Of all the vast tracts of country to which the name
Ethiopia was given at one or other period of history,
there are two to which the name has more peculiarly
attached itself: the one is modern Nubia and the
Egyptian Sudan (the ancient Ethiopia of the Pha-
raohs); the other modern Abyssinia (the Ethiopia of
our own day), the last of all those regions to preserve
the ancient name.
Nubian Ethiopia. — In Egyptian inscriptions the
name Ethiopia is applied to the region of the Upper
Nile lying between the First Cataract and the sources
of the Atbara and of the Blue Nile. Greek writers
often call this region the Kingdom of Napata, or of
Meroe. after two cities that were successively the cen-
tres of its political life during the second period of its
history. The name Island of Meroe", sometimes met
with, is an allusion to the rivers which enclose it.
Ethnology. — The races which peopled these regions
differed considerably. In the valley of Syene as far as
the junction of the Atbara the population consisted for
the most part of husbandmen of Egyptian extraction.
In the plains of the Upper Nile, side by side with some
negro tribes, were a people allied to the Himy antes,
and who had migrated thither from Southern Arabia,
while others again showed that they owed their origin
to the Egyptians and Berbers.
History. — Of the history of this country we know
only what has been handed down to us through the
monuments of Egypt and those erected by the inhabi-
tants of the country itself in the vicinity of the Cata-
racts. It was the almost unanimous opinion of an-
cient historians that this was the cradle of the people
occupying all the Nile Valley; and in proof thereof
they pointed out the evident analogy of manners and
religion between the Kingdom of Meroe and Egypt
proper. But to-day we know without a doubt that
the Ethiopia known to the Greeks, far from being the
cradle of Egyptian civilization, owed to Egypt all the
civilization she ever had. The chronological evidence
of the monuments makes this quite clear. Whereas
the most ancient monuments are to be found along the
Delta, those in the neighbourhood of Meroe are com-
paratively modern. The antiquity attributed to Ethi-
opian civilization was disproved as soon as the hiero-
glyphics had been interpreted. What its beginnings
were, we do not know.
During the first five Egyptian Dynasties — i. e. for
nearly thirteen centuries — its history is hidden behind
a veil . It is only under the Sixth Dynasty that this coun-
try comes within the ken of history. At that time King
Meryra, better known as Pept I, marched as far south
as the Second Cataract, but did not establish a per-
manent foothold. Ethiopia's real occupation by Egypt
did not begin till the Twelfth Dynasty, when the Pha-
raohs, being once more in peaceful possession of the
Nile Valley, began an era of conquest, and the country
of the Cataracts became their earliest prey. Amen-
emhat I and his son Usertsen I, having driven out the
priests of Amun-Ra who ruled at Thebes, and having
exiled them beyond Philse, continued their march as
far as Wady-Halfa. ^ Their successors, encouraged by
these victories, carried on the work of conquest, and
Usertsen III pushed as far as the Fourth Cataract
and even beyond Napata, as far as the junction of the
Atbara. At his death the frontiers of the Egyptian
Empire extended as far as Semneh, and Ethiopia was
a tributary province of Egypt. The darkness which
envelops the history of the Thirteenth Dynasty does
not permit of our tracing the results of this conquest,
but it would seem that the victories of the Egyptian
monarchs were far from decisive, and that Ethiopia
always retained enough liberty to openly aspire to in-
dependence. Up to the time of the Eighteenth dy-
nasty this aspiration persisted, if, indeed, the country
did not at times enjoy independence.
After the advent of the Eighteenth Dynasty, and
the overthrow of the Shepherd Kings, Egypt under-
took a series of wars against her isolated neighbours.
The tribes along the Upper Nile, though harassed by
her troops, resisted stubbornly. In spite of the cam-
paigns of Amenhotep I, son of Amosis, who advanced
as far as Napata and Senaar — in spite of the violence
of Thothmes I, his successor, who covered the country
with devastation and ruin, it was not until the days of
Thothmes II that Ethiopia seems to have become re-
signed to the loss of her liberty. The country was
thereupon divided into nomes on the Egyptian system,
and was placed under a viceroy whose power extended
from the First Cataract to the Mountains of Abys-
sinia. The office, entrusted at first to high functions/
ETHIOPIA 5
ries, soon became one of the most important in the
State, and the custom arose at court of nominating to
it the heir presumptive to the throne, with the title of
Prince of Cush. The glorious reigns of Rameses II, of
the Nineteenth Dynasty, and of Rameses III, of the
Twentieth Dynasty, served to consolidate this con-
quest for a time, but for a time only. Egypt, worn
out, was weary of war, and even of victory, and the
era of her campaigns ended with the Rameseid dy
nasty. Ethiopia, always alert to note the doings of
her enemy, profited by this respite to recover her
strength. She collected her forces, and soon, having
won back ber independence, an unexpected event
left her mistress of her former conqueror.
The descendants of the royal priesthood of Amun-
Ra, exiled from Thebes to Ethiopia by the Pharaohs
of the Twenty-second Dynasty, had infused a new
life into the land of their exile. They had reorganized
its political institutions and centralized them at
>7 ETHIOPIA
sor, was defeated by Esarbaddon, and farced to re-
treat as far as Napata, pursued by the Ninevite hosts.
The victory, however, was dearly bought by the Assy-
rians, and the Ethiopians, even in retreat, proved so
dangerous that the pursuit was abandoned. Taharqa.
encouraged by the fear he inspired in his enemies, tried
to win back the Nile Valley. He assumed the offen-
the Delta, of whom Nechao was the most powerful, far
from extending him a welcome, joined forces with the
King of Nineveh. Asurbanipal, who had now suc-
ceeded his father, Esarbaddon, straightway attacked
Taharqa, and the King of Ethiopia fell back once more
towards the Cataracts. His son-in-law, Tanuat-
Amen, once more victorious, went up as far^as Mem-
phis, where he defeated the Delta princes, allies of the
Assyrians, but a fresh expedition under Asurbanipal
completely broke his power. Thereafter Tanuat-
^ ^ -iHiliMsO ss^ssssssssssssssk
Napata, which city, in the hands of its new lords, be-
came a sort of Ethiopian Thebes modelled on the
Thebes of Egypt. With the co-operation of the na-
tive peoples Napata was soon reckoned among the
great political powers. While Ethiopia was develop-
ing and flourishing, Egypt, so disintegrated as to be a
mere collection of feudal States, was being more and
more weakened by incessant revolutions. Certain
Egyptian princes having at this period appealed to the
King of Napata for help, he crossed over into the The-
baic!, and established order there; then, to the surprise
of those who had appealed to him, he continued his
way northwardsand went as far as Memphis, nor did
he calt until he had subjugated the country and pro-
claimed the suzerainty of Ethiopia over the whole Nile
Valley. Piankhy, to whom belongs the honour of this
achievement, caused an account ofit to be engraved at
Jebel-Barkal, near Napata. After his reign the throne
passed to a native family, and during the Twenty-
fourth ai ' "*" ■' Vl " T" r' ■ '
land fn
But at the very time when the Ethiopian armies
were advancing from the South to subdue the North,
the victorious Assyrian armies of the King of Nineveh
were alreaily encamped on the borders of Phoenicia.
Menaced by Sargon II in the days of Sbabaka, Egypt
was invaded for the first time by Sennacherib's army
during the reign of Shabataka. Taharqa, his succes-
Amen remained in his Kingdom of Napata ; and thus
Ethiopian sway over Egypt was brought to a close.
Restricted to its natural limits, the Ethiopian king-
dom did not cease to be a powerful State. Attacked
by Psamettichus I and Psamettichus II, it was able to
maintain its independence and break the ties which
bound it to the northern kingdom. In the following
— of the countries along the
Upper Nile, set on foot an expedition against Ethiopia,
but in spite of the numbers and prowess of his troops,
he was obliged to retreat. When Artaxerxes II, sur-
named Ockus, invaded the Delta, Nectanebo II, King
of Egypt, could find no safer refuge than Ethiopia, and
in the days of the Ptolemies one of its kings, Arq-
Amen (the Ergamenes of Diodorus Siculus), was pow-
erful enough to commemorate his exploits in the deco-
rations of the temple at Phils. Nevertheless these
last rays of glory were to fade quickly. Abandoned to
itself, removed from the civilizing influences of the
North, the country fell back step by step into its prim,
itive barbarism, and defeat is written upon the last
Sage of its history. The last invasion of Ethiopia was
y Roman legions; led by Petronius, they advanced
as far as Napata, where a queen occupied the throne,
and the city was destroyed. After this, darkness falls
upon all these countries of the Upper Nile, and ancient
Ethiopia disappears — to appear again transformed by
a new civilization which begins with the history of
modem Nubia.
ETHIOPIA
568
ETHIOPIA.
Institutions, — The only civilization we know of in
Ethiopia is that which was borrowed from Egypt.
We find no record of really native institutions on any
of the monuments that have come down to us, and the
earliest records extant do not take us beyond the
founding of the priestly dynasty of Thebes. At
Napata Amun-Ra, King of the Gods, ruled supreme
with Maut and Khonsu. The temple there was built
on the model of the Karnak sanctuaries; the cere-
monies performed were those of the Theban cult.
The priest-kings, above all, as formerly in their native
land, were the neads of a purely sacerdotal polity. It
was only later in history that the monarchy became
elective in Ethiopia. The election took place at
Napata, in the great temple, under the supervision of
the priests of Amun-Ra, and in the presence of a num-
ber of special delegates chosen by the magistrates, the
literati, the soldiers, and the officers of the palace. The
members of the reigning family, " the royal brethren",
were brought into the sanctuary and presented one
after another to the statue of the god, who indicated
his choice by a signal previously agreed upon. The
choice of the priests could undertake nothing without
the priests' consent, and was subject to them for life.
Ard-Amen seems to have broken through this tutelage
and secured complete independence for the throne.
Language. — The tongues in the land of Cush were as
varied as the peoples who dwelt there, but Egyptian is
the language of tne Ethiopian inscriptions. On a few
monuments dating from the last epoch of Ethiopian
history we find a special idiom. It is written by means
of hieroglyphics, of which the alphabetical values,
however, have been modified. Hitherto undecipher-
able, this language has recently been held to be related
to Egyptian, witn a large admixture of foreign (doubt-
less Nubian) words. The development of the study
of demotic, as well as a more intimate knowledge of
the speech of later times, will, perhaps, eventually
bring a fuller knowledge of this iaiom.
Abyssinian Ethiopia.— Geography. — This region
corresponds to the group of territories nowadays
known as Abyssinia, extending from the Italian col-
ony of Eritrea to the shores of the Great Lakes. Yet
the ancient empire of this name did not by any means
permanently occupy the whole of this area, the boun-
daries of which rather indicate its greatest extent at
any period of its history. Among all the countries
that nave been known under the name of Ethiopia,
this alone took the name for itself, and calls itself by
that name to this day. It rejects the name Abyssinia
which is constantly given it by Arab writers. Western
writers have often employed both terms, Abyssinia
and Ethiopia, indifferently, but in our own day a dis-
tinction seems to be growing up in their use. It seems
that with the name of Ethiopia we should connect that
portion of the country's history the documents of
which are supplied by Gheez literature alone; with
that of Abyssinia, what belongs to the modern period
since the definitive appearance of Amharic among the
written languages.
Ethnology. — The modern Tigre\ formerly the King-
dom of Axum, would seem to have been the kernel of
this State. It was founded by refugees who came to
the African continent when the Arsacidse were extend-
ing their sway in the Arabian peninsula, and the power
of the Ptolemies- was declining in Egypt. These refu-
gees belonged to the Sabean tribes engaged in the gold
and spice trade between Arabia and the Roman Em-
pire ; their dealings with civilized races had developed
them, and, thanks to their more advanced stage of
mental culture, they acquired a preponderating influ-
ence over the people among whom they had come to
dwell. Still, the descendants of these immigrants
form a minority of the Ethiopian people, which is
mainly composed of Cushite tribes, together with mem-
bers of an aboriginal race called by the Ethiopians
themselves Shangala.
History. — From native sources we know nothing
accurately of the political beginnings of the State.
Its annals open with the rule of monsters in that land,
and for many centuries Arue, the serpent, is the only
ruler mentioned. Many writers see in this but a per-
sonification of idolatry or barbarism, and the explana-
tion seems probable. According to certain tales writ-
ten in Gheez, Ethiopia embraced the Jewish religion
at the time of Solomon, and received a prince of that
monarch '8 family to rule over it. The Queen of Saba
(Sheba), spoken of in the First Book of Kings, was an
Ethiopian queen, according to the legend of Kebra-
nagasht (the glory of the kings), and it was through
her that Ethiopia received this double honour. But
this tradition is of comparatively recent origin, and
finds no confirmation in the most ancient native docu-
ments, nor in any foreign writings. History still waits
for some foundation on which to base this appropri-
ation of the sacred text, as well as for proofs to justify
the variants with which Ethiopian chroniclers have
embellished it.
The first thing that we know with certainty as to
the history of Ethiopia is its conversion to Christi-
anity. This work was accomplished in the early
half of the fourth century by St. Frumentius,
known in that country as Abba Salama. Rufinus
of Aquileia has preserved the story for us in his
history. According to him, a Christian of Tyre,
named Merope, had gone on a journey to India with
two children, Edesius and Frumentius, his nephews.
On their return journey the ship that carried them
was captured by pirates off the Ethiopian coast, and
every one on board was put to death except the two
children. These were sent as captives to the king, and
were afterwards appointed tutors to his son, whom
they converted to Christianity. Later, they returned
to their own country. But Frumentius had but one
ambition: to be consecrated bishop by the Patriarch
of Alexandria. This wish having been fulfilled, he re-
turned to Axum, organized Christian worship, and,
under the title of Abba Salama, became the first metro-
politan of the Ethiopian Church. Missionary monks
coming later from neighbouring countries (in the sixth
century) completed the work of his apostolate by
establishing the monastic life. National traditions
speak of these missionaries as the Nine Saints; they
are the abbas Ale*, Shema, 'Aragawi, Garima, Panta-
lewon, Liganos, Afsi, Gougo, and Yemata. Hence-
forth Ethiopia takes its place among the Christian
States of the East. One of its kings, Caleb, contem-
porary with the Nine Saints, and canonized as St.
Elesban, is famous in Oriental literature for an expe-
dition he led against the Jewish kingdom of Yemen.
The authority of the Ethiopian kings then extended
over Tigre', Shoa, and Amhara, and the seat of govern-
ment was the Kingdom of Axum.
But from this time forward the history of this country
is enveloped in darkness, and remains almost unknown
to us until the thirteenth century. We have nothing
to guide us but long and, for the most part, mutually
conflicting lists of kings with the indication of a dynas-
tic revolution, which perhaps explains the brevity of
the chronicles. Perhaps, in the midst of these trou-
bles, the historical documents of preceding ages were
purposely destroyed; and this seems likely since the
foreign dynasty of the Zagues, which at that time
usurped tne throne of the pretended descendants of
the son of Solomon, would feel constrained to destroy
the prestige of the supplanted dynasty in order to es-
tablish itself. According to the abridged chronicle
Published by Bruce, the Falashas, a tribe professing
udaism, were the cause of this insurrection; but we
have no other evidence in support of this assertion.
The chronicles we have are silent about the matter;
they merely tell us that at the close of the thirteenth
century, in the reign of Yekuno Amlak, after a period
of exile, the length of which we do not know, the Solo-
ETHIOPIA &
moiiian dynasty regained power through the aid of
the monk Takla H&ymanot. After the restoration of
the ancient national dynasty, the country, once more
at peace within itself, had to concentrate its whole
energy upon resisting the southward progress of Mo-
hammedan conquest. For nearly three centuries
Ethiopia had to wage wars without respite for liberty
and faith, and it alone, of all the African kingdoms,
was able to maintain both. The most famous of these
wars was against the Emir of Harar, Ahmed Ibn Ibra-
him, Humamed the Left-handed. It took place during
the reigns of Kings Lebna Dengel (1508-40) and Galaw-
dewos (1540-59), and the exhausted country was
only saved by the timely help of Portuguese armies.
Delivered from its foes, it might have become a great
power in the East, but it lacked a capable leader, and
its people, deriving but little moral support from a
corrupt religion, fell rapidly away until, after a long
series of civil wars, Ethiopia became a land of »n
Under Minas (1559-63), Sarsa Dengel (1563-97),
and Ya'eqob Za Dengel (1597-1607), civil war wan in-
cessant. There was a brief respite under Suaneos
(1607-32), but war broke out afresh under Fasiladas
(1632-67), and the clergy, moreover, increased the
trouble by their theological disputes as to the two na-
tures of Christ. These disputes, often, indeed, but a
cloak for ambitious intrigues, were always occasions of
revolution. Under the successors of Fasiladas the
death. Then there was a short period of peace under
Bakafa (1721-30), and Yasu II (1730-55), Yoas
(1755) and Yohannes (1755-69) were again victims
of an ever-spreading revolution. The end of the
eighteenth century left Ethiopia a feudal kingdom.
The land and its government belonged to its Has, or
provincial chieftains. The unity of the nation had
9 ETHIOPIA
tius, and in spite of the resulting general conversion of
the people, Paganism always retained some adher-
ents in Ethiopia, and has its representatives there
even to this day. Moreover, at the time of the Mus-
sulman wars Islam succeeded in securing a foothold
here and there. Nevertheless Christianity has always
been the really national religion, always practised and
defended by toe rulers of the nation.
Although converted to Christianity by missionaries
of the Catholic Church, Ethiopia to-day professes
Monophysitism. Being subject to the influence of
Egypt, it has adopted in the course of time the theory
of the Egyptian Church concerning the human nature
of Christ. Our lack of information about the country
prior to the thirteenth century hinders us from fol-
lowing the history of its separation from Rome, or
even fixing the date of that event. Like the Egyp-
tian, the Ethiopian Church anathematises Eutycnes
the monarch* were content to be rot* (ai
Side by side with these kings who have left in history
only their names, the real masters of events, as the
popular whim happened to favour them, were Ras
Mikael, Ras Abeto of the Godjam, Ras Gabriel of the
hara, Ras Oubie of Tigre, and the like. But war
among these chiefs was incessant; ever dissatisfied,
jealous of each other's power, each one sought to be
supreme, and it was only after a century of strife that
peace was at length established. A son of the gov-
ernor of Kowara, named Kasa, succeeded in bringing
it about, to his own profit; and he made it permanent
by causing himself to be proclaimed king under the
name of Theodore (1855). With him the ancient
Ethiopia took its place as one of the nations to be
reckoned with in the international affairs of the
West, and Abyssinia may be said to date its origin
from his reign.
Religion.- — Previous to the conversion of the coun-
try to Christianity, the worship of the serpent was
perhaps the religion of a portion of Ethiopia, i. e. of
the aboriginal Cushite tribes. From inscriptions at
Axum and Adulis it would seem that the Semites, on
the other hand, had a religion similar to that of Chal-
dea and Syria. Among the gods mentioned we find
Astar, Beher, and Medr — perhaps representing the
triad of sky, sea, and land. As to the Jewish religion,
and its introduction in the time of Solomon, we have
only the- assertion found in some recent documents,
which, as we have already said, cannot be received as
history. The origin of the Judaistic tribe called the
Falashas, who nowadays occupy the country, is quite
hidden from us, and -there is no reason to regard them
as representatives of a national religion which has dis-
appeared. After the evangelisation by St. Frumen-
as a heretic, yet remains Monophysite and rejects the
Catholic teaching as to the two natures. United in
the statement of their belief, the Ethiopian theolo-
gians have divided into two great schools in its ex-
planation. On the one hand, the Walda-Qeb ("Sons
of Unction", as they are nowadays called) hold that
the most radical unification {tawahtdaj exists between
the two natures, such being the absorption of the hu-
man by the Divine nature that the former may be said
to be merely a fantasm. This unification is the
work of the unction of the Son Himself according to
the general teaching of the Walda-Qeb. Some among
them, however, known as tbe Qeb'at (Unction), teach
that it is the work of the Father. Others again, the
$ega-Udj, or Walda-t*ga (Sons of Grace), hold that
the unification takes place in such a way that the na-
ture of Christ becomes a special nature (bahreu), and
this is attributed to the Father, as in the teaching of
the Qeb'at. But, as the mere fact of the unction does
not effect a radical unification (for this school rejects
absorption), tbe unification is made perfect, according
to them, by what they call the adoptive birth of
Christ — the ultimate result of the unction of the
Father. In effect, they recognize in the Incarnation
three kinds of birth: the first, the Word begotten of
the Father; the second, Christ begotten of Mary; the
third, the Son of Mary, begotten the Son of God the
Father by adoption, or by His elevation to the Divine
dignity — the work of the Father anointing His Son
with the Holy Spirit, whence the name Son* oj Grace.
However, while rejecting absorption, this latter school
refuses to admit the distinction of the two natures.
Both schools, moreover, assert that the unification
takes place without any blending, without change,
without confusion. It is contradiction itself set up as
a dogma.
The difficulties following from this teaching in re-
gard to the reality of Redemption, the Monophysite
Church of Ethiopia calls mysteries; her theologians
confess themselves unable to explain them, and simply
dismiss them with the word Ba jaqadu; it is bo, they
say, "by the will of God". In sympathy with the
Church of Constantinople, as soon as it was separated
from Rome, the Ethiopian Church in course of time
adopted the Byzantine teaching as to the procession of
the Holy Ghost; but this question never was as popu-
lar as the mystery of the Incarnation, and in reference
touching on the question of the two natures. Adrift
from the Catholic Church on the dogma of the human-
ity of Christ and the procession of the Holy Spirit, the
Ethiopian Church professes all the other articles of
faith professed by tne Roman Church. We find there
the seven sacraments, the cultus of the Blessed Virgin
and of the saints ; prayers for the-dead are held in high
honour, and fasts without number occur during tne
liturgical year.
The Bible, translated into Ghees, with a collection
of decisions of the Councils, called the Synodot, make
up the ground-work of all moral and dogmatic teach-
to some authorities (Guidi, G.Rossini), or, intheopinii
of others (Mechineau), in the fourth century at the
very beginning of the evangelization. Notwith-
standing the native claims, their Old Testament is not
a translation from the Hebrew, neither is its Arabic
origin any more capable or demonstration; Old and
New Testaments alike are derived from the Greek.
The work was done by many translators, no doubt,
and the unity of the version seems to have been
brought about only by deliberate effort. At the time
of the Solomonian restoration in the thirteenth cen-
tury, the whale Bible was revised under the care of the
Metropolitan Abba Salama (who is often confounded
with St. Frumentius), and the text followed for the
Old Testament was the Arabic of Rabbi Saadias Goon
of Fayum. There was perhaps a second revision in
the seventeenth century at the time of the Portuguese
missions to the country; it has recently been noticed
(Littmann, Geschichte der athiopischen Litteratur).
But, just as the great number of translators employed
0 ETHIOPIA
caused the Bible text to be unequal, so also the revis-
ion of it was not uniform and official, and consequently
the number of variant readings became multiplied.
Its canon, too, is practically unsettled and fluctuating.
A host of apocryphal or falsely ascribed writings are
placed on the same level as the inspired books, among
the most esteemed of which we may mention the Book
of Henoch, the KulaU, or Little Genesis, the Book of
the Mysteries of Heaven and Earth, the Combat of
Adam and Eve, the Ascension of Isaias, The "Hay-
manota Abaw" (Faith of the Fathers), the "Majbafa
Mestir"(Bookof the Mystery), the " Masbaf a Hawi "
(Book of the Compilation), "Qerlos" (Cyrillus),
"Zenahayminot" (Tradition of the Faith) are among
the principal works dealing with matters moral and
dogmatic. But, besides the factr that many of the
quotations from the Fathers in these works have been
modified, many of the canons of the "Synodos" are, to
say the least, not historical.
Liturgy. — In the general effect of its liturgical rules
the Ethiopian Church is allied to the Coptic Rite.
Numerous modifications, and especially additions,
have, in the course of time, been introduced into its
ritual ; but the basic text remains that of Egypt, from
which, in many places, it differs only in the language.
Its calendar and the distribution of festivals are regu-
lated as in the Coptic Church, though the Ethiopians
do not follow the era of the martyrs. The year has
365 days, with a leap year every four years, as in the
Julian calendar. Its ordinary year begins on 29
August of the Julian calendar, which corresponds to
11 September of the Gregorian calendar. After a
leap year the new year begins on the 30th of August
(our 12 September). The year has twelve months of
30 days each, and an added thirteenth month of six
days or of five days — according as the year is a leap
year or not. The era followed is seven years behind
ours during the last four months of our year, and eight
years during the remaining months. The calendar
for each year is arranged in an ecclesiastical synod
held in the springtime. It is at this gathering that
the dates of the principal movable feasts ore settled,
as well as the periods for the fasts to be observed dur-
ing the course of the year. The greater feasts of the
Ethiopian Church are Christmas, the Baptism of
Christ, Palm Sunday, Holy Week, Ascension Day,
Pentecost, the Transfiguration. A great number of
feasts are scattered throughout the year, either on
fixed or movable dates, and their number, together
with the two days every week (Saturday and Sunday)
on which work is forbidden, reduces by almost one-
third the working-days of the year. Fasts are ob-
served every Wednesday and Friday, and five times
annually during certain periods preceding the great
festivals: the fast of Advent, is kept during forty
days; of Niniveh, three dnys; of Lent, fifty-five
days; of the Apostles, fifteen days; the fast of the
Assumption, fifteen days. Most of the saints hon-
oured in Ethiopia are to be found in the Roman Mar
tyrology. Among the native saints (about forty in
all), only a few are recognized by the Catholic Church
— St. Frumentius, St. Elesban, the Nine Saints, and
St. Taklu Haymanot. But, deprived of religious in-
the Ethiopian people mingle with their
have a Jewish origin, such, for instance, as the keeping
of the Sabbath, the distinction of animals as clean and
unclean, circumcision, and the custom of marrying a
widow to the nearest relative of her deceased husband.
dependence on the Coptic Church is regulated by one
of the Arabic canons found in the Coptic edition of the
Council of Nictea. A delegate from this patriarch,
chosen from among the Egyptian bishops, and called
the Abo una, governs the Church. All-powerful in
I
ETHIOPIAN 571 ETSCHMIADZIN
matters spiritual, his influence is nevertheless very works of Massdja, Isenberg, d'Abbadie, Praetorius.
limited in other directions, owing to the fact that he is Guidi, Mondon-Kidailhet, and Afevork have served
a stranger. The administrative authority is vested in to definitively place it within the domain of Oriental
the Etcnague", who also has jurisdiction over the regu- studies,
lar clergy. This functionary is always chosen from tJAlm*$ggr%£tag€ «»««"**• **wfk? deV Orient classim*
R? i j« _ Ajf t ~~:»i «*;«.» «^«~».~. (Pans, 1895-09); Bu^ge, A History of Egypt (London, 1902);
among the monks and is a native. Legislation concern- Amiir^t of ha^ney. A Sketch of Egyptian History (London.
ing the clergy is always regulated by a special code, Of 1906); Basset, Etudes sur Vhiatoire oVEthiopie' (Paris, 1882);
which the fundamental principles are contained in the go**11"-. ?** P^te *toTSJitfS?ri° TaWs«t,,a "J- RT^i,j
TfZH Lt n~\ . iiL -~~.i«_ -i~~~, a^,. ,^1: R. A. de% Ltncex (Rome. 1899). VIII; Littiiann, GeschxchU der
Fetha mwasht. Only the regular clergy Observe cell- dthiomschen IMteratur In Gcsckichte der chnsUxchen Litteraturm
bacy, and the facility with which orders are conferred des Orients (Leipzig. 1907); Beccari, Notizia e sagoi d% open
makes the number of priests very large. 2*<**» riauardanti la storm di Ethiopia (Rome, 1903— -v
r +. j r uS * — Am„.°u i.uA Mi4M ;„ Brdce, A Journey to the Sources of the Nile (London, 1790
Language and Literature. —Mthougl the races in- Glaber, Die Abe**ini*r in Arabien und Afrika (Munich, 1895);
habiting Ethiopia have very different origins, only the Mabsaia, / miei trenta cinque anni neW alta Etiopia (Rome.
Semitic family of tongues is represented among them. . \*M)-K Ludolf. Historia Mthiopiea (Frankfort, ^ l 681); Id., Ad
This is one of the results of the conquest made in hl9tonam *a"P«™ commentary <F™>^"M^
olden days by the immigrants from the African Conti- _.. . . __ ... _... 0 * __
nent. Two dialects were spoken by these tribes, the Ethiopian Versions of the Bible. See Versions
Gheez, which is akin to Sabean, and a speech more akin OF THE Bible.
to Minean, the tongue which later developed into Etschmiadsin, a famous Armenian monastery,
Amharic. In the course of time Gheez ceased to be a since 1441 the ecclesiastical capital of the schismatic
spoken language, but it gave rise to two vernacular Armenians, and seat of their patriarch or catholicos
dialects, Tigre" and Tigral, which have supplanted it. (q. v.), whom the greater part of the Non-Uniat Ar-
No longer in popular use, Gheez has always remained menian Church acknowledge as their head. It is situ-
the language of the Church and of literature. Am- a ted in Russian territory, m the extreme south of the
haric did not become a literary language till much Caucasus, on the River Aras near the city of "Erivan.
later. As for the other two, even in our own day they As early as the fifth or sixth century, if not earlier, a
have hardly begun to be written. The beginnings of monastery existed there attached to the royal resi-
Gheez literature are connected with the evangeliza- dence of Valarshapat, itself the immemorial national
tion of the country. The earliest document we pos- centre of Armenia. According to national tradi-
sess is the translation of the Bible, which dates from tion, more or less reliable, the primatial see of Armenia
the fifth, or perhaps the fourth, century. Christian in was founded here by Saint Gregory Illuminator, the
its origin, Gheez literature has remained so in its pro- Apostle of Armenia, early in the fourth century. On
ductions, most of which are apocrypha, hagiographi- the site of his famous vision of " the descent of the
cal compositions, or theological works. History and only Begotten One" (Descendit Unigenitus==in Arme-
poetry have only a secondary place in it, and these are nian, Etschmiadzin), the anniversary of which is still
the only subjects in which we find any original effort; kept as a national feast, he built a chapel, and in time
almost everything else is translation from the Greek, a splendid church and a monastery arose there, around
Coptic, or Arabic. Most of its manuscripts have come which centred the national and religious life of Ar-
down to us without date or author's name, and it is no menia until the middle of the fifth century, when, ow-
easy task to follow the history of letters in this coun- ing first to the invasions of Caucasian hordes and then
try. As far as we know at present, the fifteenth seems to Persian ambition and persecution, there began the
to have been the great literary century of Ethiopia. long series of wanderings that recall the story of the
To the reign of Zar'a Ya'qob (1434-68) belong the monks of Durham with St. Cuthbert's body. During
principal compositions of which the history is known, these centuries both clergy and people valued most
The wars against Adal and against Ahmed Ibn Ibra- highly the right arm of St. Gregory; its possessor was
him, in the sixteenth century, arrested this literary practically considered the legitimate patriarch. After
movement. The decline began after the civil wars of many removals, first to Dowin (Duin, Tvin) and then
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the to other places, the patriarchal see was eventually
coming of Amharic as a literary language completed located in the city of Sis, in Cilicia (Lesser Armenia),
it. The earliest writings in Amharic elate from the where it remained from 1293 to 1441 ; at the former
fourteenth century, and about the time of the Portu- date the relic was said to have been miraculously
fiiese missions it was beginning to supplant Gheez. brought to Sis from Egypt, whither it had been taken
he Jesuits made use of it to reach the people more by the Mamelukes. When the small Christian prin-
surely, and henceforward Gheez tends to become al- cipality of Lesser Armenia, long upheld by the Cm-
most exclusively a liturgical language. At the pres- sades (1097-1375), was at last destroyed, the national
ent day it is nothing else, Amharic having altogether and religious life of its people naturally turned again
taken its place in other departments, and it may be towards the earlier venerable centre, in Northern or
that at no distant date Amharic will supplant Gheez Greater Armenia. After the death, at Sis (1440). of
even as the language of the Church. Patriarch Joseph II, irregularities occurred in the elec-
Job Ludolf, a German, in the seventeenth century, tion of the new patriarch, Gregory Musapekian, which
was the first to organize the study of Ethiopian sub- northern bishops were willing to overlook if he would
jects. To him we owe the first grammar ana the first transfer his see to Greater Armenia. On his refusal a
dictionary of the Gheez language. After a period of new election was held at Etschmiadzin where, it is
neglect these studies were taken up once more in the said, about seven hundred bishops and archpriests
second half of the nineteenth century by Professor (vartapeds) assembled and elected Kirakos Virabetzi,
Dillmann, of Berlin, and, besides incomparable works with whom begins the series of patriarchs of Etschmi-
on the grammar and lexicography, we are indebted to adzin. By some stratagem the monastery is said to
him for the publication of many texts. Thanks to have secured from Sis the possession of the famous
the extension of philological, historical, and patristic relic of St. Gregory. A patriarchal succession, how-
studies, the study of this language has spread in our ever, was, and is still, maintained at Sis, where what
own times to a greater and greater degree. Works purport to be the selfsame relics are shown and ven-
of the first importance have been published on the era ted. There are, moreover, Armenian (schismatic)
literature by Professors Bassett, Bezold, Guidi, Litt- patriarchs at Aghtamar, Jerusalem (1311) and Con-
mann, and Praetorius, as also by Charles, Esteves- stantinople (1461), the latter for the Armenians of the
Pereira, Perruchon, and Touraiso. The Amharic, Ottoman Empire, also an independent Archbishop of
too, has inspired a number of studies, whether of its Lemberg. Several patriarchs of Etschmiadzin, Ste-
grammar, of its lexicography, or of its texts; the phen V (1541), Michael of Sebaste (1564), David IV
EUARIA
572
EUCHARIST
/
(1587)> Melchisedek (1593), Moses- (1629), Piiibos
(1633). Aghob IV (1655), and others, took steps
towards reunion with Rome, and some made profes-
sion of the Catholic Faith before death. Catholic Ar-
menians finally abandoned Etschmiadzin as their
religious centre, and obtained a Uniat patriarchate,
first at Aleppo (1742), later at Constantinople (1830-
67). The Armenians subject to Etschmiadsin under-
went bitter persecution when Greater Armenia passed
into the power of Persia; even the right hand of
St. Gregory and other prized relics and images of
the national apostle, and of King Tiridates and St.
Rhipsime, were carried away (1604) to the Persian
capital; these were finally restored to Etschmiadzin
in 1638. $ince 1828 the monastery and its district
have passed into Russian hands, whereby the inde-
pendence of the patriarch has been naturally dimin-
ished. He is not, however, subject to the Holy Synod
of Russia, but presides over his own holy synod of
seven members. In 1836 the Russian Government
issued an official constitution for the administration of
the Gregorian (i. e. Armenian) Church in Russia. It
comprises 141 articles regulating the election of patri-
archs and the ruling of Gregorian dioceses. In 1882
non-Russian Armenians refused to recognize the
Russian nomination of the Armenian Archbishop of
Smyrna to Etschmiadzin, but in 1884 they yielded.
Thus a Russian ecclesiastical functionary residing at
Etschmiadzin is, in theory, the "Supreme Patriarch
and Catholicos of all the Armenians . Even in fact,
the great majority of the schismatic Armenians
acknowledge his authority; only a small minority
adhere to Sis, Aghtamar, Constantinople, and Lem-
berg. In the United States, the Armenian Bishop of
Worcester is subject to Etschmiadzin, and has as
quasi-suftragans the Vartapeds of Boston, New York.
Providence, and Chicago. In England the Vartapea
of Manchester is subject to the Armenian Bishop of
Paris. Since Kirakos Virapetzi (1441) some thirty-
eight successors have ruled at Etschmiadzin, not how-
ever without numerous schisms. The patriarchs are
often assisted by a coadjutor, or rattier co-titular
bishop, whose name sometimes erroneously gets in-
serted in the list of patriarchs proper. The Patriarch
of Etschmiadzin alone consecrates the myron (chrism)
and also the bishops for the schismatic Armenians.
His curia is formed by (a) a patriarchal synod (two
archbishops, five archpriests) ; (b) a board of admin-
istration (one bishop, two archpriests); (c) an edi-
torial committee (two archpriests and a deacon). The
monastery consists of about twenty monks; since
1874 a seminary has been maintained for the training
of the higher Armenian clergy. Though prominent in
a hierarchical sense, as a centre of. Armenian literary
and theological activity Etschmiadzin ranks far
behind Venice, Vienna, Moscow, and Constantinople
(see Mechitarists), though of late some life and en-
ergy are evident. Etschmiadzin is richly endowed.
Externally it resembles a great fortress; within its
walls are the monastery proper, the magnificent
church dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, and six
chapels, one of them said to stand on the site of the
apparition of Jesus Christ to St. Gregory. Outside
the walls are several churches, among them three dedi-
cated to the earliest Armenian martyrs, St. Rhipsime
and her companions and St. Gaiane, hence the Turkish
name 0 tsch Kilisse (Three Churches) . The numerous
buildings, either restored or rebuilt, date mostly from
the last three centuries, and make an imposing ap-
pearance. (See Armenia; Gregory Illuminator;
For the earliest history of the site of Etachmiadiin. see
Wbbcb, Dm katholischc Kirch* in Armenien (Freiburg, 1003);
Oelxer, Die Anfanoe der armenischen Kirche (1805). The
monastery is described at length by Brobsbt, Description
d* Etschmiadzin in Rev. Archiol. (1859), XV, 427-37; Etschmiad-
zin, ou la Rome des Armtniens in Rev. Gtntrale (1892), LV, 701-
24. See also Macdonald, The Land of Ararat (London, 1893);
IssAVtRDBNTS, Hist, de I Armenie (Venice, 1888); Idem, Ar-
menia and the Armenians (Venice, 1875); Tbr Grboor, History
of Armenia (London, 1897); Indbhidshian, AntiquiUs Armenu
ennes (Venice, 1835); Skrinb. The Expansion of Russia, 1815-
1900 (London, 1903). For the annals of the monastery see
Neve, Etude sur Thomas de Medzoph (d. 1448) in Journal Asi-
atique (Paris, 1855), VI, 22-81; Patcanian, LitUrature Ar-
Kirchenlex., IV, 942-43. For the manuscript treasures of the
monastery library see Karenian, Catal. des manuscrits de la
bibliotheque patriarchate d* Etschmiadzin (Tiflis, 1803); and for a
specimen of Armenian medieval illumination, Strsyoowsju,
Das Etschmiadzin Evangdiarium (Vienna, 1891).
J. P. Abendzen.
Euaria, a titular see of Phoenicia Secunda or U-
banensis, in Palestine. The true name of this city
seems to have been Hawarin; as such it appears in a
Syriac inscription of the fourth to the sixth century of
the Christian Era. According to Ptolemy (V. xiv) it
was situated in the Palmyrene province. Geomus
Cvprius calls it Euarios or Justinianopolis. The
"Not it i® episcopatuum" of the Patriarchate of Anti-
och (sixth century) gives it as a suffragan see of
'Damascus. [See Echos d'Orient, X (1907), 145.)
One of its bishops, Thomas, is known in 451 ; there is
some uncertainty about another, John, who lived a little
later (Lequien, Oriens christ., II, 847). It is to-day El
Hawarin, a large Mohammedan village, a three-hour
journey north of Karyatein and on the road from
Damascus to Palmyra ; there are still visible the ruins
of a Roman castellum and of a basilica. Euaria
(Hawarin) is to be distinguished from Hauara or
Havara, another titular see in Palsestina Tertia, south
of Petra.
Sachau, Rexse in Syrien und Mesopotamien, 63; Furrek in
Zeitschr. d. deutschen Palastina-Vereins, VIII. 28; Juluen,
Sinai et Syrie (Lille, 1803), 198.
S. Vailhe.
Eucarpia, a titular see of Phrygia Salutaris in Asia
Minor. Eucarpia (Efodpireia), mentioned by Strabo
(XII, 576) ana several other geographers, was situ-
ated on a road from Dorylseum to Eumenia, between
the Dorylseum- Acmonia and Dorylaeum-Synnada
roads, probably at the modern village of Emin Hissar,
in the vilayet of Brusa. The imposing ruins, seen by
Hamilton in 1837, have almost disappeared. Noth-
ing is known about the history of the city. It struck
its own coins from the time of Augustus till the reign
of Volusianus. The bishopric, being a suffragan of
Synnada, figures in the "Notitiae episcopatuum"
until the twelfth or thirteenth century. Six bishops
are known: Eugenius, present at the Council of
Nicsea (325), Auxomenus in 381, Cyriacus in 451,
Dion ysius in 536, Constantino or Constans in 787 (not
mentioned by Lequien), and Constantine in 879.
Lequien, Oriens christ. (Paris, 1740). I, 845; Hamilton.
Researches in Asia Minor, II, 100; Ramsay, The Cities and
Bishoprics of Phrygia (Oxford. 1805-07), 600-003. 700.
S. P£TRID&8.
Eucharist (Gr. d5xa/>wrfo, thanksgiving), the name
given to the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar under
its twofold aspect of sacrament and Sacrifice of the
Mass, and in which, whether as sacrament or sacrifice,
Jesus Christ is truly present under the appearances of
bread and wine. Other titles are used, such as the
"Lord's Supper" {Coma Domini), "Table of the Lord"
(Mensa Domini), the " Lord's Body" (Corpus Domini),
and the "Holy of Holies" (Sanctissimum), to which
may be added the following expressions, now obsolete
and somewhat altered from their primitive meaning:
" Agape "(Love-Feast), " Eulogia ' ' (Blessing), " Break-
ing of Bread", "Synaxis" (Assembly), etc.; but the
ancient title "Eucharistia", appearing in writers as
early as Ignatius, Justin, and Irenaeus, has taken pre-
cedence in the technical terminology of the Church
and her theologians. The expression "Blessed Sacra-
ment of the Altar", introduced by Augustine, is at the
present day almost entirely restricted to catechetical
EUCHARIST
573
EUCHARIST
and popular treatises. This extensive nomenclature)
describing the great mystery from such different
points of view, is in itself sufficient proof of the cjentral
position the Eucharist has occupied from the earliest
ages, both in the Divine worship and services of the
Church and in the life of faith and devotion which ani-
mates her members.
The Church honours the Eucharist as one of her
most exalted mysteries, since for sublimity and incom-
prehensibility it yields in nothing to the allied mys-
teries of the Trinity and Incarnation. These three
mysteries constitute a wonderful triad, which causes
the essential characteristic of Christianity, as a relig-
ion of mysteries far transcending the capabilities of
reason, to shine forth in all its brilliance and splendour,
and elevates Catholicism, the most faithful guardian
and keeper of our Christian heritage, far above all
pagan and non-Christian religions. The organic con-
nexion of this mysterious triad is clearly discerned, if
we consider Divine grace under the aspect of a per-
sonal communication of God. Thus in the bosom of
the Blessed Trinity, God the Father, by virtue of the
eternal generation, communicates His Divine Nature
to God the Son, "the only begotten Son who is in the
bosom of the Father" (John, i, 18), while the Son of
God, by virtue of the hypostatic union, communicates
in turn the Divine Nature received from His Father to
His human nature formed in the womb of the Virgin
Mary (John, i, 14), in order that thus as God-man,
hidden under the Eucharistic Species, He might de-
liver Himself to His Church, who, as a tender mother,
mystically cares for and nurtures in her own bosom
this, her greatest treasure, and daily places it before
her children as the spiritual food of their souls. Thus
the Trinity, Incarnation, and Eucharist are really
welded together like a precious chain, which in a won-
derful manner links heaven with earth, God with man,
, uniting them most intimately and keeping them thus
united. By the very fact that the Eucharistic mys-
tery does transcend reason, no rationalistic explana-
tion of it, based on a merely natural hypothesis and
seeking to comprehend one of the sublimest truths of
the Christian religion as the spontaneous conclusion of
logical processes, may be attempted by a Catholic
theologian.
The modern science of comparative religion is striv-
ing, wherever it can, to discover in pagan religions
" religio-historical parallels", corresponding to the
theoretical and practical elements of Christianity, and
thus by means of the former to give a natural explana-
tion of the latter. Even were an analogy discernible
between the Eucharistic repast and the ambrosia and
nectar ot the ancient Greek gods, or the haoma of the
Iranians, or the soma of the ancient Hindus, we should
nevertheless be very cautious not to stretch a mere
analogy to a parallelism strictly so called, since the
Christian Eucharist has nothing at all in common with
these pagan foods, whose origin is to be found in the
crassest idol- and nature-worship. What we do par-
ticularly discover is a new proof of the reasonableness
of the Catholic religion, from the circumstance that
Jesus Christ in a wonderfully condescending manner
responds to the natural craving of the human heart
after a food which nourishes unto immortality, a crav-
ing expressed in many pagan religions, by dispensing
to mankind His own Flesh and Blood. All that is
beautiful, all that is true in the religions of nature,
Christianity has appropriated to itself and like a con-
cave mirror has collected the dispersed and not unfre-
?|uently distorted rays of truth into their common
ocus and again sent them forth resplendently in per-
fect beams of light.
It is the Church alone, "the pillar and ground of
truth", imbued with and directed by the Holy Spirit,
that guarantees to her children through her infallible
teaching the full and unadulterated revelation of God.
Consequently, it is the first duty of Catholics to adhere
to what the Church proposes as the u proximate norm
of faith" (regula fidei proximo), which, in reference to
the Eucharist, is set forth in a particularly clear and
detailed manner in Sessions XIII, XXI, and XXII of
the Council of Trent. The quintessence of these doc-
trinal decisions consists in this, that in the Eucharist
the Body and Blood of the God-man are truly, really}
and substantially present for the nourishment of our
souls, by reason of the transubstantiation of the
bread and wine into the Body and Blood of Christ, and
that in this change of substances the unbloody Sacri-
fice of the New Testament is also contained. Since the
Eucharistic Sacrifice is to be treated in the article
Mass, there remain here for a more detailed considera-
tion two principal truths: (I) The Real Presence of
Christ in the Eucharist; and (II) The Eucharist as a
Sacrament.
I. The Real Presence of Christ in the Eucha-
rist.— In this section we shall consider, first, the fact of
the Real Presence, which is, indeed, the central dogma;
then the several allied dogmas grouped about it,
namely, the Totality of Presence, Transubstantia-
tion, Permanence of Presence and the Adorableness of
the Eucharist ; and, finally, the speculations of reason,
so far as speculative investigation regarding the au-
gust mystery under its various aspects is permissible,
and so far as it is desirable to illumine it by the light of
philosophy.
(1) The Real Presence as a Fact. — According to the
teaching of theology a revealed fact can be proved
solely by recurrence to the sources of faith, via. Scrip-
ture and Tradition, with which is also bound up the
infallible magisterium of the Church.
(a) Proof from Scripture. — This may be adduced
both from the words of promise (John, vi, 26 sqq.)
and. especially, from the words of Institution as re-
corded in the Synoptics and St. Paul (I Cor., xi, 23
sqq .) . By the miracles of the loaves and fishes and the
walking upon the waters, on the previous day, Christ
not only prepared His hearers tor the sublime dis-
course containing the promise of the Eucharist, but
also proved to them that He possessed, as Almighty
God-man, a power superior to and independent of the
laws of nature, and could, therefore, provide such a
supernatural food, none other, in fact, than His own
Flesh and Blood. This discourse was delivered at
Capharnaum (John, vi, 26-72), and is divided into two
distinct parts, about the relation of which Catholic
exegetes vary in opinion. Nothing hinders our inter-
preting the first part [John, vi, 26-48 (51)] metaphori-
cally and understanding by "bread of heaven ''Christ
Himself as the object of faith, to be received in a fig-
urative sense as a spiritual food by the mouth of faith.
Such a figurative explanation of the second part of the
discourse (John, vi, 52-72), however, is hot only un-
usual but absolutely impossible, as even Protestant
exegetes (Delitssch, Kostlin, Keil, Kahnis, and others)
readily concede. First of all the whole structure of
the discourse of promise demands a literal interpreta-
tion of the words: "eat the flesh of the Son of man,
and drink his blood". For Christ mentions a three-
fold food in His address, the manna of the past (John,
vi, 31, 32, 49, 59), the heavenly bread of the present
(John, vi, 32 sq.), and the Bread of Life of the future
(John, vi, 27, 52). Corresponding to the three kinds of
food and the three periods, there are as many dispen-
sers— Moses dispensing the manna, the Father nour-
ishing man's faith in the Son of God made flesh, finally
Christ giving His own Flesh and Blood. Although
the manna, a type of the Eucharist, was indeed eaten
with the mouth, it could not, being a transitory food,
ward off death. The second food, that offered by the
Heavenly Father, is the bread of heaven, which He dis-
penses hxc et nunc to the Jews for their spiritual nour-
ishment, inasmuch as by reason of the Incarnation He
holds up His Son to them as the object of their faith.
If, however, the third kind of food, which Christ Him-
n
EUCHARIST
574
EUCHARIST
self promises to give only at a future time, \s a new
refection, differing from the last-named food of faith,
it can be none other than His true Flesh and Blood, to
be really eaten and drunk in Holy Communion. This
is why Christ was so ready to use the realistic expres-
sion "to chew I' (John, vi, 54, 66. 58: rpifrycir) when
sneaking of this, His Bread of Lite, in addition to the
phrase, 'to eat" (John, vi, 51, 53: faytlp). Cardinal
Bellarmine (De Euchar., I, 3), moreover, calls atten-
tion to the fact, and rightly so, that if in Christ's mind
the manna was a figure of the Eucharist, the latter
must have been something more than merely blessed
bread, as otherwise the prototype would not substan-
tially excel the type . The same holds true of the other
figures of the Eucharist, as the bread and wine offered
by Melchisedech, the loaves of proposition (vanes pro-
Eltionis), the paschal lamb. The impossibility of a
rative interpretation is brought home more forci-
m by an analysis of the following text: "Except you
eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood,
you shall not have life in you. He that eateth my
flesh and drinketh my blood, hath everlasting life: and
I will raise him up m the last day. For mv flesh is
meat indeed: and my blood is drink indeed" (John,
vi, 54-56). It is true that even among the Semites,
and in Scripture itself, the phrase, "to eat some one's
flesh", has a figurative meaning, namely, "to perse-
cute, to bitterly hate some one . If, then, the words
of Jesus are to be taken figuratively, it would appear
that Christ had promised to His enemies eternal life
and a glorious resurrection in recompense for the in-
juries and persecutions directed against Him. The
other phrase, "to drink some one's blood", in Scrip-
ture, especially, has no other figurative meaning than
that of dire chastisement (cf. Is., xlix, 26; Apoc., xvi,
6); but, in the present text, this interpretation is just
as impossible here as in the phrase, "to eat some one's
flesh ". Consequently, eating and drinking are to be
understood of the actual partaking of Christ in person,
hence literally.
This interpretation agrees perfectly with the con-
duct of the hearers and the attitude of Christ regard-
ing their doubts and objections. Again, the murmur-
ing of the Jews is the clearest evidence that they had
understood the preceding words of Jesus literally
(John, vi, 53). Yet far from repudiating this con-
struction as a gross misunderstanding, Christ re-
peated them in a most solemn manner, in the text
quoted above (John, vi, 54 sqq.). In consequence,
many of His Disciples were scandalized ana said:
" This saying is hard, and who can hear it? " (John, vi,
61); but instead of retracting what He had said,
Christ rather reproached them for their want of faith,
by alluding to His sublimer origin and His future As-
cension into heaven. And without further ado He
allowed these Disciples to go their way (John, vi, 62
sqq.). Finally He turned to His twelve Apostles with
the question : " Will you also go away? " Then Peter
stepped forth and with humble faith replied: "Lord,
to whom shall we go? thou hast the words of eternal
life. And we have believed and have known, that
thou art the Christ, the Son of God" (John, vi, 68
sqq.)- The entire scene of the discourse and murmur-
ings against it proves that the Zwinglian and Anglican
interpretation of the passage, "It is the spirit that
quickeneth", etc., in the sense of a glossing over or
retractation, is wholly inadmissible. For in spite of
these words the Disciples severed their connexion with
Jesus, while the Twelve accepted with simple faith a
mystery which as yet they did not understand. Nor
did Christ say: " My flesh is spirit ", i. e. to be under-
stood in a figurative sense, but: "My words are
spirit and life". There are two views regarding the
sense in which this text is to be interpreted . Many of
the Fathers declare that the true Flesh of Jesus (*&pt)
is not to be understood as separated from His Divin-
ity (spiritus), and hence not in a cannibalistic sense,
but as belonging entirely to the supernatural economy.
The second and more scientific explanation asserts
that in the Scriptural opposition of flesh and blood"
to " spirit ", the former always signifies carnal-minded-
ness, the latter mental perception illumined by faith,
so that it was the intention of Jesus in this passage to
give prominence to the fact that the sublime mystery
of the Eucharist can be grasped in the light of super-
natural faith alone, whereas it cannot be understood
by the carnal-minded, who are weighed down under
the burden of sin. Under such circumstances it is not
to be wondered at that the Fathers and several oecu-
menical councils (Ephesus, 431 ; Nicsea, 787) adopted
the literal sense of the words, though it was not dog-
matically defined (cf. Council of Trent, Sess. XXI,
c. i). if it be true that a few Catholic theologians (as
Cajetan, Ruardus Tapper, Johann Hessel, and the
elder Jansenius) preferred the figurative interpreta-
tion, it was merely for controversial reasons, because
in their perplexity they imagined that otherwise the
claims of the Hussite and Protestant Utraquistsfor the
partaking of the Chalice by the laity could not be an-
swered by argument from Scripture. (Cf. Patrizi,
" De Christo pane vit® ", Rome, 1851 ; Schmitt, " Die
Verheissung der Eucharistie bei den Vatern", 2 vols.,
Wurzbure, 1900-03.)
The Church's Magna Charta, however, are the
words of Institution, "This is my body — this is my
blood ", whose literal meaning she nas uninterruptedly
adhered to from the earliest times. ,The Real Pres-
ence is evinced, positively, by showing the necessity of
the literal sense of these words, and negatively, by
refuting the figurative interpretations. As regards
the first, the very existence of four distinct narratives
of the Last Supper, divided usually into the Petrine
(Matt., xxvi, 26 sqq.; Mark, xiv, 22 sqq.) and the
double Pauline accounts (Luke, xxii, 19 sq.; I Cor.,
xi, 24 sq.), favours the literal interpretation. In spite
of their striking unanimity as regards essentials, the
Petrine account is simpler and clearer, whereas the
Pauline is richer in additional details and more in-
volved in its citation of the words that refer to the
Chalice. It is but natural and justifiable to expect
that, when four different narrators in different coun-
tries and at different times relate the words of Institu-
tion to different circles of readers, the occurrence of an
unusual figure of speech, as, for instance, that bread is
a sign of Christ's Body, would, somewhere or other,
betray itself, either in the difference of word-setting,
or in the unequivocal expression of the meaning really
intended, or at least in the addition of some such re-
mark as: "He spoke, however, of the sign of His
Body." But nowhere do we discover the slightest
ground for a figurative interpretation. If, then, the
natural, literal interpretation were false, the Scrip-
tural record alone would have to be considered as the
cause of a pernicious error in faith and of the grievous
crime of rendering Divine homage to bread (artoUUria)
— a supposition little in harmony with the character of
the four Sacred Writers or with the inspiration of the
Sacred Text. Moreover, we must not omit the very
important circumstance, that one of the four narrators
has interpreted his own account literally. This is St.
Paul (I Cor., xi, 27 sq.), who, in the most vigorous lan-
guage, brands the unworthy recipient as ° guilty of the
ody and of the blood of the Lord ". There can be no
question of a grievous offence against Christ Himself,
unless we suppose that the true Body- and the true
Blood of Christ are really present in the Eucharist.
Further, if we attend only to the words themselves,
their natural sense is so forceful and clear that even
Luther wrote to the Christians of Strasburg in 1524:
" I am caught, I cannot escape, the text is too forci-
ble" (De Wette, II, 577). The necessity of the nat-
ural sense is not based upon the absurd assumption
that Christ could not in general have resorted to the
use of figures, but upon* the evident requirement* of
EUCHARIST
575
XUOHARIST
the case, which demand that He did not, in a matte*
of such paramount importance, have recourse to mean-
ingless and deceptive metaphors. For figures enhance
the clearness of speech only when the figurative meaning
is obvious, either from the nature of the case (e. g. f rom
a reference to a statue of Lincoln, by saying: "This is
Lincoln") or* from the usages of common parlance
(e. g. in the case of this synecdoche: "This glass is
wine ") . Now, neither from the nature of the case nor
in common parlance is bread an apt or possible symbol
of the human body. Were one to say of a piece of
bread: "This is Napoleon", he would not be using a
figure, but uttering nonsense. There is but bne
means of rendering a symbol improperly so called
clear and intelligible, namely, by conventionally set-
tling beforehand what it is to signify, as, for instance, if
one were to say: " Let us imagine these two pieces of
bread before us to be Socrates and Plato". Christ,
however, instead of informing His Apostles that he
intended to use such a figure, told them rather the
contrary in the discourse containing the promise:
" the bread that I will give, is my flesh, for the life of
the world" (John, vi, 52). Such language, of course,
could be used only by a God-man; so that belief in the
Real Presence necessarily presupposes belief in the
true Divinity of Christ. The foregoing rules would of
themselves establish the natural meaning with cer-
tainty, even if the words of Institution, '"This is my
body — this is my blood", stood alone. But in the
original text corpus (body) and sanguis (blood) are
followed by significant appositional additions, the
Body being designated as "given for you" and the
Blood as 'shed for you [many]"; hence the Body
given to the Apostles was the selfsame Body that was
crucified on Good Friday, and the Chalice drunk by
them, the selfsame Blood that was shed on the Cross
for our sins. Therefore the above-mentioned apposi-
tional phrases directly exclude every possibility of a
figurative interpretation.
We reach the same conclusion from a consideration
of the concomitant circumstances, taking into account
both the hearers and the Institutor. Those who
heard the words of Institution were not learned Ra-
tionalists, possessed of the critical equipment that
would enable them, as philologists and logicians, to
analyse an obscure and mysterious phraseology; they
were simple, uneducated fishermen, from the ordinary
ranks of the people, who with childlike natveti hung
upon the words of their Master and with deep faith
accepted whatever He proposed to them. This child-
like disposition had to be reckoned with by Christ,
particularly on the eve of His Passion and Death,
when He made His last will and testament and spoke
as a dying father to His deeply afflicted children. In
such a moment of awful solemnity, the only appropri-
ate mode of speech would be one which, stripped of
unintelligible figures, made use of words corresponding
exactly to the meaning to be conveyed. It must be
remembered, also, that Christ as omniscient God-man,
must have foreseen the shameful error into which He
would have led His Apostles and His Church by adopt-
ing an unheard-of metaphor; for the Church down to
the present day appeals to the words of Christ in her
teaching and practice. If then she practises idolatry
by the adoration of mere bread and wine, this crime
must be laid to the charge of the God-man Himself.
Besides this, Christ intended to institute the Euchar-
ist as a most holy sacrament, to be solemnly cele-
brated in the Church even to the end of time. But the
content and the constituent parts of a sacrament had
to be stated with such clearness of terminology as to
exclude categorically every error in liturgy and wor-
ship. As may be gathered from the words of conse-
cration of the Chalice, Christ established the New
Testament in His Blood, just as the Old Testament
had been established in the typical blood of animals
. (cf. Ex., xxiv, 8; Heb., ix, 11 sqq.). With the true
instinct of justice, jurists prescribe that in all debate
able points the words of a will must be taken in their
natural; literal sense; for they are led by the correct
conviction, that every testator of sound mind, in
drawing up his last will and testament, is deeply con-
cerned to nave it done in language at once clear and
unencumbered by meaningless metaphors. Now,
Christ, according to the literal purport of His testa-
ment, has left us as a precious legacy, not mere bread
and wine, but His Bocfy and Blood. Are we justified,
then, in contradicting Him to His face and exclaiming:
" No, this is not your Body, but mere bread, the sign
of your Body!"
The refutation of the so-called Sacramentarians, a
name given by Luther to those who opposed the Real
Presence, evinces as clearly the impossibility 6f a fig-
urative meaning. Once the manifest literal sense is
abandoned, occasion is given to interminable contro-
versies about the meaning of an enigma which Christ
supposedly offered His followers for solution. There,
were no limits to the dispute in the sixteenth century,
for at that time Christopher Rasperger wrote a whole
book on some 200 different interpretations: " Ducentse
verborum, 'Hoc est corpusmeum* interpretationes"
(Ingolstadt, 1577). In this connexion we must re-
strict ourselves to an examination of the most current
and widely known distortions of the literal sense,
which were the butt of Luther's bitter ridicule even as
early as 1527. The first group of interpreters, with
Zwingli, discovers a figure m the copula est and rend-
ers it :/' This signifies {est = significat) my Body ' \ In
proof of this interpretation, examples are quoted from
Scripture, as: "The seven kine are seven years"
(Gen., xh, 26) or: "Sara and Agar are the two cove-
nants" (Gal., iv, 24). Waiving the question whether
the verb "to be" (esse, elnu) of itself can ever be
used as the "copula in a figurative relation" (Weiss)
or express the " relation of identity in a metaphorical
connexion" (Heinrici), which most logicians deny, the
fundamental principles of logic firmly establish this
truth, that all propositions may be divided into two
great categories, of which the first and most compre-
hensive denominates a thing as it is in itself (e.g. " Man
is a rational being"), whereas the second designates a
thing according as it is used as a sign of something
else (e. g. " This picture is my father"). To determine
whether a speaker intends the second manner of ex-
pression, there are four criteria, whose joint concur-
rence alone will allow the verb "to be to have the
meaning of ' ' signify ". Abstracting from the three cri-
teria, mentioned aoove, which have reference either to
the nature of the case, or to the usages of common par-
lance, or to some convention previously agreed upon,
there remains a fourth and last of decisive significance,
namely: when a complete substance is predicated of
another complete substance, there can exist no logical
relation of identity between them, but only the rela-
tion of similarity, inasmuch as the first is an image,
sign, symbol, of the other. Now this last-named cri-
terion is inapplicable to the Scriptural examples
brought forward by the Zwinglians, and especially so
in regard to their interpretation of the words of Insti-
tution: for the words are not: "This bread is my
Body ", but indefinitely: " This is my Body ' \ In the
history of the Zwinglian conception of the Lord's
Supper, certain "sacramental expressions" (locutiones
sacramentales) of the Sacred Text, regarded as parallel-
isms of the words of Institution, have attracted con-
siderable attention. The first is to be found in I Cor.,
x, 4 : " And the rock was [signified] Christ ' '. Yet it is
evident that, if the subject rock is taken in its materia]
sense, the metaphor, according to the fourth criterion
just mentioned, is as apparent as in the analogous
phrase: "Christ is the vine". If, however, the word
rock in this passage isstrippedof all that is material, it
may be understood in a spiritual sense, because the
Apostle himself is speaking of that "spiritual rock"
EUCHARIST
576
EUCHARIST
(petra sjriritalis), which in the Person of the Word in
an invisible manner ever accompanied the Israelites in
their journeyings and supplied them with. a spiritual
fountain of waters. According to this explanation
the copula would here retain its meaning " to be ' \ A
nearer approach taa parallel with the words of Institu-
tion is found apparently in the so-called "sacramental
expressions": "Hoc est pactum meum" (Gen,, xvii,
10), and "est enim Phase Domini" (Ex., xii, 11). It
is well known how Zwingli by a clever manipulation of
the latter phrase succeeded in one day in winning over
to his interpretation the entire Catholic population of
Zurich. And yet it is clear that no parallelism can be
discerned between the aforesaid expressions and the
words* of Institution; no real parallelism, because
there is question of entirely different matters. Not
even a verbal parallelism can be pointed out, since in
both texts of tne Old Testament the subject is a cere-
mony (circumcision in the first case, and the rite of the
paschal lamb in the second), while the predicate in-
volves a me/e abstraction (covenant, Passover of the
Lord). A more weighty consideration is this, that on
closer investigation the copula est will be found to re-
tain its proper meaning of "is" rather than "signi-
fies". For just as the circumcision not only signified
the nature or object of the Divine covenant, but really
was such, so the rite of the paschal lamb was really the
Passover (Phase) or Pasch, instead of its mere repre-
sentation. It is true that in certain Anglican circles it
was formerly the custom to appeal to the supposed
poverty of the Aramaic tongue, which was spoken by
Christ in the company of His Apostles: for it was
maintained that no word could be found in this lan-
guage corresponding to the concept " to signify ' \ Yet,
even prescinding from the fact that in the Aramaic
tongue the copula est is usually omitted and that such
an omission rather makes for its strict meaning of "to
be", Cardinal Wiseman (Hone Syriac®, Rome, 1828,
pp. 3-73) succeeded in producing no less than forty
Syriac expressions conveying the meaning of "to
signify" and thus effectually exploded the myth of the
Semitic tongue's limited vocabulary.
A second group of Sacramentarians, with (Ecolam-
padius, shifted tne diligently sought-for metaphor to
the concept contained in the predicate corpus, giving
to the latter the sense of "signum corporis", so that
the words of Institution were to be rendered : " This is
a sign [svmbol, image, type] of my Body". ^ Essen-
tially tallying with the Zwinglian interpretation, this
new meaning is eaually untenable. In all the lan-
guages of the world the expression "my body" desig-
nates a person's natural body, not the mere sign or
symbol of that body. True it is that the Scriptural
words "Body of Christ" not unfrequently have the
meaning of "Church", which is called the mystical
Body of Christ, a figure easily and always discernible
as such from the text or context (cf . Col., i, 24). This
mystical sense, however, is impossible in the words of
Institution, for the simple reason that Christ did not
give the Apostles His Church to eat, but His Body,
and that " body and blood ' ', by reason of their real and
logical association, cannot be separated from one an-
other, and hence are all the less susceptible of a figura-
tive use. The case would be different if the reading
were: "This is the bread of my Body, the wine of my
Blood ' '. In order to prove at least this much, that the
contents of the Chalice are merely wine and, conse-
quently, a mere sign of the Blood, Protestants have
recourse to the text of St. Matthew, who relates that
Christ, after the completion of the Last Supper, de-
clared: "1 will not drink from henceforth of this fruit
of the vine [genimen iritis]" (Matt., xxvi, 29). It is to
be noted that St. Luke (xxii, 18 sqq.), who is chrono-
logically more exact, places these words of Christ be-
fore his account of the Institution, and that the true
Blood of Christ may with right still be called (conse-
crated) wine, on the one hand, because the Blood was
partaken of after the manner in which wine Is drunk,
and, on the other, because the Blood continues to exist
under the outward appearances of the wine. . In its
multifarious wanderings from the old beaten path,
being consistently forced with the denial of Christ's
Divinity to abandon faith in the Real Presence -
also, modern criticism seeks to account for the text
along other lines. With utter arbitrariness, doubting
whether the words of Institution originated from the
mouth of Christ, it traces them to St. Paul as their
author, in whose ardent soul something original sup-
posedly mingled with his subjective reflections on the
value attached to "Body" and on the "repetition of
the Eucharistic banquet . From this troubled foun-
tain-head the words of Institution first found their
way into the Gospel of St. Luke and then, by way of
addition, were woven into the texts of St. Matthew
and St. Mark. It stands to reason that the latter as-
sertion is nothing more than a wholly unwarrantable .
conjecture, which may be passed over as gratuitously
as it was advanced. It is, moreover, essentially un-
true that the value attached to the Sacrifice and the
repetition of the Lord's Supper are mere reflections of
St. Paul, since Christ attached a sacrificial value to
His Death (cf. Mark, x, 45) and celebrated His Eu-
charistic Supper in connexion with the Jewish Pass-
over, which itself had to be repeated every year. As
regards the interpretation of the words of Institution,
there are at present three modern explanations con-
tending for supremacy — the symbolical, the paraboli-
cal, and the escbatofogical. According to the sym-
bolical interpretation, corpus is supposed to desig-
nate the Church as tne mystical Body and sanguis
the New Testament. We have already rejected
this last meaning as impossible. For is it the
Church that is eaten and the New Testament that is
drunk? Did St. Paul brand the partaking of the
Church and of the New Testament as a heinous offence
committed against the Body and Blood of Christ?
The case is not much better in regard to the paraboli-
cal interpretation, which would discern in the pouring
out of the wine a mereparable of the shedding of the
Blood on the Cross. This again is a purely arbitrary
explanation, an invention, unsupported by any objec-
tive foundation. Then, too, it would follow from
analogy, that the breaking of the bread was a parable
of the slaying of Christ's Body, a meaning utterly in-
conceivable. Rising as it were out of a dense fog and
labouring to take on a definite form, the incomplete
eschatological explanation would make the Eucharist '
a mere anticipation of the future heavenly banquet.
Supposing the truth of the Real Presence, this con-
sideration might be open to discussion, inasmuch as'
the partaking of the Bread of Angels is really the fore-
taste of eternal beatitude and the anticipated trans-
formation of earth into heaven. But as implying a
mere symbolical anticipation of heaven and a mean-
ingless manipulation of unconsecrated bread and wine,
the eschatological interpretation is diametrically op-
posed to the text and finds not the slightest support in
the life and character of Christ.
Concerning the entire matter, aee Hkhn, Die Eineetrung dee
Abendmahle ale Beweie /fir die Gottheti Chrieti (WOnburg. 1900);
Berninq, Die Einsetzung der hi. Eucharutie in ihrer ureprunq-
lichen Form (M a aster, 1001); Koch, Die neuteetatnenti. Abend-
mahleberichte und die neueete Abendmahlefonchung in Ttibinger
Theol. QuartaUchrift (1005), pp. 230 sqq.; Seebkro, Das Abend-
mahl im Neuen Testament (Berlin. 1905): also Loors, AbtndmaH
\u Realencyklopadie fUr prot. Theol.; Zfrrz, Die AbendmakU-
jtagt in ihrer geschichlL Entwickelung (Leipzig, 1904).
(b) Proof from Tradition. — As for the cogency of
the argument from tradition, this historical tact is of
decided significance, namely, that the dogma of the
Real Presence remained, properly speaking, unmo-
lested down to the time of the heretic Berengarius of
Tours (d. 1088), and so could claim even at that time
the uninterrupted possession of ten centuries. In the
course of the dogma's history there arose in general
IUOHARIST
577
EUOHARI8T
three great Eucharistic controversies, the first of
which, oegun by Paschasius Radbertus, in the ninth
century, scarcely extended beyond the limits of his
audience and concerned itself solely with the philoso-
phical question, whether the' Eucharistic body of
Christ is identical with the natural Body He had in
Palestine and now has in heaven. Such a numerical
identity could well have been denied by Ratramnus,
Rabanus Maurus, Ratherius, Lanfranc, and others,
since even nowadays a true, though accidental, distinc-
tion between the sacramental and the natural condi-
tion of Christ's Body must be rigorously maintained.
The first occasion for an official procedure on the part
of the Church was offered when Berengarius of Tours,
influenced by the writings of Scotus Eriugena (d.
about 884), the first opponent of the Real Presence,
rejected both the latter truth and that of Transubstan-
tiation. He repaired, however, the public scandal he
had given by a sincere retractation made in the presence
of Pope Gregory; VII at a synod held in Rome in 1079,
and died reconciled to the Church. The third and the
sharpest controversy was that opened by the Refor-
mation in the sixteenth century, m regard to which it
must be remarked that Luther was the only one
among the Reformers who still, clung to the old Cath-
olic doctrine, and, though subjecting it to manifold
misrepresentations, defended it most tenaciously. He
was diametrically opposed by Zwingli of Zurich, who,
as was seen above, reduced the Eucharist to an empty,
meaningless symbol. Having gained over to his views
such friendly contemporary partisans as Carlstadt,
Bucer. and (Ecolampadius, he later on secured influen-
tial allies in the Arminians, Mennonites, Socinians,
and Anglicans, and even to-day the rationalistic con-
ception of the doctrine of the Lord's Supper does not
diner substantially from that of the Zwinglians. In
the meantime, at Geneva, Calvin was cleverly seeking
to bring about a compromise between the extremes of
the Lutheran literal and the Zwinglian figurative in-
terpretations, by suggesting instead of the substantial
presence in one case or the merely symbolical in the
other, a certain mean, i. e. " dynamic ", presence, which
consists essentially in this, that at the moment of re-
ception, the efficacy of Christ's Body and Blood is
communicated from heaven to the souls of the predes-
tined and spiritually nourishes them. Thanks to
Melanchthon s pernicious and dishonest double-deal-
ing, this attractive intermediary position of Calvin
made such an impression even in Lutheran circles that
it was not until the Formula of Concord in 1577 that
the " crypto-Calvmistic venom" was successfully re-
jected from the body of Lutheran doctrine. The
Council of Trent met these widely divergent errors of
the Reformation with the dogmatic definition, that
the God-man is "truly, really, and substantially''
present under the appearances of bread and wine,
purposely intending thereby to oppose the expression
vere to Zwingli's swnutn, realiter to (Ecolampadius's
figura, and essentialiter to Calvin's virtus (Seas. XIII,
can. i). And this teaching of the Council of Trent has
ever been and is now the unwavering position of the
whole of Catholic Christendom.
As regards the doctrine of the Fathers, it is not pos-
sible in the present article to multiply patristic texts,
which are usually characterised by wonderful beauty
and clearness. Suffice it to say that, besides the
Didache (ix, x, xiv), the most ancient Fathers, as
Ignatius (Ad. Smyrn., vii; Ad. Ephes., xx; Ad. Philad.,
iv), Justin (Apol., I, lxvi), Irenseus (Adv. Hser., IV,
xvii, 5; IV, xvui, 4; V, ii, 2), Tertullian (De resurrect,
earn., viii; De pudic.,ix; De orat.{ xix; De bapt., xvi),
and Cyprian (De orat. dom., xviii; De lapsis, xvi), at-
test without the slightest shadow of a misunderstand-
ing what is the faith of the Church, while later patristic
theology bears witness to the dogma in terms that ap-
proach exaggeration, as Gregory of Nyssa (Orat.
catech , xxxvii), Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech. my St., iv,
V.-37
2 sqq.), and especially the Doctor of the Eucharist,
Chrysostom [Horn, lxxxii (lxxxiii), in Matt., 1 sqq.;
Horn, xlvi, in Joan., 2 sqq.; Horn, xxiv, in I Cor,, 1
sqq.: Horn, ix, de pcenit., 1], to whom may be added
the Latin Fathers, Hilary (De Trinit., VlII, iv, 13)
and Ambrose (De myst., viii, 49; ix, 51 sq.). Concern-
ins the Syriac Fathers, see Th. Lamy. De Syrorum
fide in re eucharistica " (Xouvain, 1859). The position
held by St. Augustine is at present the subject of a
spirited controversy, since the adversaries of the
Church rather confidently maintain that he favoured
their side of the question in that he was an out-and-out
"Symbolist". In the opinion of Loofs ("Dogmen-
geschichte", 4th ed., Halle, 1906, p. 409), St. Augus-
tine never gives the " reception of the true Body and
Blood of Christ" a thought; and this view Ad. Har-
nack (Dogmengeschichte, 3rd ed., Freiburg, 1897, III,
148) emphasizes when he declares that St. Augustine
"undoubtedly was one in this respect with the so-
called pre-Reformation and with Zwingli", Against
this rather hasty conclusion Catholics first of all ad-
vance the undoubted fact that Augustine demanded
that Divine worship should be rendered to the Eucha-
ristic Flesh (In Ps. xxxiii, enarr., i, 10), and declared
that at the Last Supper " Christ held and carried Him-
self in His own hands" (In Ps. xcviii, n. 9). They
insist, and rightly so; that it is not fair to separate this
great Doctor s teaching concerning the Eucharist from
his doctrine of the Holy Sacrifice, since he clearly and
unmistakably asserts that the true Body and Blood
are offered in the Holy Mass. The variety of extreme
views just mentioned requires that an attempt be
made at a reasonable and unbiased explanation, whose
verification is to be sought for and found in the ac-
knowledged fact that a gradual process of develop-
ment took place in the mind of St. Augustine. No
one will deny that certain expressions occur in Augus-
tine as forcibly realistic as those of Tertullian and
Cyprian or of his intimate literary friends, Ambrose,
Optatus of Mileve, Hilary, and Chrysostom. On the
other hand, it is beyond question that, owing to the
determining influence of Origen and the Platonic
philosophy, which, as is well known, attached but
slight value to visible matter and the sensible phe-
nomena of the world, Augustine did not refer what
was properly real (res) in the Blessed Sacrament to the
Flesh of Christ (caro), but transferred it to the quick-
ening principle \spiritu8)} i. e. to the effects produced
by a worthy Communion. A logical conseauence of
this was that he allowed to caro, as the vehicle and
antitype of res, not indeed a mere symbolical worth,
but at Dest a transitory, intermediary, and subordinate
worth (signum), and placed the Flesh and Blood of
Christ, present under the appearances (figure*) of
bread and wine, in too decided an opposition to His
natural, historical Body. Since Augustine was a
strenuous defender of personal co-operation and effort
in the work of salvation and an enemy to mere me-
chanical activity and superstitious routine, he omitted
insisting upon a lively faith in the real personality of
Jesus in the Eucharist, and called attention to the
spiritual efficiency of the Flesh of Christ instead. His
mental vision was fixed, not so much upon the saving
caro, as upon the spiritus, which alone possessed worth.
Nevertheless a turning-point occurred in his life. The
conflict with Pelagiamsm and the diligent perusal of
Chrysostom freed him from the bondage of Platonism,
and he thenceforth attached to caro a separate, indi-
vidual value independent of that of spt'rtfue, going so
far, in fact, as to maintain too strongly that the Com-
munion of children was absolutely necessary to salva-
tion. If, moreover, the reader finds in some of the
other Fathers difficulties, obscurities, and a certain
inaccuracy of expression, this may be explained on
three general grounds: (1) because of the peace and
security there is in their possession of the Church's
truth, whence resulted a certain want of accuracy in
EUCHARIST 578 EUCHARIST
their terminology; (2) because of the Strictness with NAom, Ratramnus und die hi. Eveharietie (Vienna, 1903);
whfch the DMcipfcne of the Secret, exprewW concerned *SSSR tiSZK&SXSL &£££&&&£
with the Holy Eucharist, was maintained m the East 1894), III. pp. 278 aqq.; Mohlbr, Symbol* (Mains, 1884).
Until the end of the fifth, in the West down to the jt 35, 66 68; B6hm. KonfmsioneUe Lehraeaeneatte (HiMeaheim.
middleof thesixth, century; (3) because of the prefer- ^tflfb?^ SSSISSSI^^ SslT STfe
ence of many Fathers for the allegorical interpretation pkuiu de la foi de I'BoHee umehant I'Bucharittie, Vols. I and IF
Of Scripture, which was especially in VOgue in the fey Nicole and Ahnauld (Paris. 1669-1674), .Vol*. IV and V by
AWnnririan SUhnnl (CAvmont nf AlAvanHrm Orim»n RaNAUDOT (Pans, 1711-1713); Corblet. HteUnre du eaerement
Aiexananan ocnooi ^uiement 01 Alexandria, ungen, ^r^ucaarirtie (2 vols., Paris, 1885); Struckmann, Die Geo**.
Cyril), but which found a salutary Counterpoise m the wart Chrieti in der hi. Bucharietie naeh den •chriftlichen Quelle*
emphasis laid on the literal interpretation by the der vornic&nisehen Zeil (Vienna, 1905); BfcouiNOT, La t#9-
School of Antioch (Theodore of jfopsucrtia, theo- &f «S&&SKH2 tf&SjSJ^J&ffiK
doret). Since, however, the allegorical sense of the 1885); Batiitol, Etude* cTHistoire et de Thiologie positive, Vol.
Alexandrians did not exclude the literal, but rather H- UBuchiriUie, la *%*ence rieUe et la Traneeubetantiation
supposed it as a working basis the realistic phrase- j£&2g» frSSStf^dtt SSSJtt tZ
Ology Of Clement (Psed., I, Vl), of Olgen (Contra hi. Augulin (Paderbom, 1908): Weber, Die romiechen Kata-
Celsum, VIII, xiii, 32; Hom. ix, in Levit., x), and of *?*^» (?nd ed-JUtisbpn, 1900):Khaus, RomaeoUerranea (3rd
Pirril rtn Ma** Wvi mni' Pnn*«i N«rfiir TV K\ **•• Freiburg, 1901): Wilpbrt, Die Malereien der Katakomben
Cyril (in Matt., xxyi, xxvu, Uontra INestor., IV, &J Rom8 ^ y^t Frwburg, 1903); Kaufman**, Handbuch dew
concerning the Real Presence is readily accounted for. chrisUichen Anhaologie (Paderborn, 1905).
(For the solution of patristic difficulties, see Pohle, ,«*-,.-,,. . , « • r*
"Dogmatik", 3rd ed., Paderborn, 1908, III, 209 sqq.) m (2) **• Totality of the Real Presence.— In order to
The argument from tradition is supplemented and forestall at the very outset the unworthy notion, thai
completed by the argument from prescription, which m the Eucharist we receive merely the Body and
traces the constant belief in the dogma of the Real merely the Blood of Christ but not Christ m His en-
Presence through the Middle Ages back to the early tirety, the Council of Trent defined the Real Presence
Apostolic Church, and thus proves the anti-Eucharistic £ be such *? to include with Christ's Body and Blood
heresies to have been capricious novelties and violent His Soul and Divinity as well. A strictly logical con-
ruptures of the true faith as handed down from the elusion from the words of promise: "he that eateth
beginning. Passing over the interval that has elapsed me» the same also shall live by me ", this Totality of
since the Reformation, as this period receives its entire P???110? was als° the constant property of tradition,
character from the Council of Trent, we have for the ^nich characterized the partaking of separated parte
time of the Reformation the important testimony of of Jh* Saviour as a sarcophagy (flesh-eating) alto-
Luther (Wider etliche Rottengeister, 1532) for the fact 8?ther derogatory to God. Although the separation
that the whole of Christendom then believed in the of the Body, Blood, Soul, and Ix>gos, is, absolutely
Real Presence. And this firm, universal belief can be «peaking, within the almighty power of God, yet their
traced back uninterruptedly to Berengarius of Tours actual lnsenarability is firmly established by the dog-
(d. 1088), in fact-omitting the sole exception of ma of the indissolubility of the hypostatic union of
Scotus Eriugena— to Paschasius Radbertus (831). Christ's Divinity and Humanity. In case the Apoe-
On these grounds, therefore, we may proudly main- ties had celebrated the Lord's Supper during the Bri-
tain that the Church has been in legitimate possession *"»» morta (the time during which Christ's Body was
of this dogma for fully eleven centuries. WhenPhotius m the tomb), when a real separation took place be-
started the Greek Schism in 869, he took over to his tween the constitutive elements of Christ, there would
Church the inalienable treasure of the Catholic Eu- have been really present in tfceSacred Host only the
charist, a treasure which the Greeks, in the negotia- bloodless, manimate Body of Christ as it lay in the
tions for reunion at Lyons in 1274 and at Florence in tomb, and m the Chalice only the Blood separated from
1439, could show to be still intact, and which they His Body and absorbed by the earth as it was shed,
vigorously defended in the schismatieal Synod of Jeru- both the Body and the Blood, however, remaining
salem (1672) against the sordid machinations of the hyDostatically united to His Divinity, while His Soul,
Calvinistic-minded Cyril Lucar, Patriarch of Constan- *nich sojourned m Limbo, would have remained en-
tinople (1629). From this it follows conclusively that tirely excluded from the Euchanstic presence. This
the Catholic dogma must be much older than the unreal though not .impossible, hypothesis, , u iwell cal-
Eastern Schism under Photius. In fact, even the Nes- culated to throw light upon the essential difference
torians and Monophysites, who broke away from designated by the Council of Trent (Sess. XIII, c. ui),
Rome in the fifth century, have, as is evident from between the meanings of the words ex w verborum &nd
their literature and liturgical books, preserved their P" conc^n^nttam. By virtue of the words of Con-
faith in the Eucharist as unwaveringly as the Greeks, secratipn, or ex m verborum, that only is made present
and this in spite of the dogmatic difficulties which, on which is expressed by the words of Institution, namely
account of their denial of the hypostatic union, stood the Body and the Blood of Christ. But by reason of a
in the way of a clear and correct notion of the Real natural concomitance (per ccwcawtton/uim), there be-
Presence. Therefore the Catholic dogma is at least as p0*** sunultaneously present all that which is phys-
old as Nestorianism (431 a. d.). But is it not of even "^Y inseparable from the parts just named, and
greater antiquity? To decide this question one has *hicn mi"fe *rom a natural connexion with them,
only to examine the oldest Liturgies of the Mass, »*"*?* l^their accompaniment. Now, the glorified
whose essential elements date back to the time of the a™*! ^ 'dieth now no more" (Rom., vi, 9), has
an animate Body through whose veins courses His
food under the symbol of a fish (see Eucharist, Early [j0* H» who.le HuJraan,I.tv. *k°' .^d>by. virtue .of th*
Symbols of the), to decipher the famous Inscription hypostatic union, His Divinity, i. e. Christ whole and
of Abercius (see Aberciub, Inscription of) of the «£tire> must be D™*nt. Hence Christ w present in
second century, which, though composed under the the sacrament with His Flesh and Blood, Body and
influence of the Discipline of the Secret, plainly attests Soid^ Humanity and Divmity.
the faith of that age. And thus the argument from ,. Th* general and fundamental prmciple, which en-
prescription carrie? us back to the dim and distant tirely a^racte from the duality of the species, must
past and thence to the time of the Apostles, who in nevertheless, be extended to each of the species of
turn could have received their faith in the Real Pres- bread and wine. For we do not receive in the Sacred
ence from no one but Christ Himself. 5°^ u"C **"* °f T?"81 ?Tum ** \?j the other, as
On the anrument from tuition, cf. Ebnjt. Die Lehre dm though OUT receotion of the totality depended upon
fruchosius Radbertue von der Eveharietie (Freiburg, 1896); our partaking of both forms; on the contrary, under
IUOHABIST 579 EUCHARIST
the appearance of bread alone, as well as under the tion of the Latin theologians, who were stimulated to
appearance of wine alone, we receive Christ whole and work it out in complete logical form by the three
entire (cf Council of Trent, Sess. XIII, can. iii) .This. Eucharistic controversies mentioned above The
the only reasonable conception, finds its Scriptural term transubstantiation seems to have been first used
verification in the fact, that St. Paul (I Cor., xi, 27, 29) by Hildebert of Tours (about 1079)* His encouraging
attaches the same guilt "of the body and the blood of example was soon followed by other theologians, as
the Lord" to the unworthy "eating or drinking", Stephen of Autun (d. 1139). Gaufred (1188), and Peter
understood in a disjunctive sense, as he does to "eat- of Blois (d. about 1200), whereupon several cecumeni-
ing and drinking", understood in a copulative sense, cal councils also adopted this significant expression, as
The traditional foundation for this is to be found in the the Fourth Council of the Lateran (1215), and the
testimony of the Fathers and of the Church's liturgy, Council of Lyons (1274), in the profession of faith of
according to which the glorified Saviour can be present the Greek Emperor Michael Palteologus. The Council
on our altars only in His totality and integrity, and of Trent (Sess. XIII. cap. iv : can. ii) nob only accepted
not divided into parts or distorted to the form of a as an inheritance of faith the truth contained in the
monstrosity. It follows, therefore, that supreme idea, but authoritatively confirmed the " aptitude of
adoration is separately due to the Sacred Host and to the term" to express most strikingly the legitimately
the consecrated contents of the Chalice. On this last developed doctrinal concept. In a closer logical analy-
truth are based especially the permissibility and in- sis of Transubstantiation, we find the first and funda-
trinsic propriety of Communion only under one kind mental notion to be that of conversion, which may be
for the laity and for priests not celebrating Mass (see defined as " the transition of one thing into another in
Communion under Both Kinds). But in particular- some aspect of being". As is immediately evident,
izing upon the dogma, we are naturally led to the conversion (conversio) is something more than mere
further truth, that, at least after the actual division of change (mutatio). Whereas in mere changes one of
either Species into parts, Christ is present in each part the two extremes may be expressed negatively, as,
in His full and entire essence. If the Sacred Host be e. g., in the change of day and night, conversion re-
broken into pieces or if the consecrated Chalice be quires two positive extremes, which are related to each
drunk in small quantities, Christ in His entirety is other as thing to thing, and must have, besides, such
present in each particle and in each drop. By the an intimate connexion with each other, that the last
restrictive clause, separations factd, the Council of extreme (terminus ad quern) begins to be only as the
Trent (Sess. XIII, can. iii) rightly raised this truth to first (terminus a ouo) ceases to be, as, e. g., in the con-
the dignity of a dogma. While from Scripture we version of water into wine at Cana. A third element is
may only judge it improbable that Christ consecrated usually required, known # as the commune tertium,
separately eacn particle of the bread He had broken, which, even after conversion has taken place, either
we know with certainty, on the other hand, that He physically or at least logically unites one extreme to
blessed the entire contents of the Chalice and then the other; for in every true conversion the following
gave it to His disciples to be partaken of distributively condition must be fulfilled: " What was formerly A, is
(cf . Matt., xxvi, 27 sq. ; Mark, xiv, 23). It is only on now B." A very important question suggests itself as
the basis of the Tridentine dogma that we can under- to whether the definition should further postulate the
stand how Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech. myst. v, n. 21) previous non-existence of the last extreme, for it
obliged communicants to observe the most scrupulous seems strange that an existing terminus a quo{ A,
care in conveying the Sacred Host to their mouths, so should be converted into an already existing terminus
much in the small fragment as in the whole "j how the ably in some manner newty exist, just as the terminus
different liturgies assert the abiding integrity of the a quo must in some manner really cease to exist. Yet
" indivisible Lamb", in spite of the " division of the as the disappearance of the latter is not attributable to
Host1'; and, finally, how in actual practice the faith- annihilation properly so called, so there is no need of
ful partook of the broken particles of the Sacred Host postulating creation, strictly so called, to explain the
and: drank in common from the same cup. termer's coming into existence. The idea of conver-
While the three foregoing theses contain dogmas of sion is amply realized if the following condition is f ul-
faith, there is a fourth proposition which is merely a filled, vis., that a thine which already existed in sub-
theological conclusion, namely, that even before the stance, acquires an altogether new and previously
actual division of the Species. Christ is present wholly non-existing mode of being. Thus in the resurrection
and entirely in each particle of the still unbroken of the dead, the dust of the human bodies will be truly
Host and in each drop of the collective contents of the converted1 into the bodies of the risen by their previ-
Chalice. For were not Christ present in His entire ously existing souls, just as at death they had been
Personality in every single particle of the Eucharistic truly converted into corpses by the departure of the
Species even before their division took place, we should souls. This much as regards the general notion of con-
be forced to conclude that it is the process of dividing version. Transubstantiation, however, is not a con-
which brings about the Totality of Presence, whereas version simply so called, but a substantial conversion
according to the teaching of the Church the operative (conversio substantialis), inasmuch as one thing is «u6-
cause of the Real and Total Presence is to be found in stantiaUy or essentially converted into another. Thus
Transubstantiation alone. No doubt this last conclu- from the concept of Transubstantiation is excluded
sion directs the attention of philosophical and scien- every sort of merely accidental conversion, whether it
tific inquiry to a mode of existence peculiar to the be purely natural (e. g. the metamorphosis of insects)
Eucharistic Body, which is contrary to the ordinary or supernatural (e. g. the Transfiguration of Christ on
laws of experience. It is, indeed, one of those sublime Mount Tabor). Finally, Transubstantiation differs
mysteries, concerning which speculative theology at- from every other substantial conversion in this, that
tempts to offer various solutions [see below under (5)). only the substance is converted into another — the acci-
(3) Transubstantiation. — Before proving dogmata- dents remaining the same— just as would be the case if
cally the fact of the substantial change nere under wood were miraculously converted into iron, the sub-
consideration, we must first outline its history and stance of the iron remaining hidden under the external
nature, (a) The scientific development of the concept appearance of the wood.
of Transubstantiation can hardly be saict to be a prod- The application of the foregoing to the Eucharist is
-uct of the Greeks, who did not get beyond its more an easy matter. First of all the notion of conversion
general notes; rather, it is the remarkable contribu- is verified m the Eucharist, not only in general, but in
EUCHARIST 580 XUOHARIST
ftU its essential details. For we have the two extremes Body with the substance of the bread. He would not
of conversion, namely, bread and wine as the terminus have expressed a simple identity between hoc and
a quo, and the Body and Blood of Christ as the termi- corpus by means of the copula est, but would have
nus ad quern. Furthermore, the intimate connexion resorted to some such expression as: " This bread con-
between the cessation of one extreme and the appear- tains my body", or, "In this bread is my body."
ance of the other seems to be preserved by the fact, Had He desired to constitute bread the sacramental
that both events are the results, not of two independ- receptacle of His Body, He would have had to state
ent processes, as, e. g. annihilation and creation, but this expressly, for neither from the nature of the case
of one single act, since, according to the purpose of the nor according to common parlance can a piece of bread
Almighty, the substance of the bread and wine departs be made to signify the receptacle of a human body,
in order to make room for the Body and Blood of On the other hand, the synecdoche is plain in the case
Christ. Lastly, we have the commune tertium in the of the Chalice: "This is mv blood ", i. e. the contents
unchanged appearances of bread and wine, under of the Chalice are mv blood, and hence no longer wine,
which appearances the pre-existent Christ assumes a Regarding tradition, the earliest witnesses, as Ter-
new, sacramental mode of being, and without which tullian and Cyprian, could hardly have given any partic-
His body and Blood could not be partaken of by men. ular consideration to the genetic relation of the natural
That the consequence of Transubstantiation, as a con- elements of bread and wine to the Body and Blood of
version of the total substance, is the transition of the Christ, or to the manner in which the former were con-
entire substance of the bread and wine into the Body verted into the latter; for even Augustine was de-
and Blood of Christ, is the express doctrine of the prived of a clear conception of Transubstantiation, so
Church (Council of Trent, Seas. XIII, can. ii). Thus long ai he was held in tne bonds of Platonism. On the
were condemned as contrary to faith the antiquated other hand, complete clearness on the subject had been
view of Durandus, that only the substantial form attained by writers as early as Cyril of Jerusalem,
(forma substantialis) of the bread underwent conver- Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Gregory of Nyssa, Chrysostom,
sion, while the primary matter (materia prima) re- and Cyril of Alexandria in the East, and by Ambrose
mained. and, especially, Luther's doctrine of Consub- and the later Latin writers in the West. Eventually
stantiation, 1. e. the coexistence of the substance of the West became the classic home of scientific perfec-
the bread with the true Body of Christ. Thus, too, the tion in the difficult doctrine of Transubstantiation.
theory of Impanation advocated by Osiander and cer- The claims of the learned work of the Anglican Dr.
tain Berengarians, and according to which a hypo- Pusey (The Doctrine of the Real Presence as con-
static union is supposed to take place between the sub- tained in the Fathers, Oxford, 1855), who denied the
stance of the bread and the God-man (impanation cogency of the patristic argument for Transubstantia-
Deus panis foetus), is authoritatively rejected. So the tion, have been met and thoroughly answered by
Catholic doctrine of Transubstantiation sets up a Cardinal Franselin (De Euchar.{ Rome, 1887, thes.
mighty bulwark around the dogma of the Real Pres- xiv). The argument from tradition is strikingly con-
ence and constitutes in itself a distinct doctrinal arti- firmed by the ancient liturgies, whose touching and
cle, which is not involved in that of the Real Presence, beautiful prayers express the idea of conversion in the
though the doctrine of the Real Presence is necessarily clearest manner. Many examples may be found in
contained in that of Transubstantiation. It was for Renaudot, " Liturgi® orient." (2nd ed., Frankfort,
this very reason that Pius VI, in his dogmatic Bull 1847); Assemani, "Codex liturg." (13 vols., Rome,
"Auctorem fidei" (1794) against the Jansenistic 1749-66); Denzinger, "Ritus Chrientalium" (2 vols.,
pseudo-Synod of Pistoia (1786), protested most vigor- Wurzburg, 1864). Concerning the Adduction Theory
ouslv against suppressing this " scholastic question", of the Scotists and the Production Theory of the
as the synod had advised pastors to do. Thomists, see Pohle, " Dogmatik " (3rd ed., Paderborn,
(b) In the mind of the Church, Transubstantiation 1908), III, 237 sqq.
has been so intimately bound up with the Real Pres- (4) The Permanence and Adorableness of the Blessed
ence, that both dogmas have been handed down to- Eucharist. — Since Luther arbitrarily restricted the
gether from generation to generation, though we can- Real Presence to the moment of reception (in usu, non
not entirely ignore a dogmatico-historical development, extra), the Council of Trent (Seas. XIII, can. iv) by a
The total conversion of the substance of bread is ex- special canon emphasized the fact, that immediately
pressed clearly in the words of Institution: " This is after the Consecration Christ is truly present and, con-
mybody". These words form, not a theoretical, but a sequently, does not make His Presence dependent
practical proposition, whose essence consists in this, upon the act of eating or drinking. On the contrary,
that the objective identity between subject and predi- lie continues His Eucharistic Presence even in tne
cate is effected and verified only after the words have consecrated Hosts and Sacred particles that remain on
all been uttered, not unlike the pronouncement of a the altar or in the ciborium after the distribution of
king to a subaltern: "You are a major", or, " You are Holy Communion. In the deposit of faith the Real
a captain", which would immediately cause the pro- Presence and the Permanence of Presence are so
motion of the officer to a higher command. When, closely allied, that in the mind of the Church both con-
therefore, He Who is All Truth and All Power said of tinue on as an undivided whole. And rightly so; for
the bread: "This is my body", the bread became, just as Christ promised His Flesh and Blood as meat
but the Body of Christ under the outward appearance the Lord His Sacred Body, which was already objec-
of bread. Hence the bread must have become the tively present and did not first become so in the act of
Body of Christ, i. e. the former must have been con- partaking. This non-dependence of the^ Real Pres-
verted into the latter. The words of Institution were ence upon the actual reception is manifested verv
at the same time the words of Transubstantiation. clearly in the case of the Chalice, when Christ said:
Indeed the actual manner in which the absence of "Drink ye all of this. For [enim] this is my Blood."
the bread and the presence of the Body of Christ is Here the act of drinking is evidently neither the cause
effected, is not read into the words of Institution nor the conditio sine qud non for the presence of Christ's
but strictly and exegetically deduced from them. Blood.
The Calvinists, therefore, are perfectly right when Much as he disliked it, even Calvin had to acknowl-
they reject the Lutheran doctrine of Consubstantia- edge the evident force of the argument from tradition
tion as a fiction, with no foundation in Scripture. For (Instit. IV, xvii, §39). Not only have the# Fathers,
had Christ intended to assert the coexistence of His and among them Chrysostom with special vigour, de-
EUCHARIST
581
EUCHARIST
fended in theory the permanence of the Real Presence,
but the constant practice of the Church has also estab-
lished its truth. In the early days of the Church the
faithful frequently carried the Blessed Eucharist with
them to their homes (cf. Tertullian, "Ad uxor.", II,
v; Cyprian, " De lapsis", xxvi) or upon long journeys
(Ambrose, De excessu fratris, I, 43, 46), while the
deacons were accustomed to take the Blessed Sacra-
ment to those who did not attend Divine service (cf .
Justin, Apol., I, n. 67), as well as to the martyrs, the
incarcerated, and the infirm (cf . Eusebius, Hist. Eccl.,
Vl^xliv). The deacons were also obliged to transfer
the particles that remained to specially prepared re-
positories called Pastophoria (cf . Apostolic Constitu-
tions, VIII, xiii). Furthermore, it was customary as
early as the fourth century to celebrate the Mass of the
Presanctified (cf. Synod of Laodicea, can. xlix), in
which were received the Sacred Hosts that had been
consecrated one or more days previously. In the
Latin Church the celebration of the Mass of the Pre-
sanctified is nowadays restricted to Good Friday,
whereas, ever since the Trullan Synod (692), the Greeks
celebrate it during the whole of Lent, except on Satur-
days, Sundays, and the feast of the Annunciation (25
March). A deeper reason for the permanence of
Presence is found in the fact, that some time elapses
between the confection and the reception of the sacra-
ment, i. e. between the Consecration and the Commu-
nion, whereas in the case of the other sacraments both
the confection and the reception take place at the same
instant. Baptism, for instance, lasts only as long as
the baptismal action or ablution with water, and is,
therefore, a transitory sacrament ; on the contrary, the
Eucharist, and the Eucharist alone, constitutes a 'per-
manent sacrament (cf. Council of Trent, Sess. XIII,
cap. iii). The permanence of Presence, however, is
limited to an interval of time of which the beginning is
determined by the instant of Consecration and the end
by the corruption of the Eucharistic Species. If the
Host has become mouldy or the contents of the Chal-
ice sour, Christ has discontinued His Presence therein.
Since in the process of corruption those elementary
substances return which correspond to the peculiar na-
ture of the changed accidents, the law of the indestruc-
tibility of matter, notwithstanding the miracle of the
Eucharistic conversion, remains in force without any
interruption.
The Adorableness of the Eucharist is the practical
consequence of its permanence. According to a well-
known principle of Christology, the same worship of
latria (cuUus tatria) as is due to the Triune God is due
also to the Divine Word, the God-man Christ, and in
fact, by reason of the hypostatic union, to the Human-
ity of Christ and its individual component parts, as,
e. g., His Sacred Heart. Now, identically the same
Lord Christ is truly present in the Eucharist as is
present in heaven ; consequently He is to be adored in
the Blessed Sacrament, and just so long as He remains
present under the appearances of bread and wine,
namely, from the moment of Transubstantiation to
the moment in which the species are decomposed (cf .
Council of Trent, Sess. XIII, can. vi).
In the absence of Scriptural proof, the Church finds
a warrant for, and a propriety in, rendering Divine
worship to the Blessed Sacrament in the most ancient
and constant tradition, though of course a distinction
must be made between the dogmatic principle and. the
varying discipline regarding the outward form of
worship. While even the East recognized the un-
changeable principle from the earliest aces, and, in
fact, as late as the schismatical Synod of Jerusalem in
1672, the West has furthermore shown an untiring
activity in establishing and investing with more and
more solemnity, homage and devotion to the Blessed
Eucharist. In the early Church, the adoration of the
Blessed Sacrament was restricted chiefly to Mass and
Communion, just as it is to-day among the Orientals
and the Greeks. Even in his time Cyril of Jerusalem
insisted just as strongly as did Ambrose and Augus-
tine on an attitude of adoration and homage during
Holy Communion (cf. Ambrose, De Sp. Sancto, III,
ii, 70; Augustine, In Ps. xcviii, n. 9). In the West
the way was opened to a more and more exalted ven-
eration of the Blessed Eucharist when the faithful
were allowed to Communicate even outside of the lit-
urgical service. After the Berengarian controversy, the
Blessed Sacrament was in the eleventh and twelfth
centuries elevated for the express purpose of repairing
by its adoration the blasphemies of heretics ana
strengthening the imperilled faith of Catholics. In
the thirteenth century were introduced, for the greater
glorification of the Most Holy, the "theophoric pro-
cessions" (circumgestatio), and also the feast of Corpus
Christi, instituted under Urban IV at the solicitation of
St. Juliana of Liege. In honour of the feast, sublime
hymns, such as the "Pange Lingua1' of St. Thomas
Aquinas, were composed. In the fourteenth century
the practice of the Exposition of the Blessed Sacra-
ment arose. The custom of the annual Corpus
Christi procession was warmly defended and recom-
mended by the Council of Trent (Sess. XIII, cap. v).
A new impetus was given to the adoration of the Eu-
charist through the visits to the Blessed Sacrament
(Visitatio SS. Sacramenti), introduced by St. Alphon-
sus Liguori; in later times the numerous orders
and congregations devoted to Perpetual Adoration,
the institution in many dioceses of the devotion of
"Perpetual Prayer", the holding of International Eu-
charistic Congresses, e. g. that of London in Septem-
ber, 1908, have all contributed to keep alive faith in
Him Who has said: "behold I am witn you all days,
even to the consummation of the world" (Matt.,
xxviii, 20).
On this whole matter see Bbllarminb De Euchar., diap. x,
sect. 3; Bonoardt, Die Eucharistic der Mittelpunkt dee Gtaubene,
den Gotteadienstea und dea-Lebcna der Kirche (2nd edM Paderborn,
1882); Hoffmann, Die Verehrung und Anbetung dee Sokra-
mente dee Altars geechichUich dargeeteUt (Kempten, 1807).
(5) Speculative Discussion of the Real Presence.-*
The principal aim of speculative theology with regard
to the Eucharist, should be to discuss philosophically,
and seek a logical solution of, three apparent contra-
dictions, namely: (a) the continued existence of the
Eucharistic Species, or the outward appearances of
bread and wine, without their natural underlying sub-
ject (accidentia sine subjecto); (b) the spatially uncir-*
cumscribed, spiritual mode of existence of Christ's
Eucharistic Body (existeniia corporis ad modum epiri-
tus); (c) the simultaneous existence of Christ in
heaven and in many places on earth (rnuUHocatio).
(a) The study of the first problem, vis. whether or
not the accidents of bread and wine continue their
existence without their proper substance, must be
based upon the clearly established truth of Transub-
stantiation, in consequence of which the entire sub-
stance of the bread and the entire substance of the
wine are converted respectively into the Body and
Blood of Christ in such a way that " only the appear-
ances of bread and wine remain" (Council of Trent,
Sess. XIII, can. ii: manentibus dumiaxat speciebus
pants et trim). Accordingly, the continuance of the
appearances without the substance of bread and wine,
as their connatural substratum is just the reverse of
Transubstantiation. If it be further asked, whether
these appearances have any subject at all in which
they inhere, we must answer with St. Thomas Aquinas
(III, Q. lxxvii, a. 1), that the idea is to be rejected as
unbecoming, as though the Body of Christ, in addition
to its own accidents, should also assume those of bread
and wine. The most that may be said is, that from
the Eucharistic Body proceeds a miraculous sustain-
ing power, which supports the appearances bereft of
their natural substances and preserves them from col-
lapse. The position of the Church in this regard may
ITJOHARIST
582
EUCHARIST
be readily determined from the Council of Constance
(1414-1418). In its eighth session, approved in 1418
by Martin V, this synod condemned the following arti-
cles of Wyclif: (1) "Substantia panis materialis et
similiter substantia vini materialis remanent in Sacra-
mento altaris", i. e. the material substance of bread
and likewise the material substance of wine remain in
the Sacrament of the Altar; (2) "Accidentia panis
non manent sine subjecto", i. e. the accidents of the
bread do not remain without a subject. The first of
these articles contains an open denial of Transubstan-
tiation. The second, so far as the text is concerned,
might be considered as merely a different wording of
the first, were it not that the history of the council
shows that Wyclif had directly opposed the Scholastic
doctrine of "accidents without a subject" as absurd
and even heretical (cf . De Augustinis, be re sacramen-
taria, Rome, 1889, II, 573 sqq.). Hence it was the
intention of the council to condemn the second article,
not merely as a conclusion of the first, but as a dis-
tinct and independent proposition; wherefore we may
gather the Church's teaching on the subject from the
contradictory proposition: 'Accidentia panis manent
sine subjecto , i. e, the accidents of bread do remain
without a subject. Such, at least, was the opinion of
contemporary theologians regarding the matter; and
the Roman Catechism, referring to the above-men-
tioned canon of the Council of Trent, tersely explains:
" The accidents of bread and wine inhere in no sub-
stance, but continue existing by themselves." This
being the case, some theologians in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, who inclined to Cartesianism,
as E. Maignan, Drouin, and Yitasse, displayed but
little theological penetration when they asserted that
the Euchanstic appearances were optical illusions,
phantasmagoria, and make-believe accidents, ascrib-
ing to Divine omnipotence an immediate, influence
upon the five senses, whereby a mere subjective im-
pression of what seemed to be the accidents of bread
and wine was created. Since Descartes (d. 1650)
places the essence of corporeal substance in its actual
extension and recognizes only modal accidents meta-
physically united to their substance, it is clear, ac-
cording to his theory, that together with the conver-
sion of the substance of bread and wine, the accidents
must also be converted and thereby made to disap-
pear. If the eye nevertheless seems to behold bread
and wine, this is to be attributed to an optical illusion
alone. But it is clear at first blush, that no doubt can
be entertained as to the physical reality, or in fact, as
to the identity of the accidents before and after Tran-
substantiation. This physical, and not merely opti-
cal, continuance of the Eucharistic accidents was re-
peatedly insisted upon by the Fathers, and with such
excessive vigour that the notion of Transubstantiation
seemed to be in dancer. Especially against the Mono-
physites, who based on the Eucharistic conversion an
a pari argument in behalf of the supposed conversion
of the Humanity of Christ into His Divinity, did the
Fathers retort bv concluding from the continuance of
the unconvertecf Eucharistic accidents to the uncon-
verted Human Nature of Christ. Both philosophical
and theological arguments were also advanced against
the Cartesians, as, for instance, the infallible testi-
mony of the senses, the necessity of the commune ter-
tium .to complete the idea of Transubstantiation [see
above, (3)], the idea of the Sacrament of the Altar as
the visible sign of Christ's invisible Body, the physical
signification of Communion as a real partaking of food
and drink, the striking expression " breaking of bread "
Uractio panis), which supposes the divisible reality of
the accidents, etc. For all these reasons, theologians
consider the physical reality of the accidents as an in-
controvertible truth, which cannot without temerity
be called in question.
As regards the philosophical possibility of the acci-
dents existing without their substance, the older
school drew a fine distinction between modal and ab-
solute accidents. By the modal accidents were under-
stood such as could not, being mere modes, be sepa-
rated from their substance without involving a meta-
physical contradiction, e. g. the form and motion of a
body? Those accidents were designated absolute,
whose objective reality was adequately distinct from
the reality of their substance, in such a way that no
intrinsic repugnance was involved in their separability,
as, e. g., the quantity of a body. Aristotle himself
taught (Metaphys., VI, 3rd ed. of Bekker, p. 1029, a.
13), that quantity was not a corporeal substance, but
only a phenomenon of substance. Modern philoso-
phy, on the other hand, has endeavoured since the
time of John Locke, to reject altogether from the
realm of ideas the concept of substance as something
imaginary, and to rest satisfied with qualities alone
as the excitants of sensation, a view of the material
world which the so-called psychology of association
and actuality is trying to carry out in its various de-
tails. The Catholic Church does not feel called upon
to follow up the ephemeral vagaries of these new phi-
losophical systems, but bases her doctrine on the ever-
lasting philosophy .of sound reason, which rightly
distinguishes between the thing in itself and its char-
acteristic qualities (colour, form, size, etc.). Though
the " thing in itself' may ever remain imperceptible to
the senses and therefore be designated in the language
of Kant as a noumenon, or in the language of Spencer,
the Unknowable, yet we cannot escape the necessity
of seeking beneath the appearances the thing which
appears, beneath the colour that which is coloured,
beneath the form that which has form, i. e. the sub-
stratum or subject which sustains the phenomena.
The older philosophy designated the appearances by
the name of accidents, the subject of the appearances,
by that of substance. It matters little what the terms
are, provided the things signified by them are rightly
understood. What is particularly important regard-
ing material substances and their accidental qualities,
is the necessity of proceeding cautiously in this discus-
sion, since in the domain of natural philosophy the
greatest uncertainty reigns even at the present day
concerning the nature of matter, one system pulling
down what another has reared, as is proved in the
latest theories of atomism and energy, of ions and
electrons.
The old theology tried with St. Thomas Aquinas
(III, Q. lxxvii) to prove the possibility of absolute ac-
cidents on the principles of the Aristotelean-Scholastic
hylomorphism, i. e. the system which teaches that the
essential constitution of bodies consists in the sub-
stantial union of materia prima and forma substantialis.
Some theologians of to-day would seek to come to an
understanding with modern science, which bases all
natural processes upon the very fruitful theory of en-
ergy, by trying with Leibniz to explain the Eucharis-
tic accidentia sine subjecto according to the dynamism
of natural philosophy. Assuming, according to this
system, a real distinction between force and its mani-
festations, between energy and its effects, it may be
seen that under the influence of the First Cause the
energy (substance) necessary for the essence of bread
is withdrawn by virtue of conversion, while the effects
of energy (accidents) in a miraculous manner continue.
For the rest it may be said, that it is far from the
Chiych's intention to restrict the Catholic's investiga-
tion regarding the doctrine of the Blessed Sacrament
to any particular view of natural philosophy or even to
require him to establish its truth on the principles of
medieval physics; all that the Church demands is.
that those theories of material substances be rejected
which not only contradict the teaching of the Church,
but also are repugnant to experience and sound rea-
son, as Pantheism, Hylozoism, Monism, Absolute
Idealism, Cartesianism, etc.
(b) The second problem arises from the Totality of
lUOHAKiaT 583 EUCHARIST
Presence, which means that Christ in His entirety is its natural tendency to occupy space and actually ex-
present in the whole of the Host and in each smallest tends itself in the three dimensions. While aptitu-
part thereof, as the spiritual soul is present in the dinal extension or internal auantity is so bound up
human body [see above, (2)]. The difficulty reaches with the essences of bodies tnat its separability from
its climax when we consider that there is no question them involves a metaphysical contradiction, external
here of the Soul or the Divinity of Christ, but of His quantity is, on the other hand, only a natural conse-
Body, which, with its head, trunk, and members, has quence and effect, which can be so suspended and
assumed a mode of existence spiritual and independ- withheld by the First Cause, that the corporeal sub-
ent of space, a mode of existence, indeed, concerning stance, retaining its internal quantity, does not extend
which neither experience nor any system of philosophy itself into space. At all events, however plausibly
can have the least inkling. That the idea of conver- reason may seem to explain the matter, it is neverthe-
sion of corporeal matter into a spirit can in no way be less face to face with a great mystery,
entertained, is clear from the material substance of the (c) The third and last question has to do with the
Eucharistic Body itself. Even the above-mentioned multilocation of Christ in heaven and upon thousands
separability of quantity from substance gives us no of altars throughout the world. Since in the natural
clue to the solution, since according to the best- order of events each body is restricted to one position
founded opinions not only the substance of Christ's in space (unilocatio), so that before the law proof of an
Body, but by His own wise arrangement, its corporeal alibi immediately frees a person from the suspicion of
quantity, i. e. its full size, with its complete organiza- crime, multilocation without further question belongs
tion of integral members and limbs, is present within to the supernatural order. First of all, no intrinsic
the diminutive limits of the Host and in each portion repugnance can be shown in the concept of multiloca-
thereof . Later theologians (as Rossignol, Legrand) tion. For if the objection be raised, that no being can
resorted to the unseemly explanation, according to exist separated from itself or show forth local dis-
which Christ is present in diminished form and stature, tances between its various selves, the sophism is read-
a sort of miniature body; while others (as Oswald, ily detected; for multilocation does not multiply the
Fernandez, Casajoana) assumed with no better sense individual object, but only its external relation to and
of fitness the mutual compenetration of the members presence in space. Philosophy distinguishes two
of Christ's Body to within the narrow compass of the modes of presence in creatures: (1) the circumscrip-
point of a pin. The vagaries of the Cartesians, how- tive and (2) the definitive. The first, the only mode
ever, went beyond all bounds. Descartes had already, of presence proper to bodies, is that by virtue of
in a letter to P. Mesland (ed. Emery, Paris, 1811), ex- which an object is confined to a determinate portion of
pressed the opinion, that the identity of Christ's Eu- space in such wise that its various parts (atoms, mole-
charistic with His Heavenly Body was preserved by cules, electrons) also occupy their corresponding posi-
the identity of His Soul, which animated all the Eu- tions in that space. The second mode of presence,
charistic Bodies. On this basis, the geometrician that properly belonging to a spiritual being, requires
Varignon suggested a true multiplication of the Eu- the substance of a thing to exist in its entirety in the
charistic Bodies upon earth, which were supposed to whole of the space, as well as whole and entire in each
be most faithful, though greatly reduced, miniature part of that space. The latter is the soul's mode of
copies of the prototype, the Heavenly Body of Christ, presence in the human body. The distinction made
Nor does the modern theory of n-aimensions throw between these two modes of presence is important, in-
any light upon the subject; for the Body of Christ is asmuch as in the Eucharist both kinds are found in
not invisible or impalpable to us because it occupies combination. For, in the first place, there is verified a
the fourth dimension, but because it transcends and is continuous definitive multilocation, called also replica-
wholly independent of space. Such a mode of exist- tion, which consists in this, that the Body of Christ is
ence, it is clear, does not come within the scope of totally present in each part of the continuous and as
physics and mechanics, but belongs to a higher, super- yet unbroken Host and also totally present throughout
natural order, even as does the Resurrection from the the whole Host, just as the human soul is present in
sealed tomb, the passing in and out through closed the body. And precisely this latter analogy from
doors, the Transfiguration of the future glorified risen nature gives us an insight into the possibility of the
Body. What explanation may, then, be given of the Eucharistic miracle. For if, as has been seen above,
fact? a Divine omnipotence can in a supernatural manner
The simplest treatment of the subject was that impart to a body such a spiritual, unextended, spa-
offered by the Schoolmen, especially St. Thomas (III, tially uncircumscribed mode of presence, which is
Q. Ixxvi, a. 4). They reduced the mode of being to natural to the soul as regards the human body, one
the mode of becoming, i. e. they traced back the mode . may well surmise the possibility of Christ's Eucharis-
of existence peculiar to the Eucharistic Body to the tic Body being present, in its entirejby in the whole
Transubstantiation; for a thing has to so "be" as it Host, and whole and entire in each part thereof,
was in " becoming". Since ex vi verborum the imme- There is, moreover, the discontinuous multilocation,
diate result is the presence of the Body of Christ, its whereby Christ is present not only in one Host, but in
quantity, present merely per concomitantiam, must fol- numberless separate Hosts, whether in the ciborium or
low the mode of existence peculiar to its substance, upon all the attars throughout the world. The intrin-
and, like the latter, must exist without division and sic possibility of discontinuous multilocation seems to
extension, i. e. entirely in the whole Host and entirely be Dased upon the non-repugnance of continuous
in each part thereof. In other words, the Body of multilocation. For the chief difficulty of the latter
Christ is present in the sacrament, not after the man- appears to be that the same Christ is present in two
ner of "quantity" (per modum quantitatis), but of different parts, A and B, of the continuous Host, it
"substance" (per modum substantia). Later Scho- being immaterial whether we consider the distant
lasticism (Bellarmine, Suarez, Billuart, and others) parts A and B joined by the continuous line AB or not.
tried to improve upon this explanation along other The marvel does not substantially increase, if by rea-
of which a corporeal substance merely possesses "ap- parts may be. Whether or not the fragments of a
titudinal extension", i. e. the "capability" of being Host are distant one inch or a thousand miles from one
extended in tri-dimensional space. External quan- another is altogether immaterial in this consideration;
tity, on the other hand (quantitas externa seu in actu we need not wonder, then, if Catholics adore their
secundo), is the same entity, but in so far as it follows Eucharistic Lord at one and the same time in New
\i
EUCHARIST 584 EUCHARIST
York, London, and Paris. Finally, mention must be by saying, that neither the species themselves nor the
made of mixed multilocation. since Christ with His Body ana Blood of Christ by themselves, but the
natural dimensions reigns in heaven, whence he does union of both factors constitute the moral whole of the
not depart, and at the same time dwells with His Sac- Sacrament of the Altar. The species undoubtedly
ramental Presence in numberless places throughout belong to the essence of the sacrament, since it is by
the world. This third case would be in perfect accord- means of them, and not by means of the invisible Body
ance with the two foregoing, were we per impossibUe of Christ, that the Eucharist possesses the outward
permitted to imagine that Christ were present under sign of the sacrament. Equally certain is it, that the
the appearances of bread exactly as He is in heaven Body and the Blood of Christ belong to the concept of
and that He had relinquished His natural mode of ex- the essence, because it is not the mere unsubstantial
istence. This, however, would be but one more mar- appearances which are given for the food of our souls,
vei of God's omnipotence. Hence no contradiction is but Christ concealed beneath the appearances. The
noticeable in the fact, that Christ retains His natural twofold number of the Eucharistic elements of bread
dimensional relations in heaven and at the same time and wine does not interfere with the unity of the sacra*
takee up His abode upon the altars of earth. ment; for the idea of refection embraces both eating
There is, furthermore, a fourth kind of multiloca- and drinking, nor do our meals in consequence double
tion, which, however, has not been realized in the Eu- their number. In the doctrine of the Holy Sacrifice
charist, but would be, if Christ's Body were present in of the Mass (see Mass), there is a question of even a
its natural mode of existence both in heaven and on higher relation, in that the separated species of bread
earth. Such a miracle might be assumed to have and wine also represent the mystical separation of
occurred in the conversion of St. Paul before the gates Christ's Body ana Blood or the unbloody Sacrifice of
of Damascus, when Christ in person said to Trim: the Eucharistic Lamb. The Sacrament of the Altar
" Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? " So, too, the may be regarded under the same aspects as the other
bilocation of saints, sometimes read of in the pages of sacraments, provided only it be ever kept in view that
hagiography, as, e. g.. in the case of St. Alphonsus the Eucharist is a permanent sacrament [see above I,
* Liguori, cannot be arbitrarily cast aside as untrust- (4)]. Every sacrament may be considered either in
worthy. The Thomists and some later theologians, it itself or with reference to the persons whom it con-
is true, reject this kind of multilocation as intrinsically cerns. Passing over the Institution, which was dis-
impossible and declare bilocation to be nothing' more cussed above in connexion with the words of Institu-
than an "apparition" without corporeal presence, tion, the only essentially important points remaining
But Cardinal De Lugo is of opinion, and justly so, that are the outward sign (matter and form) and inward
to deny its possibility might reflect unfavourably grace (effects of Communion), to which may be added
upon the Eucharistic multilocation itself. If there the necessity of Communion tor salvation. In regard
were question of the vagaries of many Nominalists, as, to the persons concerned, we distinguish between the
e. g., that a bilocated person could be living in Paris minister of the Eucharist and its recipient or subject,
and at the same time dying in London, hating in Paris (1) The Matter or Eucharistic Elements, — There are
and at the same time loving in London, the impossi- two Eucharistic elements, bread and wine, which con-
bility would be as plain as day. since an individual, stitute the remote matter of the Sacrament of the
remaining such as he is, cannot be the subject of con- Altar, while the proximate matter can be none other
trary propositions, since they exclude one another, than the Eucharistic appearances under which the
The case assumes a different aspect, when wholly ex- Body and Blood of Christ are truly present,
ternal contrary propositions, relating to position in (a) The first element is wheaten bread (pants triti-
space, are used in reference to the bilocated individual, eeus) , without which the " confection of the Sacrament
In such a bilocation, which leaves the principle of con- does not take place" (Missale Romanum: De defecti-
tradiction intact, it would be hard to discover an in- bus, §3). Being true bread, the Host must be baked,
trinsic impossibility. since mere flour is not bread. Since, moreover, the
On the foregoing matter see Wildt, Explanaiio mirabilium, bread required is that formed of wheaten flour, not
I^^T^r^^^^^^K^T..^: every kind of flour is aUowed to validity, aich, e. g., as
VI, 419 sqq.; Billuabt, De menu Eccleaia area accidentia is ground from rye, oats, barley. Indian corn or mane,
Eucharistia (Lfege, # 1714); Salibb, Historia acholastiea de though these are all botanically classified as grain
^^^S^^^^Sl^h^lSt^^ Urumentum) On the other hand, the different varie-
(New York, 1800), 267 sqq.; Ubaghs, Du Dynamisme dans «« ties of wheat (as spelt, amel-corn, etc.) are valid, mas-
rapporta avee la Sainte Eucharistie (Louvain, 18«1): CmNFufc- much as they can be proved botanically to be genuine
^r&««^£« ifera ^ wheat. The neceaaty of wheaten bread is deduced
(1903), pp. 429 sqq.: (1904), pp. 486 eqq.; Rbinhold, Z»« .immediately from the words of Institution: "The
Lehre von der drtltchen Gegenwari Chrttti (Vienna, 1893); Lord took bread" (to* Apror), in connexion with
SPSSR M*&& STS^te&rt: #** «* 3~ T be remarked, that in Scripture bread
247-73. (d/rrot) , without any qualifying addition, always signi-
fies wheaten bread. No doubt, too, Christ adhered
II. The Blessed Eucharist as a Sacrament. — unconditionally to the Jewish custom of using only
Since Christ is present under the appearances of bread wheaten bread in the Passover Supper, and by the
and wine in a sacramental way, the Blessed Eucharist words, "Do this for a commemoration of me", corn-
is unquestionably a sacrament of the Church. In- manded its use for all succeeding times. In addition
deed, m the Eucharist the definition of a Christian to this, uninterrupted tradition, whether it be the tes-
timony of the Fathers or the practice of the Church,
shows wheaten bread to have played such an essential
sacrament as "an outward sign of an inward grace
instituted by Christ" is verified. The investigation
into the precise nature of the Blessed Sacrament of the part, that even Protestants would be loath to regard
Altar, whose existence Protestants do not deny, is rye bread or barley bread as a proper element for the
beset with a number of difficulties. Its essence cer- celebration of tlte Lord's Supper,
tainlv does not consist in the Consecration or the Com- The Church maintains an easier position in the con*
mumon, the former being merely the sacrificial action, troversy respecting the use of fermented or unfer-
tile latter the reception of the sacrament, and not the mented bread. By leavened bread (Jertnentum,
sacrament itself. The question may eventually be ffyiot) is meant such wheaten bread as requires leaven
reduced to this, whether or not the sacramentality is or yeast in its preparation and baking, while un-
to be sought for in the Eucharistic species or in the leavened bread (azyma, dfyfiay) is formed from a mix-
Body and Blood of Christ hidden beneath them. The ture of wheaten flour and water, which has been
majority of theologians rightly respond to the query kneaded to dough and then baked. After the Greek
EUCHARIST
585
EUCHARIST
Patriarch Michael Caerularius of Constantinople had
sought in 1053 to palliate the renewed rupture with
Rome by means of the controversy concerning un-
leavened bread, the two Churches, in the Decree of
Union at Florence, in 1439, cany to the unanimous dog-
matic decision, that the distinction between leavened
and unleavened bread did not interfere with the con-
fection of the sacrament, though for just reasons based
upon the Church's discipline and practice, the Latins
were obliged to retain unleavened bread, while the
Greeks still held on to the use of leavened (cf . Den-
singeiS Enchirid., Freiburg, 1908, no. 692). Since the
Schismatics had before the Council of Florence enter-
tained doubts as to the validity of the Latin custom, a
brief defence of the use of unleavened bread will not
be out of place here. Pope Leo IX had as early as
1054 issued a protest against Michael Caerularius (cf .
Mifgne, P. L., CXLIII, 775), in which he referred to the
Scriptural fact, that according to the three Synoptics
the Last Supper was celebrated "on the first day of
the azymes ' and so the custom of the Western Church
received its solemn sanction from the example of
Christ Himself. The Jews, moreover, were accus-
tomed even the day before the fourteenth of Nisan to
Set rid of all the leaven which chanced to be in their
wellings, that so they might from that time on par-
take exclusively of the so-called mazzoth as bread.
As regards tradition, it is not for us to settle the dis-
pute of learned authorities, as to whether or not in the
first six or eight centuries the Latins also celebrated
Mass with leavened bread (Sirmond, Dollinger,
Kraus) or have observed the present custom ever since
the time of the Apostles (Mabillon; Probst). Against
the Greeks it suffices to call attention to the historical
fact that in the Orient the Maronites and Armenians
have used unleavened bread from time immemorial,
and that according to Origen (In Matt., XII, n. 6) the
people of the East "sometimes", therefore not as a
rule, made use of leavened bread in their Liturgy.
Besides, there is considerable force in the theological
argument that the fermenting process with yeast and
other leaven, does not affect the substance of the
bread, but merely its qualitv. The reasons of con-
gruity advanced by the Greeks in behalf of leavened
bread, which would have us consider it as a beautiful
symbol of the hypostatic union, as well as an attractive
representation of the savour of this heavenly Food,
will be most willingly accepted, provided only that
due consideration be given to thegrounds of propriety
set forth by the Latins with St. Thomas Aquinas (III,
Q. lxxiv, a. 4) namely, the example of Christ, the apti-
tude of unleavened bread to be regarded as a symbol
of the purity of His Sacred Body, free from all cor-
ruption of sin, and finally the instruction of St. Paul
(I Cor., v, 8) to keep the Pasch " not with the leaven
of malice and wickedness, but with the unleavened
bread of sincerity and truth".
(b) The second Eucharistic element required is
wine of the grape (vinum de vite). Hence are ex-
cluded as invalid, not only the juices extracted and
prepared from other fruits (as cider and perry), but
also the so-called artificial wines, even if their chemical
constitution is identical with the genuine juice of the
grape. The necessity of wine of the grape is not so
much the result of the authoritative decision of the
Church, as it is presupposed by her (Council of Trent,
Seas. XIII, cap. iv), and is based upon the example
and command of Christ, Who at the Last Supper cer-
tainly converted the natural wine of grapes into His
Blood. This is deduced partly from the rite of the
Passover, which required the head of the family to pass
around the "cup of benediction" (calix benedictionis)
containing the wine of grapes, partly, and especially,
from the express declaration of Christ, that henceforth
He would not drink of the "fruit of the vine" (geni-
menviHs). The Catholic Church is aware of no other
tradition and in this respect she has ever been one with
the Greeks. The ancient Hydroparastate, or Aqua-
rians, who used water instead of wine, were heretics in
her eyes. The counter-argument of Ad. Harnack
["Texte und Untersuchungen ", new series, VII, 2
(1891), 115 sqq.], that the most ancient of Churches
was indifferent as to the use of wine, and more con-
cerned with the action of eating and drinking than
with the elements of bread and wine, loses all its force
in view not only of the earliest literature on the sub-
ject (the Didache, Ignatius, Justin, Irenaeus, Clement
of Alexandria, Origen, Hippolytus, Tertullian, and
Cyprian), but also of non-Catholic and apocryphal
writings, which bear testimony to the use of bread and
wine as the only and necessary elements of the Blessed
Sacrament. On the other hand, a very ancient law of
the Church which, however, has nothing to do with
the validity of- the sacrament, prescribes that a little
water be added to the wine before the Consecration
(Deer, pro Armenis: aqua modicissima), a practice,
whose legitimacy the Council of Trent (Sess. XXII,
can. ix) established under pain of anathema. The
rigour of this law of the Church may be traced to the
ancient custom of the Romans and Jews, who mixed
water with the strong southern wines (see Prov., ix, 2),
to the expression of calix mixtus found in Justin (Apol.,
I, Ixv), Iremeus (Adv. h»r., V, ii, 3), and Cyprian (Ep.
lxiii, ad Caecil., n. 13 sq.), and especially to the deep
symbolical meaning contained in the mingling, inas-
much as thereby are represented the flowing of blood
and water from the side of the Crucified Saviour and
the intimate union of the faithful with Christ (cf.
Council of Trent, Sess. XXII, cap. vii).
In this connexion, see Gissb, Streitftage Qber den Oebrauch der
Aeymen (Mttnster, 1852); Funk, Die AbendmahlseUments bei
Justin in Kirckengesch. Abhandlungen und Untersuchungen
(Paderbom, 1897), I, 278 sqq.; Scheiwilur, Die Elements der
Bucharistis in den ersten drex Jahrnunderten (Mains, 1903).
(2) The Sacramental Form or the Words of Consecra-
tion.— In proceeding to verify the form, which is
always made up of words, we may start from the in-
dubitable fact j that Christ did not consecrate by the
mere fiat of His omnipotence, which found no expres-
sion in articulate utterance, but by pronouncing the
words of Institution: "This is my body . . . this is
my blood", and that by the addition: "Do this for a
commemoration of me", He commanded the Apostles
to follow His example. Were the words of Institution
a mere declarative utterance of the conversion, which
might have taken place in the "benediction unan-
nounced and articulately unexpressed, the Apostles
and their successors would, according to Christ's ex-
ample and mandate, have been obliged to consecrate
in this mute manner also, a consequence which is alto-
gether at variance with the deposit of faith. It is
true, that Pope Innocent III (De Sacro altaris mvst..
IV, vi) before his elevation to the pontificate did hold
the opinion, which later theologians branded as "te-
merarious", that Christ consecrated without words by
means of the mere "benediction". Not many theo-
logians, however, followed him in this regard, among
the few being Ambrose Catharinus, Cheffontaines, and
Hoppe, by far the greater number preferring to stand
by the unanimous testimony of the Fathers. Mean-
while, Innocent III also insisted most urgently that at
least in the case of the celebrating priest, the words of
Institution were prescribed as the sacramental form.
It was, moreover, not until its comparatively recent
adherence in the seventeenth century to the famous
"Confessio fidei orthodoxa" of Peter Mogilas (cf.
Kimmel, "Monum. fidei eccl. orient.", Jena, 1850, I.
p. 180), that the Schismatical Greek Church adopted
the view, according to which the priest does not at all
consecrate by virtue of the words of Institution, but
only by means of the Epiklesis occurring shortly
after them and expressing in the Oriental Liturgies a
petition to the Holy Spirit, " that the bread and wine
may be converted into the Body and Blood of Christ"
EUCHARIST 586 EUCHARIST
• /
Were the Greeks justified in maintaining this position, The venerable antiquity of the Oriental Epiklesis,
the immediate result would be, that the Latins who its peculiar position in the Canon of the Mass, and its
have no such thing as the Epiklesis in their present interior spiritual unction, oblige the theologian to
Liturgy, would possess neither the true Sacrifice of the determine its dogmatic value and to account for its
Mass nor the Holy Eucharist. Fortunately, however, use. Take, for instance, the Epiklesis of the Ethio-
the Greeks can be shown the error of their ways from pian Liturgy: " We implore and beseech Thee, O
their own writings, since it can be proved, that they Lord, to send forth the Holy Spirit and His Power
themselves formerly placed the form of Transubstan- upon this Bread and Chalice and convert them into
tiation in the words of Institution. Not only did such the Body and Blood of Our Lord Jesus Christ." Since
renowned Fathers as Justin (Apol., I, lxvi), Irensus this prayer always follows after the words of Institu-
(Adv. haer., V, ii, 3), Gregory of Nyssa (Or. catech., tion nave been pronounced, the theological question
xzxvii), Ghrysostom (Horn, i, de prod. Judse, n. 6), arises, as to how it may be made to harmonise with
and John Damascene (De fid. orth., IV, xiii) hold this the words of Christ, which alone possess the consecra-
view, but the ancient Greek Liturgies bear testimony tory power. Two explanations have been suggested,
to it, so that Cardinal Bessarion in 1439 at Florence which, however, can be merged in one. The first view
called the attention of his fellow-countrymen to the considers the Epiklesis to be a mere declaration of the
fact, that as soon as the words of Institution have fact, that the conversion has already taken place, and
been pronounced, supreme homage and adoration are that in the conversion just as essential a part is to be
due to the Holy Eucharist, even though the famous attributed to the Holy Spirit as Co-Consecrator as in
Epiklesis follows some time after. the allied mystery of the Incarnation. Since, how-
The objection that the mere historical recitation of ever, because of the brevity of the actual instant of
the words of Institution taken from the narrative of the conversion, the part taken by the Holy Spirit could
Last Supper possesses no intrinsic consecratory force, not be expressed, the Epiklesis takes us back in imag-
would be well founded, did the priest of the Latin ination to the precious moment and regards the Con-
Church merely intend by means of them to narrate secration as just about to occur. A similar purely
some historical event rather than pronounce them psychological retrospective transfer is met with in
with the practical purpose of effecting the conversion, other portions of the Liturgy, as in the Mass for the
or if he pronounced them in his own name and person Dead, wherein the Church prays for the departed as
instead of the Person of Christ, whose minister and if they were still upon their bed of agony and could
instrumental cause he is. Neither of the two sup- still be rescued from the gates of hell. Thus consid-
positions holds in the case of a priest who really in- ered. the Epiklesis refers us back to the Consecration
tends to celebrate Mass. Hence, though the Greeks as the centre about which all the significance con-
may in the best of faith go on erroneously maintaining tained in its words revolves. A second explanation is
that they consecrate exclusively in their Epiklesis, based, not upon the enacted Consecration, but upon
they do, nevertheless, as in the case of the Latins, ac- the approaching Communion, inasmuch as the latter,
tually consecrate by means of the words of Institution being the effective means of uniting us more closely in
contained in their Liturgies, if Christ has instituted the organised body of the Church, brings forth in our
these words as the words of Consecration and the hearts the mystical Christ, as is read m the Roman
form of the sacrament. We may in fact go a step Canon of the Mass: " Ut nobis corpus et sanguis fiat",
farther and assert, that the words of Institution con- i. e. that it may be made for us the body and blood,
stitute the only and wholly adequate form of the Eu- It was in this purely mystical manner that the Greeks
charist and that, consequently, the words of the themselves explained the meaning of the Epiklesis at
Epiklesis possess no inherent consecratory value. The the Council of Florence (Mansi, Collect. Concil.. XXXI
contention that the words of the Epiklesis have a 106). Yet since much more is contained in tne plain
joint essential value and constitute the partial form of words than this true and deep mysticism, it is desirable
the sacrament, was indeed supported by individual to combine both explanations into one. and so we may
Latin theologians, as Toutee. Kenaudot, and Lebrun. regard the Epiklesis, both in point of liturgy and of
Though this opinion cannot be condemned as errone- time, as the significant connecting link, placed mid-
ous in faith, since it allows to the words of Institution way between the Consecration ana the Communion in
their essential, though partial, consecratory value, it prefer to emphasize the part taken by the Holy Spirit
appears nevertheless to be intrinsically repugnant, in the Consecration of bread and wine, and, on the
For, since the act of Consecration cannot remain, as it other hand, with the help of the same Holy Spirit to
were, in a state of suspense, but is completed in an obtain the realization of the true Presence of the Body
instant of time, there arises the dilemma: Either the and Blood of Christ by their fruitful effects on botn
words of Institution alone and, therefore, not the priest and people.
Epiklesis, are productive of the Conversion, or the On the subject-matter of the foregoing section, see Ohm. De
words of the Epiklesis alone have such power and not ftSfJf^ff6* 5?&*5? ™/*tt7»" <?"**• * orientaiibue (MiUo.
,, « - ir z-t •• /-v* r ;j m 1731); Hoppb, Die Epiklans der griechxachen una orientaltechen
the Words Of Institution. Of more considerable im- LUurgie (Schaffhausen, 1864); Fran*, Die eucharitieehe Wand-
portance IS the Circumstance that the whole question lung und die Epikleae (Wursburg, 1880); Schbbbsn, Mueterien
came up for discussion in the council for union held at fe££3ftgfe . n wtTST
Florence in 1439. Pope Eugene IV ur^ed the Greeks fi^t?'^-^^^^
to come to a unanimous agreement with the Roman (Rome, 1904), 153 sqq.
faith and subscribe to the words of Institution as alone
constituting the sacramental form, and to drop the (3) The Effects of the Holy Eucharist. — The doctrine
contention that the words of the Epiklesis also pos- of the Church regarding the effects or the fruits of
sessed a partial consecratory force. But when the Holy Communion, centres around two ideas: (a) the
Greeks, not without foundation, pleaded that a dog- union with Christ by love and (b) the spiritual repast
matic decision would reflect with shame upon then- of the soul. Both ideas are often verified in one and
whole ecclesiastical past, the oecumenical synod was the same effect of Holy Communion,
satisfied with the oral declaration of Cardinal Bessa- (a) The first and principal effect of the Holy Eu-
rion recorded in the minutes of the council for 5 July, charist is union with Christ by love (Deer, pro Ar-
1439 (P. G., CLXI, 491), namely, that the Greeks fol- menis: adunatio ad Christum), which union as such
low the universal teaching of the Fathers, especially of does not consist in the sacramental reception of the
"blessed John Chrysostom, familiarly known to us1', Host, but in the spiritual and mystical union with
according to whom the " Divine words of Our Re- Jesus by the theological virtue of love. Christ Him-
deemer contain the full and entire force of Transub- self designated the idea of Communion as a union by
stantiation". love: "He that cateth my flesh, and drinketh my
f
SU0HABI8T
587
EUOHAHIST
blood, abideth in me, and I in him" (John, vi. 57).
St. Cyril of Alexandria (Horn, in Joan., IV, xvii) beau-
tifully represents this mystical union as the fusion of
our being into that of the God-man, as " when melted
wax is fused with other wax". Since the Sacrament
of Love is not satisfied with an increase of habitual
love only, but tends especially to fan the flame of
actual love to an intense ardour, the Holy Eucharist is
specifically distinguished from the other sacraments,
and hence it is precisely in this latter effect that
Suares recognises the so-called " grace of the sacra-
ment", which otherwise is so hard to discern. It
stands to reason that the essence of this union by love
consists neither in a natural union with Jesus analo-
gous to that between soul and body, nor in a hypos-
tatic union of the soul with the Person of the Word,
nor finally in a pantheistical deification of the com-
municant, but simply in a moral but wonderful union
with Christ by the bond of the most ardent charity.
Hence the chief effect of a worthy Communion is to a
certain extent a foretaste of heaven, in fact the antici-
pation and pledge of our future union with God by
love in the Beatific Vision. He alone can properly es-
timate the precious boon which Catholics possess in
the Holy Eucharist, who knows how to ponder these
ideas of Holy Communion to their utmost depth. The
immediate result of this union with Christ by love is
the bond of charity existing between the faithful
themselves, as St. Paul says: "For we, being many,
are one bread, one body, all that partake of one
bread" (I Cor., x, 17). And so the Communion of
Saints is not merely an ideal union by faith and grace,
but an eminently real union, mysteriously constituted,
maintained, and guaranteed by partaking in common
of one and the same Christ.
(b) A second fruit of this union with Christ by love is
an increase of sanctifying grace in the soul of the
worthy communicant. Here let it be remarked at the
outset, that the Holy Eucharist does not per ae consti-
tute a person in the state of grace as do the sacraments
of the dead (baptism and penance), but presupposes
such a state. It is, therefore, one of the sacraments of
the living. It is as impossible for the soul in the state
of mortal sin to receive this Heavenly Bread with
profit, as it is for a corpse to assimilate food and drink.
Hence the Council of Trent (Seas. XIII. can. v), in op-
position to Luther and Calvin, purposely defined, that
the " chief fruit of the Eucharist does not consist in the
forgiveness of sins". For though Christ said of the
Chalice : " This is my blood of the new testament, which
shall be shed for many unto remission of sins'1 (Matt.,
xxvi, 28), He had in view an effect of the sacrifice, not
of the sacrament; for He did not say that His Blood
would be drunk unto remission of sins, but shed for
that purpose. It is for this very reason that St. Paul
(I Cor., xi, 28) demands that rigorous "self-examina-
tion", in order to avoid the heinous offence of being
guilty of the Body and the Blood of the Lord by " eat-
ing and drinking unworthily", and that the Fathers
insist upon nothing so energetically as upon a pure and
innocent conscience. In spite of the principles just
laid down, the question might be asked, if the Blessed
Sacrament could not at times per accidens free the
communicant from mortal sin, if he approached the
Table of the Lord unconscious of the sinful state of his
soul. Presupposing what is self-evident, that there is
question neither of a conscious sacrilegious Commun-
ion nor a lack ot imperfect contrition {attritio), which
would altogether hinder the justifying effect of the
sacrament, theologians incline to the opinion, that in
suoh exceptional cases the Eucharist can restore the
soul to the state of grace, but all without exception
deny the possibility of the reviviscence of a sacrile-
gious or unfruitful Communion after the restoration of
the soul's proper moral condition has been effected,
the Eucharist being different in this respect from the
sacraments which imprint a character upon the soul
(baptism, confirmation, and Holy orders). Together
with the increase of sanctifying grace there is associ-
ated another effect, namely, a certain spiritual relish
or delight of soul (delectatio spiritualis). Just as food
and drink delight and refresh the heart of man, so does
this "Heavenly Bread containing within itself all
sweetness'1 produce in. the soul of the devout com-
municant ineffable bliss, which, however, is not to be
confounded with an emotional joy of the soul or with
sensible sweetness. Although both may occur as the
result of a special grace, its true nature is manifested in
a certain cheerful and willing fervour in all that regards
Christ and His Church, and in the conscious fulfilment
of the duties of one's state of life, a disposition of soul
which is perfectly compatible with interior desolation
and spiritual dryness. A good Communion is recog-
nized less in the transitory sweetness of the emotions
than in its lasting practical effects on the conduct of
our daily lives.
(c) Though Holy Communion does not per ae remit
mortal sin, it has nevertheless the third effect of " blot-
ting out venial sin and preserving the soul from mortal
sin'' (Council of Trent, Sess. XIII, cap. ii). The Holy
Eucharist is not merely a food, but a medicine as well.
The destruction of venial sin and of all affection to it,
is readily understood on the basis of the two central
ideas mentioned above. Just as material food ban-
ishes minor bodily weaknesses and preserves man's
physical strength from being impaired, so does this
food of our souls remove our lesser spiritual ailments
and preserve us from spiritual death. As a union
based upon love, the Holy Eucharist cleanses with its
purifying flame the smallest stains which adhere to the
soul, andat the same time serves as an effective prophy-
lactic against grievous sin. It only remains for us to
ascertain with clearness the manner in which this pre-
servative influence against relapse into mortal sin is
exerted. According to the teaching of the Roman
Catechism, it is effected by the allaying of concupis-
cence, which is the chief source of deadly sin, particu-
larly of impurity. Therefore it is that spiritual
writers recommend frequent Communion as the most
effective remedy against impurity, since its powerful
influence is felt even after other means have proved un-
availing (cf. St. Thomas, III, Q. lxxix, a. 6). Whether
or not the Holy Eucharist is directly conducive to the
remission of the temporal punishment due to sin, is
disputed by St. Thomas (ibid., a. 5), since the Blessed
Sacrament of the Altar was not instituted as a means
of satisfaction; it does, however, produce an indirect
effect in this regard, which is proportioned to the com-
municant's love and devotion. The case is different
as regards the effects of grace in behalf of a third party.
The pious custom of the faithful of " offering their Com-
munion " for relations, friends, and the souls departed,
is to be considered as possessing unquestionable value,
in the first place, because an earnest prayer of petition in
the presence of the Spouse of our souls will readily find
a hearing, and then, because the fruits of Communion
as a means of satisfaction for sin may be applied to a
third person, and especially per modum suffrogii to the
souls in purgatory.
(d) As a last effect we may mention that the Eu-
charist is the "pledge of our glorious resurrection and
eternal happiness" (Council of Trent, Sess. XIII, cap.
ii), according to the promise of Christ : " He that eateth
my flesh ana drinketh my blood, hath everlasting life:
and I will raise him up on the last day." Hence the
chief reason why the ancient Fathers, as Ignatius
(Ephes., 20), Irenseus (Adv. haer., IV, xviii, 4), and
Tertullian (Deresurr. earn., viii); as well as later pa-
tristic writers, insisted so strongly upon our future res-
urrection, was the circumstance that it is the door by
which we enter upon unending happiness. There can
be nothing incongruous or improper in the fact that
the body also shares in this effect of Communion, since
by its physical contact with the Eucharistic species.
ETJ0HARI8T
588
KU0HAKI8T
some
germ
and hence (indirectly) with the living Flesh of Christ,
it acquires a moral right to its future resurrection,
even as the Blessed Mother of God, inasmuch as she
was the former abode of the Word made flesh, ac-
quired a moral claim to her own bodily assumption
into heaven. The further discussion as to whether
"physical quality" (Contenson) or a "sort of
of immortality" (Heimbucher) is implanted in
the body of the communicant, has no sufficient foun-
dation in the teaching of the Fathers and may, there-
fore, be dismissed without any injury to dogma.
See Daloaxrnb, The Holy Communion, tfa Philosophy, Theol-
ogy and Practice (Dublin, 1861, and many later editions);
Heimbucher, Wirkungen der hi. Kommunion (Ratiabon, 1884);
Lohrum, Die eakramentaten Wirkungen der Eucharietie (Mains,
1886); Bellamy, Lee effete de la Communion (Paris, 1900);
Radsmachbr, Die iibernaiHrl. Lebensordnung nach der paulin-
ischen und johanneieehen Theologie (Freiburg, 1003), 230 aqq.
(4) The Necessity of the Holy Eucharist for Solvation.
— We distinguish two kinds of necessity, (1) the neces-
sity of means {necessitas medit) and (2) the necessity
of precept (necessitas pracepti). In the first sense a
thing or action is necessary because without it a given
end cannot be attained ; the eye, e. g. is necessary for
vision. The second sort of necessity is that which is
imposed by the free will of a superior, e. g. the neces-
sity of fasting. As regards Communion a further dis-
tinction must be made between infants and adults. It
is easy to prove that in the case of infants Holy Com-
munion is not necessary to salvation, either as a means
or as of precept. Since they have not as yet attained
to the use of reason, they are free from the obligation
of positive laws; consequently, the only question is
whether Communion is, like Baptism, necessary for
them as a means of salvation. Now the Council of
Trent under pain of anathema, solemnly rejects such
a necessity (Sess. XXI, can. iv) and declares that
the custom of the primitive Church of giving Holy
Communion to children was not based upon the er-
roneous belief of its necessity to salvation, but upon
the circumstances of the times (Sess. XXI, cap. iv).
Since according to St. Paul's teaching (Rom., viii, I)
there is "no condemnation11 for those who have been
baptized, every child that dies in its baptismal inno-
cence, even without Communion, must go straight to
heaven. This latter position was that usually taken
by the Fathers, with the exception of St. Augustine,
who from the universal custom of the Communion of
children drew the conclusion of its necessity for salva-
tion (see Communion of Children). On the other
hand, Communion is prescribed for adults, not only by
the law of the Church, but also by a Divine command
(John, vi, 50 sqq.), though for its absolute necessity as
a means to salvation there is no more evidence than in
the case of infants. For such a necessity could be es-
tablished only on the supposition that Communion per
se constituted a person in the state of grace or that
this state could not be preserved without Communion.
Neither supposition is correct. Not the first, for the
simple reason that the Blessed Eucharist, being a sac-
rament of the living, presupposes the state of sanctify-
ing grace; not the second, because in case of necessity,
such as might arise, e. g., in a long sea- voyage, the Eu-
charistic graces may be supplied by actual graces. It
is only when viewed in this light that we can under-
stand how the primitive Church, without going coun-
ter to the Divine command, withheld the Eucharist
from certain sinners even on their deathbeds. There
is, however, a moral necessity on the part of adults
to receive Holy Communion, as a means, for instance,
of overcoming violent temptation, or as a viaticum
for persons in danger of death. Eminent divines,
like Suarez, claim that the Eucharist, if not abso-
lutely necessary, is at least a relatively and morally
necessary means to salvation, in the sense that no adult
can long sustain his spiritual, supernatural life who
neglects on principle to approach Holy Communion.
This view is supported, not only by the solemn and
earnest words of Christ, when He promised the Ku-
charist, and by the very nature of the sacrament as
the spiritual food and medicine of our souls, but also
by the fact of the helplessness and perversity of human
nature and by the daily experience of confessors and
directors of souls.
Sinee Christ has left us no definite precept as to the
frequency with which He desired us to receive Him in
Holy Communion, it belongs to the Church to deter-
mine the Divine command more accurately and pre-
scribe what the limits of time shall be for the reception
of the sacrament. ( In the course of centuries the
Church's discipline in this respect has undergone con-
siderable change. Whereas the early Christians were
accustomed to receive at every celebration of the
Liturgy, which probably was not celebrated daily in
all places, or were in the habit of Communicating pri-
vately in their own homes every day of the week, a
f alling-off in the frequency of Communion is noticeable
since the fourth century. Even in his time Pope
Fabian (236-250) made it obligatory to approach the
Holy Table three times a year, viz. at Christmas,
Easter, and Pentecost, and this custom was still preva-
lent in the sixth century [cf. Synod of Agde (506), c.
xviii]. Although St. Augustine left daily Communion
to the free choice of the individual, his admonition, in
force even at the present day, was: Sic viye, ttt quotidie
possis sumere (De dono persev., c. xiv), i. e. "So live,
that you may receive every day." From the tenth to
the thirteenth century, the practice of going to Com-
munion more frequently during the year was rather
rare among the laity and obtained only in cloistered
communities. St. Bonaventure reluctantly allowed
the lay brothers of his monastery to approach the
Holy Table weekly, whereas the rule of the Canons of
Chrodegang prescribed this practice. When the
Fourth Council of Lateran (1215), held under Inno-
cent III. mitigated the former severity of the Church's
law to tne extent that all Catholics of both sexes were
to communicate at least once a year, and this during
the paschal season, St. Thomas (III, Q. lxxx, a. 10)
ascribed this ordinance chiefly to the " reign of impiety
and the growing cold of charity ". The precept of the
yearly paschal Communion was solemnly reiterated by
the Council of Trent (Sess. XIII . can. ix) . The mysti-
cal theologians of the later Middle Ages, as Eoknart,
Tauler, St. Vincent Ferrer, Savonarola, and later on
St. Philip Neri, the Jesuit Order, St. Francis de Sales,
and St. Alphonsus Liguori were zealous champions of
frequent Communion; whereas the Jansenists, under
the leadership of Antoine Arnauld (De la frequente
communion, Paris, 1643), strenuously opposed them
and demanded as a condition for every Communion
the "most perfect penitential dispositions and the
purest love of God ". This rigorism was condemned
by Pope Alexander VIII (7 Dec., 1690) ; the Council of
Trent (Sess. XIII, cap. viii; Sess. XXII, cap. vi) and
Innocent XI (12 Feb., 1679) had already emphasized
the permissibility of even daily Communion. To root
out the last vestiges of Jansemstic rigorism, Pius X is-
sued a decree (24 Dec., 1905) wherein he allows and
recommends daily Communion to the entire laity and
requires but two conditions for its permissibility,
namely, the state of grace and a right and pious inten-
tion. Concerning the non-requirement of the twofold
species as a means necessary to salvation see Commun-
ion UNDER BOTH KlNDS.
See HomtANN, Ceechichtt der Laienkommunion hie turn
Tridentinum (Speyer, 1891): Bbhbinqbr, Die hi. Kommunion
in ihren Wirkungen und ihrer HeUenotwendigkeit (Ratiabon,
1898); Babtien, De frequenti quotidiandque Communione
(Rome. 1907).
(5) The Minister of the Eucharist — The Eucharist
being a permanent sacrament, and the confection (con-
fecUo) and reception (susceptio) thereof being sepa-
rated from each other by an interval of time, the minis-
ter may be and in fact is twofold: (a) the minister of
consecration and (b) the minister of administration.
r
/
EUCHARIST
589
EUCHARIST
(a) In the early Christian Era the Peputians, Collyr-
idians, and Montanists attributed priestly powers even
to women (cf. Epiphanius, De haer., xlix, 79); and in
the Middle Ages the Albigenses and Waldenses ascribed
the power to consecrate to every layman of upright
disposition. Against these errors the Fourth Lateran
Council (1215) confirmed the ancient Catholic teach-
ing, that " no one but the priest [sacerdos], regularly
ordained according to the keys of the Church, has the
power of consecrating this sacrament". Rejecting
the hierarchical distinction between the priesthood and
the laity, Luther later on declared, in accord with his
idea of a "universal priesthood " (cf. I Peter, ii, 5),
that every layman was qualified, as the appointed rep-
resentative of the faithful, to consecrate the Sacra-
ment of the Eucharist. The Council of Trent opposed
this teaching of Luther, and not only confirmed anew
the existence of a " special priesthood" (Sess. XXIII,
can. i), but authoritatively declared that "Christ or-
dained the Apostles true priests and commanded them
as well as other priests to offer His Body and Blood in
the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass" (Sess. XXII, can. ii).
By this decision it was also declared that the power of
consecrating and that of offering the Holy Sacrifice are
identical. Both ideas are mutually reciprocal. To
the category of "priests" (sacerdos, UptAt) belong, ac-
cording to the teaching of the Church, only bishops
and priests; deacons, subdeacons, and those in minor
orders are excluded from this dignity.
Scripturally considered, the necessity of a special
priesthood with the power of validly consecrating is
derived from the fact that Christ did not address the
words, " Do this", to the whole mass of the laity, but
exclusively to the Apostles and their successors m the
priesthood ; hence the latter alone can validly conse-
crate. It is evident that tradition has understood the
mandate of Christ in this sense and in no other. We
learn from the writings of Justin. Origen, Cyprian,
Augustine, and others, as well as from the most an-
cient Liturgies, that it was always the bishops and
priests, and they alone, who appeared as the properly
constituted celebrants of the Eucharistic Mysteries,
and that the deacons merely acted as assistants in
these functions, while the faithful participated pas-
sively therein. When in the fourth century the abuse
crept in of priests receiving Holy Communion at the
hands of deacons, the First Council of Nicsea (325) is-
sued a strict prohibition to the effect, that " they who
offer the Holy Sacrifice shall not receive the Body of
the Lord from the hands of those who have no such
power of offering", because such a practice is contrary
to "rule and custom". The sect of the Luciferians
was founded by an apostate deacon named Hilary, and
possessed neither bishops nor priests; wherefore St.
Jerome concluded (Dial. adv. Lucifer., n. 21), that for
want of celebrants they no longer retained the Eu-
charist. It is clear that the Church has always denied
the laity the power to consecrate. When the Arians
accused St. Athanasius (d. 373) of sacrilege, because
supposedly at his bidding the consecrated Chalice had
been destroyed during the Mass which was being cele-
brated by a certain Ischares, they had to withdraw
their charges as wholly untenable when it was proved
that Ischares had been invaiidly ordained by a pseudo-
bishop named Colluthos and, therefore, could neither
validly consecrate nor offer the Holy Sacrifice.
(b) The dogmatic interest which attaches to the
minister of administration or distribution is not so
great, for the reason that the Eucharist being a per-
manent sacrament, any communicant having the
E roper dispositions could receive it validly, whether
e did so from the. hand of a priest, or layman, or
woman. Hence the question is concerned, not with
the validity, but with the liceity of administration. In
this matter the Church alone has the right to decide,
and her regulations regarding the Communion rite
may vary according to the circumstances of the times.
In general it is of Divine right, that the laity should aa
a rule receive only from the consecrated hand of the
priest (cf. Trent, Sess. XIII, cap. viii). The practice
of the laity giving themselves Holy Communion was
formerly, and is to-day, allowed only in case of neces-
sity, in ancient Christian times it was customary for
the faithful to take the Blessed Sacrament to their
homes and Communicate privately, a practice (Ter-
tullian, Ad uxor., II, v), to which, even as late as the
fourth century, St. Basil makes reference (Ep. xciii, ad
Caesariam). Up to the ninth century, it was usual for
the priest to place the Sacred Host in the right hand of
the recipient, who kissed it and then transferred it to
his own mouth; women, from the fourth century on-
ward, were required in this ceremony to have a cloth
wrapped about their right hand. The Precious Blood
was in early times received directly from the Chalice,
but in Rome the practice, after the eighth century, was
to receive it through a small tube (fistula) ; at present
this is observed only in the pope's Mass. The latter
method of drinking the Chalice spread to other locali-
ties, in particular to the Cistercian monasteries, where
the practice was partially continued into the eigh-
teenth century.
Whereas the priest is both by Divine and ecclesias-
tical right the ordinary dispenser (minister ordinarius)
of the sacrament, the deacon is by virtue of his order
the extraordinary minister (minister extraordinarius),
yet he may not administer the sacrament except ex
delegation*, i. e. with the permission of the bishop or
priest. As has already been mentioned above, the
deacons were accustomed in the Early Church to take
the Blessed Sacrament to those who were absent from
Divine service, as well as to present the Chalice to the
laity during tne celebration of the Sacred Mysteries
(cf . Cyprian, De lapsis, nn. 17, 25), and this practice was
observed until Communion under both kinds was dis-
continued . In St . Thomas's time (III, Q. lxxxii, a. 3),
the deacons were allowed to administer only the
Chalice to the laity, and in case of necessity the Sacred
Host also, at the bidding of the bishop or priest. After
the Communion of the laity under the species of wine
had been abolished, the deacon's powers were more
and more restricted. According to a decision of the
Sacred Congregation of Rites (25 Feb., 1777), still in
force, the deacon is to administer Holy Communion
only in case of necessity and with the approval of his
bishop or his pastor. (Cf . Funk, " Der Kommunion-
ritus in his Kirchengeschichtl. Abhandlungen und
Untersuchungen", Paderborn, 1897, I, pp. 293 sqq.;
see also "Theol. praktische Quartalscnrift", Linz,
1906, LIX, 95 sqq.)
(6) The Recijnent of the Eucharist.--The two condi-
tions of objective capacity (capacitas, aptitudo) and
subjective worthiness (dignitas) must be carefully dis-
tinguished. Only the former is of dogmatic interest,
while the latter is treated in moral theology (see Com-
munion and Communion of the Sick). The first
requisite of aptitude or capacity is that the recipient
be a "human being" since it was for mankind only
that Christ instituted this Eucharistic food of souls
and commanded its reception. This condition ex-
cludes not only irrational animals, but angels also; for
neither possess human souls, which alone can be nour-
ished by this food unto eternal life. The expression
" Bread of Angels" (Ps. lxxvii, 25) is a mere metaphor,
which indicates that in the Beatific Vision where He is
not concealed under the sacramental veils, the angels
spiritually feast upon the God-man, this same prospect
being held out to those who shall gloriously rise on the
Last Day. The second requisite, the immediate de-
duction from the first, is that the recipient be still in
the "state of pilgrimage" to the next life (status via-
toris), since it is only in the present life that man can
validly Communicate. Exaggerating the Eucharist's
necessity as a) means to salvation, Rosmini advanced
the untenable opinion that at the moment of death
EUOHARIST
590
EUOHARIST
this heavenly food is supplied in the next world to
children who had just departed this life, and that
Christ could have given Himself in Holy Communion
to the holy souls in Limbo, in order to " render them
apt for the vision of God ' '. This evidently impossible
view, together with other propositions of Rosmini,
was condemned by Leo XIII (14 Dec, 1887). In the
fourth century the Synod of Hippo (393) forbade the
practice of giving Holy Communion to the dead as a
gross abuse, and assigned as a reason, that "corpses
were no longer capable of eating". Later synods, as
those of Auxerre (578) and the Trullan (692), took
very energetic measures to put a stop to a custom so
difficult to eradicate. The third requisite, finally, is
baptism, without which no other sacrament can be
validly received ; for in its very concept baptism is the
"spiritual door" to the means of grace contained in
the Church. A Jew or Mohammedan might, indeed,
materially receive the Sacred Host, but there could be
no question in this case of a sacramental reception,
even though by a perfect act of contrition or of the
pure love of God he had put himself in the state of
sanctifying grace. Hence in the Early Church the
catechumens were strictly excluded from the Eucha-
rist. (Of. Schanz, Die Lehre von den hi. Sakramenten
der Kirche, Freiburg, 1893, sect. 35.)
The literature on the subject of the Eucharist is very exten-
sive; hence only the most important works are cited here.
The special literature on the subject has been indicated in con-
nexion with the various subdivisions of this article. Concern-
ins the Eucharistic Sacrifice, see Mass. Conspicuous amon^
the Schoolmen are: Albert the Great, De SS. Corpore Domini
sermones.ed. Jacob (Ratisbon, 1893); St. Thomas Aquinas,
Summa theoL, III, QQ. lxxiii sqq.. and Opuscul. xxxvii, ed. De
Maria, vol. Ill, pp. 460 sqq. (Citta di Castello, 1886). See also
the commentators on St. Thomas, e. g. Billuart, Summa S.
Thorn* (ed. Lequbtte), VI, 382 sqq. The following are valuable
even at the present day: Bellarmine, Controversies de Sacra-
mento Eueharistia, ed. Fevrb (Paris, 1873), VI; De Luqo, De
venerabUi Eueharistia sacramento, ed. Fournials (Paris, 1892),
III and IV; Dupbrron, Traili du sacrement de V Eucharistis
(Paris, 1620). Among later writers, see Rock, The Church of
Our Fathers; Wiseman, Lectures on the Real Presence (London,
1842); Bbidoett, The Holy Eucharist in Great Britain (London,
1881 ; new illustrated edition with valuable notes by Thurston,
London, 1908); Hedlet, The Holy Eucharist, in The West-
minster Library (London, 1907); Hirst, On the Origin of the
Exposition of the Bl. Sacrament in The Month (1890). pp. 68,
86-96; Duchesne, Origines du Cults chrHien, tr. McClurjb,
Christian Worship (see fourth ed. of French original, Paris,
1908); Salmon, The Ancient Irish Church (Dublin, 1897), con-
tains good bibliography; Moran, Essays on the Origin, Doc-
trines and Discipline of the Early Irish Church (Dublin, 1864);
Warren, The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church (Oxford,
1881); Jourdain, La s. Eucharistie, Somme de Theologie et Pre-
dication eucharistiques (4 vols., Paris, 1897); Cappellaiii,
VEucaristia come sacramento e come sacrifiexo (Turin, 1898).
Latin monographs: Rosset, De Eueharistia mysterio (Ratis-
bon, 1886); Franzelin, De ss. Eueharistia sacramento et sacri-
ficio (Rome, 1887); Einig, De ss. Eueharistia mysterio (Trier,
1888); Gasparri, Tract, canonicus ds ss. Eueharistia (2 vols.,
Paris, 1897); Lahoubss, Tract. Doomalico-moralis de ss. Eu-
eharistia mysterio (Bruges, 1899). To these may be added the
numerous textbooks of dogma, as: Billot, De Ecclesia sacra-
mentis (Rome. 1893). I; Heinrich-Gutberlet, Dogmatische
Theologie (Mams, 1901), IX; Gihr, Die hi. Sakramente der
kathol. Kirche (Freiburg, 1902), I: Scheeben-Atzberqer,
Handbuch der kathol. Dogmatik (Freiburg. 1901), IV; Pohle.
Lehrbuch der Dogmatik fPaderborn, 1908), III. Much material
may be had from the following: Cabrol and Leclbrcq, Monu-
menta Ecclesia liturgica; Smith, Dictionary of Christian An-
tiquities; Vacant and Manobnot, Dictionnaire de thiologie
catholique (Paris, 1903 — ); Schmid in Kirchenlex., s. v. Altars-
sacrament.
J. Pohle.
Eucharist, Early Symbols of the. — Among the
rbols employed by the Christians of the first ages in
crating their tombs, those which relate to the
Eucharist hold a place of the first importance. The
monuments of greatest consequence on which these
symbols are depicted exist, principally, in the subter-
ranean cemeteries of early Christian Rome, better
known as the Roman catacombs (see Catacombs,
Roman; Cemetery, Early Roman Christian Ceme-
teries). Their discovery and reopening in the latter
half of the nineteenth century have thrown great light
on more or less obscure allusions in early Christian
literature. In this way Catholic theology now pos-
sesses supplementary information of appreciable value
bearing on the belief in, and the manner of celebrat-
ing, the Eucharist in the sub- Apostolic age. Accord-
ing to Wilpert, an expert scholar in this field of Chris-
tian archaeology, the symbolic representations of the
catacombs which refer to the Eucharist form three
groups, inspired by three of Christ's miracles, namely
the miraculous multiplication of the loaves and
fishes, the banquet of the seven Disciples by the Sea of
Galilee after the Resurrection, and the miracle of
Cana. It is to the first two of these miracles, prob-
ably, that we owe the famous fish symbol, which
briefly summed up the chief articles of the Christian
belief (see Fish, Symbolism of the). The earliest
and always the favourite symbol of the Eucharist in
the monuments was that inspired by the miracle of the
multiplication of the loaves and fishes; the banquet of
the seven Disciples appears only in one (second-cen-
tury) catacomb scene; the miracle of Cana in two, one
of which is of the early third, the other of the fourth,
century.
I. The Miracle of the Multiplication. — On two
occasions Christ fed with loaves and fishes, miracu-
lously multiplied, a large concourse of people who had
followed Him into the desert. On the first of these
occasions, recorded by all four Evangelists, five
loaves and two fishes supplied the needs of five thou-
sand people, while on the second occasion, mentioned
only by St. Matthew (xv, 32 so.), seven loaves and a
" few " fishes more than sufficed for four thousand per-
sons. In accordance with the practice of depicting
only those features which were necessary to convey
the meaning of a symbol, the Christian artists of the
catacombs represented the miraculous multiplication
as a banquet, in which the guests are seen partaking of
a repast of loaves and fishes. In frescoes of this cate-
gory, the source of the artist's inspiration is clearly
indicated by the baskets of fragments on the right and
left of the banquet scene. The number of baskets
represented is not always historical, this being re-
garded as a matter of indifference so far as the symbol
was concerned; six Eucharistic frescoes show each
seven baskets, but in three others the number is two,
eight, and twelve, respectively. The number of
guests in all symbolical repasts of the Eucharist is in-
variably seven, a peculiarity which Wilpert regards
as due to the early Christian fondness for the symbol-
ism of numbers. According to St. Augustine (Tract,
exxiii, in Joan.), the number seven represented the
totality of the Christian world. The most ancient
representations of the Eucharist in the catacombs is
the fresco known as the "Fractio Panis", an orna-
ment of the Capella Grcca, in the cemetery of St. Pris-
cilla. Wilpert attributes this, with other paintings of
that chapel, to the early part of the second century,
and his opinion is generally accepted. The scene
represents seven persons at table, reclining on a semi-
circular divan, and is depicted on the wall above the
apse of this little underground chapel, consequently in
close proximity to the place where once stood the
altar. One of the banqueters is a woman. The place
of honour, to the right (in cornu dextro), is occupied by
the "president of the Brethren" (described about
150-155 by Justin Martyr in his account of the Chris-
tian worship), i. e. the bishop, or a priest deputed
in his place for the occasion (Apol.. I, lxvi). The
" president " (irpo€or^i), a venerable, bearded person-
age is depicted performing the function described in
the Acts of the Apostles (ii, 42, 46; xx, 7) as "break-
ing bread"; hence the name " Fractio Panis" (^ k\4*h
rod Aprov), appropriately given to the fresco by its
discoverer. It is to be noted that these words are
frequently used in the earliest non-inspired Christian
literature as a synonym for the Eucharist (for the
texts see Wilpert, Fractio Panis, Freiburg, 1895).
The moment represented, therefore, is that immedi-
ately before the Communion, when the celebrant, then
rw
EUOHAKIST 5<
as now, divided the Sacred Host. And, as though to
exclude all doubt as to the character of his subject, the
artist added a detail found in no other representation
of the Eucharist; in front of the celebrant he placed a
two-handled cup, evidently the chalice (calix minit-
teriolis) of the second century. Such is the earliest
representation in Christian art of the offering of the
Mass. A recent writer regards the scene as represent-
ing the celebration of the Eucharist in connexion with
the funeral agape on the anniversary of some person
interred in the chapel. The ^guests partaking of the
banquet, in this view, represent the relations of the
deceased assisting at an anniversary Mass (socrificium
pro dormitione) for the repose of his soul (Wieland,
Mensa und Confestfo, p. 139). In addition to these
unique details showing a real celebration of the Mass
in the early second century, the author of this fresco
depicted, side by side with the reality, a symbol of the
Eucharist. In the centre of the table are two plates,
one containing five loaves, the other two fishes, while
on the right and left of the divan seven baskets of
bread are distributed symmetrically.
After the "Fractio Pania" the most remarkahte
frescoes in which the miraculous multiplication is
1 KT0HARI8T
fish, somewhat after the manner of a priest holding his
hands over the chalice before the Consecration. Wil-
pert's interpretation of the scene is that the figure with
extended hands represents Christ performing the mir-
acle of the multiplication, which act, in th= intention of
the artist, is symbolic of the Consecration. The orans,
on the other hand, is a symbol of the deceased, who,
through the reception of Holy Communion, has ob-
tained eternal happiness: " He that eateth this bread
shall live forever (St. John, vi, 59). The representation
described forms one of a series comprising three sub-
jects, all relating to the Eucharist. The second of the
series is the usual banquet of seven persons, symbolis-
ing Communion, while the third depicts Abraham and
Isaac in the orans attitude. In the symbolism of the
time Isaac was regarded as a figure of Christ, whence
the inference that this representation of Abraham's
sacrifice was figurative of the Sacrifice of the Cross.
II. — The Banquet of the Seven Disciples. —
The repast of the seven Disciples by the Sea of Galilee
is recorded by the Evangelist St. John (xxi, 9 sqq.).
St. Peter and his f el low-fishermen, seven altogether,
after taking the miraculous draught of fishes, drew
their boats on shore, where they found "hot coals
employed as a symbol of the Eucharist are two in lying, and a fish laid thereon, and bread". The risen
the crypt of Lucina. the most ancient part of thecals- Saviour then invited them toeat," and none of them...
comb of St. Callistus. Each consists of a fish and a durst ask him: Who art thou? knowing that it was the
basket of bread on a green field. At first view it Lord". The incident thus recorded was just as ap-
would seem as though the fishes were represented propriate a symbol of the Eucharist as the miracle of
each carrying a basket of bread, in the act of swim- the multiplication, and as such it is once depicted in a
ming. A closer examination of the frescoes made by painting of the second century. In this, as in all
Wilpert, however, has shown that the baskets are Eucharistic frescoes, the symbol of Communion ap-
placed very close to, but not on, the fishes, and that pears in close proximity with a baptismal symbol.
the supposed blue surface is really green. The sub- The banquet scene itself at first view seems in no wise
ject, therefore, is the miraculous multiplication, the different from the category of Eucliaristic representa-
green surface representing a field. As a symbol these tions already described: seven persons are partaking
pictures are particularly striking from the in trod uc- of food, which consists of loaves and fishes. Two de-
tion of two glasses, containing a red substance, into tails, however, differentiate this particular picture
the baskets. Evidently the artist in this detail had in (Sacrament Chapel A 2, cemetery of Callistus), from
mind the Eucharistic matter of wine. Consequently, the symbolic banquets based on the miraculous multi-
the frescoes as a whole conveyed to an onlooker in the plication. The first of these details is the absence of
second century a meaning somewhat as follows: the the basket of fragments always present in frescoes
miraculously multiplied oread, together with wine, inspired by the latter subject, and the second consists
formed the matter of the Eucharist, which, in tum,bya inthefactthatthesevenbanquetersaredepictodnude,
still greater miracle, became the substance of the Body the manner in which fishermen were invariably repre-
and Blood of the Divine Ichthys, Jesus Christ. sented in classic art. The author of this fresco, we
The various Eucharistic banquet scenes of the cata- may safely conclude, drew his inspiration from the
combs appropriately symbolised the reception of Holy repast by the Sea of Galilee, which he depicted as a
Communion. In one early instance the artist por- symbol of the Eucharist. St. Augustine alludes to
trayed, besides a representation of this character, a this symbol when he speaks of the "roasted fish" on
new symbol having special reference to the Consecra- the hot coals as representing Christ crucified (Piecit
tion. This consists of a scene showing two persons be- ossu« Chrittut e*t pottut, Tract, cxxiii, in Joan.).
tide a tripod, on which are placed a loaf and fish. One During the first and second centuries, with the one
of the figures is clad in the tunic and pallium reserved exception noted, the only symbol of the Eucharist
in early Christian art to persons of sacred character, adopted in Christian art was that inspired by the
while the other, at the opposite side of the tripod, miraculous multiplication. The mode or representing
stands in the attitude of an orans. The sacred per- the symbol, also, during this period scarcely varied;
sonoge holds his hands extended over the loaf and the seven guests partake of the symbolic loaves and
EUOHARISTIO
592
EUOHAKISTIO
fishes, while baskets of bread are distributed at the
aides. In one instance, however, the guests are
omitted, and only a tripod with loaves and fishes and
the baskets of bread are depicted. This fresco, which
occupies a lunette of the Sacrament Chapel containing
the symbol of the seven Disciples, Wilpert regards as
a sort of compendium of the two symbols of the
Consecration and the Communion described above.
In the third century a new mode of representing the
favourite Eucharistic symbol was adopted in a num-
ber of frescoes. This consisted in a scene showing
Christ performing the miracle of multiplication by
touching with a rod one of several baskets of bread
placed before Him. In the loaves, also, incisions,
sometimes made in the form of a cross, are seen.
Paintings of this class were symbols of the Consecra-
tion. One of them (chamber III in the catacomb of
St. DomitOla) is of more than ordinary interest. Un-
fortunately it has suffered serious injury at the hands
of collectors. By the aid of a design made for Boaio,
Wilpert has been able to reproduce the picture. It
consists of three scenes. In the centre Cnrist is per-
forming the miracle of multiplication with a rod. a To
the right of this He is again represented, His right
hand raised in the oratorical gesture, while within the
folds of His pallium five loaves marked with a cross
are visible. Balancing this figure on the left is the
Samaritan woman drawing water from the well of
Jacob. According to the general principles under-
lying early Christian art, some relationship was here
intended between the three groups. Ordinarily the
Samaritan woman was a symbol of the refrigerium
(refreshment) petitioned for in the Memento for the
Dead at Mass. In the present instance Wilpert re-
gards it as more probable that she is intended as a
symbol of the soul in the enjoyment of eternal happi-
ness; the Eucharist, like the fountain of water (John,
iv, 14) "springing up into life everlasting", being a
pledge of immortality. In the catacomb of St. Callis-
tus there is a fourth painting of the miracle of the
multiplication which conforms more closely to histori-
cal narrative than the representations of an earlier
date; Christ is here depicted with both hands held
over the loaves and fishes presented to Him by two
Apostles. It may be added that more than thirty
frescoes of the miraculous multiplication still exist in
the Roman catacombs. For an exact and reliable
reproduction of them see Wilpert, "Le Pitture delle
catacombe Romane", Rome, 1903.
III. — The Wedding at Can a. — The custom intro-
duced in the third century of representing the multi-
plication of the loaves to the exclusion of the fishes is
thought to have been indirectly instrumental in
bringing about a new and beautiful symbol of the
Eucharist in early Christian painting. Previous to
this time only two frescoes contained any allusions to
the Eucharistic wine: the chalice of the "Fractio
Panis" and the red substance in the baskets of the
crypt of Lucina. But the epitomising of the multi-
plication symbol by the omission of the fishes (leaving
only bread, one of the two species required for the
Eucharist) probably suggested the idea of a special
symbol for the Eucharistic wine. No more appropri-
ate symbol for this purpose was to be desired than the
miracle of Cana (John, ii, 1-11), which was actually
adopted. As Christ at the marriage feast changed
water into wine, so on another occasion He changed
wine into His blood. Quite apropos in this relation
is a statement of St. Cyril of Jerusalem to the effect
that, since the Lord " in Cana of Galilee changed water
into wine, which is akin to blood", why should it be
regarded as " incredible that He should have changed
wine into blood?" (Cat., XXII, 2.) Two frescoes
representing the miracle of Cana exist in the Roman
catacomb of Sts. Peter and Marcellinus. The more
ancient of these, which dates from the middle of the
third century, represents four men and three women
partaking of a repast. Before the couch on which
they are reclining is a table, while on the left a servant
is carrying a dish to the person occupying the post of
honour at the right extremity. The servant's hands
are covered by a cloth. On the right Christ is seen
touching with a rod one of six water pots that stand
in front of Him. Taken as a whole, there can scarcely
be any doubt that here we have a Eucharistic scene,
with the symbol of wine substituted for the symbol of
bread. The number of guests is the invariable num-
ber in Eucharistic representations. The servant with
veiled hands is the bearer of some sacred object (else-
where St. Peter receiving the Law from Christ has his
hands similarly veiled). Finally, as in all other
Eucharistic frescoes, the Sacraments of Baptism and
Holy Communion are brought into close relationship'
on the right of the scene described is the fountain of
Moses and on the left a representation of the adminis-
tration of baptism. In the centre of the vault also a
veiled orans is an allusion to the effects of Communion
(a pledge of eternal life).
The second fresco of this subject belongs to the mid-
dle of the fourth century. Here Christ is twice repre-
sented, once multiplying the loaves, and a second time
changing water into wine. A banquet scene, which
has suffered serious injury, occupies the lunette; five
of the seven participants can still be recognised as
men. The discovery in 1864 at Alexandria of an
ancient Christian subterranean cemetery similar in
some respects to the catacombs of Rome, brought to
light a fresco in which two Eucharistic symbols of the
first Christian age are reproduced in a new and striking
planner. The picture occupies the frieze of the apse
in a small cemeterial basihca and is, consequently,
above the place formerly occupied by the altar. The
stone bench for the clergy in the sanctuary is still in
place. Three scenes, separated by trees, are repre-
sented. The central subject is the miraculous multi-
plication; Christ, identified by the nimbus, is seated
on a throne and is in the act of blessing loaves and
fishes presented by St. Peter and St. Andrew (identi-
fied by inscriptions).' At his feet twelve baskets of
bread are distributed symmetrically. To the right
and left of this picture were two banquet scenes. The
former is almost wholly destroyed, but a~Creek in-
scription gives a clue to the subject. This reads:
"Those partaking of the eulogia of Christ". EvXogia
is the term used by St. Paul (I Cor., x, 16) in reference
to the Eucharist: "the chalice of eulogia [benedic-
tion] which we bless, is it not the communion of the
blood of Christ?'1 The application of this term,
therefore, to the food set before the banqueters,
points to the inference that here was depicted a
Eucharistic scene in which the guests partook of the
symbolic loaves and fishes. The scene on the right,
we learn from inscriptions ("Jesus", "Mary", "Serv-
ants"), represented the miracle of Cana. The author
of this fresco, who was well acquainted with the sym-
bolism of the first centuries, evidently reproduced (1)
the favourite symbol of the Eucharist, i. e. the
miraculous multiplication of the loaves and fishes,
and (2) the later symbol of the Eucharistic wine, in-
spired by the miracle at the wedding feast.
Wilpert, Fractio Panis (Freiburg, 1895): Idem, Le pithtre
delle catacombe Romane (Freiburg im Br. and Rome, 1908), large
folio, replaces for completeness and trustworthiness all previous
similar works, e. g. De Rossi, Garrucci, etc.; Wieland. Mensa
und Confeeeio (Munich. 1906); Kraus in Reoi-Encykiopadi*,
etc. (Freiburg. 1882), 433-51; Marucchi, Elements d'orchsol.
chrU. (Paris, 1905), I. 291-307, also new edition (1908); North-
cote and Brown low, Roma Sotterranea (London, 1878), passim;
Lowrie, Monuments of the Early Ch. (New York, 1901), non-
Catholic
Maurice M. Habsztt.
Eucharistic Congresses are gatherings of eccle-
siastics and laymen for the purpose of celebrating and
glorifying the Holy Eucharist and of seeking the best
means to spread its knowledge and love throughout
LOAVES AND FISHES
EUCHARISTIC
593
EUCHARISTIC
the world. The Real Presence of Jesus Christ in the
Eucharist is one of the principal dogmas of the Cath-
olic Faith and is therefore of paramount importance
as the most precious treasure that Christ has left to
His Church as the centre of Catholic worship and as
the source of Christian piety. ^ The main advantages
of these congresses have been in the concentration of
the thoughts of the faithful upon the mystery of the
altar, and in making known to them the means by
whioh devotion towards the Holy Eucharist may be
promoted and implanted in the hearts of the people.
The promoters of Eucharistic congresses believe that,
if during recent years devotion to the Holy Eucharist
has become more widespread, if works of adoration,
Confraternities of the Blessed Sacrament, and the
practice of frequent Communion have spread rapidly
and extensively, it must be ascribed in great part to
these gatherings.
The first congress owed its inspiration to Bishop
Gaston de Slgur, and was held at Lille, France, 21
June, 188 1 . The idea at first was merely local and met
with few adherents, but it grew from year to year with
an ever-increasing importance. The second gather-
ing was at Avignon, in 1882, and the third at Liege, in
the following year. When from the 9th to the 13th of
September, 1885, the fourth congress met at Fribourg
in Switzerland, under the presidency of the famous
Mgr. Mermillod, Bishop of Lausanne and Geneva, his
influence and example drew to the platform members
of the Cantonal Government, officials of the munici-
pality of Fribourg, officers of the army, judges of the
courts, while thousands of Catholics from all over
Europe joined in the formal procession. Toulouse,
in the South of France, was the place of meeting of the
fifth congress, from the 20th to the 25th of June, 1886,
and about 1500 ecclesiastics and 30,000 laymen were
present at the closing exercises.
The sixth congress met in Paris, 2-6 July, 1888, and
the great memorial church of the Sacred Heart on
Monmartre was the centre of the proceedings. Ant-
werp, in Belgium, entertained the next congress, 15-21
August, 1890; an immense altar of repose was erected
in the Place de Meir, and it was estimated that 150,-
000 persons were gathered about it when Cardinal
Goossens, Archbishop of Mechlin, gave the solemn
Benediction. Bishop Doutreloux of Liege was then
president of the Permanent Committee for the Organi-
sation of Eucharistic Congresses, the body which has
charge of the details of these meetings.
Special importance was attached to the eighth con-
gress, which went to Jerusalem to hold its sessions
from the 14th to the 21st of May, 1893. Pope Leo
XIII sent as legate Cardinal Langenieux, Arch-
bishop of Reims. Here the reunion of the Orient
was advocated, and an adoration of the Blessed Sacra-
ment was preached on the very spot where tradition
says the Agony in the Garden took place. Next year
the congress was held at Reims, 25-29 July, and the
different churches of the East were largely repre-
sented. A place was given in the deliberations for the
first time to the study of social questions affecting the
working classes. Paray-le-Monial, the city of the
Sacred Heart, 20-24 September, 1897, was the scene
of the tenth congress; and the eleventh, the best or-
ganised and most numerously attended of the series,
met at Brussels, 13-17 July. 1898. Cardinal Lange-
nieux was again the pope's legate at the twelfth con-
gress which had Lourdes, the city of Eucharistic mira-
cles, as its meeting place, 7-11 August, 1899. This
gathering was notable for the number of priests who
took part in the procession. When the thirteenth
congress met at Angers, 4-8 September, 1901, a special
section was formed for young men to read and discuss
papers having reference to such works as young men
ought to undertake for the promotion of devotion to
the Holy Eucharist and the solution of social ques-
tions. Namur, Belgium, 3-7 September, 1902, was
V-— 38
chosen as the location for the fourteenth congress, and
the fifteenth, 20-24 July, 1904, went to Angoul&ne.
where the operations of French law forbade the usual
procession of the Blessed Sacrament. .
Pope Pius X having expressed a wish that the
Eucharistic Congress should De held in Rome, the dele-
gates met there, 1-6 June, 1905. He added to the
solemnity of the occasion by celebrating Mass, at the
opening of the sessions, by giving a special audience to
the delegates, and by being present at the procession
that closed the proceedings. It was the dawn of the
movement that led to his decree, ' <TridentinaSynodus|,l
20 December, 1905, advising daily communions.
Tournai, in Belgium, saw the seventeenth congress,
15-19 August, 1906; and the next one went to Metz,
in Lorraine, 7-11 August, 1907. Cardinal Vincenso
Yannutelli was the pope's legate, and the German
Government suspended the law of 1870, forbidding
processions, in order that the usual solemn procession
of the Blessed Sacrament might be held. Each year
the congress had become more and more definitely
international, and at the invitation of Archbishop
Bourne of Westminster it was decided to hold the
nineteenth congress in London, the first under the
auspices of, and among, English-speaking members
of trie Church.
In addition to these general congresses there had
also grown up, in all countries where Catholics were
numerous, local gatherings of the Eucharistic leagues
which were potent factors in the spread of the devo-
tion. These were held in France, Germany, Belgium,
Spain, Italy, England, Canada, Australia, ana the
United States. ( The first of these in the United States
was at St. Louis, in September, 1901 ; the second at
New York, in 1905; and the third at Pittsburg, in
1907. «The presidents of the Permanent Committee
of the International Eucharistic Congresses, under
whose direction all this progress was made were:
Bishop Gaston de Segur, of Lille; Archbishop de La
Bouillerie, titular of Perga and coadjutor of Bor-
deaux; Archbishop Duquesnay of Cambrai; Cardinal
Mermillod, Bishop of Lausanne .and Geneva; Bishop
Doutreloux of Liege, and Bishop Thomas Heylen of
Namur, Belgium. After each congress this committee
prepared and published a volume giving a report of all
the papers read and the discussions on them in the
various sections of the meeting, the sermons preached,
the addresses made at the public meetings, and the
details of all that transpired.
As the most representative and important of all the
congresses, the whole Catholic world: was at once in-
terested in the nineteenth, which was held in London,
9-13 September, 1908, and regarded as the greatest
religious triumph of its generation. In an affection-
ate letter voicing anew his interest in these congresses,
the pope once more designated Cardinal Vincenso
Vannutelli as his legate to attend the sessions. More
than three hundred and fifty years had elapsed since a
legate from the pope had been seen in England. With
him were six other cardinals, fourteen archbishops,
seventy bishops and a host of priests. No such gath-
ering of ecclesiastics had ever been seen outside of
Rome in modern times, and English Catholics pre-
pared to make it locally even more memorable. The
seeds of " the Second Spring", one of them aptly said,
awakened by the tears and blood of persecution, ana
strengthened by the prayers of the remnant of the
faithful in the dreary years of the penal laws, bore
flower and fruit.
A distinguished escort met Cardinal Vannutelli
when he landed at Dover, and an enormous crowd
assembled to witness the arrival of a papal legate in
London for the first time in more than three centuries.
On the next day, 9 September, the congress was sol-
emnly opened in the cathedral at Westminster, by the
legate, supported by Cardinals Gibbons of Baltimore;
Logue* of Ireland, Sancha y Hervas of Toledo, Ferrari
ETJOHAKISTIO 594 EU0HARIU8
of Milan, Mathieu of France, and Mercier of Belgium. Enchariitic Teat. See Ordeal.
Bishops, priests, and laymen from all quarters of the
globe were about them. The regular sessions began Eucharius, Saint, first Bishop of Trier (Treves) in
on 10 September, Archbishop Amette of Paris cele- the second half of the third century. According to an
brating the Mass. Two sectional meetings in English ancient legend, he was one of the seventy-two dis-
and one in French then listened to the papers anddis- ciples of Christ, and was sent to Gaul by St. Peter as
cussions. In the evening there was a great meeting of bishop, together with the deacon Valerius and the
15,000 people at the Albert Hall, to greet the papal subdeacon Maternus, to preach the Gospel. They
legate, at which meeting resolutions pledging all to came to the Rhine and to Elegia (Ehl) in Alsace.
Eromote devotion to the Eucharist and unalterable where Maternus died. His two companions hastened
delity to the Holy See were passed. The speakers back to St. Peter and begged him to restore the dead
included Archbishops Carr of Melbourne and Bruchesi man to life. St. Peter gave his pastoral staff to Eu-
of Montreal. On 11 September Archbishop Van der charius, and, upon being touched with it, Maternus,
Wetering, of Utrecht, was the celebrant of the Mass, who had been in his grave for forty davs, returned to
and the next day Mass was celebrated according to the life. The Gentiles were then converted in large num-
Byzantine Rite by the Very Reverend Arsenius bers. After founding many churches the three com-
Atiych, archimandrite of the church of Saint-Julien- panions went to Trier where the work of evangeliza-
le-Pauvre of Paris, assisted by several Greek Assump- tion progressed so rapidly that Eucharius chose that
tionist priests from Constantinople. The Mass on city for his episcopal residence. Among other mira-
Sunday, 13 September, celebrated by the papal legate, cles related in the legend he raised a dead person to
and at which Cardinal Gibbons preached, closed the life. An angel announced to him his approaching
series of splendid ceremonies that marked the con- death and pointed out Valerius as his successor. Eu-
gress. Vespers followed, and then the solemn pro- charius died 8 Dec.t having been bishop for twenty-
cession took place. five years, and was interred in the church of St. John
It had been intended to carry the Blessed Sacra- outside trie city. Valerius was bishop for fifteen
ment through the streets, but, owing to a protest and years and was succeeded by Maternus, who had in the
public clamour against this, , made by the societies com- meantime founded the dioceses of Cologne and Ton-
posing the Protestant Alliance, the Prime Minister, gres, being bishop altogether for forty years. The
Mr. Asquith, sent a formal request to Archbishop staff of St. Peter, with which he had been raised to life,
Bourne on the part of " His Majesty's Government' , was preserved at Cologne till the end of the tenth cen-
for the abandonment of this programme, and this was tury when the upper half was presented to Trier, and
complied with. The legate, attended by a guard of' was afterwards taken to Prague ty Emperor Charles IV.
honour headed by the Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marshal In the Middle Ages it was believed that the pope
of England, and made up of eleven English noblemen used no crozier, because St. Peter had sent his
and the Duke of Orleans and the Comte d'Eu and episcopal staff to St. Eucharius; Innocent III con-
some members of the French Chamber of Deputies, curs in this opinion (De Sacrif. Missse, I, 62). The
after passing over the route, gave solemn benediction same instance, however, is related of several other
from the balcony of the cathedral to the multitude alleged disciples of St. Peter, and more recent criti-
below. Telegraphing after the ceremony to Rome, cism interprets the staff as the distinctive mark of an
Cardinal Vannutelli said to the Cardinal Secretary of envoy, especially of a missionary. Missionaries in
State! "The Congress concluded with a great triumph subsequent centuries, e. g. St. Boniface, were occa-
to-day when the procession passed through the streets sionally called ambassadors of St. Peter, the pope who
of London packed with crowds raising continuous sent them being the successor of Peter. Moreover,
cheers for the cardinal legate and the other cardinals in medieval times the foundation of a diocese was
and prelates. The Sacred Host was not carried in the often referred to as early a date as possible, in order
procession, but I gave a final benediction with the thereby to increase its reputation, perhaps also its
Sacrament to the crowd from three open balconies on rights. Thus Paris gloried in Dionysius Areopagita
the facade of the cathedral. Members of the House of as its first bishop; similarly ancient origins were
Lords formed an escort of honour for me. Perfect claimed by other Frankish dioceses. In tune, espe-
order was kept." ciallv through the ravages of the Normans, the more
The pope sent a special letter to the Archbishop of reliable earlier accounts were lost. When at a later
Westminster after the congress concluded, stating period the lives of primitive holy founders, e. g. the
that, though it was the first of its kind in England, it saints of ancient Trier, came to be written anew, the
must be looked on as the greatest of all. for its con- gaps in tradition were filled out with various corn-
course of illustrious men, for the weight of its delibera- binations and fanciful legends. In this way there
tions, for its display of faith, and for the magnificence originated in the monastery of St. Matthias near
of its religious functions. He thanked the archbishop Trier the famous chronicle of Trier (Gesta Treve-
and all who had taken any part in the proceedings, rorum, ed. Waits in Mon. Germ. Hist.; script., VIII,
Before it closed the congress decided to have the ses- 111-174) in which there is a curious mixture of truth
sion of 1909 meet at Cologne, and that of 1910 at and error. It contains the account of the life of
Montreal. St. Eucharius given above. An amplification thereof,
Francois Desire*, Cardinal Mathieu. Archbishop of containing the lives of the three Baints in ques-
Toulouse, France, who had attended the Congress, was tion, is said to have been written by the monk
stricken with an illness that necessitated an operation Goldscher or Golscher, who lived in that monastery
shortly after his arrival in London. He died in Lon- about the year 1130. From the "Gesta" the narra-
don from the effects of this on the 25th of October tive passed unchallenged into numerous medieval
following. Another great dignitary of the Church works. More recent criticism has detected many
who was called to his reward shortly after assisting at contradictions and inaccuracies in these ancient rec-
this memorable congress was Ciriaco Maria, Cardinal ords, and it is almost universally believed at present
Sancliay Hervas, Archbishop of Toledo and Patriarch that, with few exceptions, the first Christian mission-
of the West Indies, who diea at Toledo, 25 February, aries came to Gaul, to which Trier then belonged, not
1909, in the seventy-first year of his age. earlier than about 250. Following Hontheim, Calmet
Official reports of the several Eucharistic (Wrasses; Sfcoua, and others, the Bollandists. with Marx, Ltttolf, and
Bioq.nmiveUede Mgr. deS/ffur (Paris, 1885); The Tablet, Catho- other historians refer these holy bishops of Trier to a
™ ^"ffii-c wSS IkZ^I^^J^' iQ&.^SlSSi Period following 250, though not all of them consider
TheCathoitc World (New lork, November, 1908); The Rotary rr. t .. .BirV , ,R, -, * #a* -c<..~u«.:..<. :-
Magazine (Somerset, Ohio. Oct., Nov., 1908): The Messenger this as fully established. The feast of St. EuchariUS IS
(New York, Oct., Nov., 1908). Thomas F. Meehan. celebrated on 8 Dec.
/
EUCHERIUS 595 EUOHOLOQION
The lives of the three saints may be found in the Acta ss.t rite of ordaining bishops " according to the exposition
SSz. &%££ «B? A V*^r.)i»ate»^ffe& g the %°% h$ Hf^1^ *JeKlita5 2
qachichte DeuUchland*, I. 74-82: Hauck. Kirchenoeschichte Nyssa"), the blessing of a hegumenos (abbot) and of
D*utsctdand*t 2d ed., I, 4 sqq.; Marx, Geschichte des Erptift* other superiors of monasteries, a prayer for those who
5^1 (T3& 18u*kn • T32Tn°i,nBw8,!i,u <*«<**** *■" rrMrer begin to serve in the Church, and the rites for minor
Kvrchm (Trier. 1888). 1. 10 aqq. Gabribl MbibR- orders (reader, singer, and subdeacon).
The ceremonies for receiving novices, clothing
Eucherius, Saint, Bishop of Lyons, theologian, b. monks in thamandyas (the "little habit") and in the
in the latter half of the fourth century ; d. atxRit 449. great and angelic habit ' come next, the appointing
On the death of hiswife he withdrew to the monastery °fa P™»t to be confessor (inw/iaTutto) and the manner
of Lenns, where his sons, Veranius and Salonius, lived, of hearing confessions, prayers to be said over persons
and soon afterward to the neighbouring island of who take a solemn oath for those who mcur canonical
Lerona (now Sainte-Marguerite), where he devoted punishments, and for those who are absolved from
of his " Collationes " describing the daily lives of the and we come to the rites of espousal, marriage i (called
hermits of the Thebaid. It was at this time that the "crowning' , Zrc^wyia. from the most striking
Eucherius wrote his beautiful letter " De laude Eremi " feature of the ceremony) , the prayers for taking off
to St. Hilary of Aries (c. 428). Though imitating the the crowns eight days later, the rite of second mar-
virtues of the Egyptian solitaries, he kept in touch "ages (called, as by us, "bigamy' , ttyapta, in which
with men renownedfor learning and piety, e. g, Cas- the persons are not crowned) and the very long unc-
sian, St. Hilary of Aries, St. Honoratus, later Bishop tion of the sick (to dytowjhitow) performed: nor-
of Marseilles, and Valerian, to whom he wrote his nj ally by seven, priests. Next, blessings for new
"Epistola panenetica de contemptu mundi". The churches and antimmsia (the corporal containing
fame of Eucherius was soon so widespread in south- relics they use for the Liturgy; it is really a kind of
- - portable altar), the ceremony of washing the altar on
politan of Lyons, and that he retained this dignity and the great pne (used on the Epiphany) followed by
until his death. In addition to the above-mentioned a sacramental which consists of bathing («tt^)
letters, Eucherius wrote " Formularium spiritual in- afterwards. After one or two more ceremonies, such
telligentiae ad Veranium", and " Institutiones ad as a curious i rite of kneeling (70^^ otherwise a
Salonium", besides many homilies. His works have jare gesture m the Eastern Churches) on the evening of
been published both separately and among the writ- Whitsunday, , exorcisms, prayers for the sick and dy-
ings of the Fathers. There is no critical edition but m?> colhe the burial services for laymen, monks,
thTtextismostaccessibleinMigne,"P.L.'',L, 686^894. pnests. Then follows a very miscellaneous collection
In the same volume (appendix, 893-1214) is to be of prayers and hymns (marked e&xf B^popot), can-
found a long series of works attributed to Eucherius, °™ <>f penance, against earthquakes for time of pesti-
some of doubtful authenticity, others certainly apoc- fence, and war, and two addressed to Our Lady,
ryphal. More prayers for various occasions end the book. In
AuAorb in Rev. de ManeiUe (Marseilles, 1862), VIII. 277- modern Euchologia, however, it is usual to add the
86, 345-68. 400-18; Gouilloud, 8. Bucher, Leritu, et Viglise de " Apostles" (the Epistles) and Gospels for the chief
&¥ a? *7 ^J^K0^J3ViJli^i77?e^1},*T^ feasts (these are taken from the two books that con-
8. Eucheru Lugdunensis eptscopx (Lyons, 1877); Rev. au Lyon- , . ./ , , ,. , . - ... , , v .
Mis (Lyons, 1868). cvi, 422hM: Bardenhkwbr, PatroJogy. t&m the whole collection of liturgical lessons), and
tr. Shahan (Freiburg-im-Br., St. Louis, 1908), 618-10. lastly the arrangement of the court of the oecumenical
LtoN Cluonet. patriarch in choir ? with rubrical directions for their
Euchites. See Mbssalians. various duties durmg the Liturgy This last chapter
is found, of course, only m the Orthodox book.
Enchologiqn (c&xo\6ytor), the name of one of It will be seen, then, that the Euchologion is the
the chief service-books of the Byzantine Church. It handbook for bishops, priests, and deacons. It con-
corresponds more or less to our Missal and Ritual, tains only the short responses of the choir, who have
The Euchologion contains first, directions for the dea- to use their own choir-books (Triodion, Pentekos-
con at the Heaperinan( Vespers), Orthroa (Lauds), and tarion, Oktoechos, Parakletike, Menologion). The
Liturgy. The priest's prayers and the deacon's lit- ' Euchologion, in common with all Byzantine service-
anies for those two hours follow. Then come the Lit- books, suffers from an amazing want of order. One
urgies; first, rubrics for the holy Liturgy in general, discerns a certain fundamental system in the order of
and a long note about the arrangement of the breads its chief parts; but the shorter services, blessings,
at the Proekomide. The Liturgy of St. John Chrysos- prayers, hymns, etc. are thrown together pell-mell,
torn is the frame into which the' others are fitted. The The first printed edition was published at Venice in
Euchologion contains only the parts of priest and dea- 1526. The Orthodox official edition in Greek is
con at lull length, first for the Chiysostom-liturgy, printed (as are all their books) at the Phoenix press
then for those parts of St. Basil's Liturgy that diner (rxrroypdipetor 6 Going) at Venice (7th ed., edited by
from it, then for the Presanctified-Liturgy, beginning Spiridion Zerbos, 1898). There is also an Athenian
with the Hesperinon that always precedes it. After edition and one of Constantinople. The Churches
the Liturgies follow a collection of sacraments and that use other liturgical languages have presses (gen-
sacramentals with various rules, canons, and bless- erally at the capital of the country, St. Petersburg,
frigs. First the rite of churching the mother after Bukarest, Jerusalem) for their translations. Pro-
child-birth frixai cfe yvraiKa Xegd), adapted for various vost Alexios Maltzew of the Russian Embassy Church
conditions, then certain "canons of the Apostles at Berlin has edited the Euchologion in Old Slavonic
and Fathers" about baptism, prayers to be said over and German with notes (Vienna, 1861, reprinted at
catechumens, the rite of baptism, followed by the Berlin, 1892). Uniats use the Propaganda edition
washing (droXowcf) of the child, seven days later, and have a compendium (/uicpow e$xo\6yior) contain-
certain exorcisms of St. Basil and St. John Chrysos- ing only the Liturgies, Apostles and Gospels, bap-
tom, and the rite of consecrating chrism (jripor) tism, marriage, unction, and confession (Rome, 1872).
on Maundy Thursday. Then follow the ordination ser- J. Goar, O.P., edited the Euchologion with very corn-
vices for deacon, priest, and bishop (there is a second plete notes, explanations, and illustrations (Eucholo-
^
KU0RATI8 596 EUDISTS
•
fion. sive Rituale Grocorum, 2nd ed.. Venice, fol., <** Mfcro Dame de Chariti (Abbeville, 1891); Nilles, De Ration*
720) ; thia is still the standard work of reference for bua J"**™* 8S. Cardium Jesu tt Maria (tnnsbnick, 1889).
Bysantine rites. Charles Lebrun.
Adrian Fortescue. ^^
- . a w t Eudists, or Society of Jesus and Mary, an eccle-
Eucratei. See Mobchus, John. siastical societv instituted at Caen, France, 25 March,
Eutomonism. See Hedonism. 1643, by the Venerable Jean Eudes. The principal
_ - , ~ t-. , . . , works of the society are the education of priests in
Eudes, Jean, Blessed, French missionary and seminaries and the giving of missions. The end
founder of the Eudists and of ^the Congregation of Our which Father Eudes assigned to his society made him
Lady of Chanty; author of the hturmcal worship of decide not to introduce religious vows. He was per-
the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary ; b. at Ri France, 8uaded that, better than religious, priests, findingin
14 Nov., 1601 : d. at Caen, 19 Aug., 1680. He was a the very dignity with which they were invested the
brother of the French historian, Franoois Eudes reason and means of rising to eminent perfection, were
de Meseray. At the age of fourteen he took a vow of in a position to inspire young clerics with a high idea
chastity. After brilliant studies with the Jesuits at of the priesthood and of the sanctity which it required.
Caen, he entered the Oratory, 25 March, 1623. His He also felt that bishops would not so willingly give
masters and models in the spiritual life were Fathers their seminaries over to priests who were not entirely
de Berolle and de iCondren. He was ordained pnest subject to them. Father Eudes shared the opinions
20 Dec., 1625, and began his sacerdotal life with he- of (Ordinal de Bundle and Father Olier, who did not
roic labours for the victims of the plague, then ravag- think it proper to admit religious vows in the orders
ing the country. As a .missionary. Father Euaes which they founded. Even ft. Vincent de Paul dickso
became famous. Since the tune of St. Vincent Fer- ODjy after great hesitation and on the condition, rati-
™\\ France had probably not seen a greater. He was fie<f by the sovereign pontiff, that the Priests of the
called by Oher "the prodigy of his age ". In 1641 he Mission should not form a religious order, properly so
founded the Congregation of Our Lady of Chanty of called, but an ecclesiastical society,
the Refuge, to provide a refuge for women of ill-fame Th© Society of Jesus and Mary is not, therefore, a
who wished to do penance. The society was approved religious order, but an ecclesiastical body under the
by Alexander VII, 2 Jan., 1666. With the approba- immediate jurisdiction of the bishops, to aid in the
tion of Cardinal de Richelieu and a great number of formation of the clergy. It is composed of priests, and
others, Father Eudes severed his connexion with the 0f postulants who are admitted after a probation of
Oratory to establish the Society of Jesus and Mary for three years and three months. There are also lay
the education of priests and for missionary work, brothers employed in temporal affairs, but who do
This congregation was founded at Caen, 25 March, not wear the ecclesiastical habit. To develop the
1643, and was considered a most important and urgent spirit of Jesus Christ in the members of the society,
work (see Eudists). Father Eudes caused to be celebrated every year in
Father Eudes, during his long life, preached not less his seminaries the feast of the Holy Priesthood of
than one hundred and ten missions, three at Paris, one j^g Christ and of all Holy Priests and Levites.
at Versailles, one at St-Germain-en-Laye, and the After the feast of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary
others in different parts of France. Normandy was ft is one of the principal in the community. The
the principal theatre of his apostolic labours. In 1674 solemnity begins on 13 November and is celebrated
he obtained from Clement X six Bulls of indulgences with an octave. It thus serves as a preparation for
for the Confraternities of the Sacred Heart already the renewal of the clerical promises on 21 Novem-
erected or to be erected in the seminaries. He also ber> the feast of the Presentation of the Blessed Vir-
established the Society of the Heart of the Mother gm. As early as 1649 Father Eudes had prepared an
Most Admirable— which resembles the Third Orders Office proper to the feast. Some years later the feast
of St. Francis and St. Dominic. This society now and 0feee were adopted by the Sulpician Fathers,
numbers from 20,000 to 25,000 members. Father Although not a religious order, the Society of- Jesus
Eudes dedicated the seminary chapels of Caen and an(i Mary is subject to discipline which does not dif-
Coutances to the Sacred Hearts. The feast of the fer from that of orders with simple vows. The ad-
Holy Heart of Marv was celebrated for the first time ministration is modelled on that of the Oratory to
in 1648, and that of the Sacred Heart of Jesus in 1672, wnich Father Eudes had belonged for twenty years,
each as a double of the first class with an octave. The supreme authority resides in a general assembly
The Mass and Office proper to these were composed by- wnich names the superior general and which is called,
Father Eudes, who thus had the honour of preceding at intervals, to control his administration. It alone
the Blessed Margaret Mary m establishing the devo- can make permanent laws. In the intervals between
tion to the Sacred Hearts. For this reason* Pope Leo the general assemblies, the superior general, named
XIII, in proclaiming his virtues heroic m 1903, gave for fife, exercises full authority in matters spiritual
him the title of "Author of the Liturgical Worship of and temporal. He has the right to name and depose
the Sacred Heart of Jesus and Holy Heart of Mary ". local superiors, to fix the personnel of each house, to
Father Eudes wrote a number of books remarkable for make the annual visit, to admit, and, in case of neces-
ajc mcaa«vii<»t w, *<• »»« *-rww.w«— «i»« f *~ <7t units, nmueu uy wie {general uaaciuuiy, wnu unve a
Confesseur"; "Le Predicateur Apostohque '; "If deciding vote in temporal affairs, and a consulting
Coeur Admirable de la Tres Sainte Mere de Dieu \ vote only in other questions.
This last is the first book ever written on the devotion During the lifetime of Father Eudes, the society
to the Sacred Hearts. His virtues were declared founded seminaries at Caen (1*13), Coutances (1650),
heroic by Leo XIII, 6 Jan., 1903. The miracles pro- Lisieux (1653), Rouen (1658), Evreux (1667), and
posed for his beatification were approved by Pius X, Rennes (1670). These were all "grand" seminaries;
3 May, 1908, and he was beatified 25 April 1909. Father Eudes never thought of founding any other.
F*%SS^(WwiP^ He admitted, however besides clerical students,
Bude*,seat*rtu*(P*riat 1869); Marti nk, VieduP. Eude* {C**n, priests with newly granted benefices who came for
1880): Boulay, Vie du V. Jean Budet (Paris); Joly, Le Vfn. further study , those who wished to make retreats, and
^J^^^^l hl£*A w„^pf^1«7^w!^ even lay students who followed the courses of the
Avdtr* <fet SacrtM Caurt de Jesus ei de Mane (fans, ls7U); Les -, ,. J - ,_,. . . ,A , . , ,, ,. .
Soots Court si le V. P. Eudes (Parii. 1891); Oby, Let Origines Faculty of Theology. After his death directors were
BUDOOIA
597
ETJOENDTJS
appointed for the Seminaries of Valognes, Avranches,
Dol, Senlis, Blois, Domfront, and Sees. At Rennes,
Rouen, and some other cities seminaries were con-
ducted for students of a poorer class who were called
to exercise the ministry in country pjaces. These
were sometimes called "lit tie" seminaries. The pos-
tulants were admitted early and made both their pro-
fane and ecclesiastical studies. During the French
Revolution, three Eudists, Fathers Hebert, Potier,
and Lefranc, perished at Paris in the massacres of
September, 1792. The cause of their beatification
with that of some other victims of September
has been introduced in Rome. Father Hubert was
the confessor of King Louis XVI, and shortly before
his death he made the king promise to consecrate his
kingdom to the Sacred Heart if he escaped from his
enemies. After the Revolution the society had great
difficulty in establishing itself again, and it was only in
the second half of the nineteenth century that it began
to prosper. Too late to take over again the direction
of seminaries formerly theirs, the Eudists entered upon
missionary work and secondary education in colleges.
The "Law of Associations" (1906) brought about the
ruin of the establishments which they had in France.
Besides the scholasticates which they have opened in
Belgium and in Spain, they direct seminaries at Car-
thagena, at Antioquia, at Pamplona, at PanamA
(South America), and at San Domingo, West Indies.
In Canada they have the Vicariate Apostolic of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence, a seminary at Halifax, N. S., a
college at Church Point, N. S., and at Caraquet, N. B.,
and a number of other establishments less important.
They number about fifteen establishments and about
one hundred and twenty priests in Canada. In
France, where the majority still remains, the Eudists
continue to preach missions and to take part in vari-
ous other works.
Db Monteey, Le Pkre Budes * sea Institutes (Puis, 1869);
Heimbucher, Ord. u. Kong- d. Kath. Kirch* (Paderborn, 1906),
III, 449-62; BbaunmCller in Kirchenlex.,B. v.
Charles Lebrun.
Eudocia (Eudokia). — JSlia Eudocia. sometimes
wrongly called Eudoxia, was the wife of Theodosius
II ; died c. 460. Her original name was Athenais, and
she was the daughter oFLeontius, one of the last pa-
gans who taught rhetoric at Athens. Malalas and the
other Byzantine chroniclers make the most of the
romantic story of her marriage. Leontius when dying
left nearly all his property to his two sons. To
Athenais ne bequeathed only 100 pieces of gold with
the explanation that she would not need more, since
"her luck was greater than that of all women". She
came to Constantinople to dispute this will, and was
there seen by Pulcheria, the elder sister of Theodosius
II, who ruled for him till he should be of age. The
emperor had already expressed his wish to marry (he*
was just twenty years old); both he and Pulcheria
were greatly delighted with Athenais. Malalas {op.
cit., p. 353) enlarges on her beauty. She was in-
structed in the Christian Faith and baptised by the
Patriarch Atticus. On 7 June, 421, she married
Theodosius. At her baptism she had taken the name
Eudocia. Pulcheria took charge of her education in
the deportment that was expected of an empress.
Theodosius and Eudocia had one daughter, Eudoxia,
who married the Western Caesar, Valentinian III
(425-455). It seems that after the wedding a certain
rivalry began between Pulcheria and Eudocia and
that this was the beginning of the empress's troubles.
In 438 Eudocia made her first pilgrimage to Jerusalem;
on the way she stopped at Antioch ana made a speech
with a quotation from Homer that greatly delighted
the citizens — so much so that they set up a golden
statue in her honour. From Jerusalem she brought
back St. Peter's chains, of which she .sent half to her
daughter in the West, who gave it to the pope. The
basilica of St. Peter ad Vincula was built to receive
this chain (Brev. Rom., 1 Aug., Lect. 4-6).
In 441 Eudocia fell into disgrace through an unjust
suspicion of infidelity with Paulinos, the "Master of
the Offices". Paulinos was murdered and Eudocia
banished. In 442 she went back to Jerusalem and
lived there till her death. She became for a time an
ardent Monophysite. In 453 St. Leo I of Rome
wrote to convert her. She then returned to the
Catholic Faith and used her influence in Palestine in
favour of the Council of Chalcedon (451). Theodo-
sius II died in 450, Pulcheria in 453 ; another dynasty
under Marcian took the place of the line of Theodosius
the Great. Eudocia, forgotten by the world, spent
her last years in good works and quiet meditation at
the holy places of Jerusalem. She was buried in the
church of St. Stephen, built by her outside the north-
ern gate. Byzantine history offers few so strange or
picturesque stories as that of the little pagan Athen-
ian who, after having been mistress of the civilised
world, ended her days as an ardent mystic, almost a
nun, by the tomb of Christ. Eudocia wrote much
poetry. As empress she composed a poem in honour
of her husband s victory over the Persians; later at
Jerusalem she wrote religious verse, namely, a para-
?hrase of a great part of the Bible (warmly praised by
hotius, Bibliotheca, 183), a life of Christ in Homeric
hexameters, and three books telling the story of Sts.
Cyprian and Justina (a legend about a converted
magician that seems to be one version of the Faust
story; see Th. Zahn, "Cyprian von Antiochien und
die deutsche Faustsage", 1887.). The extant frag-
ments of these poems were edited by A. Ludwich,
"Eudocia? Augusta) . . . carminum grocorum reli-
Juiffi" (Leipzig, 1807). See also fragments in P. G.,
,XXXV^832 sqq.
Another Byzantine empress of the same name (d.
404), like the above often wrongly called Eudoxia,
daughter of the Frank general Bauto, and wife of
Emperor Arcadius, was the cause of the first and sec-
ond exile of St. John Chrysostom. After the fall of
the eunuch Eutropius this beautiful but proud and
avaricious woman dominated Arcadius. Sne was the
mother of Pulcheria and Theodosius II. The homily
against her attributed to St. John Chrysostom (P. G.,
LIX. 485) is not genuine. Cf. Tillemont, "Hist,
des Empereurs" (Paris, 1701), V, 785.
Malalas, Chronographia, ed. Dindorf (Bonn, 1831): repr.
in P. O., XCVII, 9-790, pp. 353-358; Socrates, H. E., VII, xxi,
47; Evagrius, H. E., I, xx-xxii; Wieoand. Eudoxia, Gemahlin
des ostrdmischen Kaisers Theodosius II. (Worms, 1871); Gre-
oorovius, Athenais, Geschichte einer bytanlinischen Kaiserin
(Leipsig, 1892); Dxehl, Athenais in Figures Byzantines (Paris.
19067 PP. 25-49), I. U.
Adrian Fortesctjb.
Eudoxias, a titular see of Galatia Secunda in Asia
Minor, suffragan of Pessinus. Eudoxias is mentioned
only by Hierocles (Synecdemus, 698, 2) and Parthey
(Notit. episc., I, VIII, IX). Two bishops are known,
Aquilas in 451 and Menas in 536 (Lequien, Or. christ.,
1, 495). Another is spoken of in the life of St. Theodore
of Sycae, about the end of the sixth century. The
original name of the town is unknown, Eudoxias being
the name given to it in honour either of the mother or
of the daughter of Theodosius II. It was perhaps
Gordion, where Alexander the Great cut the famous
knot, and stood perhaps at the modern Yttrme, in the
vilayet of Angora. Othere, however, identify Eudoxias
with Akkilaion, whose site is unknown, and place
Germe at YQrme.
Ramsay, Asia Minor, 224-226; Anderson in Journal of
HeUen. Studies, XIX, 88; Idem in Annual of the British School
at Athens, IV, 66.
S. P^TRID&S.
Eugendus, Saint (Auqendus; Fr. Oyand, Oyan),
fourth Abbot of Condat (Jura), b. about 449, at Iser-
nore, Ain, Franche-Comt6; d. 1 Jan., 510, at Condat.
He was instructed in reading and writing by his
EUGENE
598
EUGENE
father, who had become a priest, and at the age of
seven was given to Sts. Romanus and Lupicinus to be
educated at Condat, in the French Jura. Thenceforth
he never left the monastery. He imitated the ex-
ample of the above-named saints with such seal that
it was difficult to tell which of the two he resembled
more. Eugendus acquired much learning, read the
Greek and Latin authors, and was well versed in the
Scriptures. He led a life of great austerity, but out of
humility did not want to be ordained priest. Abbot
Minausius made him his coadjutor, and after the
former's death (about 496) Eugendus became his suc-
cessor. He always remained the humble religious
that he had been before, a model for his monks by his
penitence and piety, which God deigned to acknowl-
edge by miracles. After the monastery, which St.
Romanus had built of wood, was destroyed by fire,
Eugendus erected another of stone, and improved the
community life; thus far the brethren had lived in
separate cells after the fashion of the Eastern ascetics.
He built a beautiful church in honour of the holy
Apostles Peter, Paul, and Andrew, and enriched it
with precious relics. The order, which had been
founded on the rules of the Oriental monasteries, now
took on more of the active character of the Western
brethren; the rule of Tarnate is thought to have
served as a model. Condat began to flourish as a
place of refuse for all those who suffered from the mis-
fortunes and afflictions of those eventful times, a
school of virtue and knowledge amid the surrounding
darkness, an oasis in the desert. When Eugendus
felt his end approaching he had his breast anointed by
a priest, took leave of nis brethren, and died quietly
after five days.
A few years after his death, his successor, St. Viven-
tiolus, erected a church over his tomb, to which num-
erous pilgrims travelled. A town was founded, which
was called, after the saint, Saint-Oyand de Joux, and
which retained that name as late as the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, while its former name of Condat
passed into oblivion. But when St. Claudius had, in
687, resigned his Diocese of Besancon and had died, in
606, as twelfth abbot, the number of pilgrims who
visited his grave was so great that, since the thirteenth
century, the name Saint-Claude came more and more
into use and has to-day superseded the other. The
feast of St. Eugendus was at first transferred to 2
Jan.; in the Dioceses of Besancon and Saint Claude it
is now celebrated on 4 Jan.
Acta 88., January, 1, 49-54; Man. Germ. HisL SS. Rer. Merov.
Ill, 154-66, ed. Kbusch, who wrongly holds this text of his life
ae non-authentic; Analecta Bollandxana, XVII, 367; Mabii/-
lon, Acta SS.t ord. «. Bened., I, 570-76.
Gabriel Meier.
Eugene I-IV, Popes. — Eugene I, Saint, was elected
10 Aug., 654, and d. at Rome, 2 June, 657. Be-
cause he would not submit to Byzantine dictation in
the matter of Monothelism, St. Martin I was forcibly
carried off from Rome (18 June, 653) and kept in exile
till his death (September, 655). What happened in
Rome after his departure is not well known. For a time
the Church was governed in the manner usual in those
dayB during a vacancy of the Holy See, or during the
absence of its occupant, viz., by the archpriest, the
archdeacon, and the primicerius of the notaries. But
after about a year and two months a successor was
given to Martin in the person of Eugene (10 Aug.,
654). He was a Roman of the first ecclesiastical region
of the city, and was the son of Rufinianus. He had been
a cleric from his earliest years, and is set down by his
biographer as distinguished for his gentleness, sanc-
tity, and generosity. With regard to the circumstances
of his election, it can only be said that if he was for-
cibly placed on the Chair of Peter by the power of the
emperor, in the hope that he would follow the imperial
will, these calculations miscarried ; and that, if he was
elected against the will of the reigning pope m the first
instance, Pope Martin subsequently acquiesced in his
election (Ep. Martini xvii in P. L., LXXXVII).
One of tne first acts of the new pope was to send
legates to Constantinople with letters for the Emperor
Constans II* informing him of his election, and pre-
senting a profession of his faith. But the legates
allowed themselves to be deceived, or gained over, and
brought back a synodical letter from Peter, the new
Patriarch of Constantinople (656-666), while the em-
peror's envoy, who accompanied them, brought offer-
ings for St. Peter, and a request from the emperor that
the pope would enter into communion with the Patri-
arch of Constantinople. Peter's letter proved to be
written in the most obscure style, and avoided making
any specific declaration as to tne number of " wills
or operations" in Christ. When its contents were
communicated to the clergy and people in the church
of St. Mary Major, they not only rejected the letter
with indignation, but would not allow the pope to leave
the basilica until he had promised that he would not
on any account accept it (656) . So furious were the By-
zantine officials at this contemptuous rejection of the
wishes of their emperor and patriarch that they threat-
ened, in their coarse phraseology, that when the state
of politics allowed it, they would roast Eugene, and
all the talkers at Rome along with him, as they had
roasted Pope Martin I (Disp. inter S. Maxim. etTheod.
in P. L., CXXIX, 654). Eugene was saved from the fate
of his predecessor by the aovance of the Moslems who
took Rhodes in 654, and defeated Constans himself in
the naval battle of Phoenix (655). It was almost cer-
tainly this pope who received the youthful St. Wilfrid
on the occasion of his first visit to Rome (c. 654). He
went thither because he was anxious to know "the
ecclesiastical and monastic rites which were in use
there". At Rome he gained the affection of Arch-
deacon Boniface, a counsellor of the apostolic pope,
who presented him to his master. Eugene "placed
his blessed hand on the head of tne youthful
servant of God, prayed for him, and blessed him"
(Bede, Hist. Eccles., V, 19: Eddius, In vit. Wilf ., c. v).
Nothing more is known of Eugene, except that he con-
secrated twenty-one bishops for different parts of the
world, and that he was buried in St. Peter's. In the
Roman Martyrology he is reckoned among the saints
of that day;.
Liber Pontifi4xdt8te>d.DvcHWMSK,ltZAl-'2; various documents
in P. L.( CXXIX, LXXXVII; Papebboch in Ada 83. (1005).
1 June, 220-2 (2a. 214-6); Mann, Lives of the Early Pope*. U
pt. I, 406 sqq.
Eugene II, elected 6 June, 824; died 27 Aug.,
827. On the death of Paschal I (Feb.-May, 824) there
took place a divided election. The late pope had wisely
endeavoured to curb the rapidly increasing power of
the Roman nobility, who, to strengthen their position
against him, had turned for support to the Frankish
power. When he died these nobles made strenuous
efforts to replace him by a candidate of their own; and
despite the fact that the clergy put forward a candi-
date likely to continue the policy of Paschal the nobles
were successful in their attempt. They secured the
consecration of Eugene, archpriest of S. Sabina on
the Aventine, although by a decree of the Roman
Council of 769, under Stephen IV, they had no right to
a real share in a papal election. Their candidate is
stated, in earlier editions of the " liber Pontificalis",
to have been the son of Boemund ; but in the recent
and better editions his father's name is not given.
Whilst archpriest of the Roman Church he is credited
with having fulfilled most conscientiously the duties of
his position and after he became pope he beautified his
ancient church of S. Sabina with mosaics and with metal
work bearing his name, which were intact in the six-
teenth century. Eugene is described by his biographer
as simple and humble, learned and eloquent, handsome
and generous, a lover of peace, and wholly occupied
with the thought of doing what was pleasing to God.
EUGENE
599
EUGENE
The election of Eugene II was a triumph for the
Franks, and they resolved to improve the occasion.
Emperor Louis the Pious accordingly sent his son
Lothair to Rome to strengthen "the Frankish influ-
ence. Those of the Roman nobles who had been ban-
ished duringthe preceding reign, and who had fled to
Frankland (F rancia), were recalled, and their property
was restored to them. A concordat or constitution
was then agreed upon between the pope and the em-
peror (824). This "Constitutio Romana", in nine
articles, was drawn up seemingly with a view of ad-
vancing the imperial pretensions in the city of Rome,
but at the Bame time of checking the power of the
nobles. It decreed that those who were under the
special protection of the pope or emperor were to be
inviolable, and that proper obedience be rendered to
the pope and his officials; that church property be not
plundered after the death of a pope ; that only those to
whom the right had been given by the decree of Stephen
IV, in 769, should take part in papal elections : that two
commissioners (missi) were to be appointed, the one
by the pope and the other by the emperor, who should
report to them how justice was administered, so that
any failure in its administration might be corrected by
the pope, or, in the event of his not doing so, by the
emperor; that the people should be judged according
to the law (Roman, Salic, or Lombard) they had
elected to live under; that its property be restored to
the Church* that robbery with violence be put down;
that when tne emperor was in Rome the chief officials
should appear before him to be admonished to do their
duty; ana, finally, that all must obey the Roman
pontiff. By command of the pope and Lothair the
people had to swear that, saving tne fidelity they had
promised the pope, they would obey the Emperors
Louis and Lothair; would not allow a papal election
to be made contrary to the canons; ana would not
suffer the pope-elect to be consecrated save in the
presence of the emperor's envoys.
Seemingly before Lothair left Rome, there arrived
ambassadors from Emperor Louis, and from the
Greeks concerning the image-question. At first the
Greek emperor, Michael II, showed himself tolerant
towards the image-worshippers, and their great cham-
pion, Theodore the Studite, wrote to him to exhort
him "to unite us [the Church of Constantinople] to
the head of the Churches of God, viz. Rome, and
through it with the three Patriarchs" (Epp., II,lxxiv);
and in accordance with ancient custom to refer any
doubtful points to the decision of Old Rome (II, lxxxvi ;
cf. II, cxxix). But Michael soon forgot his tolerance,
bitterly persecuted the image-worshippers, and en-
deavoured to secure the co-operation of Louis the
Pious. He also sent envoys to tne pope to consult him
on certain points connected with the worship of
images (Einhard, Annales, 824). Before taking anv
steps to meet the wishes of Michael, Louis sent to ask
the pope's permission for a number of his bishops to
assemble, and make a selection of passages from the
Fathers to elucidate the question the Greeks had put
before them. The leave was granted, but the bishops
who met at Paris (825) were incompetent for their
work. Their collection of extracts from the Fathers
was a mass of confused and ill-digested lore, and both
their conclusions and the letters they wished the pope
to forward to the Greeks were based on a complete
misunderstanding of the decrees of the Second Council
of Nk»a (cf. P. L., XCVIII, p. 1293 sqq.). Their
labours do not appear to have accomplished much;
nothing at any rate is known of their conseouences.
In 826 Eugene held an important council at Rome
of sixty-two bishops, in which thirty-eight disciplinary
decrees were issued. One or two of its decrees are note-
worthy as showing that Eugene had at heart the ad-
vance of learning. Not only were ignorant bishops and
Criests to be suspended till they had acquired sufficient
jarning to perform their sacred duties, but it was
decreed that, as in some localities there were neither
masters nor zeal for learning, masters were to be
attached to the episcopal palaces, cathedral churches
and other places, to give instruction in sacred and
polite literature (can. xxxiv) . To help on the work of the
conversion of the North, Eugene wrote commending
St. Ansgar, the Apostle of the Scandinavians, and his
companions "to all the sons of the Catholic Church"
(Jaffe, 2564). Coins of this pope are extant bearing
his name and that of Emperor Louis. It is supposed,
for no document records the fact, that, in accordance
with the custom of the time, he was buried in St.
Peter's.
Liber Pontiflcalis, ed. Duchesne, II, 60-70; Einhard and
other chroniclers in Mon. Germ. Hist., Script., I -II; Letter* of
Theodore thk Studite in P.O., XCIX: Duchesne, The Be-
{innings of the Temporal Sovereignty of the Popes (tr. London,
908), 128 sqq.; Mann, Lives of the Early Popes, II, 156 sqq.
Horace K. Mann.
Eugene III, Blessed (Bernardo Pignatelli),
born in the neighbourhood of Pisa, elected 15 Feb.,
1145; d. at Tivoli, 8 July, 1153v On the very
day that Pope Lucius II succumbed, either to illness
or wounds, the Sacred College, foreseeing that the
Roman populace would make a determined effort to
force the new pontiff to abdicate his temporal power
and swear allegiance to the Senatus Populusque Roma-
nus, hastily buried the deceased pope in the Lateran and
withdrew to the remote cloister of St. Csesarius on the
Appian Way. Here, for reasons unascertained, they
sought a candidate outside their body, and unanimously
chose the Cistercian monk, Bernard of Pisa, abbot of the
monastery of Tre Fontane, on the site of St. Paul's mar-
tyrdom. He was enthroned as Eugene III without de-
lay in St. John Lateran, and since residence in the rebel-
lious city was impossible, the pope and his cardinals
fled to the country. Their rendezvous was the
monastery of Farfa, where Eugene received the epis-
copal consecration. The city of Viterbo, the hospit-
able refuge of so many of the afflicted medieval popes,
opened its gates to welcome him; and thither he pro-
ceeded to await developments. Though powerless in
face of the Roman mob, he was assured by embassies
from all the European powers that he possessed the
sympathy and affectionate homage of the entire
C/hristian world.
Concerning the parentage, birth-place, and even
the original name of Eugene, each of his biographers
has advanced a different opinion. All that can be
affirmed as certain is that he was born in the territory,
of Pisa. Whether he was of the noble family of Pig-
natelli, and whether he received the name of Bernardo
in baptism or only upon entering religion, must remain
uncertain. He was educated in Pisa, and after his
ordination was made a canon of the cathedral . Later
he held the office of vice-dominus or steward of the
temporalities of the diocese. In 1 130 he came under
the magnetic influence of St. Bernard of Clairvaux;
five years later when the saint returned home from the
Synod of Pisa, the vice-dominiis accompanied him as a
novice. In course of time he was employed by his
order on several important affairs ; and lastly was sent
with a colony of monks to repeople the ancient Abbey
of Farfa; but Innocent II placed them instead at the
Tre Fontane.
St. Bernard received the intelligence of the eleva-
tion of his disciple with astonishment and pleasure,
and gave expression to his feelings in a paternal letter
addressed to the new pope, in which occurs the famous
passage so often quoted by reformers, true and false:
" Who will grant me to see, before I die, the Church of
God as in the days of old when the Apostles let down
their nets for a draught, not of silver and»gold, but of
souls ?" The saint, moreover, proceeded to compose
in his few moments of leisure that admirable hand-
book for popes called "De Consideratione". Whilst
Eugene sojourned at Viterbo, Arnold of Brescia
EUGENE
600
fa. v.), who had been condemned by the Council of
1139 to exile from Italy, ventured to return at the
beginning of the new pontificate and threw himself on
the clemency of the pope. Believing in the sincerity
of his repentance, Eugene absolved him and enjoined
on him as penance fasting and a visit to the tombs of
the Apostles. If the veteran demagogue entered
Rome in a penitential mood, the sight of democracy
based on his own principles soon caused him to revert
to his former self. He placed himself at the head of
the movement, and his incendiary philippics against
the bishops, cardinals, and evenr the ascetic pontiff
who treated him with extreme lenity, worked his
hearers into such fury that Rome resembled a city
captured by barbarians. The palaces of the cardinals
and of such of the nobility as held with the pope
were razed to the ground ; churches and monasteries
were pillaged; St. Peter's church was turned into an
arsenal ; and pious pilgrims were plundered and mal-
treated.
But the storm was too violent to last. Only an
idiot could fail to understand that medieval Home
without the pope had no means of subsistence. A
strong party was formed in Rome and the vicinity
consisting of the principal families and their adher-
ents, in the interests of order and the papacy, and the
democrats were induced to listen to words of modera-
tion. A treaty was entered into with Eugene by
which the Senate was preserved but subject to the
papal sovereignty and swearing allegiance to the
supreme pontiff.' The senators were to be chosen
annually By popular election and in a committee of
their body tne executive power was lodged. The-
pope and the senate should nave separate courts, and
an appeal could be made from the decisions of either
court to the other. By virtue of this treaty Eugene
made a solemn entry into Rome a few days before
Christmas, and was greeted by the fickle populace with
boundless enthusiasm. But the dual system of gov-
ernment proved unworkable. The Romans de-
manded the destruction of Tivoli. This town had
been faithful to Eugene during the rebellion of the
Romans and merited his protection. He therefore
refused to permit it to be destroyed. The Romans
rwing more and more turbulent, he retired to Castle
Angelo, thence to Viterbo, and finally crossed the
Alps, early in 1146.
Problems lay before the pope of vastly greater im-
portance than the maintenance of order in Rome.
The Christian principalities in Palestine and Syria
were threatened with extinction. The fall of Edessa
(1144) had aroused consternation throughout the
West, and already from Viterbo Eugene had ad-
dressed a stirring appeal to the chivalry of Europe to
hasten to the defence of the Holy Places. St. Ber-
nard was commissioned to preach the Second Crusade,
and he acquitted himself of the task with such success
that within a couple of years two magnificent armies,
commanded by the King of the Romans and the King
of France, were on their way to Palestine. That the
Second Crusade was a wretched failure cannot be
ascribed to the Baint or the pope ; but it is one of those
phenomena so frequently met with in the history of
the papacy, that a pope who was unable t» subdue a
handful of rebellious subjects could hurl all Europe
against the Saracens. Eugene spent three busy and
fruitful years in France, intent on the propagation of
the Faith, the correction of errors and abuses, and the
maintenance of discipline. He sent Cardinal Break-
spear (afterwards Adrian IV) as legate to Scandina-
via; he entered into relations with the Orientals with
the view to reunion ; he proceeded with vigour against
the nascent Manichean heresies. In several synods
(Paris, 1147, Trier, 1148), notably in the great Synod
of Reims (1148), canons were enacted regarding the
dress and conduct of the clergy. To ensure the strict
execution of these canons, the bishops who should
neglect to enforce them were threatened with suspen-
sion. Eugene was inexorable in punishing the un-
worthy. He deposed the metropolitans of York and
Mainz, and, for a cause which St. Bernard thought not
sufficiently grave, he withdrew the pallium from the
Archbishop of Reims. But if the Baintly pontiff
could at tunes be severe, this was not his natural dis-
position.
"Never", wrote Ven. Peter of Cluny to St. Bernard,
"have I found a truer friend, a sincerer brother, a
purer father. His ear is ever ready to hear, his
.tongue is swift and mighty to advise. Nor does he
comport himself as one's superior, but rather as an
equal or an inferior. . • I nave never made him a
request which he has not either granted, or so refused
that I could not reasonably complain." On the occa-
sion of a visit which he paid to Clairvaux, his former
companions discovered to their joy that "he who ex-
ternally shone in the pontifical robes remained in his
heart an observant monk".
The prolonged sojourn of the pope in France was of
great advantage to the French Church in many ways
and enhanced the prestige of the papacy. Eugene
also encouraged the new intellectual movement to
which Peter Lombard had given a strong impulse.
With the aid of Cardinal PuUus, his chancellor, who
had established the University of Oxford on a lasting
basis, he reduced the schools of theology and philos-
ophy to better form. He encouraged Uratian in his
herculean task of arranging the Decretals, and we owe
to him various useful regulations bearing on academic
degrees. In the spring of 1148, the pope returned by
easy stages to Italy. On 7 July, he met the Italian
bishops at Cremona, promulgated the canons of
Reims for Italy, and solemnly excommunicated Ar-
nold of Brescia, who still reigned over the Roman
mob. Eugene, having brought with him considerable
financial aid, began to gather his vassals and ad-
vanced to Viterbo and thence to Tusculum. Here he
was visited by King Louis of France, whom he recon-
ciled to his queen, Eleanor. With the assistance of
Roger of Sicily, he forced his way into Rome (1149),
and celebrated Christmas in the Lateran. His stay
was not of long duration. During the next three
years the Roman court wandered in exile through the
Campagna while both sides looked for the intervention
of Conrad of Germany, offering him the imperial
crown. Aroused by the earnest exhortations of St.
Bernard, Conrad finally decided to descend into Italy
and put an end to the anarchy in Rome. Death over-
took him in the midst of his preparations on 15 Feb.,
1152, leaving the task to his more energetic nephew,
Frederick Barbarossa. The envoys of Eugene hav-
ing concluded with Frederick at Constance, in the
spring of 1153, a treaty favourable to the interests of
tne Church and the empire, the more moderate of the
Romans, seeing that the days of democracy were
numbered, joined with the nobles in putting down the
Arnoldists, and the pontiff was enabled to spend his
concluding days in peace.
Eugene is said to have gained the affection of the
people by his affability and generosity. He died at
Tivoli, whither he had gone to avoid the summer
heats, and was buried in front of the high altar in St.
Peter's, Rome. St. Bernard followed him to the grave
(20 Aug.). "The unassuming but astute pupil of St.
861™*!*!", says Gregorovius, "had always continued
to wear the coarse habit of Clairvaux beneath the
purple; the stoic virtues of monasticism accompanied
nim through his stormy career, and invested him with
that power of passive resistance which has always
remained the most effectual weapon of the popes."
St. Antoninus pronounces Eugene III ""one of the
greatest and most afflicted of the popes". Pius IX by
a decree of 28 Dec, 1872, approved the cult which
from time immemorial the Pisans have rendered to
their countryman, and ordered him to be honoured
IUOKMK «
with Haas and Office n'lu dupliri on the anniversary of
tun death.
For the earliar Iiv« by Bono. John or Saliibdbt, Bi su-
ffer. Ilal., III. 439 «w. Cf. /,*. Pont., ed. Duchwink. II,' 388:
Hni, CwtftiMiirt,, V, 4M; his l«t«n »™ in P. Z,.,
CI.X.XX1, ](JOGUq<i.(J*rW, II. JOntfi.!. S^»]™S,imti. Vif,,
d<l traW Euqrnio 111 i!H»«™. lS74i; .Inno*. BoHond. UBB1).
X. 455; »ndlii*loriM of Ihe city of Rom. hy Von RtuuosTand
Jambs F. Lol-ohlin.
Edqk.vs IV (Gabriello Cohouimabo, or Con-
ddluerio), b.at Venice, 1383; elected 4 March, 1431;
d. at Rome, 23 Feb., 1447. He sprang from a wealthy
Venetian family and was a nephew, on the mother a
side, of Gregory XII. His personal presence was
princely and imposing. He was tall, thin, with a re-
markably winning countenance. Com-
: ing at an early age into the possession
of great wealth, he distributed 20,000
; ducats to the poor and, turning his
back upon the world, entered the
Augustinian monastery of St. George
in his native city. At the age of
twenty-four he was appointed by his
uncle Bishop of Siena; but since the
. people of that city objected to the rule
" of a foreigner, he resigned the bishopric
and, in 1408, was created Cardinal- Priest of St. Clem-
ent. He rendered signal service to Pope Martin V by
his labours as legate in Picenum (March of Ancona)and
later by quelling a sedition of the Bolognesi. In recog-
nition of his abilities, the conclave, assembled at Rome
in the church of the Minerva after the death of Martin
V, elected Cardinal Condulmaro to the papacy on the
first scrutiny. He assumed the name of Eugene IV,
possibly anticipating a stormy pontificate similar to
that of Eugene III. Stormy, in fact, his reign was
destined to oe; and it cannot be denied that many of
his troubles were owing to his own want of tact, which
alienated all parties from him. By the terms of the
capitulation which he signed before election and
afterwards confirmed by a Bull, Eugene secured to the
cardinals one-half of all the revenues of the Church,
and promised to consult with them on all questions of
importance relating to the spiritual and temporal con-
cerns of the Church and the Papal States. He was
crowned at St. Peter's, 11 March, 1431.
Eugene continued on the throne his simple routine
' ic life and gave great edification by his regu-
i a fierce and sanguinary conflict with the
house of Colonna, which would have resulted disas-
trously for the pope, had not Florence, Venice, and
Naples come to his aid. A peace was patched up by
virtue of which the Colonnesi surrendered their castles
and paid an indemnity of 75,000 ducats. Scarcely
was this danger averted when Eugene became in-
volved in a far more serious struggle, destined to
trouble his entire pontificate. Martin V had con-
voked the Council of Basle (q. v.) which opened with
scant attendance 23 July, 1431. Distrusting the
spirit which was reigning at the council, Eugene, by
a Bull dated 18 Dec., 1431, dissolved it, to meet eigh-
teen months later in Bologna. There is no doubt
that this exercise of the papal prerogative would
sooner or later have become imperative; but it seems
unwise to have resorted to it before the council had
taken any overt steps in the wrong direction. It al-
ienated public opinion, and gave colour to the charge
that the Curia was opposed to any measures of reform.
The prelates at Basle refused to separate, and issued
an encyclical to all the faithful in which they pro-
claimed their determination to continue their labours.
In this course they had the assurance of support from
all the secular powers, and on 15 Feb., 1432, they re-
asserted the Galilean doctrine of the superiority of the
ii xaawn
council to the pope (see Constance, Council or).
All efforts to induce Eugene to recall his Bull of disso-
lution having failed, the council, on 29 April, formally
summoned the pope and his cardinals to appear at
Basle within three months, or to be punished for con-
tumacy. The schism which now seemed inevitable
was for the time averted by the exert ions of Sigismund,
who had come to Rome to receive the imperial crown,
31 Hay, 1433, The pope recalled the Bull and ac-
knowledged the council as oecumenical, 15 Dec., 1433.
In the following May, 1434, a revolution, fomented by
the pope's enemies, broke out in Rome. Eugene, in
the garb of a monk, and pelted with stones, escaped
down the Tiber to Ostia, whence the friendly Floren-
tines conducted him to their city and received him
with an ovation. He took up his residence in the
Dominican convent of Santa, Maria Novella, and sent
Vitelleschi, the militant Bishop of Recanati, to restore
order in the States of the Church.
The prolonged sojourn of the Roman Court in Flor-
ence, then the centre of the literary activity of the age.
save a strong impetus to the Humanistic movement.
During his stay in the Tuscan capital, Eugene conse-
crated the beautiful cathedral, just then finished by
Brunelleschi. Meanwhile, the rupture between the
Holy See and the revolutionists at Basle, i
r-- - , . ;iyon
the side of the pontiff, for the proceedings of the little
coterie which assumed the name and authority of a
general council were utterly subversive of the Divine
constitution of the Church. By abolishing all sources
of papal revenue and restricting in every way the
papal prerogative, they sought to reduce the head of
the Church to a mere shadow. Eugene answered with
a dignified appeal to the European powers. The
struggle came to a crisis in the matter of the negotia-
tions for union with the Greeks. The majority at
Basle were in favour of holding a council in France or
Savoy. But geography was against them. Italy
was much more convenient for the Greeks; and they
declared for the pope. This so provoked the radical
party at Basle that on 3 July, 1437, they issued a
munition against Eugene, heaping all sorts of accusa-
tions upon him. In reply the pope published (IS
Sept.) a Bull in which he transferred the council to
Ferrara. Though the council declared the Bull in-
valid, and threatened the pope with deposition, yet
the Bull dealt a deadly blow to the adversaries of
papal supremacy. The better disposed leaders, no-
tably Cardinals Cesnrini anil Cusa, left them and re-
paired to Ferrara, where the council convened by Eu-
gene opened, 8 Jan., 1438, under the presidency of
Cardinal Albergati.
EUQEKIUS
602
EUQENIUS
The deliberations with the Greeks lasted for over a
year, and were concluded at Florence, 5 July, 1439, by
the Decree of Union. Though the union was not per-
manent, it vastly enhanced the prestige of the papacy.
The union with the Greeks was followed by that of the
Armenians, 22 Nov., 1439, the Jacobites, 1443, and
the Nestorians, 1445. Eugene exerted himself to the
utmost in rousing the nations of Europe to resist the
advance of the Turks. A powerful army was formed
in Hungary, and a fleet was despatched to the Helles-
pont. The first successes of the Christians were fol-
lowed, in 1444, by the crushing defeat at Varna. In
the mean time, the dwindling conventicle at Basle pro-
ceeded on the path of schism. On 24 Jan., 1438,
Eugene was pronounced suspended, and this step was
followed by his deposition on 25 June, 1439, on the
charge of heretical conduct towards a general council.
To crown their infamy, the sectaries, now reduced to
one cardinal and eleven bishops, elected an anti-pope,
Duke Amadeus of Savoy, as Felix V. But Christen-
dom, having recently experienced the horrors of a
schism, repudiated the .revolutionary step, and, be-
fore his death, Eugene had the happiness of seeing the
entire Christian world, at least in theory, obedient to
the Holy See. The decrees of Florence have since
been the solid basis of the spiritual authority of the
papacy.
Eugene secured his position in Italy by a treaty, 6
July, 1443, with Alfonso of Aragon, whom he con-
firmed as monarch of Naples, and after an exile of
nearly ten years he made a triumphant entry into
Rome, on 28 Sept., 1443. He devoted his remaining
years to the amelioration of the sad condition of
Home, and to the consolidation of his spiritual author-
ity among the nations of Europe. He was unsuccess-
ful in his efforts to induce the French court to cancel
the anti-papal Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges (7
July, 1438), but, by prudent compromises and the
skill of iEneas Silvius, he gained a marked success in
Germany. On the eve of his death he signed (5, 7
Feb., 1447) with the German nation the so-called
Frankfort, or Princes ' , Concordat, a series of four Bulls,
in which, after long hesitancy and against the advice
of many cardinals, he recognized, not without diplo-
matic reserve, the persistent German contentions for
a new council in a German city, the mandatory de-
cree of Constance (Frequens) on the frequency of
such councils, also its authority (and that of other gen-
eral councils), but after the manner of his predecessors,
from whom he declared that he did not intend to
differ. On the same day he issued another document,
the so-called "Bulla Salvatoria", in which he asserted
that notwithstanding these concessions, made in his
last illness when unable to examine them with more
care, he did not intend to do aught contrary to the
teachings of the Fathers, or the rights and authority
of the Apostolic See (Hergenrdther-Kirsch, II, 941-2).
See Pius II; Gregory of Heimburg.
Raynaldub, Annalex, ad aim. 1431-47; Vebpasiano da Bib-
tioci, Commentario delta vita di Eugenio IV e Nicola V etc. in
Muratobi, Script, rer. /to/., XXV, 251; PiccoLOMigi, ibid.. Ill
(ii), 868-904; Tiara et purpura Veneta (Venice. 1761), 6-15,
60-53, 344-48; Chribtophe, Hist, de la papaute au XV eiede
(Paris, 1863), II, 94-359; Albert, Papst Eugen IV (Mainx,
1885); Arnold, Rep. Germ. etc. (Berlin, 1897), I; Gebhardt,
Die Gravamina d. deut&ch. Nat. gegen den rom. Hof (Breslau,
1895); Pastor, Geach. der Paptle, etc. (4th ed.), I, 280 sqq.r
ibid. tr. Antbobds (St. Louis, 1902); Hffele. Conciliengeech.,
VII (ii); DOx.Der deutschc Kardinal Nick. Von Cusa und die
Kirche teiner Zeit (Ratisbon, 1847); Montor, Hist, of the Popes
(New York. 1867), II; nee also literature on the Councils of
Basle and Florence, and on Humanism and Renaissance in
Creyalxer, Bio-bibl., 1399-40, and Heroenrother-Kirbch,
Kirchengtsch. (1904), II. 907-9.
James F. Louqhlin.
Eugenius I, Archbishop of Toledo, successor in 636
of Justus in that see; d. 647. Like his predecessor he
had been a disciple of Helladius in the monastery of
Agli. He is famous as an astronomer and astronomi-
cal mathematician. As a bishop he was virtuous and
intelligent. At this period, under the Gothic kings,
the councils of Toledo were national diets convoked ty
the monarch, attended by lay lords; they regulated,
to some extent, not only spiritual but temporal af-
fairs. Of these councils Eugenius presided at the
fifth, convoked in 636 by King Chintil to confirm his
elevation to the throne; he assisted at the sixth, con-
voked by the same king to take precautions against
the disorders of royal elections. This council, con-
trary to the principles later put in practice by St.
Ildephonsus, banished all JewB who dud not embrace
the Catholic Faith. Eugenius attended the seventh
council of Toledo, which was summoned by King
Chindaswith and decreed that the bishops of Toledo
should reside one month every year in that city.
Gobchler, Diet, encycl. de la thiol, cath. (Paris, 1860);
Labbk, Sacrosanda Concilia (Paris, 1671), V, 1738, 1749, 1841.
Eugenius II (the Younger), Archbishop of Toledo
from 647 to 13 Nov., 657, the date of his death. He
was the son of a Goth named Evantius, became a
cleric in the cathedral of Toledo, and at the death of
Eugenius I was elected his successor. The office was
so little to his taste that he fled to Saragossa to lead
a monastic life, but was forced to return to Toledo by
King Chindaswith and take up the government of that
see. Though of small stature and feeble health he was
a zealous prelate. He undertook the reform of the
ecclesiastical chant of the Divine Office and achieved
distinction as a writer of prose and poetry*. His style
is natural and clear, and his exposition easy and agree-
able. His poems, though lacking polish and elegance,
are full of fire, spirit, and poetic movement. Piety
breathes throughout, and the orthodoxy of his faith
is notable. His thought is solid, fertile, and gives evi-
dence of a well-trained mind. His feast is kept on 13
November.
Eugenius left two books in prose and verse, published
(Paris, 1619) by Father Sirmond, S.J., containing his
poems on religious and secular subjects, his recension
of the poem of Dracontius on " The Six Days of Crea-
tion" (Hexaemeron), to which he added a "Seventh
Day", and a letter to Kins Chindaswith explaining
the plan of the entire work ; he also edited the metrical
" Satisfactio ' ' of Dracontius, an account of the writer's
misfortunes. Of this work Bardenhewer says (Pa-
trology, tr. St. Louis, 1908, p. 619) that it " underwent
a substantial revision at the hands of Eugenius II,
Bishop of Toledo, in keeping with the wish of the
Visigothic King Chindaswith (642-49) ; not only were
the poetical form and the theology of the poem affected
by this treatment, but probably also its political senti-
ments. It is this revision that was usually printed as
Dracontii Elegia (Migne, P.L.,LXXVIII, 383-88). until
the edition of Arevalo (Rome, 1791. 362-402, and 901-
32) made known the original text . He also wrote a
treatise on the Trinity probably against the Arian
Visigoths. Ferrera mentions a letter of Eugenius to
the king and one to Protasius, the Metropolitan of Tar-
ragona, promising if possible to write a mass of St.
Hippolytus and some festal sermons, but disclaiming
the ability to equal his former productions.
Sirmond. Opera (Venice, 1728), II, 610; P. L.. LXXXVII.
347-418; Ferrera, History of Spain, ad arm. 647-658; Gams,
Kirehengesch. Spaniene (1874), II, 2, 132-35; Mxchauo, Biog.
Univ. (Paris, 1826).
Mark J. McNeal.
Eugenius of Oaxthage, Saint, unanimously
elected Bishop of Carthage in 480 to succeed Deogra-
tias (d. 456); d. 13 July, 505. The election was de-
ferred owing to the opposition of the Arian Vandal
kings and was only permitted by Huneric at the in-
stance of Zeno and Placidia, into whose family the
Vandals had married . The bishop's wise government,
charity to the poor, austerity of life, and courage un-
der persecution, won the admiration of the Arians.
In his uncompromising defence of the Divinity of the
EUOIPPIUS
603
EULOGIUS
Word he was imitated by the members of his flock,
many of whom were exiled with him, after he had ad-
mitted Vandals into the Catholic Church, contrary to
royal edict, and had worsted in argument Arian theo-
logians, whom the king pitted against the Catholics.
Both sides claimed the name " Catholic ", the Arians
calling their opponents "Homoousians". The con-
ference was held some time between 481 and February,
484, and ended by the withdrawal of the chief Arian
bishop on the plea that he could not speak Latin. The
Arians being enraged, Huneric persecuted the Catho-
lics, exiling forty-six bishops to Corsica, and three
hundred and two to the African deserts. Among the
latter was Eugenius, who under the custody of a ruf-
fian named Antonius dwelt in the desert of Tripoli. On
setting out he wrote a letter of consolation and exhor-
tation to the faithful of Carthage which is still extant
in the works of Gregory of Tours (P. L., LVII, 769-
71). Gunthamund, who succeeded Huneric allowed
Eugenius to return to Carthage and permitted him to
reopen the churches. After eight years of peace
Thrasamund succeeded to the throne, revived the per-
secution, arrested Eugenius, and condemned him to
death, but commuted the sentence into exile atVienne,
near Albi (Languedoc), where the Arian Alaric was
king. • Eugenius built here a monastery over the tomb
of St. Amaranthus, the martyr, and led a penitential
life till his death. He is said to have miraculously
cured a man who was blind.
He wrote: " Expositio Fidei Catholics ", demanded
of him by Huneric, probably the one submitted by the
Catholic bishops at the conference. It proves the con-
substantiality of the Word and Divinity of the Holy
Ghost. He wrote also an " Applogeticus pro Fide ;
"Altercatio cum Arianis", fragments of which are
quoted by Victor de Vita; also pleas for the Catholics,
addressed to Huneric or his successors. His letter to
the faithful of Carthage has been mentioned above.
Victor dk Vita, Hiatoria persecutions Vandaliea in P. L.,
LVIII; Acta SS., 13 July; Gennadiub, De viria Mustr., c. xcvii;
Rohrbachkr, Hiat. Univ. de VEgliae Catholique (Paris, 1857),
VIII, 384-400; Bardenhewbb, Petrology, tr. Shah an (Frm-
burg, 1908), 615.
Mark J. McNeau
Eugippius. See Severintjs, Saint.
Eulalia of Barcelona, Saint, a Spanish martyr
in the persecution of Diocletian (12 Feb., 304), patron
of the cathedral and city of Barcelona, also of sailors.
The Acts of her life and martyrdom were copied early
in the twelfth century, and with elegant conciseness,
by the learned ecclesiastic Renallus Grammaticus
„ (Bol. acad. hist., Madrid, 1902, XLI, 253-55). Their
chief historical source is a Latin hymn of the middle
of the seventh century by Quiricus, Bishop of Barce-
lona, friend and correspondent of St. Ildephonsus of
Toledo and of Taio, Bishop of Saragossa. This hymn,
identical with that of Frudentius (Peristephanon,
III) for the feast of St. Eulalia of Merida (10 Dec.,
304), was preserved in the Visigothic Church and has
reached us through the Mozarabic Liturgy.
There is no reason to doubt the existence of two dis-
tinct saints of this name, despite the over-hasty and
hypercritical doubts of some. The aforesaid Quiricus
of Barcelona and Oroncius of Merida were present at
the tenth council of Toledo (656). The latter had al-
ready founded (651) a convent of nuns close by the
basilica of the celebrated martyr of his episcopal city,
had written a rule for its guidance, ana given it for
abbess the noble lady Eugenia. Quiricus now did as
much for the basilica ana sepulchre of the martyr of
Barcelona, close to whom he wished to be buried, as
we read in the last lines of the hymn. The inscrip-
tions on many Visigothic altars snow that they con-
tained relics of St. Eulalia; except in the context, how-
ever, they do not distinguish between the martyr of
Barcelona and the one of Merida. On an altar in the
village of Morera, Province of Badajoz, we find enu-
merated consecutively Sts. Fructuosus and Augurius
(Tarragona), St. Eulalia (Barcelona), St. Baudilius
(Nimes), and St. Paulus (Narbonne). The Visigothic
archaeology of Eastern Spain has been hitherto poor in
hagiological remains; nevertheless, a trans-Pyrenean
inscription found at Montady near Beziers mentions a
basilica dedicated to the martyrs Sts. Vincentius,
Ifies, and Eulalia (of Barcelona). Until 23 Nov., 874,
the body of the Barcelona martyr reposed outside the
walls of the city in the church of Santa Maria del Mar.
On that date both the body and the tomb were trans-
ferred to his cathedral by Bishop Frodoinus. In mem-
ory of this act he set up an inscription yet preserved in
the Museo Provincial of Barcelona (no. 864) ; see also
volume XX of Florez, " Espana Sagrada ", for a repro-
duction of the same. Not long before this the martyr,
St. Eulogius, having occasion to defend the martyrs of
Cordova for their spontaneous confession of the Chris-
tian Faith before the Mussulman magistrates, quoted
the example of St. Eulalia of Barcelona, and referred
to the ancient Acts of her martyrdom. Her distinct
personality is also confirmed by the existence of an
ancient church and monastery in Cordova that bear
the name of the Barcelona martyr; this important evi-
dence is borne out by the Mozarabic calendars exam*
ined by the learned Dom Ferotin (below).
Acta SS. Feb. 12, II, 576-80; Florez, EapaAa SaoradaJLlll,
XXIX; HCbnbr, lnacriplionea Hispaniw Christiana (Berlin,
1900),nos.57, 80, 89, 178, 334, 374, 510; Fbbotin, Liber Ordi-
num in Mon. Bed. Liturgioa (Paris, 1004), V, 440-605, 767; Fita,
Boleiin de la Real Academia de la Hiatoria (Madrid), 1000-03.
XXV, 53-65; XXXVII. 347; XLI, 253; XLIII. 50, 250. 440;
P. £,., LX, 643; LXXXIX, 1033, 1100; Anonymi Libelius de
vitia et miraculia patrum Emeritenaium Paulo diaeono Emeritenti
vulgo inacriptue etc., ed. db Smedt in Hogiogr. BoUand. (Brus-
sels, 1884); Gams, Kircheng. Spaniena (1862), I, 306.
F. FlTA.
Eulalius, Anti-pope. See Boniface I.
Eulogia (Greek ctXoyta, "a blessing") .—The term
has been applied in ecclesiastical usage to the object
blessed. It was occasionally used in early times to
signify the Holy Eucharist, and in this sense is espe-
cially frequent in the writings of St. Cyril of Alexan-
dria. The origin of this use is doubtless to be found in
the words of St. Paul (I Cor., x, 16): to ror^ptow rift
etiXoylas 6 ctiXoyodfur. But the more general use is
for such objects as bread, wine, etc.. which it was cus-
tomary to distribute after the celebration of the Di-
vine Mysteries. Bread so blessed, we learn from St.
Augustine (De peccat. merit., ii, 26), was custom-
arily distributed in his time to catechumens, and he
even gives it the name of sacramentum, as having re-
ceived the formal blessing of the Church: "Quodac-
ceperunt catechumeni, quamvis non sit corpus
Ghristi, sanctum tamen est, et sanctius quam cibi qui-
bus alimur, quoniam sacramentum est" (What the
catechumens receive, though it is not the Body of
Christ, is holy — holier, indeed, than our ordinary food,
since it is a sacramentum). For the extension of this
custom in later ages, see Antidoron; Bread, Litur-
gical Use of.
The word eulogia has a special use in connexion with
monastic life. In the Benedictine Rule monks are for-
bidden to receive "litteras, eulogias, vel quaelibet
munuscula" without the abbot's leave. Here the
word may be used in the sense of blessed bread only,
but it seems to have a wider signification, and to des-
ignate any kind of present. There was a custom in
monasteries of distributing in the refectories, after
Mass, the eulogias of bread blessed at the Mass.
Aubbspinb, De vet. ece. ritibua (Puis, 1623); Ducanqb,
Oloaaarium med. et inf. latinitatia, ed. Favrb (Niort, 1883-88);
db Vbbt, Ceremoniea de VEgliae.
Arthur S. Barnes.
Eulogius of Alexandria, Saint, patriarch of that
see from 580 to 607. He was a successful combatant
of the heretical errors then current in Egypt, notably
the various phases of Monophysitism. He was a
EUL00IU8
604
EUMENIA
warm friend of St. Gregory the Great, corresponded
with him, and received from that pope many flattering
expressions of esteem and admiration. Among other
merits the pope makes special mention of his defence
of the primacy of the Koman See (Baronius, Ann.
Eccl., aid an. 597, no. 9) Eulogius refuted the Nova-
tians, some communities of which ancient sect still
existed in his diocese, and vindicated the hypostatic
union of the two natures in Christ, against both Nes-
torius and Eutyches. Baronius (ad ann. 600, no. 5)
says that Gregory wished Eulogius to survive him,
recognising in him the voice of truth. It has been
rightly said that he restored for a brief period to the
church of Alexandria that life and youthful vigour
characteristic of those churches only which remain
. closely united to Rome. Besides the above works
and a commentary against the various sects of the
Monophysites (Severians, Theodosians, Cainites, Ace-
phali) he left eleven discourses in defence of Leo I and
the council of Chalcedon, also a work against the
Agnoeto, submitted by him before publication to
Gregory I, who after some observations authorised it
unchanged. With exception of one sermon and a few
fragments all the writings of Eulogius have perished.
Nbalb, The Holy Eastern Church: Patriarchate of Alexandria
(London, 1850), If, 46-52; Bardbnhxwbb, Patroiom* tr. Sha-
han (Freiburg and St. Louis, 1908), 575. The extant fragments
of the writings of Eulogius are in A <?.. LXXXVI (2) 2913-64.
M. J. McNeal.
Eulogius of Oordova, Saint. Spanish martyr and
writer who flourished during the reigns of the Cor-
dovan Caliphs, Abd-er-Rahman II and Mohammed I
(822-886). It is not certain on what date or in what
▼ear of the ninth century he was born; it must have
been previous to 819, because in 848 he was a priest
highly esteemed among the Christians of Catalonia
and Navarre, and priesthood was then conferred only
on men thirty years of age. The family of the saint
was of the nobility and held land in Cordova from
Roman times. The Mussulman rulers of Spain, at
the beginning of the eighth century, tolerated the
creed of the Christians and left them, with some re-
strictions; their civil rule, ecclesiastical hierarchy,
monasteries, and property, but made them feel the
burden of subjection m the shape of pecuniary exac-
tions and military service. In the large cities like
Toledo and Cordova, the civil rule of the Christians
did not differ from that of the Visigothic epoch. The
government was exercised by the comes (count),
president of the council of senators, among whom we
meet a similarly named ancestor of Eulogius. The
saint, like his five brothers, received an excellent
education in accord with his good birth and under the
guardianship of his mother Isabel. The youngest of
the brothers, Joseph, held a high office in the palace of
Abd-er-Rahman II; two other brothers, Alvarus and
Isidore, were merchants and traded on a large scale as
far as Central Europe. Of his sisters, Niola and
Anulona, the first remained with her mother; the
second was educated from infancy in a monastery
where she later became a nun.
After completing his studies in the monastery of St.
Zoilus, Eulogius continued to live with his family the
better to care for his mother; also, perhaps, to study
with famous masters, one of whom was Abbot Spe-
raindeo, an illustrious writer of that time. In the
meantime he found a friend in the celebrated Alvarus
Paulus, a fellow-student, and they cultivated to-
gether all branches of science, sacred and profane,
within their reach. Their correspondence in prose
and verse filled volumes; later they agreed to destroy
it as too exuberant and lacking in polish. Alvarus
married, but Eulogius preferred the ecclesiastical ca-
reer, and was finally ordained a priest by Bishop
Recared of Cordova. Alvarus has left us a portrait of
his friend: " Devoted ", he says, " from his infancy to
the Scriptures, and growing daily in the practice of
virtue, he quickly reached perfection, surpassed in
knowledge all his contemporaries, and became the
teacher even of his masters. Mature in intelligence,
though in body a child, he excelled them all in science
even more than they surpassed him in years. Fair in
feature \clarus vultu], honest and honourable, he shone
by his eloquence, and yet more by his works. What
books escaped his avidity for reading? What works
of Catholic writers, of heretics and Gentiles, chiefly
philosophers? Poets, historians, rare writings, all
kinds of books, especially sacred hymns, in the com-
position of which he was a master, were read and di-
gested by him ; his humility was none the less remark-
able and he readily yielded to the judgment of others
less learned than himself." This humility shone par-
ticularly on two occasions. In his youth he had de-
cided to make a foot pilgrimage to Rome; notwith-
standing his great fervour and his devotion to the
sepulchre of the Prince of the Apostles (a notable
proof of the union of the Mosarabic Church with the
Holy See), he gave up his project, yielding to the ad-
vice of prudent friends. Again{ during the Saracenic
persecution in 850, after reading a passage of the
works of St. Epiphanius he decided to refrain for a
time from saying Mass that he might better defend
the cause of the martyrs; however, at the request of
his bishop, Saul of Cordova, he put aside his scruples.
His extant writings are proof that Alvarus did not
exaggerate. They give an account of what is most
important from 848 to 859 in Spanish Christianity,
both without and within the Mussulman dominions,
especially of the lives of the martyrs who suffered
during the Saracenic persecution, quorum pars ipse
magna fuit. He was 'elected Archbishop of Toledo
shortly before he was beheaded (11 March, 859). He
left a perfect account of the orthodox doctrine which he
defended, the intellectual culture which he propa-
gated, the imprisonment and sufferings which he en-
dured ; in a word, his writings show that he followed to
the letter the exhortation of St. Paul: Imitatores mei
estate sicut et ego Christi. He is buried in the cathe-
dral of Oviedo.
Fubntb. Hist. Ec~ de Bsvana (1855), II. 124-26; Florm,
Espana Sagrada, X, 336-471; Oamb, Kirehenaeseh, Spaniens
(1874), II, 229-38; Miqne, PL., CXV. 70±-966; Simonbt.
Histona de los Motdrabes de Espaiia in Memorial de la Real
Academia de la Historia, XIII, 357, 486 (Madrid, 1903); Bau-
dissxn, Eulogius und Alvar (Leipug , 1872); Ebert, Geech. der
lot. Lilt, dee MitUlaUers (Leipzig, 1880). II. 300-05; Bourret.
Sehola Corduba Christiana (Pans, 1858), 35-58.
F. FlTA.
Eumenia, a titular see of Fhrvgia Pacatiana in
Asia Minor, and suffragan to Hierapolis. It was
founded by Attalus II Philadelphia (159-138 B. c.) at
the sources of the Cludrus and near the Glaucus, on
the site of the modern Ishekli, the centre of a nahie"
in the vilayet of Brusa (1000 inhabitants). The new
city was named by its founder after his brother Eu-
menes. Numerous inscriptions and many coins re-
main to show that Eumenia was an important and
Erosperous city under Roman rule. On its coins it
oasts of its Achaean origin. The spread of Christian-
ity is, however, the most interesting fact in its history.
As early as the third century its population was in
great part Christian, and it seems to have suffered
much during the persecution of Diocletian . Its bishop
and martyr, St. Thraseas (Euseb., H. E., V, xxiv),
must belong to this period. Another bishop, Metro-
dorus, known by an inscription, lived probably soon
after Emperor Constantine. Four other bishops are
known by their subscriptions to proceedings of coun-
cils—Theodore in 361, Leo in 787, Paul and Epi-
phanius in 879 (Lequien, Oriens christ., 1, 807). The see
is mentioned in the " Notitiae episcopatuum " as late as
the twelfth or thirteenth centuries.
Ramsay, The Cities and Bishopries of Phrygia (Oxford. 1896),
353-373, 484-533. _
S. PfcTRIDfcS.
EUN0MIANI8M
605
EUNOMIANIBM
Bunomianism, a phase of extreme Arianism prev-
alent amongst a section of Eastern churchmen from
about 350 until 381 ; as a sect it is not heard of after
the middle of the fifth century. The teaching of
Arms was, condemned by the Council of Nicaea, and
the word homoousion adopted as the touchstone of
orthodoxy. Hie subsequent history of the Arian
heresy is the history of the endeavours of arianizing
sympathisers to get rid of the obnoxious word. The
diplomacy of court intriguers forms the dark back-
ground against which stand out Eusebians and Semi-
Arians. Imperial influence had been all-powerful too
long in the official religion to allow imperial ingerence
in church affairs to cease with the imperial change of
attitude towards Christianity. That influence was
exercised through the court prelates tinged with the
fundamental rationalism underlying Arianism. They
skilfully avoided the real issue, represented the whole
affair as merely a question of the -propriety of using
particular terms, and for a time deluded those who
were unfamiliar with the metaphysics of the question.
St. Athanasius was represented as a political fire-brand
whose watchword was homoourion. The Emperor
Constantius (337-361), to his great personal annoyance,
was obliged to allow Athanasius to return from his
second exile (339-346) to Alexandria (31 Oct., 346).
The lull which seemed to follow the return of Atha-
nasius was due to the political circumstances arising
out of the disastrous Persian War and the civil war
against Maxentius ; and it was not until the victory of
Mount Seleucus (13 Aug., 353) that the emperor's
hands were freed.
In the meantime a new and more defiant Arian
school was arising, impatient of diplomacy, and less
pliant to imperial dictation. It frankly returned to
the fullest expression of the errors of Arius, and sought
to defend it on the rationalizing basis of Aristotelean
dialectics. The history of the new school coincides
with the life-history of Aetius and Eunomius. Aetius,
its founder,- successively a goldsmith, physician,, and
grammarian, turned his attention to theology under
Arian influences at Antioch and Alexandria. Aris-
totle's categories henceforth formed the limits of his
knowledge, and the abuse of the syllogism his principal
weapon. Ordained deacon at Antioch in 360, he was
deposed by Leontius and sought refuge at Alexandria,
where he found a disciple in Eunomius. Radical ana
uncompromising in their heretical teaching, they
asserted that in substance and in all else the Son is
unlike the Father: drbpuxot, "unlike1', became their
watchword as against the bpoofotos (homoousioa) of
the Orthodox, the 6(iaw6*u>t (homoiousios) of the
Semi-Arians, and the later 6fiatos {homoios) of the
Acacians. Hence the Arian extremists became known
as Aetians, and later as Eunomians and Anomcsans.
Their doctrines were received favourably by Eudoxius
of Antioch and the Synod of Antioch in 358 ; but the
formulation of their tenets produced a reaction, and
in the same year they were condemned by the Semi-
Arians at Ancyra and at the Third Synod of Sirmium,
and the leaders were exiled for a short time to Pepuza.
They reappeared, however, at the Semi-Arian Synod
of Seleucia (Sept., 359), where Acacius of Csesarea
rejected the Mfiatot and the triumph of the Homceans
lea to the exile of Aetius to Mopsuestia in Cilicia and
later to Amblada in Pisidia. After 360 the Anomcean
Arians ceased to be formidable. Julian the Apostate
(361-363) allowed Aetius to return; he was rehabili-
tated in an Arian synod, and died c. 370. Meanwhile
Eunomius, supported by his friend Eudoxius, trans-
ferred from Antioch to Constantinople (Jan., 360),
became Bishop of the Orthodox See of Cyzicus in
Mysia. His flock appealed to Constantius, who obliged
Eudoxius to take action against him. Deposed in
his absence and banished, Eunomius founded a sect of
his own, ordained and consecrated some of his follow-
ers. Julian recalled both Aetius and Eunomius, who
acquired considerable importance in Constantinople.
The Synod of Antioch, 362, explicitly set forth the
Anomcean doctrine that u the Son is in all things un-
like [*ar A rrdrra drSftoioi] the Father, as well in will as in
substance". The death of Eudoxius in 370 marks
the beginning of the end of Eunomianism. The sec-
taries were excluded from the benefit of Gratian's
edict of toleration (end of 378), were directly con-
demned by the Council of Constantinople (381), and
were the objects of special repressive measures in
addition to tnose directed against Arians and heretics
in general. Moreover, disruptive forces were at work
within the sect. Eunomius died about 395, and for all
practical purposes the sect may be said to have died
with him.
The dogmatic system of Eunomius is characterized
at once by its presumptuous dialectics and its shal-
lowness. His errors concerning Christ are founded
upon his erroneous theodicy, which involves the as-
sertion that a God of simplicity cannot be a God of
mystery at all, for even man is as competent as God
to comprehend simplicity. Eunomius proclaims the
absolute intelligibility of the Divine Essence: "God
knows no more of His own substance, than we do;
nor is this more known to Him, and less to us: but
whatever we know about the Divine Substance, that
precisely is known to God; on the other hand, what-
ever He knows, the same also you will find without
any difference in us" (Socrates, Hist. Eccl., IV, vii).
'Aycmpta, he maintains, perfectly expresses the Divine
Essence: as the Unbegotten, God is an absolutely
simple being: an act of generation would involve
a contradiction of His essence, by introducing duality
into the Godhead. The Father is dyhnfroi, the Son
yippjfTos; hence, he held, there must be diversity of
substance. The general line of his sophistical reason-
ing against the Orthodox was as follows: You allow
dyevmj<ria to be a Divine attribute. Now the sim-
glicity of God excludes all multiplicity of attributes,
onsequently dycvnpta is the only attribute which
befits tne Divine nature, the only one therefore essen-
tial to Him. In other words, God is essentially ii ca-
pable of being begotten. Hence it is folly to-speak of
a God begotten, of a Son of God. Tlie one God,
dyivpifTot and Arapxof, unbegotten and without begin-
ning, could not communicate His own substance, nor
beget even a consubstantial Son; consequently there
could be no question of identity of substance (homoou-
sios) or of likeness of substance (homoiousios) between
the Father and the Son. There could be no essen-
tial resemblance (tear' ofolav), but at most a moral
resemblance. For the Son is a being drawn forth
from nothing by the will of the Father, yet superior
to all Creation inasmuch as He alone was created by
the One God to be the Creator of the world. He does
not share in the incommunicable Divine Essence
(dwrld), but he does partake in the communicable
Divine creative power (trtpyeia), and it is that par-
taking which constitutes the Son's Divinity and
establishes Him, as regards creation, in the posi-
tion of Creator: and as the principle of paternity in
God is not the o&rta but the Mpycia, the sense in
which the term Son of God may be used is clear.
The works of Eunomius are of less importance in
themselves than in the fact that they called forth the
best efforts of St. Basil and St. Gregory of Nyssa.
His Commentary on the Romans and his letters have
perished. His " Apologeticus " (P. G., XXX, 835),
written before 365, seeks to refute the Nicene teaching
concerning the coeternal and consubstantial Divinity
of the Son. It is extremely obscure, and has been
frequently misunderstood. For example, Tillemont,
VI, 501-516, needs careful checking. It was against
this work of Eunomius that St. Basil wrote his " Ad-
versus Eunomium " ('Ampprrririp) in five books. (It
is clear, however, that books IV and V are from an-
other pen.) Eunomius retorted with his 'Aretey**
ETJPHEMIA
606
EUPHBOBYKX
Mp dxoSaytas (Defence of the Defence), written
after the death of St. Basil (1 Jan., 379), wherein he
does his best to defend more fully and by new argu-
ments his teaching concerning the nature of God.
This work was elaborately refuted by St. Gregory of
Nyssa in his lengthy'' Ad versus Eunomium ", of which
some twelve books have come down to us preserving
the fragmentary remains of the 'AmX^yla, which are
fathered in Rettberg's "Marcelliana" (Gtittingen,
794, pp. 124-147). A very full analysis of it is
found in Diekamp, " Gotteslenre des hi. Gregor von
Nyssa" (1896), I, 123 sqq. The third extant work
is his **0wu ir&rrec*f, or "Confession of Faith",
presented by order to the Emperor Theodosius in
383. (See Arianism.)
Mason, Introduction to his Five Theological Oration* of Saint
Gregory Naziansenus (Cambridge University Press. 1899);
Klobe, Geschichte und Lehre dee Eunomius (Kiel, 1833); New-
man, Arians of the Fourth Century (3rd ed., London, 1871), 337-
352; Diekamp, Die Gotteslehre dee hi. Gregor von Nyssa (Mun-
ster, 1896), I, 123; Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism (London,
1882); Hepele, History of the Church Councils (tr. Edinburgh,
1876), II; Dobner. Doctrine of the Person of Christ (Edinburgh,
1862), Div. i, vol. II, 264 aq.
Edward Myers.
Enphemia, Mother Superior Sisters of Charity.
See Blenkinsop, Peter.
Euphemites. See Messauans.
Euphemius of Constantinople (490-496) succeeded
as patriarch Flavitas (or Fra vitas, 489-490), who
succeeded Acacius (471-489). The great Acacian
schism (484-519), therefore, lasted during his reign. -
The Emperor Zeno (474-491) had published a decree
called the "Henotikon" (482) that forbade in the cur-
rent theological discussions any other criterion but
that of NicsearConstantinople (ignoring the decrees of
Chalcedon), carefully avoided speaking of Christ's
two natures, and used ambiguous formula that were
meant to conciliate the Monophysites. The " Henoti-
kon ' ' really satisfied no one. Consistent Monophysites
disliked it as much as Catholics. But Acacius at the
capital, Peter Mongus of Alexandria, and Peter Fullo
(Gnapheus) of Antioch, signed it. Pope Felix III (or
II, 483-492) in a Roman synod of sixty-seven bishops
(484) condemned the emperor's decree, deposed and
excommunicated Acacius, Peter Mongus, and Peter
Fullo. Acacius retorted by striking the pope's name
from his diptychs and persecuted Catholics at Con-
stantinople. When he died, Flavitas, his successor,
applied tor recognition at Rome, but in vain, since he
would not give up communion with Peter Mongus.
Euphemius recognized the Council of Chalcedon, re-
stored the pope's name to his diptychs, and broke with
Peter Moneus, who died in the year of Euphemius 's
accession (490). He was therefore a well-meaning
person who wanted to restore the union with the Holy
See. Unfortunately he still refused to erase the names
of his two predecessors (Acacius and Flavitas) from
the diptychs, where they occurred among the faithful
departed. The pope insisted that heretics and fa-
vourers of heresy should not be prayed for publicly in
the Liturgy; so during the reign of Euphemius the
union he desired was not brought about. But Euphe-
mius was always a Catholic at heart. Before the acces-
sion of the Emperor Anastasius I (491-518) he had
made him sign a Catholic profession of faith (Evagrius,
H. E., Ill, xxxii). After the death of Pope Felix,
Euphemius wrote to his successor, Gelasius I (492-496),
again asking for intercommunion on any terms but the
condemnation of Acacius. Th is time, too, the pope re-
fused to modify his condition (Gelasii Epist. et Decret. ;
P. L., LIX, 13) . The patriarch had already summoned
a synod at Constantinople in which he confirmed the
decrees of Chalcedon (Mansi, VII, 1180). Eventually
he fell foul of the emperor. A war against the Bulgars
and Slavs was then going on, ana Euphemius was
accused of treason by revealing the emperor's plans to
his enemies. A soldier tried, unsuccessfully, to mur-
der the patriarch, apparently by order of Anastasius.
The emperor further wanted to nave back his written
profession of faith, which Euphemius refused to give
up. So he was deposed (496) m spite of the resistance
of the people, and Macedonius II (496-511) was ap-
pointed successor. Macedonius seems to have been
unwilling to take his place and refused to wear patri-
archal vestments in nis presence. Euphemius was
exiled to Asia Minor and died in 515 at Ancyra. He
was recognized to the end as lawful patriarch by
Catholics in the East (Elias of Jerusalem, Flavian of
Antioch, etc.).
Theophane8, Chronographia, ad ann. 481-489, in P. G,
CVTII, 324-337; Nicephorus, Chronographicon Syntomon, ,45,
in P. G., C, 1046; Babonius, Annates Ecd., ad ann. 489-495.
Adrian Fobtesguk.
Euphrasia, or Eupraxia, Saint, Virgin, b. in 380;
d. after 410. She was the daughter of Antigonus, a
senator of Constantinople, and a relation of Emperor
Theodosius. Her father died shortly after her birth,
and her mother, also Euphrasia, devoted her life
thenceforth exclusively to the service of God. To
carry out this ideal she abandoned the capital, and,
with her seven-year-old daughter, repaired to Egypt,
where she dwelt on one of her estates, near a convent,
and adopted the nuns' austere mode of life. This
example aroused in her daughter the desire to enter
the convent, and her mother gave her into the care of
the superior, that she might be trained in the ascetic
life. After her mother's death she declined an offer of
marriage made, by the Emperor Theodosius, on be-
half of a senator's son, transferred to the emperor her
entire fortune, to be used for charitable purposes, and
took up, with a holy ardour, the rigorous practices of
Christian perfection. She was about thirty when she
died. Her feast is celebrated in the Greek Church on
25 July, and in the Latin Church on 13 March. She is
mentioned by St. John Damascene, in his third " Ora-
tio de imaginibus".
Vita Patrum (ed. Roawetd) in P. L., LXXIII, 623-642;
Acta SS., March, II, 265-274; 727-735.
J. P. Ktrsch.
Euphrates. See Peratjb.
Euphrosyne, Saint, d. about 470. Her story be-
longs to that group of legends which relate how Chris-
tian virgins, in order the more successfully to lead the
life of celibacy and asceticism to which they had dedi-
cated themselves, put on male attire and passed for
men. According to the narrative of her life in the
" Vitro Patrum", Euphrosyne was the only daughter
of Paphnutius, a rich man of Alexandria, who desired
to marry her to a wealthy youth. But having conse-
crated her life to God and apparently seeing no other
means of keeping this vow, she clothed herself as a
man and under the name of Smaragdus gained admit-
tance into a monastery of men near Alexandria,
where she lived for thirty-eight years after. She soon
attracted the attention of the abbot by the rapid
strides which she made toward a perfect ascetic life,
and when Paphnutius appealed to him for comfort in
his sorrow, the abbot committed the latter to the care
of the alleged young man Smaragdus. The father re-
ceived from his own daughter, whom he failed to rec-
ognize, helpful advice and comforting exhortation.
Not until she was dying did she reveal herself to him
as his lost daughter Euphrosyne. After her death
Paphnutius also entered the monastery. Her feast is
celebrated in the Greek Church on 25 September, in
the Roman Church on 16 January (by the Carmelites
on 11 February).
Mombrjtius, Sanctuarium, I, 253-255; Acta SS., Feb., II,
535-541; Boucherib in Revue des langues romanes (1870), II.
26-40); Analecta BoUandiana, II, 105-205. For earlier mono-
graphs Hee Potthast, Bibliotheca historica medii avi% II, 1298-
1290; Baring-Gould, Lives of the Saints (London, 1898), II,
264; Butler, Lives of the Saints, II Feb.
J. P. KlRSCH.
EURCBA 607 EUROPE
Enraa, a titular see of Epirus Vet us in Greece, suf- south-east from which spreads the great Russian plain ,
fragan of Nicopolis. Euroea is mentioned by Hiero- which is limited by the Ural and Carpathian Moun~
cles (Synecdemus, 651, 6). Justinian transferred its tains, the Crimea, and the Caucasus Mountains. The
inhabitants to an islet in a neighbouring lake and whole of Southern Europe and a part of Middle Eu-
built there a strong city (Prooop., De sxGf., IV, 1). rope is a region of late folded mountain ranges.
We know five bishops of Euroea; the first, St. Dona- These begin with the Pyrenees, which have remarkable
' tus, lived under Theodosius I, the last is mentioned in spurs in the ranges of Provence, in Corsica, and Sar-
a letter of Pope St. Gregory the Great about 603 (Le- cUnia. The ranges of Andalusia in Southern Spain
quien, Or. christ., II, 143). The site of the city is un- find their continuation in the Atlas range, which bends
known ; Lequien identifies it with Paramythia, which is to the east and reappears in Europe in the mountains
called AT Donat (St. Donatus) by the Turks, in the of the northern coast of Sicily and the Apennines,
vilayet of Janina. Others have placed it at Limboni, The north-western Apennines pass into the Alpine
* ' " ™ " A* A T - ■«• system. In the east the Alps are divided into three
S. P^TRiDis. m a great bend with the northern chain, and the
southern one is continued by the Dinaric Alps and the
western chains of the Balkan Peninsula as far as Crete
Europe. — Name.— The conception of Europe as a and the south-western part of Asia Minor. Numerous
distinct division of the earth, separate from Asia and islands belong to the Continent of Europe. The sepa-
Africa, had its origin in ancient times. The sailors of ration of the islands from the mainland arose in two
the Aegean Sea applied the Semitic designations Ereb ways. In the north and west, the encroachment of the
(sunset, west) ana Agu (sunrise, east) to the countries sea produced bays and peninsulas and formed islands.
lying respectively west and east of the sea; in this way In the south, the western and eastern basins of the
it became customary to call Greece and the territory Mediterranean, those of the Adriatic and iEgean Seas,
back of it Europe, while Asia Minor and the parts be- the Sea of Marmora, and the southern part of the
vond were named Asia. At a later date the mass of Black and Caspian Seas, were formed by folding;
land lying to the south of the Mediterranean was set and in this way also were formed the Iberian,
off as a distinct division of the earth with the name of Italian, and Balkan Peninsulas and the archipelago
Libya or Africa. lying between Greece and Asia Minor. The rivers of
Position, Boundaries, and Area. — Europe is a Europe belong to three different basins, namely, to
large peninsula fanning; the western part of the north- the Caspian Sea, the Atlantic Ocean, including the
era continent of the Eastern Hemisphere. On the Mediterranean and Black Seas, and the Arctic Ocean,
north and west it is separated from North America by The courses of the rivers of Europe are much shorter
the Arctic and North Atlantic Oceans; on the south by than the courses of those of Asia, Africa, or America,
the Mediterranean Sea from Africa and Western Asia. The largest of the European rivers, the Volga (1978
In the east there is no clear natural division from the miles), the Danube (1771 miles), Dnieper (1329 miles),
continental mass of Asia. Such a dividing line may Don (1120 miles), Petchora (1023 miles), and the
be drawn along the crest of the Ural and Mugadzhar Dniester (835 miles), flow into seas that are almost
Mountains, the Emba River, Caspian Sea. and the low- entirely cut off from the ocean, consequently from the
lands of the Manitch River, or through the depression world's traffic. They offer, however, little obstruo-
that, starting from the Gulf of Obi, extends through tion to navigation, and numerous canals are cut
the valleys of the Obi, Irtysh, Tobol, and Emba through the main watershed that extends from Gib-
Riven. The political boundary extends beyond the raltar to the northern Urals. The largest number of
Ural Mountains towards the east, and beyond the lakes is found in the region, formerly covered with
Ural River to the south and west, runs along the range glaciers, lying north of 50° N. lat. — Finland, Scandi-
called Obtschei Syrt and the Usen River, and en- navia, Scotland, and Ireland, and the region of the
closes within the eastern boundary of Europe the Alps. Besides this lake region{ lakes have also been
whole of the Caucasus. The most northern point of formed in the Alps by folding, in the Balkans by the
Europe is North Cape (71° 12/ N. lat.) on the Island of breaking in of the surface, and in the Apennine Pen-
Magero belonging to Norway; the most western point insula by volcanic outbreaks,
is Cape da Roca (9° 31' west of Greenwich) in Portu- Climate, Flora, Fauna. — The climatic conditions
Sri; the most southern is Cape Tarifa (35° 59/ 53* N. of Europe are very favourable. Almost the entire
t.) in Spain; the Continent extends as far to the east continent, excepting the northern point, belongs to the
as 65° longitude east of Greenwich. Its greatest temperate zone. At the same time it is much warmer
length from north to south is 2398 miles, from west to than other countries in the same latitude, as, for in-
east 3455 miles. The statement as to the extent of its stance, than eastern North America, because along its
area varies, according to the position assigned to its western coast flows the Gulf Stream, which leaves the
eastern boundary, from 3,672,969 scj. miles to 4,092,- coast of Florida with a temperature of 68° Fahr. and
660 sq. miles. Tnis measurement includes the polar raises the normal temperature on the Portuguese and
islands Iceland, Nova^ Zembla, and Spitsbergen, but Spanish coast about 7*2° Fahr., of the British coast
not the Canary, Madeira, and Azores Islands. about 9°-14'4° Fahr., and of the Norwegian coast
Geological Formation. — Three leading tectonic about 14'4°-18° Fahr. Since there is no chain of
divisions are to be distinguished in the geological for- mountains traversing Europe from north to south,
mation of Europe. These appeared in the middle as is the case with North America, the influence
Tertiary period. Western Europe, as far south as the of the Gulf Stream extends far into the interior of
Alps, the Pyrenees, and, reaching beyond the Pyre- the mainland. On the borders of the Arctic Ocean a
nees, into the Spanish Peninsula, to the east as far as rigorous climate prevails, summer is short, and during
the Baltic and the Vistula River, is formed of debris the greater part of the year the temperature is below
and sedimentary deposits; This has been produced freezing. This northern region has polar vegetation;
by the breaking up and overflowing with water of the roUmgplains called tundras are found on the penin-
mountain chains that now exist as secondary ranges, sulas of Kanin and Kola and at the mouth of the
as the Scotch Highlands, the central plateau of France, Petchora. The sub-arctic zone is found south of this
and the mountain chain of Central Germany. To- in the Scandinavian Peninsula down to 60° N. lat.;
wards the east is low-lying land that has remained the here the climate of the coast, influenced by the sea, is
game from early times. Sweden and Finland form milder in winter and cool in summer. The part of Eu-
togethera great level called the Plain of the Baltic, rope properly included in the temperate zone is divided
EUROFI 608 EUROFI
into the following regions : the countries lying on the At- may be traced back to the Middle Ages. Most of the
lantic, Great Britain, Brittany, the Channel, and north- States are limited by natural boundaries within which
western Spain; this section has moderate temperature each has developed its own individual character. The
and large rainfall; west and middle Europe, with an in- States vary greatly in size and population ; most of them
land climate, less heavy rainfall (about 197 inches), are constitutional monarchies, the only republics be-
and moderate changes of temperature (27°-45° Fahr.) ; ing France and Switzerland. The British Isles, united
in this section the southern part of France forms an as Great Britain and Ireland, have a total area of 121,-
exception, as also the depression of the Upper Rhine, 622 sq. miles and 43,722,000 inhabitants; as a natural
and the mountains. Beyond this is the section of consequence of the geographical position of the islands,
Eastern Europe or Russia, with a completely inland the nation is largely interested in colonial enterprises,
climate, the variations of temperature amounting to The Scandinavian Peninsula is halved by an uninhab-
45° Fahr., and the rainfall to less than 23 6 inches, ited mountain range, thus permitting the existence of
Finally comes the section of the Euxine comprising the two countries, Norway and Sweden. Norway, lying
great Hungarian plain, the plain of the Balkan prov- on the Atlantic, has an area of 123,938 sq. miles ana
inces, and Southern Russia; m this division the spring 2,300,000 inhabitants; Sweden, on the Baltic, has an
is moist and warm and midsummer hot and dry. area of 172,973 sq. miles and 5,261,000 inhabitants.
The depression of the Caspian belongs to the dry sone The peninsula and islands lying south of Norway and
of Asia. c s Sweden form the third Scandinavian state, Denmark,
The forests of Europe flourish in the temperate zone, that controls the entrance to the Baltic. Denmark
In Norway they are composed chiefly of pine; the only has an area of 14,672 sq. miles and 2,450,000 inhabit-
deciduous tree found in the highest latitudes is the ants. France, the western part of the continental
birch (betula odorata) ; the mixed forests of pines and mass, has an area of 206,950 sq. miles and a popula-
deciduous trees are found south of 61° N. lat.; this tion of 39,060,000; it has the advantage, excepting to-
region is further characterised by grass-lands, heaths, wards the north-east, of having for its boundaries
and moors. The cultivated land7 which in Central either seas or mountain ranges. Between Western
and Western Europe is about sixty to seventy per and Central Europe lie the so-called "buffer" States:
cent, is divided into farm land, cultivated forest land, Belgium with an area of 11, 197 sq. miles and 7,075,000
grass and pasture-land. From north to south the sue- inhabitants; the Netherlands, area 12,741 sq. miles, in-
oeBsion of grains is as follows: barley, rye and oats, habitants 5,510, 000; Switzerland, area 1 5,830 sq. miles,
wheat, especially in France and Hungary, and maize, inhabitants 3,425,000. The German Empire, area
Potatoes are cultivated on less fruitful soil. In this 208,880 sq. miles, inhabitants 60,605,000, covers the
region native fruits are the apple, pear, and cherry; greater part of Central Europe. Germany borders
finer kinds of fruit trees, as the peach, apricot, plum, upon nearly all the great powers of Europe and
and of nut trees, the walnut and almond, have been has, therefore, developed a large army. The State
introduced from the south. In this region the grape having the least organic union geographically and eth-
is also cultivated; its northern limit, extending from nographically, and consequently in constant danger of
the mouth of the Loire, passes to Paris and the llhine internal disorganization, is the Austro-Hunearian
near Bonn, then towards the Unstrut and Saale Rivers, Monarchy. Its area is 261,004 sq. miles, population
and reaches its most northerly point on the Oder 49,092,000 souls. Russia, area 2,081,079 sq. miles,
below 52° N. lat. ; the limit of its cultivation here turns inhabitants 1 19; 1 15.000, occupies the lowland of Eu-
to the south-east until it reaches the Sea of Azov, rope and, in its largest extent, stretches beyond
The region of the Mediterranean, that is the Iberian Europe into the Asiatic plain. Southern Europe em-
Peninsula, Provence, Italy to the foot of the Alps, and braces numerous states with sharply defined bound-
the Balkan Peninsula south of 42° N. lat., has a sub- aries. The Iberian Peninsula is divided between Por-
tropical climate. Here flourish trees and bushes tugal and Spain; Portugal, a country lying on the
which are always green; among those that are culti- ocean and having a great maritime past, has an area
vated for their products are the citron, orange, fig, of 43,363 sq. miles, inhabitants 5,016,000; Spain, area
almond, mulberry, and pomegranate trees. The 191,892 sq. miles, inhabitants 18,249,000. Italy be-
fauna of Europe is in accord with the climate and longs completely to the lands of the Mediterranean;
vegetation. In Northern Europe are found the polar its area is 110,811 sq. miles, population 33,604{000.
bear, polar fox, and reindeer; in the region of forests The physical contour of the Balkan Peninsula is so
live the bear, wolf, and lynx, which have, however, broken up by mountain ranges that it fails to show any
almost disappeared; the region of the Mediterranean one organically large State. Its 'divisions at the pres-
contains numerous reptiles. ent time are: Bulgaria, 37,066 sq. miles, population
Population, Political Divisions, and Religions. 3,744,400; Montenegro, 3475 sq. miles, population
— The greater part of the population of Europe be- 228,000; Rumania, 50,579 sq. miles, population 6,392,-
longs to the European or Mediterranean race. The 000; Servia, 18,533 sq. miles, population 2,677,000;
mam race-groups are the Teutonic, Romanic, and European Turkey, 65,251 sq. mites, population 6,130,-
Slavonic. To the Teutonic division belong: the Ger- 000; Greece, 25,000 sq. miles, population 2,440,000.
mans, Dutch, Flemish, English, and Scandinavians; it By far the greater proportion of the inhabitants of
contains in all 127,800,000 souls or 32 1 per cent of the Europe belong to the Christian Faith. One-fourth of
whole population; included in the Romanic group are: the population are Protestants, somewhat over one-
the French, Walloons, Italians, Friulians, natives of fourth belong to the Oriental Christian Churches,
the Rhaetian Alps, Maltese, Spaniards, Portuguese, nearly 45 per cent are Catholics, 4J per cent are non-
and Rumanians, in all 108,100,000 or 271 per cent; Christian. In the Romanic States 99 per cent of the
included in the Slavonic are: the Russians, Ruthen- population are Catholic; in the Teutonic States 74 per
ians, Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Wends, Slovenes, Croats, cent are Protestant and less than one per cent non-
Serbs, Bulgarians, Letts, and Lithuanians, in all 124,- Christian. In the States of Eastern Europe, Austria-
600,000, or 313 per cent. A smaller number, about Hungary, Russia, and the Balkan provinces, 57 per
9,500,000 souls or 2*4 per cent is composed of other cent belong to the Oriental Churches, 9*2 per cent are
Aryan races: Celts, Greeks, Albanians, Gypsies, Ar- non-Christian, 6 per cent are Protestant, and 27 per
menians, etc. There are also about 27,900,000, or cent are Catholic. The only heathen are the Kal-
some 7 per cent, of non-Aryan races: Basques, Mag- mucks Hying between the Ural and Caucasus moun-
yars. Finns, the tribes of the Ural region, Turks, Kal- tains, the Finns of the Volga, and the Samoyedes.
mucks, and Jews. The total population of Europe About 8,250,000 persons or 2*1 per cent of the whole
amounts to about 420,000,000. population of Europe are Mohammedans in belief;
The organisation of the present States of Europe these are limited to several tribes of the Uralo-Altaic
EUROPE
609
EUROPE
family in Russia, and to the former territories of the
Ottoman Empire ; among the Mohammedans are a large
portion of the Albanians, some of the Serbs in Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and a part of the Bulgarians. The
Jews of Europe number 9,000,000 or 2*2 per cent;
they are to be found chiefly in Russia, in the Austro-
Hungarian Monarchy, Rumania, and Turkey. (The
above figures are based on Hettner, op. cit. infra.)
Christianity. — European civilization is founded on
that of the East; from Western Asia and Egypt Eu-
rope received its food-plants, domestic animals, method
of writing, numerals, the beginnings of art and science;
and the higher forms of state organization and re-
ligion. The various States of Greece, the European
neighbour of Asia, transmitted these by trade ana the
foundation of colonies to the countries lying on the
shores of the eastern Mediterranean and to Southern
Italy. Rome from its central position imparted them
to Western and Northern Europe and united the
civilized parts of the continent into a great empire.
At the time of its greatest extent imperial Rome in-
cluded, on European soil, the present countries of
Italy, Spain, France. England, Germany west of the
Rhine and south of the Danube, the countries border-
ing on the Danube as far as the Black Sea, and the
whole Balkan Peninsula, besides all the islands of the
Mediterranean. Christianity, too, came from the East
by way of Greece and Rome. The connexion existing
between the various Roman provinces and the wide
prevalence of the Latin and Greek tongues were most
favourable to its spread. When the structure erected
by the Caesars fell to pieces, the Christian Faith not
only entered into its inheritance, but also subdued all
those barbarian peoples that haa up to then defied the
imperial power. The Gospel was brought to Rome by
colonies of Jewish Christians who kept up close rela-
tions with Palestine, their mother country. St. Paul
brought Christianity to Greece on his second journey
(49-52 a.d.) when he founded, with the aid of Silas,
Timothy, and Luke, Christian communities in Phil-
ippi, Thessalonica, Bercea, Athens, and Corinth. St.
Paul's great letters and his journeys to Italy, perhaps
also to Spain, prepared the way for the close connexion
between the Roman and Greek Christians and
strengthened them for the work of spreading the
Gospel. In fact the first persecution under Nero in 64
was not able to crush the new movement, and the
same is true of the many other later persecutions.
Towards the end of the first century, under Clement,
the head of the Church at that time, there was a close
bond between Rome and Corinth. It is also to be
assumed that in the meantime all the commercial cities
on the coasts of the Mediterranean had Christians in
their midst, and that before long the regions adjoining
these cities accepted the Gospel. According to tradi-
tion the Church in Gaul was founded by TVophimus,
who was sent there by St. Paul; to Crescentius, a dis-
ciple of the Apostles, is ascribed the preaching of the
Gospel in Vienne and Mainz ; and to Dionysius the Areo-
pagite, the founding of the Church of Paris. To Eu-
charius and Maternus, two disciples of St. Paul, are
attributed the founding of the Churches of Trier and
Cologne. It is certain that flourishing dioceses arose in
Lyons and Vienne during the reign of Marcus Aureiius
(161-80). At the beginning of the third century, ac-
cording to the testimony of Tertullian (Adv. JucUbos, i),
various tribes of Gaul nad accepted Christianity. At
about the same date Irensus (Adv. hsereses) speaks of
Churches in Germany, and the new faith had at that
time spread into all the provinces of the Spanish
Peninsula. According to the Venerable Bede (Histor.
gentis Angl.; I, iii), the first missionaries came to
England during the reign of Pope Eleutherius (177-90).
By the opening of the third century the British Church
had spread beyond the Roman possessions in Britain
and may even have embraced Ireland. In the mean-
time the barbarians living along the northern bound-
V.— 30
aries of the Roman Empire had begun their migra-
tions and predatory incursions. Along this border
lived the tribes of the Teutonic family, divided by the
Oder into the East Germans and West Germans.
The East Germans included the Ostrogoths and Visi-
gothSj Burgundians, Vandals, Herufi, Rugii, and
Seym. The West Germans were divided into the Ing-
vseones or Germans on the sea-coast, including the
later Frisians and Anglo-Saxons; the Istvseones or the
Germans of the Rhine, including the Franks between
the Weser and Rhine; the Hermiones, among whom
were the later Thurinfpans and the upper German
tribes of the Alamanm and Bavarians (Bajuvarii).
As early as the years 161-80 the Marcomanni, a West
German tribe, advanced as far as Aauileia; they were
defeated, but introduced northern elements into the
population. After this failure the current of the mi-
gration divided into two streams: one to the south-
east, the migration of the East Germans; one to the
south-west, the migration of the West Germans. Of
the East Germans, the Goths reached the lower Dan-
ube and the Black Sea and divided, according to these
respective positions, into the Ostrogoths and Visi-
gotns. In 375, on account of the pouring in of Asiatic
ordes through the gateway of the nations between
the Urals and the Caspian, the Ostrogoths came under
the power of the Huns. The Visigoths, who were also
hard pressed, retreated towards Transylvania and re-
ceived land somewhat south of this from the Em-
perors Valens and Theodosius. When, after the death
of Theodosius, the Roman Empire was divided in 395
into the Western and Eastern Empires, ruled respec-
tively by his sons Honorius and Arcadius, the Visi-
goths under Alaric plundered Thrace and Greece and,
with the permission of Arcadius, settled in Illyria.
From here they presseds toward Italy and in 410 even
entered Rome. They then turned towards South-
Eastern Gaul and in 419 founded the first German
kingdom on Roman soil, its capital being Toulouse;
they also conquered a large part of Spain. In 507 the
Visigoths were forced to give up their possessions in
Gaul to the Franks, and in 531 the capital of the Visi-
gothic Kingdom was transferred to Toledo.
The recall from the Rhine of the Roman legions
needed for the struggle against Alaric left the way to
the south-west open to two other East German peo-
ples, the Burgundians and the Vandals. The Bur-
gundians, who had formerly lived between the Oder
and the Vistula, crossed the Rhine in 406 and founded
a kingdom having its capital at Worms; in 437 this
kingdom was broken up by the Roman governor
Aetius, but another arose in 443 around Geneva and
Lyons; this, however, in 532, was absorbed into the
Kingdom of the Franks. In 406 the Vandals left their
home on the northern slope of the mountains called
Riesengebirge, and in union with the Alani and Suevi
passed through Gaul into Spain; the Visigoths drove
them out of Spain into the Roman provinces in Africa,
whence for a long time they controlled the Mediter-
ranean and in 455 ravaged Rome. In 476 Odoacer,
the leader of the mercenaries made up of Heruli.
Rugii, and Scyrri, seized the government and called
himself King of Italy. At almost the same time the
Ostrogoths m Pannonia were again free, as the power
of the Huns was broken in the great battle on the
Catalaunian Fields near Chalons-sur-Marne in 451.
Theodoric, the King of the Ostrogoths, conquered
Odoacer in 489 and created a kingdom (493-526) that
embraced Italy, Sicily, a part of Pannonia, Rhaetia,
and the Province; this Kingdom went to pieces in 553.
The Ostrogoths were followed by the Lombards, a
tribe of the lower Elbe, who, passing through Pannonia,
reached Italy in 568 under their King AJboin; it was
not until 774 that the Lombards were brought under
subjection by the Franks. All these peoples were to
disappear in order, by their absorption into the civiliza-
tion of Rome, to bring about the union of Christianity,
EUROPE 610 EUROPE
the state religion of Rome since the time of Constan- Faith, from Columbanus and Gallus to Boniiace, car-
tine the Great, with a more stable power, the united ried Christianity from the British Isles to the Conti-
West Germans. nent. They founded their work on what scanty re-
The West Germans, although their migrations were , mains of Christianity still existed in the former Roman
not very extended, had changed their habitations as provinces. In the fifth century Severinus and Valen-
follows: in the fourth century the Alamanni advanced tinus laboured in south-eastern Germany. They
into Alsace and in the fifth century took entire posses- found the remains of nearly obliterated sees m Lorch,
sion of it, spreading towards the north as far as Co- Pettau, Windisch in Switzerland, Chur, Basle, Stras-
blenz. The Franks were divided into the Ripuarian burg, Avenches in Switzerland, Martigny, and Geneva,
and Salian Franks; the former settled on both sides of but the Teutonic migrations and the disorders conse-
the middle and lower Rhine, the latteradvanced from quent on them had almost destroyed the life of the
the Scheldt to the Somme. Towards the end of the Church. About 610 Columbanus crossed the Vosges
third centurv the Saxons advanced from the Elbe to mountains, where he had founded the monasteries of
the Rhine; m the fifth century, with the aid of the Annegray and Luxeuil, and came to Lake Constance;
Angles, they conquered Britain; the former inhabit- here from Bregens as a centre he preached Christianity,
ants of Britain took refuge in Wales and France and while his companion St. Gall became the founder of the
gave their name to Brittany. The Frisians settled on celebrated monastery of St. Gall. In the early part of
the coast and islands of Schleswig-Holstein; the Thu- the seventh century the monks Agilus and Eustasius,
ringians spread from the lower Elbe to the southern of the monastery of Luxeuil. preached the Gospel in
bank of the Main. The Baiuvarii went farthest south. Bavaria ; they were followed by Rupert of Worms and
At the time of the birth of Christ they lived in modern Emmeram of Aquitaine. St. Corbinian laboured as
Bohemia; about 500 their territory extended from the the first Bishop of Freising, and Kilian in Wurzburg.
Lech to the Enns and from the Danube to the junction Ecclesiastical life on the Rhine was largely developed
of the Eisack and the Adige. The region occupied by by Bishops Nicetius of Trier, Cunibert of Cologne,
the tribes just named enlarged the scene of European Dragobodo of Spever, Amandus, Lambert, and Hugo
history; all that was now needed was the political and of Maastricht. The Gospel was brought to the Fri-
spiritual union of these peoples to make them the lead- sians by Wilfrid of York and Willibrord of Northum-
ing people of Europe. The political union was bria; the latter erected a see at Utrecht. Willibrord 's
brought about by the Franks, the spiritual union by companion, Suidbert, went into the countship of Mark
Christianity. In the end these were combined into a in the region of the Weser, Lippe, and Ruhr Rivers;
form of theocracy which, by a rapid series of victories, the brothers Ewald laboured with little success among
conquered not only Southern Europe, but also Middle the Saxons. An organization including all these
and Eastern Europe as well. countries was not established until the appearance of
Just as the fifth century passed into the sixth (481- the greatest of the apostles of the Germans, St. Boni-
511) Clovis, King of the Salian Franks, forcibly sub- face. He entered on his career in the time of the Car-
dued the most important of the surrounding tribes; lovingian Mayors of the Palace, who were destined to
he led them to embrace Christianity after nis own realize the union of Church and State in Western
conversion. Clovis first united what was left of the Europe.
Roman Empire on the Seine and Loire with his own Repeated divisions of the kingdom, disputes as to
domain and: made Paris his capital. After this he sub- succession, civil wars, and the power of the nobles
dued the Alamanni on the Rhine, Mosel, Lower Main, almost brought the great Frankish kingdom to dis-
and Neckar; as the champion of the doctrines of Ro- solution. It was saved from utter ruin by Pepin of
man Christianity, he conquered the King of the Arian Heristal, Mayor of the Palace (Major domus), who
Visigoths near roitiers (507) and seized the Visigothic gradually took control of the government. In 687
territory between the Loire and the Garonne. By Pepin won for himself the position of Mayor of the
overthrowing the petty Salian chiefs and the royal Palace of Neustriaand Burgundy, in addition to that
family of the Ripuarian Franks, he made himself the for Australia which he already held ; in this way he re-
ruler of all the Frankish tribes. The work was com- united the kingdom. He then undertook the con-
pleted by his four sons, who seized the territories of the quest of the tribes which had broken loose from the
Thuringians and Burgundians, forced the Ostrogoths Frankish rule and encQiiraged the missions to the West
to give up Provence and Rhsetia, and obtained by Frisians. His son Charles M artel, who was not less
treaties sovereignty over the Bajuvarii. active, held a position of such power that he was able,
Thus was laid the foundation of the Franco-Chris- in the great battle of Poitiers, 732, to protect Chris-
tian Empire which opened to Christianity a new mis- tian German civilization against the attempt of Islam
sionary field to be won over to the Faith only by to conquer the world. Pepin the Short, the son of
properly trained apostles. The training was given in Charles, brought about the union of Church and State
the monastic institutions which, in imitation of the which had so great an influence on the history of the
East, had now spread over all of Western Europe, world. Having obtained the title of king in 752. his
One of the chief factors in the conversion of the first task was to defend Pope Stephen II, who had ap-
nea then was the Order of St. Benedict of Nursia, en- pealed to him for aid, from the attacks of the Lom-
couraged by Gregory the Great. The precursors of bards; this was followed by the so-called "Donation of
the Benedictines were St. Patrick (432) and St. Columba Pepin " , a grant of territory to the pope which was the
(about 550), who converted Ireland and Scotland, foundation of the later States of the Church Their
while the Anglo-Saxons received Christianity from the mutual engagements fixed not only their own policv
Benedictine Augustine (596), who had been specially but also that of their successors. Like Pepin, his
sent by Rome. At the death of St. Patrick there were famous son Charlemagne lent his support to the Holy
in Ireland several bishops, numerous priests and many See, and all his conquests were undertaken for the
monasteries; his own see was Armagh. Columba good of the Church and Christianity. By successful
founded the celebrated monastery on the Island of campaigns against Aquitaine, the Lombards, Avars,
Iona, between Ireland and Scotland, which was the Saxons, and Danes, and by treaties with the Slavic
centre of the Scotch missions and dioceses. The Ab- peoples, Charlemagne increased his domain until it
bot Augustine and his companions erected the"metro- extended from the Ebro and the Apennines to the
poiitan Sees of Canterbury (Durovernum), York Eider River in Schleswig-Holstein, and from the At-
(Eboracum), and the see of London; in the course of lantic to the Elbe and the Raab. His kingdom be-
the seventh century the successors of Augustine, came a world-empire and he himself one of the great
Mellitus and Theodore of Tarsus, completed his work, rulers of history, worthy of reviving the Western Ro-
A glorious band of self-sacrificing apostles of the man Empire. He was crowned, Christmas Day, 800,
EUROPE 611 EUROPE
by the pope, and the new empire rested essentially on undertook the conversion of Moravia; that of Pan-
the basis of an alliance with the Church. Its ideal nonia was attempted by Archbishop Adalram of Sals-
was the Kingdom of God on earth, in which the em- burg (821-36). In both these countries a great mis-
peror by Divine appointment is God's viceroy in order sionary work was done by Cyril and Methodius; the
to lead and rule all races as divided into nations, latter, Methodius, became Archbishop of Moravia and
classes, and distinctions of rank according to Divine Pannonia. The work of converting Bohemia began in
will. the year 845; the country was at first under the care of
Pepin the Short had been filled with this lofty con- Ratisbon; in 973 a diocese was founded in Bohemia
ception; consequently extraordinary success attended itself at Prague, which was suffragan to Mainz. Po-
the missionary labours of the Church under both land was brought to Christianity by its ruler Duke
rulers. As early as 716, under the rule of Charles Mieczyslaw (963), and in 968 he erected the Bishopric
Martel, the Anglo-Saxon monk Winfrid, better known of Posen. In the year 1000 Gnesen was made a met-
as Boniface, landed on the Continent; he was to be the ropolitan see, its suffragan sees were Kolberg (1065),
reformer and organizer of German ecclesiastical life. Breslau (1000), and Cracow (1000). Finally, in the
He always laboured in union with Rome, and was reigns of Heinrich I and Otto I the northern Slavs,
himself a missionary in Frisia with Willibrord, then, living in regions subsequently German, namely the
in 722, in Hesse and Thuringia, and in 736 in Ba- Wends, including those living in Pomerania, as well as
varia. Having been made an archbishop and having the Obotrites and Sorbs on the Oder, Vistula, and
received authority from Rome, he founded a number Elbe, in Lausitz, and Saxony were forcibly Chris-
of monasteries, e. g. that of Fulda, and the Bishop- tianized. The new Sees of Havelbere, Brandenburg,
rics of Eichstatt, Wurzburg, Buraburg, and Erfurt. Meissen, Zeitz, Merseburg, and Oldenburg (Stargard)
By means of synods held every five years he brought served as points from which the work of conversion
about the closer union between the old and new could be carried on; Magdeburg was the centre of the
dioceses, and placed the newly founded sees- in Thu- entire Slavonic mission.
ringia and Hesse, as well as those of Speyer, Worms, It was during this same period that the Greek
Cologne, Utrecht. Tongern, Augsburg, Chur, Con- Church spread through the eastern part of Europe,
stance, and StrasDurg, under Mainz as metropolitan In 955 the first Christian princess of Russia, Olga. was
see, of which he became archbishop in 746. In the baptized at Constantinople; during the reign of her
reign of Charlemagne the large territories of the Sax- grandson Vladimir, baptized 989, Christianity became
ons and Avars were added to the lands thus organized, the religion of the country. In 864 the Bulgars, at the
and these new regions also received missionaries and command of their prince Bogoris, accepted Christian-
bishops. The result was the founding of the Di- ity as a people, and from 870 were under the eccle-
ocesesof Bremen (787)4 Paderborn (806), Werden, and siastical control of Constantinople. A bishop sent
Minden in the country of the Engern, Osnabruck and from Constantinople introduced Christianity among
Mtinster (785) in Westphalia, Halberstadt and Hildes- the Magyars, or Hungarians; the work was complete*
heim (817) in Eastphalia; the metropolitan of all the by German missionaries sent in pursuance of the
Saxon sees was Bremen (834). The conversion of the masterful policy of the Saxon emperors. The first
Avars had been attempted by the Bavarian Duke Christian ruler of Hungary was Stephen (997-1038).
Tassilo II; when the East Mark was founded the Many sacrifices, however, were still necessary in
Avars came under the influence of the sees and monas- order to keep what had been gained for Christianity
teries established in this country; after their sub- and to protect these gains against the threatened dan-
j ligation they were placed partly under the jurisdic- gers of Mohammedanism and heathenism. These
tion of the Bishop of Salzburg and partly under that sacrifices were freely made by medieval Christian
of the Patriarch of Aquileia. Europe. Under the careful training of their ap-
From these points, Christianity, as formerly in the pointed guardians, the Catholic orders, the various
. Roman Empire, extended beyona the boundaries of nations and their rulers were filled with Christian
Charlemagne's dominions, and new tribes and peoples thoughts and feelings. Although the conception of
were evangelized, while, at the same time, Christian their respective positions held by the human repre-
civilization was peacefully established within the sentatives of the secular and spiritual power inevi-
Frankish Empire. The monastery of Corvey on the tably led to friction, especially in the age of the Hohen-
Weser, and the Sees of Bremen and Hamburg (831) staufen emperors, nevertheless all were conscious of
were the mission centres for the northern provinces, their common duty to protect faith and civilization
The monk Anschar of Corvey, first Archbishop of against foes both in Europe and outside of it. A con-
Hamburg, laboured with great zeal as Apostolic legate vmcing proof of this was the courageous struggle of
in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway; his successors Europe against the attempted inroads of Islam, and
were equally active as missionaries and bishops, especially the expeditions of conquest to the Holy
However it was not until the reign of Canute the Great Land repeatedly undertaken by the various nations
(1014-35) that the victory of Christianity in Denmark of Europe acting together. Spain, which since 711
was assured; in 1104 Lund was made the metropolitan had been almost entirely under the control of the
See of Scandinavia; in 1163 Upsala became the metro- Arabs, was able in 1212 to drive them as far back as
politan See of Sweden, and about the middle of the Granada; in 1492 Granada also fell. From 878 Sicily
twelfth century Trondhjem was made the same for had been in the hands of the Saracens, but it was freed
Norway. Iceland was won for Christianity about the by the courageous Normans (1061-91). The so-
year 1000 and was divided into the two sees of Skal- called Crusades (1061-1244) continued with interrup-
hold and Holum. The inhabitants of the Orkneys, tions for nearly two hundred years; among those who
Hebrides, Faroe, and Shetland Islands were converted shared in them were monks, as Peter of Amiens and
about the same time as Iceland; they were at first St. Bernard; bishops, as Otto of Freising; rulers of the
placed under the metropolitan See of Hamburg- greatest nations of Western Europe, as the German
Bremen, which had been united in 849, and later emperors, Frederick Barbarossa and Frederick II; the
under the jurisdiction of the metropolitan See of French kings, St. Louis and Philip II, and the En-
Norway. # ^ glish Richard the Lion-Hearted. Orders of knights,
During the period of the Teutonic migrations the as the Order of St. John, were formed to take part in
Slavs had come into contact with Christianity and these expeditions. The original aim of the Crusades,
were converted partly by Christian rulers, as in the freeing of Palestine from the control of non-Chris-
Thrace, Macedonia, Greece, and Dalmatia, partly tians, it is true, was not attained. But the power of
through the influence of neighbouring Christian coun- Mohammedanism was weakened for a long time to
tries, as in Carinthia. In 806 the Bishop of Passau come; the civilization of Western Europe, moreover,
EUROPE
612
EUROPE
gained from the Orient the best the East had to give
and thus was greatly aided in its development.
A more lasting success, however, followed the at-
tempts, patterned on the Crusades, to carry on wars of
conversion and conquest in those territories of north-
eastern Europe peopled by tribes that had lapsed
from the Faith or that were still heathen; among such
pagans were the Obotrites, Pomeranians, Wiltzi,
Sorbs, Letts, Livonians, Finns, and Prussians. The
preparatory work was done in the twelfth century by
missionaries of the Premonstratensian and Cistercian
Orders. They were aided with armed forces by Duke
Henry the Lion of Saxony, Albert the Bear of Bran-
denburg, Boleslaw of Poland, and St. Erik IX of
Sweden. From the beginning of the thirteenth cen-
tury Crusades were undertaken against Livonia, Sem-
gall, a division of the present Courland; and Esthonia;
the Teutonic Knights conquered Prussia after a strug-
gle that lasted more than fifty years. In Lithuania
scribed elsewhere, and was facilitated by the violent
procedure of the petty princes who had absolute
sovereign power over their subjects. The first of the
ruling princes to make the chance was Albert of
Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Knights
(1525); he was followed by the Elector John of
Saxony, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse (1527), and at
almost the same date by nearly all the German
imperial cities. The movement soon gained the north-
ern countries, Denmark. Sweden, Norway, and the
Baltic provinces; these an gave their adherence (1530)
to the so-called Augsburg Confession, while the upper
German imperial cities, Strasburg, Constance, Lindau,
Memmingeh. held to the Tetrapolitan Confession of
the so-called Reformed Church founded by Zwingli
and especially strong in Switzerland. The Reformed
Church also found adherents in the Palatinate, and at
the beginning of the seventeenth century in Hesse-
Cassel and Brandenburg. The Anglican Church was
RELIGIOUS STATISTICS FOR THE COUNTRIES OF EUROPE
THE FIGURES BELOW ARE BASED ON CENSUS REPORTS, DATES OF WHICH ARE GIVEN IN PARENTHESES
Country
Russia, Finland, and Poland, (1897)
Austria - Hungary, with Bosnia and
Herzegovina (1000)
Germany (1000)
France (1000)
Spain (1000)
Sweden (1800)
Norway (1000)
Great Britain and Ireland (1901)
Italy (1001)
Turkish Empire (1000)
Denmark (1000)
Rumania (1809)
Bulgaria (1000)
Portugal (1000)
Greece and Crete (1000)
Servia (1805)
Switserland (1000)
The Netherlands (1899)
Belgium (1000)
Montenegro (1807)
The inhabitants of the Grand Duchy
of Luxemburg, Republic of Andorra,
Principality of Lichtenstein, Republic
of San Marino, and the Principality of
Monaco, are almost entirely Catholics
Catholics
(including Uniat
Eastern Churches)
11,326,794
35.804,263
20.327,913
38.100,000
about 18.500.000
1.436
2.065
5.310.000
about 30.500,000
480,000
6,479
149.667
40.790
6,425,500
34.710
10.948
1.283.135
1,700,161
6.669.000
12,034
about 280,000
Evangelicals:
including
Anglicans,
Methodists.
Unitarians,
etc.
6,283,670
4.227.691
35.231.104
662,000
(1887)6.654
4.779.867
2.204.989
35,925,000
(1880) 62,000
20,000
2.436.012
22.749
4,524
500
1,002
1,918.197
3,085.899
20.000
Oriental
Christians:
Orthodox
Greek,
Gregorian
Armenian,
etc.
176.055.796 96,872,067 98,372.501
78,713.017
4.095.723
2,480.000
5,408,743
3.020.840
2.172.048
2,281,018
45
201,067
Jews
Moham-
medans
5.082,342
3,560,361
2.158.380
548,632
686,833
100.000
(1887) 402
3.402
642
210.000
(1880)38.000
00.000
3,060.000
3.476
269.015
43.740
33,717
643,253
2,000
6.518
57,446
5.102
14,414
12.551
103.988
4.000
13340
8.530,368
7,941,686
Others: Ra-
tionalists,
Without a
Confession,
Non-Chris*
tian
320.292
17,535
100.000
(1887) 23.330
276
13,770
4,573
16.148
1,149
740
116,179
612,992
Christianity did not win the victory until 1368. After
this only the Turks, in the south-eastern corner of the
Continent, were a cause of alarm to Christian Europe
for centuries. The decline of the power of the East-
ern Empire drew the Turks over the Bosporus; in
1365 they had control of Adrianople; in the course of
the fourteenth century the Serbs, Bulgars, Macedo-
nians, and the inhabitants of Thessaly became their
subjects. In 1453 the Turks took Constantinople, in
1461 Trebizond, in 1480 even Otranto in Apulia; after
1547 they owned half of Hungary. It was not until
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that their pos-
sessions were reduced to their present boundaries,
thus limiting Mohammedanism to a small part of the
population of Europe.
At the beginning of modern times a great change
took place in the boundaries of the European States.
The cause was that ecclesiastical movement known as
the Reformation, which placed in opposition to the
unity of Catholicism in Western Europe the numerous
religious associations that together form Protestant-
ism. The apostasy of the various countries and
cities, which began soon after Luther first appeared,
was Drought about by the most varied causes, de-
established in 1549 in Great Britain; in 1559 the
French Reformed Church adopted the "Confessio
Gallicana"; in 1560 the Scotch Reformed the "Con-
fessio Scottica"; from 1592 the Reformation in Scot-
land adopted a Presbyterian form of government.
Since 1562 the Reformation in the Netherlands has
held to the "Confessio Belgica", and the Reformed
Church in Hungary since 1567, to the "Confessio Hun-
garica". Soon the Counter-Reformation, called into
fife by the Council of Trent (1545-63) to prevent the
loss of the whole of middle Europe, appeared; its suc-
cess was assured by the aid of the Society of Jesus.
In this way various princes and bishops who were de-
sirous of doing their duty were enabled to hold their
countries to the Catholic Church, as the Duke of
Cleves, the Electors of Mainz and Trier, the Bishops of
Augsburg, Wurzburg, Bamberg, Munster, Constance,
Basle, the Abbey of Fulda, but especiallv the Dukes of
Bavaria and the Hapsburg dynasty within their Aus-
trian provinces. Soon the hostility between the two
ecclesiastical parties grew so bitter that a trifling inci-
dent sufficed to bring on a terrible religious conflict,
the Thirty Years War (1616-48). Two religious con-
fessional leagues confronted each other in Germany:
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EUROPE 613 EUROPE
the Catholic League, which was formed* in 1609 religious community, and the Moravian Brethren
among the Catholic States of the German Empire and (Herrnhuter). The expenses of the Roman Catholic
had for its leader the vigorous Duke Maximilian of and Orthodox Greek Churches are met from a fund
Bavaria, and the Union in which, from 1609, most of controlled by the State and obtained from the secu-
the Protestant princes and cities combined under the larization of Church property in the reign of Joseph II.
leadership of Frederick IV of the Palatinate. Foreign In Hungary the Roman Catholic Church was origi-
powers— -Denmark, Sweden, and France— -also took nally the state religion; the State grants in addition free
part in the war. The result of the Thirty Years' War, exercise to other Christian confessions and to the Jew-
confirmed in the Peace of Westphalia, laid the founda- ish faith. Croatia-Slavonia recognizes only the Ro-
tion of confessional relations as they now exist. Neither man Catholic and Uniat Greek Churches, the Orthodox
internal commotions nor seemingly mighty political Greek and Protestant Churches, and the Jewish belief,
revolutions, such as the illuminism of the French En- In Bosnia and Herzegovina* the ruling confessions are
cyclopedists and the German neo-classicists, the tern- the Orthodox Greek and Roman Catholic Churches,
porarv supremacy of rationalism, and the French and Mohammedanism* The State Church of the
Revolution, with its consequent wars, greatly changed Balkan provinces is the Orthodox Greek* The State
these relations. The present condition as developed Church of Russia is the Orthodox Greek Russian
during the course of the nineteenth century and up to Church; the other Christian and non-Christian eonfes-
the present time is as follows. sions are tolerated, the Jews have only limited rights.
Present Condition of Religion in Europe. — (1) (2) Organization of the Religions Communions. — The
Relations of the Different States to the Religious Com" Evangelical Church distinguishes three forms of or-
munions. — In the German Empire the formation of ganization: (a) The episcopal, in which the ruler of the
religious denominations and their religious worship country with the aid of a subordinate hierarchy exer-
are subject to the legislation of the several States, cises ecclesiastical authority. This is the form in
worship,
Mecklenburg; others again make the establishment of secular members. *fhis form is found in Mecklen-
relipious denominations depend on the Government, 'burg-Schwerin, Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Saxe-Coburg-
as m Bavaria, Saxony, Brunswick, Saxe-Meiningen. Gotha, Saxony-Altenburg, Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt,
and Alsace-Lorraine. The Catholic and the Evangelical Schwaraburg-Sonderhausen, the two principalities of
Churches are regarded as privileged and public cor- Reuss, Schaumburg-Lippe. Lubeck, Bremen, Alsace-
g orations. In England ana Wales the Anglican is the Lorraine, and Russia, (c) The synodal form of or-
tate Church, its head being the king; the funda- ganization and similar Presbyterian associations which
mental principles are defined by Parliament. There are based on assemblies of elected representatives and
is a similar arrangement for the Presbyterian State the ordinances passed by these. This form of organi-
Church in Scotland where, however, the organization zation is in existence in Austria-Hungary, Prussia,
is somewhat freer. # On the other hand the Anglican Bavaria, Saxony, Wurtemberg, Baden, Hesse, and
Church of Ireland is, since 1869, no longer a State other German States, where the consistorial system is
Church. The Dissenters, who in 1689 were only con- not in force* The synodal organization also exists
ditionally tolerated; have now equal rights. • In among the non-Anglican Churches in Great Britain, in
France the Separation Law of 9 December, 1905. France, among the Italian Waldenses, in the Nether-
brought about the separation of Church and State ana lands, Belgium, Switzerland, and Spain; also in con-
provided for the formation of Associations cultueUes nexion with the episcopal form of church government
for the exercise of religion. In Italy the Constitution in Sweden and Finland. The Anglican Church, called in
originally declared the Roman Catholic religion the England and Wales the Established Church of England,
religion of the State, but gradually all privileges have and in Ireland the Church of Ireland, is episcopal in
been withdrawn from it; besides the Roman Catholic government; in Ireland the episcopal and synodal sys-
Church, the Evangelical Waldensian Church, the Na- terns are united. The head of the Church is the kins,
tional Greek Church, and the Jewish communities are England and Wales are divided into the two church
organized as Churches with separate constitutions, provinces of Canterbury and York. The Archbishop
In Spain and Portugal the State religion is the Roman of Canterbury is the Primate of All England; under
Catholic. In Belgium the Catholic, Protestant, Jew*- Canterbury are 28 suffragan dioceses; York consists of
ish, and Anglican forms of worship are recognized by an archdiocese and 9 suffragan bishoprics, v Ireland
the granting of salaries from the State to those having has 2 archdioceses: Armagh, which has the primacy of
ecclesiastical charges. Outside of these any religious all Ireland, and Dublin with 10 suffragans; Scotland
community is a private association The Netherlands has 7 dioceses. The organization of the Oriental Greek
grants equal protection to all confessions. So does Church varies in different countries. In Russia the
Switzerland, excepting that in this country a more ex- head of the Church is the Tsar, who appoints the mem-
acting control is exercised over the Roman Catholic bens of the Holy Synod, the highest ecclesiastical body.
Churchy In Denmark the Evangelical Lutheran In Turkey the (Ecumenical Patriarch is the head;
Church is the State Church, at least inasmuch as its under him are 10 or 12 metropolitans. In Rumania a
ministers are paid by the State and subject to removal national synod is the highest ecclesiastical authority;
by the State; other religious communities have no in Servia a metropolitan with the bishops; in Bulgaria
claim to state support. The case is the same in the church government is vested in an exarch, aided
Sweden, where, in addition, the condition is laid down by archbishops, bishops, and archpriests. The Holy
that the king, the members of the Council of State( and Synod of Greece consists of five prelates or bishops
foreigners who are appointed teachers at the univer- named by the king. In the Austro-Hungarian Mon-
sity must all subscribe to some evangelical confession, archy there are 3 provinces of the Oriental Greek
In Norway this ordinance is enforced for the head of Church: the Austrian, or Province of Czernowitz, with
the State. In Austria the Churches and religious asso- the suffragan Dioceses of Zara and Cattaro, the Arch-
ciations recognized by law are as follows: the Roman diocese of Karlowitz (Patriarch-Archbishop), with 6
Catholic, the Uniat Greek, and Uniat Armenian suffragans, and the Archdiocese of Hernnannstadt,
Churches, the Evangelical Churches of the Augsburg with 2 suffragans. Bosnia and Herzegovina have
and Helvetic Confessions, the Orthodox Greek Church, each a metropolitan.
the Jewish religious community, the religious associa- For the ecclesiastical organization of European
tion of the Russian^ sect of the Lipovani. and the countries, see the respective articles on the various
'Oriental Armenian in Bukowina, the Ola Catholic political divisions, also Eastern Churches. The
BUBOPUS 614 EUSEBIU8
*
religious statistics for the countries of Europe found philus, whom Eusebius calls his jailer (Baroniua,
in the adjoining table are based on Brachelli and Anna!., ad ann. 356, n. 97), treated him very cruelly,
von Juraschek, "Die Staaten Europas" (5th ed., then to Cappadocia, and lastly to the Thebald. On
Leipzig, Brunn, and Vienna, 1907). the accession of the Emperor Julian, the exiled bishops
Thatcher and Schwtix, a General History of Europe, $50- were allowed to return to their sees, in 362. Eusebius,
fSS. ^(S»f» 1S^5 1ofT3SS.f S *™«™. *** W" b~the«xile Lucifer did not at once
lustrierte Geschichte der katholuchen Kircho (Munich. 1905); return to Italy. Acting either by force of their
Phiuppson, Europa (2nd od.f Leipzig and Vienna, 1906); former legatine faculties or. as is more probable, hav-
Hettnkr, Grundzilge der Landerkunde, I, Europa (Leipzig. :na „w.Piv«H n#>w Wat inn faniiltioa fmm Pnrw» T llvu-iiia
1907). See also the bibliography under the names of the re- "J8 received new legatme iacuities trom rope l^iDenus,
spective countries. they remained in the Orient for some time, helping to
Otto Habtiq. restore peace in the Church. Eusebius went to AJex-
0 andria to consult with St. Athanasius about convoking
Kuropua, a titular see in Provincia Euphratensis, the synod which, in 362, was held there under their
suffragan of Hierapolis. The former name of this joint presidency. Besides declaring the Divinity of
city was Thapsacus (Thaphsakh), an Aramean word the Holy Ghost and the orthodox doctrine concerning
which means " ford "; it was an important trade-centre the Incarnation, the synod agreed to deal mildly with
at the northern limit of Solomon s kingdom (III K., the repentant apostate bishops, but to impose severe
iv, 24). The younger Cyrus and Alexander the Great penalties upon the leaders of the several Arianizing
forded the Euphrates at this point. The Macedonians factions. At its close Eusebius went to Antioch to
called it Amphipolis. It took finally a third name, reconcile the Eustathians and the Meletians. The
Europos, under which it is mentioned by the geog- Eustathians were adherents of the bishop, St. Eusta-
raphers Ptolemy, Pliny, Hierocles, Georgius Cyprius, thins, who was deposed and exiled by the Arians in
etc. and figures in the "Notitiaepiscopatuum" of the 331. Since Meletius's election in 361 was brought
Antiochene patriarchate. (See Echos d'Orient, 1907, about chiefly by the Arians, the Eustathians would
145.) We know but one of its Greek bishops, in 451 not recognize him, although he solemnly proclaimed
(Lequien, Oriens christ., II, 949), and a Jacobite one, his orthodox faith from the ambo after nis episcopal
between 793 and 817 (Revue del'Orient Chretien, 1899, consecration. The Alexandrian synod had desired
451). Justinian built a fortress at Europus (Procop., that Eusebius should reconcile the Eustathians with
De sedif., II, 9). When the city was destroyed is un- Bishop Meletius, by purging his election of whatever
known. Its ruins stand at Djerabis, a corrupted form might have been irregular m it, but Eusebius, upon
of Europos, on the right bank of the Euphrates, about arriving at Antioch, found that his brother-legate
twenty-five kilometres south of Biredjik, in the vilayet Lucifer had consecrated Paulinus, the leader of the
of Aleppo. Eustathians, as Bishop of Antioch, and thus unwit-
Hoffmann, Ausroqe auB Ahten Pin. Martyrer, 161; Sacrau, tingly frustrated the pacific design. Unable to recon-
*«*« in Syrien und Muopotamien, 168. cile the factions at Antioch, he visited other Churches
a. v ailhe. of the QriBnt ^ the interest of the orthodox faith, and
Zusebimnitea. See Eusebius of Nicomedia. finally passed through Illy ricum into Italy. Having
Susebius,
'«• 283i - ^
was made lector in Rome, where he U ved some time, of ^A^an B^o^Au^Tntius of Mifan. l&eWt-h
probably as a member, or head o a , religious com- h him maH ^ ^brutes his feast aa a
mumty (Spreitzenhofer Die i Entwickelung des alten ^^^ on 16 December. In the "Journal of
M6nchtums in I taken, Vienna, 1894, 14 sq.). Later Th^lrtmWl fltnHiA*
along with St. Augustine as their founder (Propnum w*, 1% £M published by irico (Milan, 1748) and
T0noSe%» lO^cember). Bianchini (Rome, 1749), and is reprinted in Migne,
x *>, ^ p0P? ^T. «ntJ*^>lU8 ♦ an?- BlA2P P. L., XII, 9-948; a new edition wis brought out W
Lucifer of Caglian to the Emperor Constantius, who Belsheim (Oiristiania. 1894). Krilger (Lucifer,
was then at Aries m Gaul, for the purpose of inducing „Bischof von Calaris* Leipzig, 1886^118^) as!
the emperor to convoke a council which should put an ^^ to Eu8ebius a baptismal oration published by
e^i^? the $S^^^^^li^!^m ^ C^^ (QueUen zur <&** de8 Taufsymbols, Chrii
orthodox _The synod was held at ^Milan in 355. At ti£ ^ n 132-4Q). The confession of faith
ft1* !^aIU8 "^T1 to aVtend lt ^a^J^f°re«tw « De s trinitate wnfessio", P. L., XII. 959-968, some-
that the Arian bishops, who were supported by the times ^^ to Euflebiu^ fe furious.
not accept the decrees ol the rucene »„«,»» rv«« m *km .<?„.«;• ir tw. T*A»iv«-o™TT.n tj***
vehemently protested against the unjust condemna- Michael Ott.
tion of St. Athanasius and, despite the threats of the
emperor, refused to attach his signature to the docu- Eusebius, Saint, Bishop of Samosata (now Sam-
ment. As a result he was sent into exile, first to sat), in Syria; date of birth unknown: d. in 379 or 380.
Scythopolis in Syria, where the Arian Bishop Patro- History makes no mention of him before the year 361,
KU8EBIUS
615
EUSEBIUS
when, as Bishop of Samosata, he took part in the con-
secration of St. Meletius, the newly elected Patriarch
of Antioch. Just then the, Eastern Church was rent
by Arianism and its affiliated heresies. Most of the
Suscopal sees were occupied by Arian bishops, and
eletius himself was elected Patriarch of Antioch only
because the Arians believed him to be a supporter of
their heresy. Tillemont and a few other historians
even maintain that Eusebius was at that time leaning
towards Arianism. Whatever may have been the
faith of Eusebius previously, it is certain that at a
synod held in Antioch in 363 the Nicene formula, with
express mention of the term homoousios, was accepted,
and the document was signed by Eusebius and
twenty-four other bishops.
When the Arians discovered that Meletius upheld
the doctrine of the Nicene Council, they declared his
election invalid and attempted to obtain from Euse-
bius, to whom they had been entrusted, the synodal
acts proving the lawfulness of the election. The
Emperor Constantius, who supported the Arians,
ordered Eusebius to surrender the document, but
without success. Thereupon Constantius threatened
Eusebius with the loss of his right hand, but the bishop
calmly presented both his hands to the bearer of the
imperial message, saying: "Strike them both off. I
will not surrender the document by which the injus-
tice of the Arians can be proved." The emperor was
struck by the constancy 01 Eusebius and left the docu-
ment in his possession.
It was chiefly due to the concerted efforts of St.
Eusebius and St. Gregory Nazianzen that, in 370, St.
Basil was elected Archbishop of Csesarea in Cappa-
docia. From this time also dates the tender friendship
between St. Eusebius and the last-named Father,
which is attested by some still extant letters written
by St. Basil to the Bishop of Samosata. Eusebius dis-
played his greatest activity during the persecution of
the Catholics by the Arian Emperor Valens. Disguised
as a military officer^ he visited the persecuted Churches
of Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine, exhorting the
afflicted Catholics to remain loyal to their faith, or-
daining orthodox priests where they were needed, and
in many other ways assisting the Catholic bishops in
the difficult exercise of their duties during those
troublous times. It is on account of this untiring zeal
of Eusebius that St. Gregory Nazianzen calls him "a
pillar of the Church", " agift of God", " a ruleof faith",
etc. (Migne, P. G.y XXI, 57). Incensed at the great
success of Eusebius, the Arians prevailed upon the
Emperor Valens to banish him into Thrace. After the
death of Valens, in 378, he was allowed to return to
his see. On his journey from Thrace to Samosata he
was instrumental in the appointment of numerous
orthodox bishops, among whom were Acacius at
Beroea, Theodotus at Hierapolis, Isidore at Cyrrhus,
and Eulogius at Edessa. Having returned to his see,
he resumed his former activity against the Arians,
both in his own diocese and in the neighbouring
churches. While he was taking part in the consecra-
tion of Bishop Maris, at the tittle town of Dolicha,
near Samosata. an Arian woman struck him on the
head with a tile thrown from the roof of her house.
He died of this wound a few days later. The Greeks
honour him as a martyr on the 21st of June, the Latins
on the 22d.
Butleb, Live* of the Saint*, 21 June; Baring-Gould, Live*
of the Saint*. 21 June; Reynold* in Diet. Christ. Biogr., II, 309-
372; Acta SS„ June, V, 204-206; Tillemont, Memoire* pour
eervir a Vhiatoire ecdesuutique die* *ix premier* aiede* (Paris.
1693-1712), VIII, 319-336; Le Quien, Oriena Chri*tianu*
(Paris. 1740), II, 933 sqq.j Bedjan, Ada martyrum et *anc*
torum in Synao (Paris, 1890-7), VI, 335 sqq.
Michael Ott.
Eusebius, Saint, a presbyter at Rome; date of
birth unknown; d. 357(?). He was a Roman patri-
cian and priest, and is mentioned with distinction in
the Latin martyrologies. The ancient genuine mar-
tyrologv of Usuard styles him confessor at Rome
under the Arian emperor Constantius and adds that he
was buried in the cemetery of Callistus. Some latei
martyrologies call him a martyr ~
The "Acta Eusebii", discovered in 1479 by Mom-
britius and reproduced by Baluze in his " Miscellanea''
(1678-1715), tell the following story: WhenPope Libe-
rius was permitted bv Constantius to return to Rome,
supposedly at the price of his orthodoxy, by subscrib-
ing the Arian formula of Sirmium, Eusebius, a priest,
an ardent defender of the Nicene Creed, publicly
preached against both pope and emperor, branding
them as heretics. When the orthodox party who sup-
ported the antipope Felix were excluded from all the
churches, Eusebius continued to hold Divine services
in his own house. He was arrested and brought be-
fore Liberius and Constantius. Here he boldly re-
proved Lfberius for deserting the Catholic Faith. In
conseauence he was placed in a dungeon, four feet
wide (or was imprisoned in his own house), where he
Sent his time in prayer and died after seven months,
is body was buned in the cemetery of Callistus with
the simple inscription: "Eusebio homini Dei". This
act of kindness was performed by two priests, Gregory
and Orosius, friends of Eusebius. Gregory was put
into the same prison and also died there. He was
buried by Orosius, who professes to be the writer of
the Acts.
It is generally admitted that these Acts are a forgery
either entirely or at least in part, and written in the
same spirit, if not by the same hand, as the notice on
Liberius in the " Liber Pontificalia ". The Bollandists
and Tillemont point out some grave historical difficul-
ties in the narrative, especially the fact that Liberius,
Constantius, and Eusebius were never in Rome at the
same time. Constantius visited Rome but once, and
remained there for about a month, and Liberius was
then still in exile. Some, taking for granted the
alleged fall of Liberius, would overcome this difficulty
by stating that, at the request of Liberius, who re-
sented the seal of the priest, the secular power inter-
fered and imprisoned Eusebius. It is not at all certain
whether Eusebius died after the return of Liberius,
during his exile, or even much before that period.
The feast of St. Eusebius is kept on 14 August. The
church on the EsquQine in Rome dedicated to him,
said to have been built on the site of his house, is men-
tioned in the acts of a council held in Rome under
Pope Symmachus in 498 (Maosi, VIII, 236, 237), and
was rebuilt by Pope Zacharias. Formerly it had a
Siatio on the Friday after the fourth Sunday of Lent.
It once belonged to the Celestines (an order now ex-
tinct); Leo All gave it to the Jesuits. A good pict-
ure, representing the triumph of Eusebius, bv Raphael
Mengs. 1759. is on the ceding. San Eusebio is the
title of a cardinal-priest. The title was transferred by
Gregory XVI, but restored by Pius IX,
Am. Cath. Q. Rev., VTII, 520; Stoker in Did. of Chr. Bioor.,
B. v • Ada SS.t Aug., II. 166, and Sept., VI, 207; Armeujni,
Le Chieee di Roma (Rome, 1887): cf. Duchesne, Liber ftmti-
jUali* (Paris. 1886-92). I, a. v. Ltberiua, also the Introdudion,
DuronitCQ, Le* Qe*ta Martyrum Romatn* (Paris. 1004).
Francis Mershman.
Eusebius, Saint, Pope, successor of Marcellus, 309
or 310. His reign was short. The Liberian Catalogue
gives its duration as only four months, from 18 April
to 17 August, 309 or 310. We learn some details of
his career from an epitaph for his tomb which Pope
Damasus ordered. This epitaph has come down to us
through ancient transcripts. A few fragments of the
original, together with a sixth-century marble copy
made to replace the original, after its destruction,
were found oy De Rossi m the Crypt of Eusebius. in
the catacomb of Callistus. It appears from it that
the grave internal dissensions caused in the Roman
Church by the readmittance of apostates (larm)
during the persecution of Diocletian, and which nad
EUSEBIUS 616 EUSEBIUS
already arisen under Marcellus. continued under Euse- " Chaldean Legends transmitted through Berosus and
bius. The latter maintained the attitude of the other Authors \ The longest and most important
Roman Church, adopted after the Decian persecution extracts here given, containing, e. g. the Babylonian
(250-51), that apostates should not be forever de- story of the Creation and the Flood, owe their preaer-
barred from ecclesiastical communion, but on the vation to Eusebius. The "Canons" are a series of
other hand should be readmitted only after doing chronological tables with short historical notices.
S roper penance (Eusebius miseros docuit sua crimina The years of Abraham, beginning from the supposed
ere). ^ .... <^ate °* *"* birth, form the backbone. Alongside of
This view* was opposed by a faction of Christians in these are placed the regnal years of the monarchs of
Rome under the leadership of one Heraclius. Whether different kingdoms as they rose and felL A single
the latter and his partisans advocated a more rigor- extract will, however, serve better than any descrip-
ous (Novatianist) or a more lenient interpretation of tion to give the reader an idea of the character and
the law has not been ascertained. The latter, how- contents of the "Canons". We have shown above
ever, is by far more probable, in the hypothesis that the value of the "Chronicle" to an Assyriologist; our
Heraclius was the chief of a party made up of apos- second example will illustrate its importance for clas-
tates and their followers, who demanded unmeaiate sical scholars. On almost the first page of Jebb'a
restoration to the body of the Church. Damasus edition of the newly discovered poems of Bacchyiides,
characterizes in very strong terms the conflict which the notices in the " Chronicle " concerning the poet are
ensued (seditio, cades, helium, di&cordia, liies). It is discussed. There are two such notices. We give the
likely that Heraclius and his supporters sought to first with its context, as it is found in the facsimile of
compel by force their admittance to divine worship, the Bodleian MS. of St. Jerome's version:—
which was resented by the faithful gathered in Rome LXXVIII Olymp. Herodotus hbtoriarum
about Eusebius. In consequence, both Eusebius and xvm B ""hP lid a*myc,i&r'
Heraclius were exiled by the Emperor Maxentius. ^n» aSeua* W*" XXXVI
Eusebius, in particular, was deported to Sicily, where sennone plurimo oele-
he died soon after. Miltiades ascended the papal urkT —v™. „ brantur
throne, 2 July, 311. The bodv of his predecessoVwas *DL.xvmi ^SZJg?0* "™* XXXVTI
brought back to Rome, probably in 311. and 26 Sep- From the above we learn that Bacchylides became
tember (according to the "Depositio Episcoporum" renowned in the 18th year of Xerxes, King of Persia,
in the Chronographer of 354} was placed m a separate the 36th of an Alexander, King of Macedonia, the be-
cubiculum of the Catacomb of Callistus. His firm ginning of the seventy-eighth Olympiad, and the
defense of ecclesiastical discipline and the banishment 1549th year of Abraham. In this MS. the years of
which he suffered therefor caused him to be vener- Abraham are given at the commencement of every
ated as a martyr, and in his epitaph Pope Damasus decade. Thus, in the last line, the first year (MDL)
honours Eusebius with this title. His feast is yet cele- marks the opening of a new decade ; while the second
brated on 26 September. year (XVTIII) shows the continuation of the reign of
Liber Pontificalia, ed. Dughbsiob, I, 167; Da Roesi, Roma Xerxes
•otterranea, II (Rome, 1867), 191-210; Nobthcotb and T*n> 1 *.« A «^ #.« urii . « „ . ,,
Bbownlow. Roma] eotterraneat 2d ed. (Ixmdon. 1870); Light. Which of the two versions of the "Chronicle" 18 the
foot, Apoetoiic Father*, 2d. ed., I, I, 297-290: iHH.Damari more trustworthy as regards dates and figures is a
f^SeTmi^cA SMS^^ g»*» that was conlUveiy answered in favour
Papa 8. Eueebio (Rome, 1886); Lanobn, Oeechiehte der ro- of the Latin version by Lightfoot in his excursus,
miechen Kirche, I (Bonn, 1881). 380-882. " The Early Roman Succession ". The striking differ-
J. P. Kibsch. ences between the episcopal lists (notably the Roman)
as they are found in the Armenian version, on the one
Eusebius, Chronicle op, consists of two parts: the hand, and in the Latin version and " The Church His-
first was probably called by Eusebius the 7'Chrono- tory ", on the other hand, give rise to a number of in-
graph" or "Chronographies"; the second he terms genious theories concerning changes made by Eusebius
the " Canon w, or "Canons", and also the "Chrono- 5i a later edition of his "Chronicle". Lightfoot anni-
logical Canons". It is brought down to the year 225, hilated these theories by demonstrating the corrupt
and as Eusebius alludes to it at an earlier date in the gtate of the Armenian version in all that relates to fig-
"Eclogae Prophetic©" and "Praparaticr Evangplica" ^^ ^d the years to which different events are as-
there must have been two editions. The original is signed. It is important to remember this in reading
lost, but both parts are preserved in an Armenian ver- books or articles in which reference is made to the
sion of which two rival translations by Zohrab and "Chronicle", if they were written before 1890.
Aucher, respectively, were published in 1818. Both Beet Editions.— -(1) "Eusebii Chronicorum Libri
these editions are superseded by Schoene's. The duo", ed. Schoene, 2 vols., Berlin, 1866-1875; (2) the
"Canons", moreover, are preserved in St. Jerome's Bodleian manuscript of Jerome's version of the
translation. Two Syriac epitomes have also been "Chronicle of Eusebius", reproduced in collotype with
published, one from a MS. in the British Museum, anmtroductionbyJohnKm^htFotheringham,M.A.,
which was translated by Roediger for Schoene's edi- Oxford, 1905; (3) theSyriac epitomes referred to above,
tion, another edited by Siegfried and Gelzer (Eusebii Salmon in Surra and Wacb, Did. of Christ Biog., a. ▼.
Canonum Epitome ex Dionysii TelmaharensiS Chro- Bueebiue, Chronicle of; Liohtjtoot, Excursus en the Early Ro*
nicopetita kip«g, 1884). cWderableextr^tefrom S^S^^^,?ircC^^IS^i.T?y^^J'
the original were also preserved by later writers, espe- Theological Studies, I, 181 eq.: Chapman, La Chronologie dm
cially by Syncellus. These it has been possible to J^**1""!**** *g»«>Pa'« & £?,?*.in ?*?*• ^*ni^ictit^
identify . since.the discovery of the Armenian version. <™£ ££* ta&^SStf ^ft*"*" m
They will be found in Schoene. m p* j# Bacchus.
The a Chronograph v" is an epitome of universal
history. It is divided into five parts: (1) the history Eusebius Bruno, Bishop of Angers, b. in the early
of the Chaldeans, and the Assyrians, followed by lists part of the eleventh century : d. at Angers, 29 August,
of the Assyrian, Median, Lydian, and Persian kings; 1081. He received his ecclesiastical training under
(2) Old Testament history; (3) Egyptian history; (4) the famous Berengarius of Tours, and in December,
Grecian history; (5) Roman history. It is, like the 1047 was made Bishop of Angers. In 1049 he took
"Praeparatio Evangelica", full of quotations from lost part in the synod of Reims under Leo IX (1049-64),
authors. As an illustration of its value in one partic- and was among the bishops who protested their inno-
ular province we may turn to the third chapter of cence in regard to the prevalent evil of simony. He
Smith's "Chaldean Account of Genesis", entitled is best known for his relations to his master Beren-
EUSEBIUS
617
EUSEBIUS
firius who erroneously maintained that in the Holy
ucharist the bread and the wine are merely a figure
or a symbol of the Body and Blood of Christ. That
he was a partisan of Berengarius, at least for a time,
oannot be denied. In a letter written shortly after
the councils of Rome and Vercelli (1050), in which
Berengarius was condemned, he protested against the
injustice done to his teacher and the archdeacon of his
church. When King Henry I of France (1031-60)
summoned the bishops of his realm to a synod held in
Paris in 1051, both Eusebius and Berengarius
absented themselves, through fear of condemnation.
Two contemporary writers, Deoduinus, Bishop of
Liege (P. L., CXLVI, 1439), and Durandus, Abbot of
Troarn (P. L.. CXLIX, 1422), class Eusebius Bruno
among the followers of Berengarius; the latter always
claimed him as a partisan. It is not certain that he
really appropriated in its entirety the teaching of his
master, though Deoduinus and Durandus affirm it.
On the other hand, at the Council of Tours (1054),
E resided over by the papal legate Hildebrand, Euse-
ius Bruno induced his triend Berengarius to declare,
in writing and on oath, that after the Consecration the
bread and the wine are the Body and Blood of Christ.
Moreover, at a synod of Angers (1062) at which the
Count of Anjou, Geoffrey the Bearded, asked for an
account of the teaching, of Berengarius, Eusebius'
defence of his master was somewhat weak. When,
shortly afterwards, Berengarius complained to him of
the opposition of a certain Geoffrey Martini to his
teaching, Eusebius declared frankly in a letter to
Berengarius (P. L., CXLVII, 1201), that the reality
of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Holy Sacra-
ment must be admitted, like other mysteries of faith,
e. g. the Incarnation and the passing of Christ glori-
fied through closed doors. These expressions indicate
either a change of mind on the part of Eusebius, or,
what is not unlikely, a misunderstanding, in the begin-
ning, of the real import of the teachings of Berengarius.
Streber in Kirckcnlex., s. v • Hist. liti. de la France, VIII,
79-104: Deutsch in ReaUncyk. f. prot. Theol., s. v.; Cheva-
lier, Rep. des sources hist., Bio-biol., a. v.
Francis J. Schaefer.
Eusebius of Alexandria, ecclesiastical writer and
author of a number of homilies well known, in the
sixth and seventh centuries and of much ascetical and
dogmatic value. There has been much dispute re-
garding the details of his life and the age in which he
lived. Galland (Vet. Patr. Biblioth., VIII, 23) savs,
"De Eusebio qui vulgo dicitur episcopus Alexandria
incerta omnia" (Concerning Eusebius, commonly
called Bishop of Alexandria, there is nothing sure).
His writings have been attributed to Eusebius of
Emesa, Eusebius of Caesarea, and others. According
to an old biography said to have been written by his
notary, the monk John, and discovered by Cardinal
Mai, he lived in the fifth century and led a monastic
life near Alexandria. The fame of his virtues at-
tracted the attention of Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria,
who visited him with his clergy, and in 444, when dy-
ing, had him elected his successor and consecrated him
bishop, though much against his will. Eusebius dis-
played great seal in the exercise of his office and did
much good by his preaching. Among those whom he
converted was a certain Alexander, a man of sena-
torial rank. After having ruled his see for seven or,
according to another account, for twenty years, he
made Alexander his successor and retired to the desert,
whence Cyril had summoned him, and there died in the
odour of sanctity.
While Mai seems to have established the existence
of a Eusebius of Alexandria who lived in the fifth cen-
tury, it has been objected that neither the name of
Eusebius, nor that of his successor Alexander, appears
in the list of the occupants of that ancient see. Dios-
curus is mentioned as the immediate successor of
Cyril. Nor does the style of the homilies seem ou the
whole in keeping with the age of Cyril. It may be
noted, however, that the biographer of Eusebius ex-
pressly states that the Cyril in question is the great
opponent of Nestorius. Various solutions of the diffi-
culty have been proposed. Thilo (Ueber die Schriften
des Eusebius v. Alexandrien u. des Eusebius von
Emesa, Halle, 1832) thinks that the authorship of the
homilies is to be assigned either to a certain monk —
one of four brothers — of the fifth century, or to a pres-
byter and court chaplain of Justinian I, who took an
active part in the theological strifes of the sixth cen-
tury, Mai suggests that after the death of Cvril there
were two bishops at Alexandria, Dioscurus, the Mono-
physite leader, and Eusebius, the head of the Catholic
party. The homilies cover a variety of subjects, and
the author is one of the earliest patristic witnesses to
the doctrine regarding the descent of Christ into Hell.
A list of homihes with the complete text is given by
Mai (Spicilegium Romanum, IX). They may also be
found in Mime, P. G., LXXXVI. The "Sermo de
Confusione Diaboli" was published with an introduc-
tion by Rand in " Modern Philology", II, 261.
Mai, Spicilegium Romanum, IX, 2 eq. (Rome, 1843); Miqns,
P. G., LXXXVI, part I (Paris, 1860); Stbbbbr in KircKenlcx..
8. V.
H. M. Brock.
Eusebius of Oaaarea (Eusebius Pamphili),
Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, the " Father of Church
History"; b. about 260; d. before 341.
Life. — It will save lengthy digression if we at once
speak of a document which will often have to be re-
ferred to on account of its biographical importance,
vis., the letter written by Eusebius to his diocese in
order to explain his subscription to the Creed pro-
pounded by the Council of Nicaea. After some pre-
liminary remarks, the writer proceeds: "We first
transmit to you the writing concerning the faith
which was put forward by us, and then the second,
which they nave published after putting in additions
to our expressions. Now the writing presented by us,
which when read in the presence of our most religious
emperor was declared to have a right and approved
character was as follows: [The Faith put forward by
us]. As we have received from the bishops before us
both in our first catechetical instruction and when we
were baptized, and as we have learned from the Divine
Scriptures, and as we have believed and taught in the
{>resbyterate and in the office of bishop itself so now
ikewise believing we offer to you our faith and it is
thus." Then follows a formal creed [Theodoret, Hist.,
I, 11; Socrates, Hist., I, 8; St. Athanasius, de Dec.
Svn. Nic. (appendix) and elsewhere. Translated by
Newman with notes in the Oxford Library of the
Fathers (Select Treatises of St. Athanasius, p. 59) and
St. Athanasius, vol. I. The translation given here is
Dr. Hort's. The words in brackets are probably gen-
uine though not given by Socrates and St. Athanasius].
Dr. Hort in 1876 ("Two Dissertations", etc., pp. 56
sag.) pointed out that this creed was presumably that
of the Church of Caesarea of which Eusebius was
bishop. This view is widely accepted (cf . Lightfoot,
art. ^Euseb." in "Diet, of Christ. Biog."— AB refer-
ences to Lightfoot, unless otherwise stated, are to
this article.--Sanday, "Journal of Theolog. Studies",
vol. I, p. 15; Gwatkin, "Studies of Arianism", p. 42,
2nd edition : McGiffert, " Prolog, to C. H. of Euseb." in
"Select Library of Nic. and post-Nic. Fathers";
Duchesne, "Hist, de l'Eglise", vol. II, p. 149). Ac-
cording to this view it is natural to regard the intro-
duction, "As we have received" etc., as autobio-
graphical, and to infer that Eusebius had exercised the
office of the priesthood in the city of Caesarea before he
became its bishop, and had received his earliest reli-
gious instruction and the sacrament of Baptism there
also. But other interpretations of this document are
given, one of which destroys, while the other dimin-
ishes, its biographical value: (a) According to some
EUSEBIUS
618
EUSEBIUS
the creed proffered by Eusebius was drawn up as a
formula to be subscribed by all the bishops. It was
they who were to say that it embodied what they had.
been taught as catechumens and had taught as priests
and bishops. This seems to have been the view gen-
erally held before Hort, and was Kattenbusch's view
in 1894 (Das apostolische Symbol, vol. I, p. 231).
One objection to this view may be noted. It makes
all the bishops equivalently say that before they re-
ceived the episcopate they had for some time exer-
cised the duties of the priesthood, (b) Others main-
tain that this creed was not the local creed of Caesarea,
but one drawn up by Eusebius in his own justification
as embodying what he had always believed and
taught. According to this interpretation the prelim-
inary statement stiU remains autobiographical; but it
merely informs us that the writer exercised the office
of priest before he became a bishop. This interpreta-
tion has been adopted by Kattenbusch in his second
volume (p. 239) published in 1900. One of the rea-
sons whicn he gives for his change of view is that when
he was preparing his first volume he used Socrates,
who does not give the superscription which we have
printed in brackets. It is a vital matter with writers
of the school of Kattenbusch not to accept what seems
the natural interpretation of Eusebius s words, viY,
that the creed he read before the council was actually
the one he had always used. If this is admitted,
"then", to quote Dr. Sanday, "I cannot but think
that the theory of Kattenbusch and Harnack [vis.
that the Eastern creeds were daughters of the early
Roman creed, and this latter did not reach the East
till about a. D. 272] breaks down altogether. Bishop
Lightfoot . . . puts the birth of Eusebius about
260 a. d., so that he would be something like twelve
years old when Aurelian intervened in the affairs of
Antioch. In other words he was in all probability
already baptized, and had already been catechised in
the Cesarean creed at a time when, in the Katten-
busch-Harnack hypothesis, the parent of that creed
had not yet reached Antioch — much less Caesarea or
Jerusalem" (Journ. Th. Studies, 1, 15).
The passage just quoted shows that the date of
Eusebius's birth is more than a merely curious aues-
tion. According to Lightfoot, it cannot have been
"much later than a. d. 260" (p. 309); according to
Harnack, "it can hardly be placed later than 260-
265" (Chronologie, I, p. 106). The data from which
they argue are the persons and events which Eusebius
describes as belonging to " our own times ". Thus, at
the end of his account of the epistles of Dionysius of
Alexandria, he says he is now going to relate the
events of " our own times " (koP V«.— -H. E., VII, 26).
He then recounts how, at Rome, Pope Dionysius
(259-268) succeeded Xystus, and about the same time
Paul of Samosata became Bishop of Antioch. Else-
where (H. E., V, 28) he speaks of the same Paul as
reviving "in our own time" (ku0* to*fif) the heresy of
Artemon. He also speaks of the Alexandrian Dio-
nysius (d. 265) in the same way (H. E., Ill, 28). He
calls Manes, whom he places (H. E., VII, 31) during
the episcopate of Felix (270-274), " the maniac of yes-
terday and our own times" (Theophania, IV, 30). An
historian might of course refer to events recent, but
before his own birth, as belonging to " our own times " ;
e. g. a man of thirty might speak thus of the Franco-
German war in 1870. But the reference to Manes as
" the maniac of yesterday" certainly suggests a writer
who is alluding to what happened within his own per-
sonal recollection.
Concerning Eusebius's parentage we know abso-
lutely nothing, but the fact that he escaped with a
short term of imprisonment during the terrible Diocle-
tian persecution, when his master Pamphilus and
others of his companions suffered martyrdom, sug-
gests that he belonged to a family of some influence
and importance. His relations, later on, with the
Emperor Constantino point to the same conclusion.
At some time during the last twenty years of the third
century he visited Antioch, where he made the ac-
quaintance of the priest Dorotheus, and heard him
expound the Scriptures (H. E.. VII, 32). By a slip of
the pen or the memory, Lightfoot (p. 309) makes
Dorotheus a priest of the Church of Caesarea. In 296
he saw for the first time the future Emperor Constan-
tine, as he passed through Palestine in the company of
Diocletian (Vit. Const., I, 19).
At a date which cannot be fixed Eusebius made the
acquaintance of Pamphilus, the founder of the mag-
nificent library which remained for several centuries
the great glory of the Church of Caesarea. Pamphilus
came from Phoenicia, but at the time we are consider-
ing resided at Caesarea, where he presided over a col-
lege or school for students. A man of noble birth, and
wealthy, he sold his patrimony and gave the proceeds
to the poor. He was a great friend to indigent stu-
dents, supplying them to the best of his ability with
the necessaries of life, and bestowing on them copies of
the Holy Scriptures. Too humble to write anything
himself, he spent his time in preparing accurate copies
of the Scriptures and other books, especially those of
Origen. Eloquent testimonies to the care bestowed
by Pamphilus and Eusebius on the sacred text are
found in Biblical MSS. which have reproduced their
colophons. We give three specimens. (1) The fol-
lowing is prefixed to Ezechiel in the codex Marchal-
ianus. A facsimile of the original will be found in
Mai's " Bib. nov. Pat.", IV, p. 218, and in Mi^ne. It
is printed in ordinary type in Swete's O. T. in Greek
(vol. Ill, p. viii). It must be remembered that Ori-
fsn's own copy of the Hexapla was in the library of
amphilus. It had probably been deposited there by
Origen himself.
"The following was transcribed from a copy of
the Father Apollmarius the Coenobiarch, to which
these words are subjoined : ' It was transcribed from
the editions of the Hexapla and was corrected from
the Tetrapla of Origen himself which also had been
corrected and furnished with scholia in his own
handwriting, whence I, Eusebius, added the scholia,
Pamphilus and Eusebius corrected.' "
(2) At the end of the Book of Esdras, in the codex
Sinai ticus, there is the following note: —
" It was compared with a very ancient copy that
had been corrected by the hand of the blessed mar-
tyr Pamphilus to which is appended in his own hand
this subscription: 'It was transcribed and cor-
rected according to the Hexapla of Origen. Antoni-
nus compared, I, Pamphilus, corrected/ " (Swete,
vol. II, p. 212.)
(3) The same codex and also the Vatican and Alex-
andrine emote a colophon like the above, with the dif-
ference that Antoninus has become a confessor, and
Pamphilus is in prison — "Antoninus the confessor
compared, Pamphilus corrected". The volume to
which this colophon was subjoined began with I
Kings and ended with Esther. Pamphilus was cer-
tainly not idle in prison. To most of the books in the
Syro-Hexaplar is subjoined a note to the effect that
they were translated from the Hexapla in the library
of Caesarea and compared with a copy subscribed : " I .
Eusebius, corrected [the above] as carefully as I could
(Harnack, "Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 544, 545).
May not the confessor Antoninus be the same person
as the priest of that name who, later on, with two
companions interrupted the governor when he was on
the point of sacrificing, and was beheaded? (Mart. Pal.,
9.) One member of Pamphilus's household, Apphi-
anus, had done the same a few years before; and an-
other, iEdesius, after being tortured and sent to the
mines, on obtaining his release provoked martyrdom
at Alexandria by going before the governor and rebuk-
ing him. Towards the end of 307 Pamphilus was ar-
rested, horribly tortured, and consigned to prison.
EUSEBIUS 619 . EUSEBIUS
Besides continuing his work of editing the Septuagint, took place between Eusebius and Eustathius, Bishop
he wrote, in collaboration with Eusebius, a Defence of of Antioch. Eustathius accused Eusebius of tamper-
Origen which was sent to the confessors in the mines — ing with the faith of Nicaea; the latter retorted with
a wonderful gift from a man whose sides had been cur- the charge of Sabellianism. In 331 Eusebius was
ried with iron combs, to men with their right eyes among the bishops who, at a synod held in Antioch,
burned out and the sinews of their left legs cauterised, deposed Eustathius. He was offered and refused the
Early in 309 Pamphilus and several of his disciples vacant see. In 334 and 335 he took part in the cam-
were beheaded. Out of devotion to his memory paign against St. Athanasius at the synods held in
Eusebius called himself Eusebius Pamphili, meaning, Caesarea and Tyre respectively. From Tyre the as-
probablv; that he wished to be regarded as the bonds- sembly of bishops were summoned to Jerusalem by
man of him whose name " it is not meet that I should Constantine, to assist at the dedication of the basilica
mention . . . without styling him my lord " (Mart, he had erected on the site of Calvary. After the dedi-
Pal., ed. Cureton, p. 37). Mr. Gifford, m the introduo- cation they restored Arius and his followers to cona-
tion to his translation of the " Praeo. Evang.", has sug- munion. From Jerusalem they were summoned to
gested another explanation on the authority of an Constantinople (336), where Marcellus was con-
ancient scholion emanating from Caesarea which calls demned. Trie following year Constantine died.
Eusebius the " son of Pamphilus". He argues further Eusebius survived him lone enough to write his Life
that Pamphilus, in order to make Eusebius his heir, and two treatises against Marcellus, but by the sum-
took the necessary step of adopting him. mer of 341 he was already dead, since it was his suc-
During the persecution Eusebius visited Tyre and cessor, Acacius, who assisted as Bishop of Caesarea at a
Egypt and witnessed numbers of martyrdoms (H. E., synod held at Antioch in the summer of that year.
VIII, vii and ix) . He certainly did not shun danger, Writings. — We shall take Eusebius's writings in the
and was at one time a prisoner. When, where, or order eiven in Harnackfs"Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 554 sqq.
how he escaped death or any kind of mutilation, we do A. Historical. — ( 1) The lost Life of Pamphilus, often
not know. An indignant bishop, who had been one of referred to by Eusebius. of which only a single frag-
his fellow-prisoners and " lost an eye for the Truth '-', ment, describing Pamphilus' liberality to poor stu-
demanded at the Council of Tyre now "he came off dents, quoted by St. Jerome (c. Rumn., I, ix), sur-
scathless ". To this taunt — it was hardly a question vives. — (2) A collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, used
— made under circumstances of grea|t provocation, by the compiler of Wright's Syriac Martyrology, also
Eusebius deigned no reply (Epiphan., Haer., lxviii, 8: lost. — (3) On the Martyrs of Palestine. There are two
cf. St. Athanas., "Apot. c. Arian.", viii, 1). He had distinct forms of this work, both drawn up by Euse-
many enemies, yet the charge of cowardice was never bius. The longer is only extant in a Syriac version
seriously made — the best proof that it could not have which was first edited and translated by Cureton in
been sustained. We may assume that, as soon as the 1861. The shorter form is found in most MSS. (not,
persecution began to relax, Eusebius succeeded Pam- however, in the best) of the Church History, some-
philus in the charge of the college and library. Per- times at the end of the last book, generally between
naps he was ordained priest about this time. By 315 books VIII and IX, also in the middle of book VIII.
he was already a bishop, for he was present in that The existence of the same work in two different forms
capacity at the dedication of a new basilica at Tyre, on raises a number of curious literary problems. There
which occasion he delivered a discourse given in full in is, of course, the question of priority. Here, with two
the last book of the Church history. m notable exceptions, scholars seem to be agreed in
Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, excommunicated favour of the longer form. Then comes the question,
Arius about the year 320. The Arians soon found why Eusebius abridged it and. finally, how the
that for all practical purposes Eusebius was on their abridgment found its way into the Church History,
side. He wrote to Alexander charging him with mis- The snorter form lacks some introductory remarks,
representing the teaching of the Arians and so giving referred to in c. xiii, which defined the scope of the
them cause to attack and misrepresent whatever they book. It also breaks off when the writer is about to
please" (see below). A portion of this letter has been "record the palinode" of the persecutors. It seems
preserved in the Acts of the second Council of Nicaea, probable that part of the missing conclusion is extant
where it was cited to prove that Eusebius was a here- m the form of an appendix to the eighth book of the
tic. He also took part in a synod of Syrian bishops Church History found in several MSS. This appendix
who decided that Arius should be restored to his contrasts the miserable fate of the persecutors with the
former position, "but on his side he was to obey his good fortune of Constantine and his father. From
bishop and continually entreat peace and communion these data Lightf oot concludes that what we now pos-
with him (Soz., H. E., 1, 15). According to Duchesne sess formed " part of a larger work in which the suffer-
(Hist. de l'Eglise, II, 132), Arius, like Origen before ings of the Martyrs were set off against the deaths of
him, found an asylum at Caesarea. At the opening of the persecutors . It must, however, be remembered
the Council of Nicaea Eusebius occupied the first seat that the missing parts would not add much to the
on the right of the emperor, and delivered the inau- book. So far as the martyrs are concerned, it is evi-
gural address which was "couched in a strain of thanks- dently complete, and the fate of the persecutors would
giving to Almighty God on his, the emperor's, behalf " not take long in the telling. Still, the missing conclu-
(Vit. Const., Ill, 11; Soz., H. E., I, 19). He evi- sion may explain why Eusebius curtailed his account
dently enjoyed great prestige and may not unreason- of the Martyrs. The book, in both forms, was in-
ably have expected to be able to steer the council tended for popular reading. It was therefore desir-
through the via media between the Scylla and Charyb- able to keep down the price of copies. If this was to
die of " Yes" and " No". But if he entertained such be done, and new matter (i. e. the fate of the persecu-
hopes they were soon disappointed. We have already tors) added, the old matter had to be somewhat cur-
spoken of the profession of faith which he brought for- tailed. In 1894, in the Theologische Literaturzeitung
ward to vindicate his own orthodoxy, or perhaps in the (p. 464) Preuschen threw out the idea that the shorter
hope that the council might adopt it. It was, in view form was merely a rough draft not intended for publi-
of the actual state of the controversy, a colourless, or cation. Bruno Violet, in his " Die Palastimschen
what at the present day would be called a comprehen- Martyrer" (Texte u. Untersuch., XIV, 4, 1896) fol-
sive, formula. After some delay Eusebius subscribed lowed up this idea and pointed out that, whereas the
to the uncompromising creed drawn up by the council, longer form was constantly used by the compilers of
making no secret, in the letter which he wrote to his Martyrologies, Menologies, and the like, the shorter
own Church, of the non-natural sense in which he ac- form was never used. In a review of Violet (Theolog.
cepted it. Between 325 and 330 a heated controversy Litz, 1897, p. 300), Preuschen returns to his original
EUSEBIUS
620
EUSEBIUS
Idea, and further suggests that the shorter form must
have been joined to the Church History by some copy-
ist who had access to Eusebius's MSS. Harnack
(Chronologie, 11, 115) holds to the priority of the
longer form, but he thinks that the shorter form was
composed almost at the same time for readers of the
Church History. — (4) The Chronicle (see separate arti-
cle, Eusebius, Chronicle of). — (5) The Church His-
tory. It would be difficult to overestimate the obliga-
tion which posterity is under to Eusebius for this
monumental work. Living during the period of
transition, when the old order was changing and all
connected with it was passing into oblivion, he came
forward at the critical moment with his immense
stores of learning and preserved priceless treasures of
Christian antiquity. This is the great merit of the
Church History ^ It is not a literary work which can be
read with any pleasure for the sake of its style. Euse-
bius's "diction", as Photius said, "is never pleasant
nor clear ". Neither is it the work of a great thinker.
But it is a storehouse of information collected by an
indefatigable student. Still, great as was Eusebius's
learning, it had its limitations. He is provokingly ill-
informed about the West. That he knows very little
about Tertullian or St. Cyprian is due, no doubt, to his
scant knowledge of Latin; but in the case of a Greek
writer, like Hippolytus, we can only suppose that his
works somehow failed to make their way to the libra-
ries of the East. Eusebius's good faith and sincerity
has been amply vindicated by Lightfoot. Gibbon's
celebrated sneer, about a writer " who indirectly con-
fesses that he has related whatever might redound to
the glory, and that he has suppressed all that could
tend to the disgrace, of religion", can be sufficiently
met by referring to the passages (H. E., VIII, ii; Mart.
Pal. c. 12) on which it is based. Eusebius does not
"indirectly confess", but openly avows, that he
passes over certain scandals, and he enumerates them
and denounces them. " Nor again", to quote Light-
foot, "can the special charges against his honour as a
narrator be sustained. There is no ground whatever
for the charge that Eusebius forged or interpolated the
passage from Josephus relating to our Lora quoted in
H. E., 1, 11, though Heinichen is disposed to entertain
the charge. Inasmuch as this passage is contained in
all our MSS., and there is sufficient evidence that other
interpolations (though not this) were introduced into
the text of Josephus long before his time (see Orig., c.
Cels., I, 47, Delarue's note) no suspicion can justly
attach to Eusebius himself. Another interpolation in
the Jewish historian, which he quotes elsewhere (11,
23), was certainly known to Origen (1. c). Doubtless
also the omission of the owl in the account of Herod
Agrippa's death (H. E., 11, 10) was already in some
texts of Josephus (Ant., XIX, 8, 2). The manner in
which Eusebius deals with his numerous quotations
elsewhere, where we can test his honesty, is a sufficient
vindication against this unjust charge ' (L., p. 325).
The notices in the Church History bearing on the
New Testament Canon are so important that a word
must be said about the rule followed by Eusebius in
what he recorded and what he left unrecorded.
Speaking generally, his principle seems to have been
to quote testimonies for and against those books only
whose claims to a place in the Canon had been dis-
puted. In the case of undisputed books he gave any
interesting information concerning their composition
which he had come across in his reading. The subject
was most carefully investigated by Lightfoot in an
article in "The Contemporary" (January, 1875, re-
printed in "Essays on Supernatural Religion"), enti-
tled "The Silence of Eusebius". In regard to the
Gospel of St. John, Lightfoot concludes : "The silence
of Eusebius respecting early witnesses to the Fourth
Gospel is an evidence in its favour." For the episco-
pai lists in the Church History, see article on the
Chronicle. The tenth book of the Church History
records the defeat of Licinius in 323, and must have
been completed before the death and disgrace of
Crispus in 326, for it refers to" him as Constan tine's
"most pious son". The ninth book was compiled
between the defeat of Maxentius in 312, and Constan-
tine's first rupture with Licinius in 314.
(6) The Life of Constantine, in four books. This
work has been most unjustly blamed, from the time of
Socrates downwards, because it is a panegyric rather
than a history. If ever there was a man under an
obligation to respect the maxim, De mortuis nil nisi
bonum, this man was Eusebius, writing the Life of
Constantine within three years after his death (337).
This Life is especially valuable because of the account
it gives of the Council of Nicsea and the earlier phases
of the Arian controversy. It is well to remember that
one of our chief sources of information for the history of
that council is a book written to magnify Constantine.
B. Apologetic. — (7) Against Hierocles. Hierocies,
who, as governor m Bitnynia and in Egypt, was a
cruel enemy of the Christians during the persecution,
before the persecution had attacked them with the
pen. There was nothing original about his work ex-
cept the use he made of Philostratus's Life of Apollo-
nius of Tyana to institute a comparison between our
Lord and Apollonius in favour of the latter. In his
reply Eusebius confined himself to this one point. —
(8) " Against Porphyry", a work in twenty-five books
of which not # fragment survives. — (9) The " Prsepar-
atio Evangelica", in fifteen books.— (10) The "De-
monstratio Evangelica", in twenty books, of which
the last ten, with the exception of a fragment of the
fifteenth, are lost. The object of these two treatises,
which should be regarded as two parts of one compre-
hensive work, was to justify the Christian in rejecting
the religion and philosophy of the Greeks in favour ot
that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not
observing the Jewish manner of life. The " Praepara-
tio" is devoted to the first of these objects. The fol-
lowing summary of its contents is taken from Mr.
Gifford's introduction to his translation of the " Prse-
paratio " : " The first three books discuss the threefold
system of Pagan Theology, Mythical, Allegorical, and
Political. The next three, Iv-VI, give an account of
the chief oracles, of the worship of daemons, and of the
various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doc-
trines of Fate and Free Will. Books VI I- IX give rea-
sons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded
chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the ex-
cellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their his-
tory. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the
Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and
philosophy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the
supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the
last three books the comparison ot Moses with Plato is
continued, and the mutual contradictions of other
Greek Philosophers, especially the Peripatetics and
Stoics, are exposed ana criticized."
The "Prseparatio" is a gigantic feat of erudition,
and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120),
was, like many of Eusebius's other works, actually
composed during the stress of the persecution. It
ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church
History in importance, because of its copious extracts
from ancient authors whose works have perished.
The first book of the Demonstratio chiefly deals with
the temporary character of the Mosaic Law. In the
second the prophecies concerning the vocation of
the Gentiles and the rejection of the Jews are dis-
cussed. In the remaining eight the testimonies of
the prophets concerning Christ are treated of.
We now pass to three books, of which nothing is
known save that they were read by Photius, vis. (11),
The "Pweparatio Ecclesiastica" (12) the "Demon-
stratio Ecclesiastics ", and (13) Two Books of Objec-
tion and Defence, of which, from Photius's account,
there seem to have been two separate editions. (14)
EUUBIU8
621
EUSEBIUS
The " Theophania " or " Divine Manifestation ". Ex-
cept for a few fragments of the original, this work is
only extant in a Syriac version discovered by Tattam,
edited by Lee in 1842, and translated by the same in
1843. It treats of the cosmic function of the Word,
the nature of man, the need of revelation, etc. The
fourth and fifth books are particularly remarkable as a
kind of anticipation of modern books on Christian
evidences. A curious literary problem arises out of
the relations between the "Tneophania" and the
work " De Laudibus Constantini ". There are entire
passages which are almost verbatim the same in both
works. Lightfoot decides in favour of the priority of
the first-named work. Gressel, who has edited the
11 Theophania " for the Berlin edition of the Greek
Fathers, takes the opposite view. He compares the
parallel passages and argues that they are unproved
in the "De Laudibus Constantini". (15) "On the
Numerous Progeny of the Ancients". This work is
referred to by Eusebius twice, in the "Praep. Ev.M,
VII, 8, and in the "Dem. Ev.w, VII, 8: and also
(Lightfoot and Harnack think) by St. Basil ("De
Spir. Sanct.", xxix), where he says, I draw attention
to his rEusebius's] words in discussing the difficulties
started in connexion with ancient polygamy." Argu-
ing from St. Basil's words, Lightfoot thinks that in
this treatise Eusebius dealt with the difficulty pre-
sented by the Patriarchs possessing more than one
wife. But he overlooked the reference in the " Dem.
Ev.", from which it would appear that the difficulty
dealt with was, perhaps, a more general one, viz., the
contrast presented by the desire of the Patriarchs for a
numerous offspring and the honour in which conti-
nence was held by Christians.
C. ExegeUcal. — (16) Eusebius narrates, in his Life
of Constantine (IV, 36, 37), how he was commissioned
by the emperor to prepare fifty sumptuous copies of
the Bible for use in the Churches of Constantinople.
Some scholars have supposed that the Codex Sinaiti-
cus was one of these copies. Lightfoot rejects this
view chiefly on the ground that " the Text of the codex
in many respects differs too widely from the readings
found in Eusebius". — (17) Sections and Canons.
Eusebius drew up ten canons, the first containing a
list of passages common to all four Evangelists; the
second, those common to the first three and so on. He
also divided the Gospels into sections numbered con-
tinuously. A number, against a section, referred the
reader to the particular canon where he could find the
parallel sections or passages. — (18) The labours of
Pamphilus and Eusebius in editing the Septuagint
have already been spoken of. They " believed (as did
St. Jerome nearly a century afterwards) that Origen-
had succeeded in restoring the old Greek version to its
primitive purity". The result was a "mischievous
mixture of the Alexandrian version with the versions
of Aquila and Theodotion" (Swete, "Introd. to O. T.
in Greek", pp. 77, 78). For the labours of the two
friends on the text of the N. T. the reader may be re-
ferred to Bousset, "Textcrftische Studien sum N. T."f
c. ii. Whether as in the case of the Old Testament, they
worked on any definite critical principles is not known.
— (19) (a) Interpretation of the ethnological terms in
the Hebrew Scriptures; (b) Cholegraphy of Ancient
Judaea with the Inheritances of the Ten Tribes; (c) A
plan of Jerusalem and the Temple; (d) On the Names
of Places in the Holy Scriptures. These four works
were written at the request of Eusebius's friend Pau-
linus. Only the fourth is extant. It is known as the
"Topics," or the "Onomasticon". — (20) On the no-
menclature of the Book of the Prophets. This work
gives a short biography of each Prophet and an ac-
count of his prophecies. — (21) Commentary on the
Psalms. There are many gaps in the MSS. of this
work, and they end in the 118th Psalm. The missing
portions are in part supplied by extracts from the
Catenae. An allusion to the discovery of the Holy
Sepulchre fixes the date at about 330. Lightfoot
speaks very highly of this commentary. — (22) Com-
mentary on Isaiah, written after the persecution. —
(23 to 28) Commentaries on other books of Holy Scrip-
ture, of some of which what may be extracts are pre-
served. (29) Commentary on St. Luke, of which
what seem to be extracts are preserved. — (30) Com-
mentary on I Cor., the existence of which seems to be
implied by St. Jerome (Ep. xlix). — (31) Commentary
on Hebrews. A passage that seems to belong to such a
commentary was discovered and published oy Mai. —
(32) On the Discrepancies of the Gospels, in two parts.
An epitome, very probably from the hand of Euse-
bius, of this work was discovered and published by Mai
in 1825. Extracts from the original are preserved.
Of the two parts, the first, dedicated to a certain
Stephen, discusses questions respecting the genealo-
gies of Christ; the second, dedicated to one Marinus,
questions concerning the Resurrection. The Discrep-
ancies were largely borrowed from by St. Jerome and
St. Ambrose, and have thus indirectly exercised a
considerable influence on Biblical studies. — (33) Gen-
eral Elementary Introduction, consisting of ten books,
of which VI-IX are extant under the title of " Prophet-
ical Extracts ". These were written during the perse-
cution. There are also a few fragments of the remain-
ing books. " This work seems to have been a general
introduction to theology, and its contents were very
miscellaneous as the extant remains show " (L., p. 339).
D. Dogmatic. — (34) The Apology for Origen. This
work has already been mentioned in connexion with
Pamphilus. It consisted of six books, the last of
which was added by Eusebius. Only the first book is
extant, in a translation by Rufinus. — (35) "Against
Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra", and (36) " On the The-
ology of the Church" a refutation of Marcellus. In
two articles in the " Zeitschrif t fur die Neutest. Wis-
senschaft" (vol. IV, pp. 330 sqq. and vol. VI, pp. 250
sqq.), written in English, Prof. Conybeare has main-
tained that our Eusebius could not have been the
author of the two treatises against Marcellus. His
arguments are rejected by Prof. Klostermann, in his
introduction to these two works published in 1905 for
the Berlin edition of the Greek Fathers. The " Contra
Marcellum " was written after 336 to justify the action
of the synod held at Constantinople when Marcellus
was deposed; the "Theology" a year or two later. —
(37) "On the Paschal Festival" (a mystical interpre-
tation) . This work was addressed to Constantine (Vit.
Const., IV, 35, 36). A long fragment of it was discov-
ered by Mai. — (38) A treatise against the Manichssans
is perhaps implied by Epiphanius (Haer., lxvi, 21).
E. Orations and Sermons. — (39) At the Dedication
of the Church in Tyre (see above). — (40) At the Vi-
cennalia of Constantine. This seems to have been the
opening address delivered at the Council of Niceea. It
is not extant. — (41) On the Sepulchre of the Saviour,
a. d. 325 (Vit. Const., IV, 33) not extant.— (42) At
theTricennalia of Constantine. This work is generally
known as the "De Laudibus Constantini". The sec-
ond part f 11-18) seems to have been a separate ora-
tion joined on to the Tricennalia. — (43) " In Praise of
the Martyrs". This oration is preserved in the same
MS. as the " Theophania " and " Martyrs of Palestine".
It was published and translated in the "Journal of
Sacred Literature" by Mr. H. B. Cowper (New Series,
V, pp. 403 sqq., and ibid. VI, pp. 129 sqq.).— (44) On
the Failure of Rain, not extant.
F. Letters. — The history of the preservation of the
three letters, (45) to Alexander of Alexandria, (46) to
Euphrasion. or Euphratibn, (47) to the Empress Con-
stantia, is sufficiently curious. Constantia asked
Eusebius to send her a certain likeness of Christ of
which she had heard; his refusal was couched in
terms which centuries afterwards were appealed to by
the Iconoclasts. A portion of this letter was read at
the Second Council of Nicsea, and against it were set
EUSEBIUS
622
EUSEBIUS
portions from the letters to Alexander and Euphrasion
to prove that Eusebius " was delivered up to a rep-
robate sense, and of one mind and opinion with
those who followed the Arian superstition" (Labbe,
"Cone", VIII, 1143-1147; Mansi, "Cone", XIII,
313-317). Besides the passage quoted in the council,
other parts of the letter to Constantia are extant. —
(48) To the Church of Caesarea after the Council of
Nicaea. This letter has already been described.
F. J. Bacchus.
Eusebius of Dorylaum, Bishop of Doryteum in
Asia Minor, was the prime mover on behalf of Catholic
orthodoxy against the heresies of Nestorius and Euty-
ches. During the earlier part of his life he followed the
profession of an advocate at Constantinople, and was
already known as a layman of considerable learning
when he protested publicly (423) against the erroneous
doctrine of a discourse delivered by Anastasius, the
syncellus, or chaplain, of Nestorius. Shortly afterwards
he again bore public witness against the Nestorian
heresy as to the nature of Christ, this time during a dis-
course by Nestorius himself, which he interrupted with
the exclamation that " the eternal Word had under-
gone a second generation ' ' — i. e. of a woman, according
to the flesh. Much disorder followed, but Nestorius re-
plied with arguments against the " second generation".
After the Council of Ephesus (431), at which the
teaching of Nestorius had been condemned, a docu-
ment attributed by general consent to Eusebius was
made public, in whicn the doctrine of Nestorius was
shown to be identical with that of Paul of Samosata.
Eusebius had at some period contracted a friendship
with Eutyches, founded, we may fairly conjecture, on
their common opposition to Nestorian error. But when
Eutyches allowed himself to be betrayed into opinions
which, though directly opposed to those of Nestorius,
were equally contrary to the faith of the Church, Euse-
bius, now Bishop of Dorylaeum. was no less zealous
against his former friend than he had been against their
common opponent. After repeated attempts at persua-
sion, Eusebius brought a formal charge of false teach-
ing against Eutyches, before Flavian, who was then
(448) presiding over a synod at Constantinople. Fla-
vian was reluctant to proceed against Eutyches, and
urged Eusebius to remonstrate with him privately
once more. Eusebius, however, refused, saying that he
had already done all he could to convince Eutyches
of his errors, and that further efforts would be useless.
Eutyches was then summoned to attend, but did not
do so until the summons had been three times issued :
he excused his refusal to obey by asserting that he had
resolved never to leave his monastery and pleading
distrust of Eusebius, whom he now looked upon as his
enemy. At last, however, he came, attended by a large
escort of soldiers and monks. He was interrogated by
Eusebius, who in the meantime had been strongly
pressing his case, and who now, as he said, felt some
alarm lest Eutyches should succeed in evading con-
demnation and retaliate upon his accuser by obtaining
a decree of banishment against him. Eutyches, how-
ever, was condemned and deposed; he immediately
wrote a letter to the pope, complaining of Eusebius s
proceedings, which he attributed to the instigation of
the devil.
In the following year (449) at Constantinople, an
examination was held, by imperial authority, of the
acts of the synod which had condemned Eutyches,
which acts he alleged to have been falsified. Eutyches
was represented by three delegates; Eusebius, who
wished to withdraw but was not permitted to do so,
urged that the doctrinal question should not be con-
sidered on that occasion, but should be remitted to a
general council. On the assembly of the council then
summoned at Ephesus (see Ephesus, Robber Coun-
cil of), Eusebius was forcibly excluded by the influ-
ence of Dioscurus of Alexandria, who had obtained
the support of the emperor. The reading of his part
in the synod at Constantinople provoked an outburst
of reproaches and threats: "Away with Eusebius!
Burn him! As he has divided so let him be divided! "
Flavian and Eusebius were deposed and banished, and
Flavian only survived for three days the physical
injuries he had received in the, tumultuary council.
Eusebius wrote to the Emperors Yalentinian and Mar-
cian, asking for a fresh hearing; and both Eusebius
and Flavian sent written appeals to Rome. The text
of these appeals was discovered in 1879 byAmelli — who
was then curator of the Ambrosian Library at Milan
and afterwards became Abbot of Monte Cassino — and
was published by him in 1882. Eusebius grounds his
appeal on the fact of his having been condemned un-
heard, and prays the pope to auash the sentence
(pronuntiate evacuari et inanem fieri meam iniquam
condemnationem) ; he also mentions a written appeal
given by him to the papal legates at Ephesus, in which
he had begged the Holy See to take cognizance of the
matter (in quibus vestrse sedis cognitionem poposci).
Eusebius fled to Rome, where he was kindly received
by Leo I. In two letters written on the same day
(13 April, 451) to Pulcheria and Anatolius, the pope
bespeaks their good offices for Eusebius; in the former
letter he mentions a report that the Diocese of Dory-
laeum was being thrown into disorder by an intruder
(quam dicitur vastare qui illi injuste asseritur sub-
rogatus). But Liberatus (Breviarium, c. xii) says
that no one was put in Eusebius's place, and the report
was therefore probably of merely local origin.
Eusebius took part in the Council of Chalcedon, at
which he appears as the accuser of Dioscurus. He was
one of the commission which drew up the definition of
faith finally adopted. The council annulled his con-
demnation, and made special mention of the fact in
the letter to the pope in which it sought his confirma-
tion of its acts. The rescript of the Emperor Marcian
(451), issued to clear the memory of Flavian, declares
the reputation of Eusebius to be uninjured by the sen-
tence of the Robber Council (injusta sententia nihil
obsit Eusebio). He was one of the bishops who
signed the 28th canon of Chalcedon giving patriarchal
rights over Pontus and Asia to Constantinople. When
the papal legates demurred to the passing of the canon
in their absence, and the signatories of the region
affected were asked to declare whether they had signed
willingly or not, Eusebius said that be had done so,
because, when in Rome, he had read the canon to the
pope, wno had accepted it. Though he was -doubtless
mistaken as to the fact alleged (how the mistake arose
cannot now be determined), his professed motive is
significant. His name appears among the signatures
to the acts of a council neld in Rome in 503, but it
seems improbable that he was alive at that date.
Baronius considers that the signatures of numerous
Eastern bishops appended to these acts are misplaced,
and properly belong to some much earlier council;
since none of the bishops are otherwise heard of later
than ten years after the Council of Chalcedon, at
which they had all been present.
Flavian said of Eusebius at Constantinople that " fire
seemed cold to his zeal for orthodoxy'', and Leo wrote
of him that he was a man who "had undergone great
perils and toils for the Faith ' \ In these two sentences
all that is known of him may be fitly summarized.
St. Cyril of Alex., Adv. Neator., I, 20; Marius Mercatok,
Part II; Evaorius, Hist. Eed.; Theophanes, Chronographia;
Leontxub Btz.. Contra Neator. et Butych; Leo I, Bpp. xxi,
Ixxix, Ixxx (all in P. Q. and P. L.); Labbe and Cobbabt, Con-
cilia, IV; Liberatub, Oesta de nom. Acac.. also Breviarium
(Gallandi, X and XII): Hefele, History of the Council*, III
(tr. Edinburgh, 1883); Amellx, S. Leone Magna e VOrienU (Mi-
lan, 1882). See also Bard en hewer, Patrology, 8 hah an tr.
(Freiburg^im-B., St. Louis, 1908). 525; Lacet, ApeUatto Fla-
viani, vnth historical introduction (pub. Church Hifttorir&l
Society, No. 70. London, 1801). and same writer's edition of
the (two) Amelli letters (Cambridge. 1903), Anglican; Smith
and Wace. Did. of Christ. Biog. (London, 1880), s.v.
A. B. Sharps.
EUSEBIUS
623
EUSEBIUS
Eusebius of Laodicea, an Alexandrian deacon who
had some fame as a confessor and became Bishop of
Laodicea in Syria, date of birth uncertain; d. about
268. His story is told by Eusebius of Caesarea (Hist.
EccL, VII, xi and xxxii). As deacon at Alexandria he
had accompanied his bishop, Dionysius (with a priest,
Wo other deacons, and two Romans who were then
in Egypt) before the tribunal of iEmilian, Prefect of
Egypt, at the time of the Emperor Valerianus (253-
260). Dionysius tells the story of their trial in a letter
to a certain Bishop Germanus (Eus., Hist. EccL.VII,
xi). They were all sentenced to banishment, but Euse-
bius managed to remain in the city in hiding, "zeal-
ously served the confessors in prison and buried the
bodies of the dead and of the blessed martyrs, not
without danger to his own life9' (ibid.). In 260 there
broke out a rebellion at Alexandria and at the same
time a plague ravaged the city. Eusebius again risked
his life continually by nursing the sick and the wounded
(ibid., VII, xxxii). The Romans besieged a part
of the town (Bruchium, Jlvpovx^tow, Tlpe6xu>w). Ana-
tolius, Eusebius' friend, was among the besieged, Euse-
bius himself outride. Eusebius went to the Roman
general and asked him to allow any who would to
leave Bruchium. His petition was granted and Ana-
tolius, with whom he managed to communicate, ex-
plained the matter to the leaders of the rebellion and
implored them to capitulate. They refused, but even-
tually allowed the women, children, and old men to
profit by the Romans' mercy. A great crowd then
came to surrender at the Roman camp. " Eusebius
there nursed all who were exhausted by the long siege
with every care and attention as a father and a physi-
cian" (ibid., xxxii). In 264 Dionysius (who seems to
have come back from banishment) sent Eusebius as his
legate to Syria to represent him at the discussions that
were taking place concerning the affair of Paul of Sam-
osata. Anatolius accompanied his friend. The Syrians
were so impressed by these two Egyptians that they
kept them Doth and made Eusebius Bishop of Lao-
dicea as successor to Socrates. Not long afterwards he
died and was succeeded by Anatolius. The date of his
death is uncertain. Harnack thinks it was before the
great Synod of Antioch in 268 (Chron. der altchrist,
Litt.j 1, 34). Another theory is that the siege at Alex-
andria was in 269, that the mends went to Syria at the
end of that year, and that Eusebius's death was not till
279 (so W. Reading in the Variorum notes to his edi-
tion of Eusebius Pamph., Cambridge, 1720. 1,-367).
Gams puts his death in 270 (Kirchenlexikon, s. v.
Eusebius von Laodicea). Eusebius's name does not
occur in the acts of the Synod of 268.
EuBEBius, Hist. Ecel.xyilt xi and xxxii; Baroniub, Annate*
eed., ad an. 263, 9-11; Harnack, Chron. der altchristl. Litt.t I,
34, 37, 41, etc.; Duchesne, Hist, ancienne de VEgliee (Paris,
1906). I. 488-488.
Adrian Fortescub.
m Eusebius of Nicomedia, Bishop, place and date of
birth unknown: d. 341. # He was a pupil, at Antioch,
of Lucian the Martyr, in whose famous school he
learned his Arian doctrines. He became Bishop of
Berytus; but from ambitious motives he managed to
get transferred, contrary to the canons of the early
Church, to the see of Nicomedia, the residence of the
Eastern Emperor Licinius, with whose wife Constan-
tia, sister of Constantine, he was in high favour.
Arius. when he was condemned at Alexandria, by
Alexander, bishop of that see. took refuge at Caesarea,
where he was well received by the famous apologist
and historian Eusebius, and wrote to Eusebius of
Nicomedia for support. The letter is preserved. In it
the heretic explains his views clearly enough, and ap-
peals to his correspondent as to a u fellow Lucianist .
Eusebius put himself at the head of the party, and
wrote many letters in support of Arius. One is pre-
served, addressed to Pauhnus, Bishop of Tyre. We
learn from it what Eusebius's doctrine was at this
time:' the Son, he says, is " not generated from the
substance of the Father", but He is " other in nature
and power"; He was created, and this is not incon-
sistent with His Sonship, for the wicked are called
sons of God (Is., i, 2; Deut., xxxii, 18) and so are even
the drops of dew (Job, xxxviii, 28); He was begotten
by God s free will. This is pure Arianism, borrowed
from the letters of Arius himself, and possibly more
definite than the doctrine of St. Lucian.
s Alexander of Alexandria was obliged to address a
circular to all bishops. He had hoped, he says, to
cover the matter in silence, " but Eusebiuk who is now
at Nicomedia, considering the Church's affairs to be in
his hands, because he has not been condemned for
having left Berytus and for having coveted the
Church of Nicomedia, is the leader of these apostates,
and has sent round a document in their support, in
order that he may seduce some of the ignorant into
this disgraceful heresy. ... If Eusebius should write
to you, pay no attention ". Eusebius replied by as-
sembling a council in his own province, which begged
all the Eastern bishops to communicate with Anus,
and to use their influence with Alexander in his favour.
At the request of Alius, Eusebius of Caesarea and
others met together in Palestine, and authorised him
to return to the Church which he had governed in
Alexandria.
The situation changed when Constantine had con-
quered Licinius in 323. The Christian emperor began
by comprising Arius and Alexander in a common dis-
approval. Why could not they agree to differ about
subtleties of this, kind, as the philosophers did? A
letter in this sense to the patriarch was ineffectual; so
Constantine preferred the side of authority, and wrote
an angry rebuke to Arius. In the case of the Dona-
tists, he had obtained a decision from a "general"
council, at Aries, of all the bishops of his then do-
minions. He now summoned a larger council, from
the world of which his victorious arms had made him
master. It met at Nicsea in 325. The bishops were
nearly all Easterns; but a Western bishop, Hosius of
Cordova, who was in the emperor's confidence, took a
leading part, and the pope was represented. Constan-
tine ostentatiously declared that his duty at the coun-
cil went no further than the guardianship of the
bishops, but Eusebius of Caesarea makes it clear that
he spoke on the theological question. The Bishop of
Nicomedia and his friends put forward an Arian con-
fession of faith, but it had only about seventeen sup-
porters from among some three hundred members of
the council, and it was hooted by the majority. The
formula which was eventually adopted was resisted
for some time by the Arian contingent, but eventually
all the bishops signed, with the exception of the two
Egyptians who had been before excommunicated by
Alexander.
Eusebius of Nicomedia had bad luck. Though he
had signed the creed, he had not agreed to the con-
demnation of Arius, who had been, so he said, mis-
represented; and after the council he encouraged in
their heresy some Arians whom Constantine had in-
vited to Constantinople with a view to their conver-
sion. Three months after the council, the Emperor
sent him like Arius into exile, together with Theognis,
Bishop of Nicsea, accusing him of having been a sup-
porter of Licinius, and of naving even approved of his
persecutions, as well as of having sent spies to watch
himself. But the banishment of the intriguer lasted
only two years. It is said that it was Constantia, the
widow of Licinius, who induced Constantine to recall
Arius, and it is probable that she was also the cause of
the return of her old friend Eusebius. By 329 he was
in high favour with the emperor, with whom he may
have had some kind of relationship, since Ammianus
Marcellinus makes him a relative ot Julian.
From this time onwards we find Eusebius of Nico-
media at the head of a small and compact party calledV
SU8KBIU8 624 EUSEBIUS
hy St. Athanasius, the Eusebians, ol repl rbv Efai/far, Church of the Holy Sepulchre. This was in 335. A
whose object it was to undo the work of Nicaea. and to synod met at Tyre, whose history need not be de-
procure the complete victory of Arianism. They did tailed here. Athanasius brought some fifty bishops
not publicly recall the signatures that had been forced with him, but they had not been summoned, and were
from them. They explained that Arius had repented not allowed to sit with the rest. ^ A deputation was
of any excess in his words, or had been misunderstood, sent into the Mareotis to inquire into the question of
They dropped the Nicene formulae, as ambiguous. Ischyras and the chalice, and the chief enemies of
They were the leaders of a much larger party of con- Athanasius were chosen for the purpose. The synod
servative prelates, who wished to stand well with the was tumultuous, and even the Count Dionysius, who
emperor, who reverenced the martyr Lucian and the had come with soldiers to support the Eusebians,
great Origen, and were seriously alarmed at any dan- thought the proceedings unfair. It remains a mystery
ger of SabeUianism. The campaign opened with a how so many well-meaning bishops were deceived into
successful attack on Eustathius of Antioch, the prin- condemning Athanasius. He refused to await their
cipal prelate of the East properly so called. He had judgment. Extricating himself with difficulty frm
been having an animated controversy with Eusebius the assembly, he led away his Egyptians and betook
of Cffisarea, in which he had accused that learned per- himself directly to Constantinople, where he accosted
sonage of polytheism, while Eusebius retorted with a the emperor abruptly, and demanded justice. At his
charge of SabeUianism. Eustathius was deposed and suggestion, the Council of Tyre was ordered to come be-
exiled, for alleged disrespectful expressions about the fore the emperor. Meanwhile Eusebius had brought
emperor's mother, St. Helena, who was greatly de- the bishops on to Jerusalem, where the deliberations
voted to the memory of St. Lucian. It is said that he were made joyous by the reception back into the
was also charged with immorality and heresy, but it is Church of the followers of Arius. The Egyptian bish-
certain that the whole case was got up by the Euse- ops had drawn up a protest, attributing all that had
bians. The great see of Alexandria was filled in 328 been done at Tyre to a conspiracy between Eusebius
by the deacon Athanasius, who had taken a leading and the Meletians and Anans, the enemies of the
part at Nicaea. Small in stature, and young in years. Church. Athanasius asserts that the final act at Jem-
he was at the head of a singularly united body of salem had been Eusebius's aim all along; all the accu-
nearly a hundred bishops, and his energy and vivacity, sations against himself had tended only to get him out
his courage and determination markednim out as the of the road, in order that the rehabilitation of the
one foe whom the Eusebians had to dread. The Arians might be effected.
Alexandrian Arians had now signed an ambiguous Eusebius prevented any of the bishops at Jerusalem
formula of submission, and Eusebius of Nicomedia from going to Constantinople, save those he could
wrote to Athanasius, asking him to reinstate them, trust, Eusebius of Caesarea, Theognis of Nicsea, Patro-
adding a verbal message of threats. The Meletian philus of Scythopolis. and the two young Pannonian
schism, in Egypt, had only been partially healed by bishops Ursacius and Valens, who were to continue
the mild measures decreed at Nieaea, and. the schis- Eusebius's policy long after his death. They jcare-
matics were giving trouble. Constantino was induced fully avoided renewing the accusations of murder and
by Eusebius to write to Athanasius curtly telling him sacrilege, which Constantino had already examined;
he should be deposed, if he refused to receive into the and Athanasius tells us that five Egyptian bishops
Church any who demanded to be received. Athana- reported to him that they rested their case on a new
sius explained why he could not do this, and the em- charge, that he had threatened to delay the corn ships
peror seems to have been satisfied. m Eusebius then from Alexandria which supplied Constantinople. The
joined hands with the Meletians. and induced them to emperor was enraged. No opportunity of defence
trump up charges against Athanasius. They first was given, and Athanasius was banished to GauL
pretended that he had invented a tribute of linen ear- But, m public, Constantine said that he had put in
ments which he exacted. This was disproved, out force the decree of the Council of Tyre. Constantine
Athanasius himself was sent for to the court. The the Younger, however, declared later that his father
Meletians then brought up a charge which did duty had intended to save Athanasius from his enemies by
for many years, that he had ordered a priest named sending him away, and that before dying he had had
Macarius to overturn an altar and break up a chalice the intention of restoring him. The leader of the
belonging to a priest named Ischyras, in the Mareotis. Meletians, John Arkaph. was similarly exiled. Euse-
though in fact Ischyras had never been a priest, and bius wanted him no further, and hence did not care
at the time alleged could not have been pretending to to protect him. One triumph was yet wanting to
say Mass, for he was ill in bed. It was also said that Eusebius, the reconciliation of Arius, his friend; This
Athanasius had assisted a certain PhUumenus to con- was to be consummated at length at Constantinople,
spire against the emperor, and had given him a bag of but the designs of man were frustrated by the hand of
Sold. Again the accusers were refuted and put to God. Arius died suddenly under peculiarly hurailiat-
ight. The saint returned to his Church with a letter ins conditions, on the eve of the day appointed for his
from Constantine, in which the emperor sermonised solemn restoration to Catholic communion in the
the Alexandrians after his wont, urging them to peace cathedral of New Rome.
and unity. But the question of the broken chalice Until 337 the Eusebians were busy in obtaining, by
was not dropped, and the Meletians further got hold calumny, the deposition of the bishops who supported
of a bishop named Arsenius, whom they kept m hiding the Nicene faith. Of these the best known are Paul
while they declared that Athanasius had put him to of Constantinople. Asclepas of Gasa, and Marcellus,
death; they carried about a severed hand, which they Metropolitan of Ancyra. In the case of Marcellus
said was Arsenius's, cut off by the patriarch for the they had received considerable provocation. Marcel-
purpose of magic. Athanasius indueed Ischyras to lus had been their active enemy at Nicaea. At Tyre
sign a document denying the former charge, and man- he had refused to condemn Athanasius, and he pre-
aged to discover the whereabouts of Arsenius. Con- sented a book to the emperor in which the Eusebians
stan tine in consequence wrote a letter to the patriarch received hard words. He was convicted, not without
declaring him innocent. pound, of Sabellianising, and took refuge at Rome
Eusebius had stood apart from all these false accusa- On 22 May, 337, Constantine the Great died at Nico-
tions, and he was not disheartened by so many failures, media, after having been baptised by Eusebius.
He got the Meletians to demand a synod, and repre- bishop of the place. His brothers and all but two of
sented to Constantine that it would be right for peace his nephews were at once murdered, in order to aim-
to be obtained before the assembling of many bishops, plify the succession, and the world was divided be-
at Jerusalem, to celebrate the dedication of the new tween his three young sons. An arrangement was
EUSEBIUS
625
EUSEBIUS
effected between them by which all exiled bishops re-
turned, and Athanasius came back to his flock. Euse-
bius was in reality a gainer by the new regime. Con-
stantius, who was now lord of all the East, was but
twenty years old. He wished to manage the Church,
and he seems to have fallen an easy prey to the arts of
the old intriguer Eusebius, so that the rest of his fool-
ish and obstinate life was spent in persecuting Atha-
nasius, and in carrying out Eusebius's policy. Never
himself an Arian,. Constantius held orthodoxy to lie
somewhere between Arianism and the Nicene faith.
The Arians, who were ready to disguise their doctrine
to some extent, were therefore able to obtain from
him a favour, which he denied to the few uncompro-
mising Catholics who rejected his generalities.
The see of Alexandria had remained vacant during
the absence of Athanasius. Eusebius now claimed to
put the Synod of Tyre in force, and a rival bishop was
set up in the person of Pistus, one of the Arian priests
whom Alexander had long ago excommunicated.
Until now the East alone had been concerned. The
Eusebians were the first to try to get Rome and the
West on their side. They sent to the pope an embassy
of two priests and a deacon, who carried with them
the decisions of the Council of Tyre and the supposed
E roofs of the guilt of Athanasius, of which the accused
imself had been unable to get a sight. Instead of at
once granting his communion to Pistus, Pope Julius
sent trie documents to Athanasius, in order that he
might prepare a defence. The latter summoned a
council of his suffragans. More than eighty attended,
and sent to Julius a complete defence of their patri-
arch. The arrival of Athanasius's envoys bearing this
letter struck terror into the minds of the ambassadors
of the Eusebians. The priests fled, and the deacon
could think of nothing better than to beg Julius to call
a council, and be judge himself. The pope consented,
on the ground that in the case of one of the chief
Churches such as Alexandria, it was right and custom-
ary that the matter should be referred to him. He
therefore wrote summoning both accusers and accused
to a council of which he was willing that they should
determine the place and time.
Thus it was not Athanasius who appealed to the
pope, but the Eusebians, and that simply as a means
of withdrawing from an awkward predicament. Pis-
tus was not a success, and Constantius introduced by
violence a certain Gregory, a Cappadocian, in his place.
Athanasius, after addressing a protest to the whole
Church against the methods of Eusebius, managed to
escape with his life, and at once made his way to Home
to obey the pope's summons. His accusers took good
care not to appear. Julius wrote again, fixing the end
of the year (339) as the term for their arrival. They
detained the legates until the fixed time had elapsed,
and sent them back in January, 340, with a letter full
of studied and ironical politeness, of which Sozomen
has preserved us the tenor. He says: " Having as-
sembled at Antioch, they wrote an answer to Julius,
elaborately worded and rhetorically composed, full of
irony, and containing terrible threats. They ad-
mitted in this letter that Rome was always honoured
as the school of the Apostles, and the metropolis of the
Faith from the beginning, although its teachers had
settled in it from the East. But they thought that
thev ought not to take a secondary place because they .
had less great and populous Churches, since they were
superior m virtue and intention. They reproached Ju-
lius with having communicated with Athanasius, and
complained that this was an insult to their synod, and
that their condemnation of him was made null; and
they urged that this was unjust and contrary to eccle-
siasticallaw. After thus reproaching Julius and com-
plaining of ill usage, they promised, if he would accept
the deposition of those whom they had deposed, and
the appointment of those whom they haa ordained,
to grant him peace and communion, but if he with-
V.-40
stood their decrees, they would refuse to do so. For
they declared that the earlier Eastern bishops had
made no objection when Novatian was driven out of
the Roman Church. But they wrote nothing to Ju-
lius concerning their acts, which were contrary to the
decisions of the Council of Nicsea, saying that they had
many necessary reasons to allege in excuse, but that it
was superfluous to make any defence against a vague
and general suspicion that they had done wrong."
The traditional belief that Rome had been schooled Dy
the Apostles, and had always been the metropolis of
the Faith, is interesting in the mouths of those who
were denying her right to interfere in the East, in a
matter of jurisdiction ; for it is to be remembered that
neither then, nor at any time, was Athanasius accused
of heresv. This claim of independence is the first
sign of tne breach which began with the foundation of
Constantinople as New Rome? and which ended in the
complete separation of that city and all its dependen-
cies from Catholic communion. For Eusebius had not
contented himself with Nicomedia, now that it was no
longer the capital, but had managed to get St. Paul of
Constantinople exiled once more, and had seized upon
that see, which was evidently, in his view, to be set
above Alexandria and Antioch, and to be in very deed
a second Rome.
The Roman council met in the autumn of 340. The
Eusebians were not represented, but many Easterns,
their victims, who had taken refuge at Home, were
there from Thrace, Ccele-Syria, Phoenicia and Pales-
tine, besides Athanasius and Marcellus. Deputies
came to complain of the violence at Alexandria.
Others explained that many Egyptian bishops had
wished to come, but had been prevented and even
beaten or imprisoned. At the wish of the council the
pope wrote a long letter to the Eusebians. It is one of
the finest letters written by any pope, and lays bare
all the deceits of Eusebius, with a clearness which is as
unsparing as it is dignified. It is probable that the
letter didnot trouble Eusebius much, safe as he was in
the emperor's favour. It is true that by the death of
Constantine II, Constans, the protector of orthodoxy,
had inherited his dominions, and was now far more
powerful than Constantius. But Eusebius had never
posed as an Arian, and in 341 he had a fresh triumph
m the great Dedication Synod of Antioch, where a
large number of orthodox and conservative bishops
ignored the Council of Nicsea, and showed themselves
auite at one with the Eusebian party, though denying
that they were followers of Arius, who was not even a
bishop!
Eusebius died, full of years and honours, probably
soon after the council; at all events he was dead be-
fore that of Sardica. He had arrived at the summit of
his hopes. He may really have believed Arian doc-
trine, but clearly his chief aim had ever been his own
aggrandisement, and the humiliation of those who had
humbled him at Nicsea. He had succeeded. His ene-
mies were in exile. His creatures sat in the sees of
Alexandria and Antioch. He was bishop of the im-
perial city, and the young emperor obeyed his coun-
sels. If Epiphanius is right in calling him an old man
even before Nicsea, he must now have reached a great
age. His work lived after him. He had trained a
group of prelates who continued his intrigues, and
who followed the Court from place to place throughout
the reign of Constantius. More than this, it may be
said that the world suffers to this day from the evil
wrought by this worldly bishop.
Baronius, Ann. (1570), 327-42: Tzllbiiont (1699), VI;
Newman, The Arians of the Fourth Century (1833, etc.): Idem,
Tracts theological and ecclesiastical (1874); Hbfelb, History of
the Councils, tr. (Edinburgh, 1876), II; Reynolds in Diet.
Christ. Bioo.; Loops in HKMOQ.Realencycl.; Gwatkin, Studies
of Arianism, 2nd ed. (London, 1900); Duchesne, Histoire
andennedeVBglise (Pans, 1907), II; Chapman, Athanasius and
Pope Julius J, in Dublin Review (July, 1905); E. Schwabtx,
Zur Qeschxchte des Athanasius in Guttnger Nachrichten (1905).
John Chapman.
ETJ3TA0E
b, Saint, date of birth unknown, d. 20 March,
625. He was second abbot of the Irish monastery of
Luxeuil in France, and his feast is commemorated in
the Celtic martyrologies on the 20th of March. Me
was one of the first companions of St. Columbanus, a
monk of Bangor (Ireland), who with his disciples did
much to spread the Gospel over Central and Southern
Europe. When Columbanus, the founder of Luxeuil,
was banished from the Kingdom of Burgundy, on
account of his reproving the morals of King Thierry,
the exiled abbot recommended his community to
choose Eustace as his successor. Subsequently Colum-
banus settled at Bobbio in Italy. Three years after
his appointment (613); when Ciothaire II became ruler
of the triple Kingdom of France, the abbot of Luxeuil
was commissioned, by royal authority, to proceed to
Bobbio for the purpose of recalling Columbanus. The
latter, however, setting forth his reasons in a letter to
the king, declined to return, but asked that Clothaire
would take under his protection the monastery and
brethren of Luxeuil. During the twelve years that
followed, under the administration of the abbot
Eustace, the monastery continued to acquire renown
as a seat of learning and sanctity. Through the royal
Etronage, its benefices and lands were increased, the
)g devoting a yearly sum, from his own revenues.
towards its support. Eustace and his monks devoted
themselves to preaching in remote districts, not yet
evangelized, chiefly in the north-eastern extremities
of Gaul. Their missionary work extended even to
Bavaria. Between the monasteries of Luxeuil in
France and that of Bobbio in Italy (both founded by
St. Columbanus) connexion and intercourse seem to
have long been kept up.
Acta S3., 29 March: Mabillon, Ada Sanctorum, OJi.B.;
Bahoniuh, Annai. Eat.; Colqan. Ada Sanctorum tiibmia;
Bctixh, Limn of Ike Sainti, 1, 417; Surra in Did. Chriti. Bute..
■- v. John B. Cullen.
Eustace, John Chetwooe, antiquary, b. in Ire-
land, c. 1762; d. at Naples, Italy, 1 Aug., 1815. His
family was English, his mother being one of the Chet-
wodes of Cheshire. He was educated at Sedgley
Park School, and after 1774 at the Benedictine house,
St. Gregory's, Douay. He did not become a Benedic-
tine though he always retained an attachment to the
order, but went to Ireland where he taught rhetoric at
Maynooth college, where he was ordained priest. He
never had much sympathy for Ireland and, having
B'ven some offence there, returned to England to assist
r. Collins in his school at Southall Park. From
there he went to be chaplain to Sir William Jerning-
ham at Costessey; In 1802 he travelled through Italy
with three pupils, John Cust (afterwards Lord Brown-
low), Robert Rush broke, and Philip Roche. During
these travels he wrote a journal which subsequently
became celebrated in his "Classical Tour". In 1805
he resided in Jesus College, Cambridge, as tutor to
George Petre. This was a most unusual position fora
Catholic priest, and Eustace's intercourse with lead-
ing members of the university led to his being charged
with indifferent ism. Dr. Milner, then vicar Apos-
tolic, charged him with laying aside "the distinctive
worship of his priesthood, in compliment, as he pro-
fessed, to the liberality of the Protestant clergy, with
whom he associated" and with permitting Catholics
under his care to attend Protestant services. "This
conduct", wrote the bishop, "was so notorious and
offensive to real Catholics, that I was called upon by
says, "he never for a moment lost sight of his sacred
character or its duties" (Gentleman s Magazine, aee
below). When Petre left Cambridge, Eustace ac-
companied him on another tour to Greece, Sicily, and
Malta. In 1H13 the publication of his "Classical
Tour" obtained for him sudden celebrity, and he be-
came a prominent figure in literary society, Burks
travelled again to Italy to collect fresh materials, but
he was seised with malaria at Naples and died there.
Before death he bitterly lamented the erroneous tend-
ency of certain passages in his writings. His works
were: "A Political Catechism adapted to the present
Moment" (1810); "An Answer to the Charge deliv-
ered by the Bishop of Lincoln to the Clergy of that
Diocese at the Triennial Visitation in 1812 'T "A Tour
through Italy" (London, 1813, 2d ed., 1814); "A
Classical Tour through Italy", 3d edition of the pre-
vious work, revised and enlarged (1815). A seventh
edition of it appeared in London in 1841. It was also
reprinted at Paris in 1837 in a series "Collections of
Ancient and Modern English Authors", and "The
Proofs of Christianity" (1814). The manuscript of
his course of rhetoric, never published, is at Downside.
Orrdleman-i Maaajitu, LXXXV,
Edwin Burton.
Eustace, Maurice, eldest son of Sir John Eustace,
Castle mart in, County Kildare, Ireland, martyred for
the Faith, Nov., 1581. Owing to the penal laws he
was sent to be educated at the Jesuit College at Bruges
in Flanders, where, after the completion of his secular
studies, he desired to enter the Society of Jesus. His
father, however, wrote the superiors of the college to
send him home. Maurice returned to Ireland, much
against his own inclination, but in the hope of being
able, later on, to carry out his desire. Alter a brief
stay, during which he tried to dissuade bis father from
opposing his vocation, he went back Jo Flanders. His
ola masters at the college of Bruges on learning his
father's determination advised him to return to Ire-
land, and devote himself in the world to the service of
religion. Shortly after his arrival in Ireland, he got
an appointment as captain of horse, in which position
he dill much to edify, and even win back to the Faith,
those who served under him. He never abandoned
his father, who had his son immediately arrested and
imprisoned in Dublin. A younger brother, desiring to
inherit the family estates, also reported Maurice to be
a priest, a Jesuit, and a friend of the queen's enemies.
As a consequence, he was put on trial for high treason.
During his imprisonment Adam Loft us, Protestant
Archbishop of Dublin, offered him his daughter in
marriage, and a large dowry, if he would accept the re-
formed religion. Yielding neither to bribery nor
persecution, Eustace was sentenced to public execu-
tion, and hanged.
John B. Cui.len.
Eustachiui, Bartoloheo, a distinguished anato-
mist of the Renaissance period— "one of the greatest
anatomists that ever lived," according to Hirsch'a
authoritative "Biographical Dictionary of the Most
Prominent Physicians of al! Time" — b. at San Seve-
rino, in the March of Ancona, Italy, in the early part of
the sixteenth century; d. at Rome. August, 1574.
Of the details of his fife very little is known. He re-
ceived a good education, and knew Latin and Greek
and Arabic very well. After receiving bis degree in
medicine he devoted himself to the study of anatomy
so successfully that with Vesalius and Columbus he
constitutes the trio who remade the science of anat-
omy for modem times. He early attracted attention
for his skill and knowledge, and became physician to
Cardinal Borromeo, since known as St. Charles Bor-
romeo. He was also physician to Cardinal Giulio dells
Rovere whom he accompanied to Rome. After the
death of Columbus he was chosen professor of anat-
omy at the Sapiensa which had been reorganised SS
IU8TA0HIU8
627
EUSTATHIUS
the Roman University bv Pope Alexander VI and
magnificently developed by Popes Leo X and Paul
III. The reason for his selection as professor was
that he was considered the greatest anatomist in Italy
after Columbus's death, ana the policy of the popes of
his time was to secure for the papal medical school the
best available teachers. This position gave him time
and opportunity for original work of a high order and
Eustacnius took advantage of it. He published a
number of works on anatomy in which he added very
markedly to the knowledge of the details of the struc-
ture of most of the organs of the body accepted up to
this time. His first work was a commentary on Ero-
t ion's " Lexicon". Subsequently he wrote a treatise
on the kidneys, another on the teeth, a third on blood
vessels, a paper on the Azygos vein, and other special
anatomical structures. Morgagni and Haller de-
clared that there was not a part of the body on
whose structure he had not shed light. In the midst
of his work he became, in 1570, physician to Cardinal
Peretti, afterwards Pope Sixtus V. At the beginning
of his career as an anatomist Eustachius criticized
Vesalius rather severely for having departed too far
from Galen. After having continued his own original
investigations for some time, however, he learned to
appreciate Vesalius's merits and did ample justice to
his work.
Eustachius's greatest contributions to anatomical
science passed through many vicissitudes which kept
his real merit from being recognized until long after
his death. His anatomical investigations were re-
corded in a series of plates with text attached. Eusta-
chius himself was not afforded the opportunity to
arrange for the publication of his work, as he died
rather suddenly. Some of his papers and plates went
to his heirs, and others were deposited in the Vatican
Library. They were unearthed by Lancisi, a distin-
guished papal physician at the beginning; of the eigh-
teenth century, and were published at the expense of
Pope Clement XI. This work, "Bartholomsei Eu-
stachii Tabulae Anatomic®" (Rome, 1714), demon-
strates how much Eustachius had accomplished in
anatomy. His special contributions to the science
were the descriptions of the stirrup bone in the ear
and the canal connecting the ear and the mouth, since
called bv his name. His monograph on the teeth of
the child is very complete and has been surpassed only
in recent years. In myology he worked out the inser-
tions and attachment of the sterno-eleido-mastoid
muscle, of the coccvgeus, the splenius of the neck, the
levator of the eyelid, and some others. In neurology
his descriptions of the cranial nerves is especially full.
In abdominal anatomy he added much. His descrip-
tion of the fcetal circulation was the most complete up
to his time and it was he who recognized the valve on
the left side of the opening of the inferior vena cava
which serves to direct the blood from this vessel
through the foramen ovale into the left auricle. This
constitutes the most important distinctive structural
difference between the circulatory apparatus of the
adult and the child and is called the Eustachian valve.
Foster, History of Physiology (New York, 1901). The Pro-
legomena Martini in Eustachh Tab. Anal. (Edinburgh, 1765),
contains a sketch of the life and times of Eustachius; Cobradi.
Qior. Med. di Roma (1870, VI). JaMES J. WaL8H.
Eustachius and Companions, Saints, martyrs
under the Emperor Hadrian, in the year 118. Feast,
in the West, 20 September; in the East, 2 November.
Emblems, a crucifix, a stag, an oven.
The legend relates that Eustachius (before baptism,
Placidus), a Roman general under Trajan, while still a
heathen, saw a stag coming towards him, with a cruci-
fix between its horns; he heard a voice telling him
that he was to suffer much for Christ's sake. He re-
ceived baptism, together with his wife Tatiana (or
Trajana. after baptism, Theopista) and his sons, Aga-
pius ana Theopistus. The place of the vision is said
to have been Guadagnolo, between Tibur and Pr»-
neste (Tivoli and Palestrina), in the vicinity of Rome.
Through adverse fortune the family was scattered, but
later reunited. For refusing to sacrifice to the idols
after a victory, they suffered death in a heated brazen
bull. Baromus (Ann. Eccl., ad an. 103, 4) would
identify him with Placidus mentioned by Josephus
Flavius as a general under Titus.
The Acts are certainly fabulous, and recall the simi-
lar story in the Clementine Recognitions. They are a
production of the seventh century, and were used bv
St. John Damascene, but the veneration of the saint is
very old in both the Greek and Latin Churches. He is
honoured as one of the Holy Helpers, is invoked in
difficult situations, and is patron of the city of Madrid
and of hunters. The church of Sant' Eustachio in
Rome, title of a cardinal-deacon, existed in 827, ac-
cording to the "Liber Pontificalia", but perhaps as
early as the time of Gregory the Great (d. 604). It
claims to possess the relics of the saint, some of which
are said to be at St- Denis and at St-Eustache in Paris.
An island in the Lesser Antilles and a city in Canada
bear his name.
Stokes in Diet, of Christ. Biogr., s. v.; Ada SS., Sept., VI,
106; Anal. Boll., Ill, 65; Chevalier, Bio-bibHogr., I. 1422.
FRANCI8 MERSHMAN.
Eustathius, Saint, Bishop of Antioch, b. at Side in
Pamphyiia, c. 270; d. in exile at Trajanopolis in
Thrace, most probably in 360, according to some
already in 336 or 337. He was at first Bishop of
Beroea in Syria, whence he was transferred to Antioch
c. 323. At the Council of Nicsea (325), he was one of
the most prominent opponents of Arianism and from
325-330 he was engaged in an almost continuous lit-
erary warfare against the Arians. By his fearless
denunciation of Arianism and his refusal to engage
any Arian priests in his diocese, he incurred the hatred
of the Arians, who, headed by Eusebius of Csesarea
and his namesake of Nicomedia, held a synod at An-
tioch (331) at which Eustathius was accused, by sub-
orned witnesses, of Sabellianism, incontinency, cruelty,
and other crimes. He was deposed by the synod and
banished to Trajanopolis in Thrace by order of the Em-
peror Constantine, who gave credence to the scandal-
ous tales spread about Eustathius. The people of
Antioch, who loved and revered their noly and
learned patriarch, became indignant at the injustice
done to him and were ready to take up arms in his
defence. But Eustathius kept them m check, ex-
horted them to remain true to the orthodox faith and
humbly left for his place of exile, accompanied by a
large body of his clergy. The adherents of Eusta-
thius at Antioch formeda separate community by the
name of Eustathians and refused to acknowledge the
bishops set over them by the Arians. When, after the
death of Eustathius, St. Meletius became Bishop of
Antioch in 360 by the united vote of the Arians and
the orthodox, the Eustathians would not recognize
him, even after his election was approved by the
Synod of Alexandria in 362. Their intransigent atti-
tude gave rise to two factions among the orthodox, the
so-called Meletian Schism (q. v.), which lasted till the
second decade of the fifth century (Cavallera, Le
schisme d* Antioche, Paris, 1905).
Most of the numerous dogmatic and exegetical
treatises of Eustathius have been lost. His principal
extant work is "De Engastrimytho", in which he
maintains against Origen that the apparition of Sam-
uel (I Kings, xxviii) was not a reality but a mere
phantasm called up in the brain of Saul by the witch
of Endor. In the same work he severely criticizes
Origen for his allegorical interpretation of the Bible.
A new edition of it, together with the respective hom-
ily of Origen, was made by A. Jahn in Gebhardt and
HarnackVTexte und Untersuchungen zur Gesch. der
altchristl. Literatur" (Leipzig, 1886), II, fasc. iv.
Cavallera recently discovered a Christological homily?
EUSTATHIUS 628 EUSTATHIUS
"S. Eustathii ep. Antioch. in Lazarum, Mariam et Tafel (1832), are in Migne, P. G., CXXXV, CXXXVL
Martham homiha christologica", which he edited In these Eustathius shows himself an earnest and
together with a commentary on the literary fragments zealous ecclesiasticr fully penetrated with the genuine
of Eustathius (Paris, 1905). Fragments of lost writ- spirit of Christianity.
ingS are found in Migne (P. G., XVlIL 675-698), Pitra . Khumbacheb, GeschichU der byzantinUchen Literatur (Mu-
s^^ iA!Kfc£,?ac^11, Hr*' 37^°;HIV' *™™*^^*&A^*'»™^&
210-213 and 441-443). "Commentanus in Hex- HandUxikon (Munich. 1907). 1, 1383; RwkC Font* t£ toamL
aemeron" (Migne, P. G., XVIII, 707-794) and " Alio- (St. Petersburg 1892), I, if for five additional dwcouraei.
cutio ad Imp. Constantinum in Cone. Nicfleno" (Migne, Francis J. Schaefer.
P. G., XVIII, 673-676) are spurious. His feast is _ _ .
celebrated in the Latin Church on 16 July, in the . EusUthras of Sebaste, born about 300; died
Greek on 21 Feb. His relics were brought to Antoch. aD°ut 377- He was one of the chief founders of
Butler, Lives of the Saint*, 16 July: Baring-Gould, hive* monasticism in Asia Minor, and for a long time was
°f /**0(50*n?«. lfl &,y;,*XE,NABLIS in i>*rfv Chri8t' Biooi^\lA an intimate friend of St. Basil. He was censured be-
Aeta SS.t July, IV, 130-144; Feshler-Junomann, Institu- noilno ~f tua ~_a»«oi*»**k/l naAj*+:A;<,m ~t u:„ *~n~-~
Hones Patroloou* '(Innsbruck. 1890). 1,427-431; Bard.nhewer. J*"*3 Aof.t°l? Z?'^™*" asceticism of his followers,
/»alroiflw,BHAHANtr.(Frciburg-im-Br.,8t Louis, 1908), 252-63. hesitated all his life between various forms of Arian-
Michael Ott. ism, and finally became a leader of the Pneumatoma-
chians condemned by the First Council of Constanti-
Eustathius, Greek savant and defender of mon- nople (381). Eustathius was apparently the son of
asticism, Archbishop of Thessalonica. b. at Constan- Eulalius, Bishop of Sebaste, the metropolis of Ar-
tinople in the early part of the twelfth century; d. at menia (the Roman province). He studied under
Thessalonica c. 1194. He received his ecclesiastical Arius (Basil, Ep. ccxxiii, 3; ccxliv, 3; eclxiii, 3), and
training in the monastic school of St. Eupbemia at was known from the beginning as one who sympa-
Constantinople, became a monk there in the monas- thized with the heretic. He was ordained priest and
terv of St. Florus, and afterwards deacon of the then founded a community of monks. Partly be-
44 Great Church11 (St. Sophia), and teacher of rhetoric cause of the idea common at that time (Fortescue,
and secretary of the petitions addressed to the em- The Greek Fathers, London, 1908, pp. 57, 94) that no
peror. He enjoyed the confidence of the Comneni one could be both a priest and a monk, and partly also
emperors, especially of Manuel Comnenus I (1143-80) because of the extravagance of his community, he
who intrusted to him the education of one of his sons, was suspended from his priesthood by a synod at Neo-
About 1174 he was made Archbishop of Myra in Asia Caesarea. Later, in 340, a synod at uangra con-
Minor; but before his installation, was transferred to demned his followers (roto rtpl Ekrr&dtor) for ex-
the archiepiscopal See of Thessalonica by special direc- aggerated and extravagant asceticism. These monks
tion of the emperor. In this position he proved him- forbade marriage for any one, refused to communicate
self a real shepherd and father of his people. He with married priests, and taught that no married per-
tried to reform the worldly and hypocritical lives of son can be saved; they fasted on Sundays and would
the monks and anchorites of his time; he shielded his not do so on the appointed fast-days; they claimed
people against the excessive exactions of the imperial special grace for their own conventicles and dissuaded
tax-collectors; he remained with his flock at the time people from attending the regular services of
of the invasion of Thessalonica by the Normans of the Church. It was evidently a movement like that
Sicily in 1185, and tried to encourage his subjects and of the Encratites and Montanists. Against these
alleviate their sufferings. Owing to his opposition abuses the council drew up twenty canons, but with-
to the monastic orders and his frankness of speech out directly censuring Eustathius (Hefele, "Goncili-
towards those in high places, he incurred the displeas- engesch " 1st ed., II, 777 sq.; Braun, " Die Abhaltung
ure of the emperor and was removed from Thessa- der Synoae von Gangra" in "Hist. Jahrb." 1895, pp.
lonica for a brief period; at what time, however, is not 586 sq.). Sozomen (Hist. Eccl., Ill, xiv, 36) says
known. that Eustathius submitted to this council and gave up
Eustathius was a prolific and elegant writer, and his eccentricities. However, a synod at Antioch
the best Greek author of his age. His works may (341?) condemned him again for "perjury" (Sozomen,
be classified in two categories: commentaries on IV, xxiv, 9), perhaps because he had broken his
ancient authors written during his activity in Con- promise made on oath. About the year 356 he be-
stantinople; and his writings, tracts, orations, or let- came Bishop of Sebaste. St. Basil was at that time
ters, which were occasioned by special circumstances (357-358) studying the life of monks before founding
during his episcopate in Thessalonica. Of the former his own community at Annesus, and he was much at-
class may be mentioned: "The Commentaries on the tracted by Eustathius's reputation as a zealous leader
Iliad and Odyssey of Homer" (Rome, 1542-50: of monasticism. For years, till about 372 or so, Basil
Basle, 1559-60; Leipzig, 1825-30); "A Paraphrase of believed in and defended his friend. But Eustathius
the geographical epic of Dionysius Periegetes", ed. was anything but a Catholic. Once, apparently in
Bernharay (Leipzig, 1828); a "Commentary on the 366, be persuaded the pope (Liberius, 352-366) of his
works of Pindar ', of which, however, only the preface orthodoxy by presenting a confession of the Nicene
is known, ed. Tafel (Frankfurt, 1832). These works of faith (Socrates, IV. xii); otherwise he wavered be-
Eustathius on the ancient classics are much prized by tween every kind of Arianism and semi-Arianism and
modern philologists. Among the works of the-second signed all manner of heretical and contradictory for-
class the following are to be noted: "A History of the mute. In 385 a synod at Melitene deposed him, it
funeral oration at the death of the same: letters Arians still acknowledged Eustathius. He wandered
written to the emperor or other distinguished person- about, was present at many synods (at Seleucia i&
written to a stylite of Thessalonica; a tract on hypoc- son, it would seem that Eustathius was generally on
risy : and others. Several purely religious works such the side of one of the forms of Semi-Arianism, op-
as: four Lenten sermons; a sermon for the beginning posed to Catholics on the one hand and to extreme
of the year; and panegyrics for the festivals of various Arians on the other. St. Basil found him out and
saints. Most of his theological works, first edited by broke with him definitively at last (about 372 or 373).
EUSTOOHIUM 629 EUTHAUU8
By this time Eustathius had taken up the cause of the maltreating some of the inmates. The wicked deed
people who denied the consubstantial nature of the was probably instigated by John, the Patriarch of
Holy Ghost (Socrates, Hist. Eccl., II, xlv, 6; Basil, Jerusalem, and the Pelagians against whom St. Jer-
Ep. cciii, 3). We hear of him last about 377 ; he was ome had written some sharp polemics. Both St. Jerome
then a very old man (Basil, Ep. cciv, 4; cciii, 3). Be- and St. Eustochium informed Pope Innocent I by
sides his activity as a founder of monasticism in letter of the occurrence, who severely reproved the pa-
Roman Armenia, Pontus, and Paphlagonia (Sozomen, triarch for having permitted the outrage. Eustochium
III, xiv, 36), Eustathius had merit as an organizer died shortly after and was succeeded in the supervision
of works of charity, builder of almshouses, hospitals, of the nunneries by her niece, the younger Paula. The
refuges, etc. (Epiphanius, Hser., lxxv, 1 ; Sozomen, Church celebrates her feast on 28 September.
Ill xiv 36) Butler, Lives of the Saints, 28 Sept.: Baring-Xjould, Lives
sicRATBA, Hist. Bed., II. IV; Soiombn, Hist. Bed., III. Be- <>fj** Sfloin/{L2! ^El'1 F^TMAf2KJS a C?r"'' BioV' V"5
■ides reference* in the letters of Saint Basil in P. O., XXXII. *<** .s.f -. September, VII, 6^-603; St Jerome, Epistles.
219-1110, see also those in his De Spiritu Sancto. Loore, Eus- «P«aally £vi hv, cvu. cviu i in P. L., XXII; Hf usle in Xtrcjm-
tathius von Sebaste und die Chronologic der Basilius-Brefe to. ■. v. JJii^AwH^or »^
(Halle. 1898); Braun, Die AbhaUung der Synode von Gangra in XLIII. 181 (New Yok. 1886); Thierry, in Rev. des Deux
Hist. Jahrbueh der GorrtsgeseUschaft. XVI (1895). p. 586 sq.; Monde*, LXII, 465 (Paris, 1886).
Gwatkin. Studies in Arianism (Cambridge, 1900); V enables MICHAEL UTT.
in Diet, of Christ. Biog., s. v. ADRIAN FoRTESCUE.
Euthalius (EdflaWos), a deacon of Alexandria and
Eustochium Julia, Saint, virgin, b. at Rome c. later Bishop of Sulca. He lived towards the middle of
368; d. at Bethlehem, 28 Sept., 419 or 420. She was the fifth century, and is chiefly known through his
the third of four daughters of the Roman Senator work on the New Testament in particular as the
Toxotius and his wife St. Paula (a. v.), the former be- author of the " Euthalian Sections". It is well known
longing to the noble Julian race, trie latter tracing her that the divisions into chapters and verses with which
ancestry through the Scipios and the Gracchi (Jerome, we are familiar were entirely wanting in the original
Ep. cxviii). After the death of her husband (c. 380) and early copies of the New-Testament writings; there
Paula and her daughter Eustochium lived in Rome as was even no perceptible space between words. To
austere a life as the Fathers of the desert. When St. obviate the manifest inconveniences arising from this
Jerome came to Rome from Palestine in 382, they put condition of the text, Ammonius of Alexandria, in the
themselves under his spiritual guidance. Hymettius, third century, conceived the idea of dividing the Four
an uncle of Eustochium, and his wife Prsetextata Gospels into sections varying in size according to the
tried to persuade the youthful Eustochium to give up substance of the narrative embodied in them, and
her austere life and enjoy the pleasures of the world, Euthalius, following up the same idea, extended a
but all their attempts were futile. About the year 384 similar system of division to the other books of the
she made the vow of perpetual virginity, on which New Testament with the exception of the Apocalypse,
occasion St. Jerome addressed to her his celebrated So obvious were the advantages of the scheme that it
letter "De custodia virginitatis" (Ep. xxii in P. L., was soon adopted throughout the Greek Church. As
XXII, 394-425). A year later St. Jerome returned to divisions of the text these sections have no longer any
Palestine and soon after was followed to the Orient by intrinsic value. But as they were at a given period
Paula and Eustochium. In 386 they accompanied adopted in nearly all the Churches, and noted by the
St. Jerome on his journey to Egypt, where they visited copyists, they are valuable as chronological indications,
the hermits of the Nitrian Desert in order to study their presence or absence being an important circum-
and afterwards imitate their mode of life. In the fail stance in determining the antiquity of a manuscript,
of the same year they returned to Palestine and settled Other labours of Euthalius in connexion with the
permanently at Bethlehem. Paula and Eustochium text of the New Testament refer to the larger sections
at once began to erect four monasteries and a hospice or lessons to be read in the liturgical services, and to
near the spot where Christ was born. While the erec- the more minute divisions of the text called <rrlxot, or
tion of the monasteries was in process (386-9) they verses. The custom of reading portions of the New
lived in a small building in the neighbourhood. One of Testament in the public liturgical services was already
the monasteries was occupied by monks and put under ancient in the Church, but with regard to the choice
the direction of St. Jerome. The three other monas- and delimitation of the passages there was little or no
teries were taken by Paula and Eustochium and the uniformity, the Churches having, for the most part,
numerous virgins that flocked around them. The three each its own series of selections. Euthalius elaborated
nunneries, which were under the supervision of Paula, a scheme of divisions which was soon universally
had only one oratory, where all the nuns met several adopted. Neither the Gospels nor the Apocalypse
times daily for prayer and the chanting of psalms. St. enter into this series, but the other portions of the New
Jerome testifies (Ep. 308) that Eustochium and Paula Testament are divided into 57 sections of varying
performed the most menial services. Much of their length, 53 of which are assigned to the Sundays of the
time they spent in the study of Holy Scripture under year, while the remaining four refer probably to
the direction of St. Jerome. Christmas, the Epiphany, Good Friday, and Easter.
Eustochium spoke Latin and Greek with equal ease The idea of dividing the Scriptures into <rrlx<H, or
and was able to read the Holy Scriptures in the He- verses, did not originate with Euthalius. It had al-
brew text. Many of St. Jerome's Biblical common- ready been applied to portions of the Old Testament,
taries owe their existence to her influence and to her especially to the poetical parts, and even to some
he dedicated his commentaries on the prophets Isaias parts of the New. Here, as with regard to the other
and Eaechiel. The letters which St. Jerome wrote for divisions, Euthalius only carried out systematically
her instruction and spiritual advancement are, accord- and completed a scheme which had been but partially
ing to his own testimony (De viris illustribus, cap. and imperfectly realized by others, and his work marks
exxxv), very numerous. After the death of Paula m a stage of that progress which led finally to punctua-
404, Eustochium assumed the direction of the nun- tion of the text. These ffrfgoc were of unequal length,
neries. Her task was a difficult one on account of the either containing a few words forming a complete
impoverished condition of the temporal affairs which sense, or as many as could be conveniently uttered
was brought about by the lavish almsgiving of Paula, with one breath. Thus, for instance, the Epistle to
St. Jerome was of great assistance to her by his en- the Romans contained 920 of these verses; Galatians,
couragement and prudent advice. In 417 a great 293; Hebrews, 703; Philemon, 37, and so on.
misfortune overtook the monasteries at Bethlehem. Besides these textual labours Euthalius framed a
A crowd of ruffians attacked and pillaged them, catalogue of the quotations from the Old Testament
destroyed one of them by fire, besides killing and and from profane authors which are found in the New-
EUTHANASIA
630
KUTROPIXTS
Testament writings. He also wrote a short " Life of
St. Paul" and a series of " Argumenta" or short sum-
maries which are placed by way of introduction to the
different books of the New Testament. Of Euthalius'
activities as a bishop little or nothing is known. Even
the location of his episcopal see, Sulca, is a matter of
doubt. It can hardly be identified with the bishopric
of that name in Sardinia. More likely it was situated
somewhere in Egypt, and it has been conjectured that
it is the same as Psilka, a city of the Thebaid in the
neighbourhood of Syene.
After having lone lain in oblivion, the works of Eu-
thalius were published in Rome, in 1698, by Lorenzo
Alessandro Zaccagni, Prefect of the Vatican Library.
They are embodied in the first volume of his "Col-
lectanea Monumentorum Yeterum EcclesisB Grsecse
ac Latin®." They can also be found in Gallandi (Bib-
lioth. Pat., X, 197) and in Migne (P. G., LXXXV, 621).
Viqouroux in Did. de la Bible, s. v.; Milligan in Diet, of
Christian Biography, s. v.: Scrivener, A Plain Introduction to
the Criticism of the New Testament (London. 1894). 53. 63. 64,
«*«• James F. Driscoll.
Euthanasia (from Greek e&, well, and B&paros, death),
easy, painless death. This is here considered in so
far as it may be artificially brought about by the
employment of anaesthetics. When these last are of
a character to deprive the sufferer of the use of reason,
their effect at this supreme hour of human life is not
viewed with approbation by the received teaching of
the Catholic Church. The reason for this attitude is
that this practice deprives a man of the capacity to act
meritoriously at a tune when the competency is most
necessary and its product invested with finality. It
is equally obvious that this space is immeasurably
precious to the sinner who has still to reconcile himself
with his offended God.
An additional motive assigned for this doctrine is
that the administration of drugs of the nature speci-
fied is in the premises if not Formally at all events
equivalently a shortening of the life of the patient.
Hence as long as the stricken person has as yet made
no adequate preparation for death, it is always griev-
ously unlawful to induce a condition of insensibility.
The most that may be granted to those charged with
responsibility in the case is to take up a passively per-
missive demeanour whenever it is certain that the
departing soul has abundantly made ready for the
great summons. This is especially true if there is
ground for apprehending, from the dying person's con-
tinued possession of his faculties, a relapse into sin.
In no contingency, however, can any positive indorse-
ment be given to means whose scope is to have one die
in a state of unconsciousness. What has been said
applies with equal force and for the same reasons to
the case of those who have to suffer capital punish-
ment by process of law.
Gbnicot, Theologies Moralis Tnstiiutiones (Lou vain, 1898);
Lbhiikuhl, Theciogia Moralis (Freiburg, 1887); Ballbrini,
Opus Theoloaicum Morale (Prato, 1898).
Joseph F. Delany.
Euthymius, Saint (styled The Great), abbot in
Palestine; b. at Melitene in Lesser Armenia, a.d. 377:
d. a.d. 473. He was educated by Bishop Otreius of
Melitene, who afterwards ordained him priest and
placed him in charge of all the monasteries m the Dio-
cese of Melitene. At the age of twenty-nine he se-
cretly set out on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and re-
mained for some time with a settlement of monks at a
laura called Pharan, about six miles east of Jerusalem.
In 411 he withdrew, with St. Theoctistus, a fellow-
hermit, into the wilderness, and lived for a while in a
rough cavern on the banks of a torrent. When many
disciples gathered around them they turned the cavern
into a church and built a monastery which was placed
in charge of St. Theoctistus.
A miraculous cure which Euthymius was believed to
have effected for Terebon, the son of the Saracen chief
Aspebetus, spread the fame of the holy hermit far
beyond the confines of Palestine. — Aspebetus, was
afterwards ordained priest and became bishop over his
tribe, in which capacity he attended the Council of
Ephesus in 431.
When the report of this miracle had made the name
of Euthymius famous throughout Palestine, and large
crowds came to visit him in his solitude, he retreated
with his disciple Domitian to the wilderness of Ruba,
near the Dead Sea. Here he lived for some time on a
remote mountain called Marda whence he afterwards
withdrew to the desert of Zipho (the ancient Engaddi).
When large crowds followed him to this place also, he
returned to the neighbourhood of the monastery of
Theoctistus, where he took up his abode in a cavern.
Every Sunday he came to the monastery to take part
in the Divine services. At length, because numerous
disciples desired him as their spiritual guide, he
founded, in 420, on the right side of the road from
Jerusalem to Jericho, a laura similar to that of
Pharan. The church connected with this laura was
dedicated in 428 by Juvenal, the first Patriarch of
Jerusalem. When the Council of Chalcedon (451)
condemned the errors of Eutyches, it was greatly due
to the authority of Euthymius that most of the East-
ern recluses accepted its decrees. The Empress Eu-
doxia was converted to Catholic unity through his
efforts. The Church celebrates his feast on 20 Janu-
ary, the day of his death.
Butler, Lives of the Saints, 20 January; Baring-Gould, Lives
of the Saints, 20 January; Sinclair in Diet. Christ. Biogr. s. v.;
ActaSS., January, II, 662-92. A very reliable life was written
by Cyril of Scythopolia about forty years after the death of
Euthymius. It is published in Acta SS, loc. cit., also by Cotb-
lier, Ecd. Orox. Monum. (Paris, 1602), IV, Montfaucom.
Anolecia Qrcsoa (Paris, 1688), I, and in P. G., CXIV, 695-734.
Michael Ott.
Sutropius of Valencia, a Spanish bishop; d. about
610. He was originally a monk in the Monasterium
Servitanum, generally believed to have been situated
in the province of Valencia, Spain. It was founded some
time in the sixth century by the monk Donatus who had
been driven from Roman Africa during one of the
Vandal persecutions. The rule he introduced must
have been based on that in use among the African
monks, which has caused the members of this commu-
nity to be connected with the Augustinians, without,
however, sufficient warrant. The Monaateriutn Ser-
vitanum is known only through the references of St*.
Isidore and Ildephonsus to its founder and one of his
disciples, Eutropius, who succeeded as abbot.
Eutropius is known as the author of three letters,
one to Licinianus, Bishop of Carthagena, and two to
Peter, Bishop of Iturbica. In the first, which has
been lost, he inquires the reason for anointing bap-
tized children with holy chrism. This letter is known
through St. Isidore. The same saint mentions a letter
to Bishop Peter, the text of which has beenpreserved,
which he says every monk should read. The title is
"De destructione monachorum et ruina monasteri-
orum". In response to a suggestion of some candi-
dates for his monastery, he points out that the num-
ber of monks is a small matter compared with their
earnestness. He may be criticized for his severity in
enforcing the rule and in reprimanding the guilty, but
he can easily justify himself, as his whole care consists
in applying the rules the founders of the monastery
laid down. And thus the reproaches made against
him fall back on their authors. In any case he will
not swerve from his course; he is indifferent to the
criticisms of men. He cannot allow the faults of his
monks to go unchecked. The Scriptures and the
Fathere agree that correction is one of the first duties
of him who is charged with the guidance of others,
and negligence on this head would only lead to serious
irregularities. The second letter to Bishop Peter
touches on the seven deadly sins. Like Cassian, Eu-
tropius enumerates eight: gluttony, lust, covetousnese,
EUTT0HK8
631
EUTT0HE3
anger, sadness, faint-heartedness, vanity, and pride.
He analyzes them, traces the links that unite them,
and emphasizes their results. A Christian should re-
sist these enemies with all his strength, persuaded
that of himself he cannot be victorious, but that he
needs the help of God. As Eutropius develops his
thought the teaching of Cassian becomes more and
more evident. Eutropius was still at the monastery
when he wrote these letters. It was not till 589 that
he became Bishop of Valencia, and his death cannot
be set down earlier than 610. These are the dates
found in Florez. Nothing is known of his work during
his episcopacy. Historians have usually called him
saint, but it does not appear that he was ever hon-
oured by a liturgical cult. His letters are to be found
in Miene, "P. L.", LXXX, 9-20.
St. Isidore, De viris Ulu&tribus, xlii, xlv, in P. L., LXXXIII,
1104-1106; Antonio, BMiotheca Hutpana vctua, I, 283; Florez,
Espatia saffrada (Madrid, 1754—), VIII 57-62, 166-4)0 ; Ma-
billon, Annates Bencdictini (Lucca, 1730), I, 184-86.
J. M. Besse.
Eutyches, an heresiarch of the fifth century, who
has given his name to an opinion to which his teaching
and influence contributed little or nothing. The es-
sence of that view is the assertion that Christ has but
one nature after the Incarnation, and it is spoken of
indifferently as the Eutychian or the Monophysite
heresy, though Eutyches was not its originator, and
though he was repudiated and condemned by many of
the Monophysites, who all looked upon St. Cyril of
Alexandria as their great Doctor. Eutyches m 448
was seventy years of age, and had been for thirty
years archimandrite of a monastery outside the walls
of Constantinople, where he ruled over three hundred
monks. He was not a learned man, but was much re-
spected and had influence through the infamous minis-
ter of Theodosius II, the eunuch Chrysaphius, to whom
he had stood godfather. He was a vehement opponent
of Nestorianism, and of the Antiochian party led by
Theodoretof Cyrus (Cyrrhus) and John of Antioch.
These bishops had, for a time, championed the ortho-
doxy of Nestorius, but had eventually accepted the
Council of Ephesus of 431, making peace with St.
Cyril of Alexandria in 434. Mutual explanations had
been exchanged between the great theologians Theo-
doret and Cyril, but their partisans had not been con-
vinced. On the death of Cyril, in 444, his successor
Dioscurus was not slow to renew hostilities, and the
Cyrillians and anti-Nestorians everywhere took the
offensive. It was but as a part of this great move-
ment that Eutyches, at Constantinople, began to de-
nounce a supposed revival of Nestorianism . He wrote
to Pope Leo on the subject, and received a sympa-
thetic reply. The Patriarch of Antioch, Domnus,
was on his guard, and he addressed a synodal letter to
the Emperor Theodosius II, accusing Eutyches of re-
newing the heresy of Apollinarius (this had been the
charge of the Antiochian party against St. Cyril) and
of wishing to anathematize the great Antiochian
teachers of a past generation, Diodorus and Theodore
—a point in which Eutyches was not altogether in
the wrong (Facundus, viii, 5, and xiii, 5). This was
probably m 448, as St. Flavian, Bishop of Constanti-
nople, had heard of no such accusation when he held a
synod, on Nov. 8th, with regard to a point of disci-
pline connected with the province of Sardis. Eu-
tyches had been accusing various personages of covert
Nestorianism, and at the end of the session of this
synod one of those inculpated, Eusebius, Bishop of
Dorylaeum, brought the question forward, and prof-
fered a counter charge or heresy against the archi-
mandrite.
Eusebius had been, many years before, while yet a
layman, one of the first to detect, and denounce, the
errors in the sermons of Nestorius, and he was natur-
ally indignant at being called a Nestorian. Flavian
expressed great surprise at this sudden and unex-
pected charge, and suggested a private conference
with Eutyches. Eusebius refused, for he had had
frequent interviews without result. At the second
session the orthodox view was defined, at Eusebius *s
request, by the reading of the second letter of St.
Cyril to Nestorius, and its approbation by the council
of Ephesus, and also of the letter of Cyril to John of
Antioch, " Leetentur caeli ' ', written after the agreement
between the two patriarchs, in 434. These docu-
ments were acclaimed by all. Flavian summed up to
the effect that Christ was "of two natures", Ac 8fo
ffo&ar, after the Incarnation; Basil of Seleucia and
Seieucus of Amasea even spoke explicitly of His being
" in two natures", and all the bishops echoed, in their
own words, the sentiments of the president. In the
third session the messengers, who had been sent to
summon Eutyches to attend, returned, bringing his
absolute refusal. He had determined, he declared,
that he would never set his foot outside his monastery,
which he regarded as his tomb. He was ready to sub-
scribe to the councils of Nicsea and Ephesus ; though
in doing so he ought not to be understood to subscribe
to, or to condemn, any errors into which they might
have fallen ; be searched the Scriptures alone, as being
more sure than the expositions of the Fathers, and he
adored one nature of God, incarnate and made man
after the Incarnation. He complained that he had
been accused of saying that God the Word had
Drought His flesh down from heaven. This was un-
true. He acknowledged our Lord Jesus Christ as
"of" two natures (i* £&» <pfo€<av) hypostatically
united, as perfect God, and perfect Man born of the
Virgin Mary, not having flesh consubstantial with
ours. These statements of Eutyches were substan-
tiated by three witnesses. The council therefore ad-
dressed a letter to him, summoning him to appear, for
his excuse was insufficient in face ofso serious a charge.
Eusebius of Dorylaeum, whose ardour was by no
means quenched, then pointed out that Eutyches had
been sending round a writing to the different monas-
teries to stir them up, and that danger to the council
might result. Two priests were therefore sent round
to the different monasteries in the city, two to those
across the Golden Horn, and two across the Bosphorus
to Chalcedon, to make enquiries.
Meanwhile the envoys sent to Eutyches had re-
turned. After some difficulties and the plea of illness,
Eutyches had consented to receive them. He still re-
fused to leave his monastery, and begged them not to
trouble to call a third time (as the canons directed),
but to treat him as contumacious at once, if they
g leased. The council, however, sent him a third and
nal summons, to appear on the morning of the next
day but one, 17th Nov. or take the consequences.
The next day a Priest-Archimandrite Abraham and
three deacon monks appeared on behalf of Eutyches.
Abraham declared that Eutyches had passed the night
in groaning, and that he himself had consequently not
slept at all either. St. Flavian replied that the Synod
would wait for Eutyches 's recovery. He was not
asked to come to enemies, but to brothers and
fathers. He had formerly entered the city when Nes-
torius attacked the truth. Let him do the same once
more. Repentance will be no disgrace to him. As
the assembly rose, Flavian added: "You know the
accuser's seal, and that fire itself seems cold to him, on
account of his zeal for piety. And God knows, I have
both advised and entreated him to desist. But when
he set to work, what was I to do? I desire not your
dispersion, God forbid, but rather to gather you in. It
is for enemies to disperse, for fathers to gather into one. "
On the following day Eutyches did not appear, but
Sromised to come in five days, that is on the following
[onday. It was proved that Eutyches had sent
round a tome to other monasteries for signature. It
was said to contain the Faith of Nicaea and Ephesus,
nor was it shown to have contained anything further.
EUTYCHES 632 EUTYOHES
On the Saturday, Eusebius elicited testimony to fur- far as mere words go). But Basil of Seleucia rightly
ther heretical remarks of Eutyches, which the envoys urged: " If you do not say two natures after the union,
had heard him make. In particular he had denied you say there is mixture or confusion" (though, at the
two natures in Christ after the Incarnation, and had Robber Council, the unfortunate bishop was fain to
said he was ready to be condemned; the monastery deny his words). Florentius then declared, that he is
should be his tomb. On Monday 22nd Nov., Euty- not orthodox who does not confess 4k Mo ffoww and
ches was sought vainly in the Church and the Arch- also ftfo <pfocis. The synod agreed, and considered the
bishop's palace, but was eventually announced as ar- forced submission which Eutyches offered to be insin-
riving with a great multitude of soldiers, and monks, cere. Flavian then pronounced the sentence of de-
and attendants of the Prefect of the Praetorian guard, gradation, excommunication, and deposition. This
and this escort only permitted him to enter under the was signed by about 30 bishops, including Julian of
synod's promise that his person should be restored to Cos, the pope > s charge" d'affaires at the Court of Theo-
them. With the cortege came a Silentiary named dosius. The acts of this synod are preserved for us,
Magnus, bringing a letter from the Emperor, who de- because they were read in full at the Robber Council of
sired that the Patrician Florentius should be admitted Ephesus, in the following year 449, and again, in 451,
to the Council; the Silentiary was therefore sent to in- at the Council of Chalcedon as a part of the Acts of the
vite his presence. Eusebius showed more than ever Robber Council. Flavian took care that the acts
his anxiety that Eutyches should be convicted on the should also be signed by many archimandrites of the
grounds of his former sayings, lest he should now un- city. Eutyches, on his side, wrote for support to the
say them, and be simply acquitted; for in that case his chief bishops of the world, and placarded Constanti-
accuser might be made liable to the penalties due to nople with complaints. He sent an appeal to the pope
calumnious accusation: " I am a poor man," he said, (St. Leo, Ep. xxi) explaining that he had refused to
" without means. He threatens me with exile; he is affirm two natures ana to anathematize all who did not
rich ; he has already depicted the Oasis as my destina- do so ; else he would have condemned the holy Fathers,
tionl" Flavian and the Patrician replied that any Popes Julius and Felix, Saints Athanasius and Greg-
submission made by Eutyches now should not release ory (he is referring to the extracts from the Fathers
him from answering the charges as to his past words, whicn were read m the first session of the Council of
Flavian then said: "You have heard, priest Euty- Ephesus; later in 535 it was declared that these papal
ches( what your accuser says. Say now whether you documents were Apollinarian forgeries, and such is
admit the union of two natures, 4k dfo ffoaav tpwtr" still the opinion of critics. See Harnack, Barden-
Eutyches replied: "Yes. 4k dvo ffoeuv" Eusebius in- hewer, etc.). Eutyches continues: "I requested that
terrupted: Do you acknowledge two natures, Lord this might be made known to your holiness, and that
Archimandrite, alter the Incarnation, and do you say you might judge as you should think fit, declaring that
that Christ is consubstantial with us according to the m every way I should follow that which you approve."
flesh; yes or no?" This expressed clearly the whole It was untrue that Eutyches at the council had ap-
Suestion between Catholic truth and the heresy of pealed to the pope. He could only prove that in a low
lonophysitism. Eutyches would not give a direct voice he had said he referred his case to the great patri-
answer. Perhaps he was puzzled and cautious. At archs. When St. Leo had received the Acts of the
all events he saw that a negative reply would mean Council, he concluded that Eutyches was a foolish old
immediate condemnation, while an affirmative one man who had erred through ignorance, and might be
would contradict his own former utterances. " I did restored if he repented. Dioscurus of Alexandria,
not come here to dispute," he said, " but to make clear imitating some of his predecessors in assuming a pri-
my view to your Holiness. It is in this paper. Order macy over Constantinople, simply annulled the sen-
it to be read." As he would not read it himself, Fla- tence of Flavian, and absolved Eutyches.
vian ordered him to declare his belief. His vague re- The archimandrite had not been touehed by the
ply evaded the point, merely asserting that he be- consideration Flavian had shown. His obstinacy con-
neved " in the Son's incarnate advent of the flesh of tinued. He obtained, through Chrysaphius. a new
the holy Virgin, and that He was perfectly made Man synod of 32 bishops, which met in April 449 (without
for our salvation". When urged, Eutyches declared the presence of Flavian, but including the Patrician
that he had never up till now said that Christ was con- Florentius and several of the bishops who had taken
substantial with us, but he acknowledged the holy part in the condemnation), in order to examine his
Virgin to be consubstantial with us. Basil of Seleucia complaint that the Acts had been falsified. After a
urged that her Son must therefore also be consub- careful revision of them, some slight alterations were
stantial with us, since Christ was incarnate from her. made to please Eutyches; but the result was of no
Eutyches answered: "Since you say so. I agree with practical importance. Dioscurus and Eutyches had
all " ; and he further explained that the body of Christ obtained the convocation by the Emperor of an cbcu-
is the body of God, not of a man, though it is a human menical council to meet at Ephesus on 1st August,
body. Provided he was not understood to deny that 449. The proceedings of the party of Dioscurus be-
Chnst is the Son of God, he would say " consubstantial fore and at that council will be found under Dioscu-
with us", as the Archbishop wished it and permitted rub, and Robber Council of Ephesus; it is only
it. Flavian denied that the expression was novel. necessary to say here that in the first session Eutyches
Florentius showed that the Emperor had judged was exculpated, and absolved, while violence was done
rightly that he was a good theologian, for he now to Flavian and Eusebius, who were imprisoned. The
pushed the Archimandrite on the essential point, the former soon died of his sufferings. Both had ap-
two natures. Eutyches answered explicitly: " I con- pealed to Rome. The Pope annulled the council, but
fess that our Lord was of [4k] two natures, before the Theodosius II supported it. On that Emperor's sud-
union; but after the union, I acknowledge one na- den death the outlook changed. A new council met at
ture." It is very odd that no comment was made on Chalcedon in October, 451, at the wish of the Emperor
this utterance. The synod ordered Eutyches to Marcian and his consort St. Pulcheria, the course of
anathematize all that was contrary to the letters of which was directed by imperial commissioners, in ap-
Cyril, which had been read. He refused. He was cordance with the directions of St. Lee, whose legates
ready enough to accept the letters, according to the presided. Dioscurus was deposed, and exiled to
synod's wish, but he would not anathematize all who Paphlagonia. Eutyches was also exiled. A letter of
did not use these expressions; otherwise he would be St. Leo (Ep. 134), written 15th April, 454, complains
anathematizing the holy Fathers. Nor would he ad- that Eutyches is still spreading his poison in banish-
mit that Cyril or Athanasius had taught two natures ment, and begs Marcian to transfer him to some more
after the Incarnation (and this was indeed correct, so distant and lonely spot. The old man does not
EUTTOHIANISM 633 EUTYOHIAKISM
to have long survived. His monastery, at Constanti- tures remain after the union (against Monophysitism),
nople, was put under the supervision of Julian of Cos and it is quite clearly enunciated that some expres-
as visitor, that prelate being still the papal represent sions belong to the Person, others to each of the Na-
tative at Constantinople. tures, as, e. g., it was later defined that activities
The principal authorities for the life of Eutyehes are The Ada (irtpycuu) and will are of the Natures (against Mono-
ractor eS^iS^^ *nd Tk§ *"""' * ***' L§0' BMaho thelites), while Sonship (against the Adoptionists), is
John Chapman. °f tne Person. There is no doubt that Cyril would
have understood rightly and have accepted (even
Eutychianism and Monophysitism are usually apart from papal authority) the famous words of St.
identified as a single heresy. But as some Monophv- Leo's tome: Agit enim utraque forma cum alterius
sites condemned Eutyehes, the name Eutyckian is communione quod proprium est " (Ep. xxviii, 4). The
given by some writers to only the more extreme of famous formula of St. Cyril pla 4>tou toO 6cov A6yw
these sectaries, or even only to those in Armenia. It aarapKtafUpii, " one nature incarnate of God the Word "
seems best to use the words indifferently, as no party (or "of the Word of God"), derived from a treatise
of the sect looked to Eutyehes as a founder or a leader, which Cyril believed to be by St. Athanasius, the
and Eutychian is but a nickname for all those who, like greatest of his predecessors, was intended by him
Eutyehes, rejected the orthodox expression " two na- in a right sense, and has been formally adopted by the
tures" of Christ. The tenet "one nature" was com- Church. In the eighth canon of the Fifth General
mon to all Monophysites and Eutychians, and they Council, those are anathematised who say " one Na-
affected to call Catholics Diphvsites or Dyophysites. ture incarnate of God the Word ", unless they " accept
The error took its rise in a reaction against Nestorian- it as the Fathers taught, that by a hypostatic union of
ism, which taught that in Christ there is a human hy- the Divine nature and the human, one Christ was ef-
postasis or person as well as a Divine. This was inter- fected'. In the Lateran Council of 649, we find: "Si
preted to imply a want of reality in the union of the quia secundum sanctos Patres non conntetur proprie
Word with the assumed Humanity, and even to result et secundum veritatem unam naturam Dei verbi in-
in two Christs, two Sons, though this was far from the carnatam . . . anathema sit." Nevertheless this
intention of Nestorius himself in giving his incorrect formula, frequently used by Cyril (in Epp. i, ii, Ad
explanation of the union. He was ready to admit one Successum; Contra Nest, ii; Ad Eulogium, etc.; see
-rphrwrov, but not one hypostasis, a " prosopic " union, Petavius " De Incarn.", IV, 6), was the starting-point
though not a "hypostatic" union, which is the Catho- of the Monophysites, some of whom understood it
lie expression. He so far exaggerated the distinction rightly, whereas others pushed it into a denial of the
of the Humanity from the Divine Person Who assumed reality of the human nature, while all equally used it
it, that he denied that the Blessed Virgin could be as a proof that the formula "two natures" must be
called Mother of God, Oeorfcot. His views were for rejected as heretical, and therefore also the letter of
a time interpreted in a benign sense by Theodoret, and St. Leo and the decree of Chalcedon. *
also by John, Bishop of Antioch, but they all eventu- The word <t&rti was ambiguous. Just as the earlier
ally concurred in his condemnation, when he showed - writings of Theodoret against Cyril contained passages
his heretical spirit by refusing all submission and ex- which naturally permitted a Nestorian interpretation,
planation. His great antagonist, St. Cyril of Alexan- — they were in this sense condemned by the Fifth Gen-
dria, was at first vehemently attacked by Theodoret, eral Council — so the earlier writings of Cyril against
John, and their party, as denying the completeness of Nestorius gave colour to the charges of Apollinarian-
the Sacred Humanity after the manner of the heretic ism brought against him by Theodoret, John, Ibas, and
Apollinarius. their party. The word 0fot produced just the same
The fiery Cyril curbed his natural impetuosity; mu- difficulties that the word for&rrcum had aroused in
tual explanations followed; and in 434, three years the preceding century. For \nrbcra<nt} as St. Jerome
after the Council of Ephesus which had condemned rightly declared, was the equivalent of ofota in the
Nestorius, peace was made between Alexandria and mouths of all philosophers, yet it was eventually used
Antioch. Cyril proclaimed it in a letter to John theologically, from Didymus onwards, as the equiva-
beginning Lcetentur ccdi, in which he clearly con- lent of the Latin persona, that is, a subsistent essence,
demned beforehand the Monothelite, if not the Mono- Similarly Qfott was an especially Alexandrian word
physite, views which were to be unfortunately based for o&rla and farodrewt*, and was naturally used of a
on certain ambiguities in his earlier expressions. If subsistent otola, not of abstract ofofo, both by Cyril
he did not arrive quite at the exactness of the language often (as in the formula in question) , and by the more
in which St. Leo was soon to formulate the doctrine of * moderate Monophysites. The Cyrillian formula, in its
the Church, yet the following words, drawn up by the genesis and in its rationale, has been explained by
Antiochian party and fully accepted by Cyril in his Newman in an essay of astounding learning and per-
letter, are clear enough: "before the worlds begotten feet clearness (Tracts Theol. and Eccl., iv, 1874). He
of the Father according to the Godhead, but in the points out that the word ^ro^rcurtf could be used (by St.
last days and for our salvation of the Virgin Mary ac- Athanasius, for example), without change of meaning,
cording to the Manhood; consubstantial with the both of the one Godhead, and of the three Persons. In
Father in the Godhead, consubstantial with us in the the former case it did not mean the Divine Essence in
Manhood; for a union of two natures took place, the abstract, but considered as subsistent, without de-
wherefore we confess one Christ, one Son, one Lord, fining whether that subsistence is threefold or single,
According to the understanding of this unconfused just as we say "one God" in the concrete, without
union, we confess the Blessed Virgin to be Theotokos, denying a triple Personality. Just the same twofold
because the Word of God was incarnate and made use without change of meaning might be made of the
man, and through her conception united to Himself words owrla, cl&ot , and tfx*rn. Again, 4>foit was not
the temple He received from her. And we are aware applied, as a rule, in the fourth century, to the Hu-
that the words of the Gospels, and of the Apostles, manity of Christ, because that Humanity is not " nat-
concerning the Lord are, by theologians, looked upon ural" in the sense of "wholly like to our nature",
some as applying in common [to the two natures! as since it is sinless, and free from all the imperfections
belonging to the one Person; others as attributed to which arise from original sin (not pura natura but in-
one of the two natures; and that they tell us by tradi- Ugra natura), it has no human personality of its own,
tion, that some are of divine import, to suit the Divin- and it is ineffably graced and glorified by its union
ity of Christ, others of humble nature belonging to His with the Word. From this point of view it is clear
humanity." In this " creed of the union *' between that Christ is not so fully " consubstantial with us " as
John and Cyril, it is at least implied that the two na- He is "consubstantial with the Father". Yet again,
EUTYOHIAKISM
634
EUTYOHIAKISM
in these two phrases the word consubstantial ap-
pears in different senses; for the Father and the Son
nave one substance numero, whereas the Incarnate
Son is of one substance with us specie (not numerot of
course). It is therefore not to be wondered at, if the
expression " consubstantial with us" was avoided in
the fourth century. In like manner the word 0ftrts has
its full meaning when applied to the Divine Nature of
Christ, but a restricted meaning (as has been just ex-
plained) when applied to His Human Nature.
In St. Cyril's use of the formula its signification is
plain. "It means", says Newman (loc. cit., p. 316),
" (a), that when the Divine Word became man, He re-
mained one and the same in essence, attributes and
personality; in all respects the same as before, and
therefore pia Qtovs. It means (b), that the manhood,
on the contrary, which He assumed, was not in all re-
spects the same nature as that massa, usia, pkysis,
etc., out of which it was taken; (1) from the very cir-
cumstance that it was only an addition or supplement
to what He was already, not a being complete m itself;
(2) because in the act or assuming it, He chanced it in
its qualities. This added nature, then, was best ex-
pressed, not by a second substantive, as if collateral in
its position, but by an adjective or participle, as
ffwapKtafUpii. The three words answered to St. John's
6 Xbyos ff&pt iyivero, i. e. fftaapxtapiwot Up." Thus
St. Cyril intended to safeguard the teaching of the
Council of Antioch (against Paul of Samosata, 264-
72) that the Word is unchanged by the Incarnation,
" that He is tr *al rb atirb r-g ofola from first to last,
on earth and in heaven " (p. 317) . He intended by his
one nature of God, " with the council of Antioch, a pro-
test against that alterableness and imperfection,
which the anti-Catholic schools affixed to their notion
of the Word. The council says ' one and the same in
usia*: it is not speaking of a human usia in Christ,
but of the divine. The case is the same in Cyril's
Formula; he speaks of a pi* Ma <pwn* in the Word.
He has in like manner written a treatise entitled ' quod
unus sit Christus1; and, in one of his Paschal Epistles,
he enlarges on the text ' Jesus Christ, yesterday, and
to-day, the same, and for ever.' His great theme in
these words is not the coalescing of the two natures
into one, but the error of making two sons, one before
and one upon the Incarnation, one divine, one human,
or again of degrading the divine usia by making it
subject to the numanity" (pp. 321-2). It has been
necessary thus to explain at length St. Cyril's meaning
in order to be able to enumerate the more briefly ana
clearly, the various phases of the Eutychian doctrine.
1. The Cyrillian party before Chalcedon did not put
forward any doctrine of their own; they only de-
nounced as Nestorians any who taught 3vo jufo-cu,"
two natures, which they made equal to two hypos-
tases, and two Sons. They usually admitted that
Christ was *k 86q Qfotvw "of two natures", but this
meant that the Humanity before (that is, logically
before) it was assumed was a complete <f>bm; it was
no longer a 4>fot* (subsistent) after its union to the
Divine nature. It was natural that those of them
who were consistent should reject the teaching of St.
Leo, that there were two natures: "Tenet enim sine
defectu proprietatem suam utraque natura", "As-
sumpsit formam servi sine sorde peccati, humana au-
gens, divina non minuens ", and if they chose to under-
stand "nature" to mean a subsistent nature, they
were even bound to reject such language as Nestorian.
Their fault in itself was not necessarily that they were
Monophysites at heart, but that they would not stop
to listen to the six hundred bishops of Chalcedon, to
the pope, and to the entire Western Church. Those
who were ready to hear explanations and to realise
that words may have more than one meaning (follow-
ing the admirable example set by St. Cyril himself),
were able to remain in the unity of the Church. The
rest were rebels, and whether orthodox in belief or not,
well deserved to find themselves in the same ranks as
the real heretics.
2. Eutyches himself was not a Cyrillian. He was
not a Eutychian in the ordinary sense of that word.
His mind was not clear enough to be definitely Mono-
physite, and St. Leo was apparently right in thinking
Kim ignorant. He was with the Cyrillians in denounc-
ing as Nestorians all who spoke of two natures. But
he had never adopted the " consubstantial with us " of
the " creed of the union ", nor St. Cyril's admissions, in
accepting that creed, as to the two natures. He was
willing to accept St. Cyril's letters and the decisions of
Ephesus and Nicsa only in a general way, in so far as
they contained no error. His disciple, the monk Con-
stantine, at the revision, in April, 449, of the condem-
nation of Eutyches, explained that he did not accept
the Fathers as a canon of faith. In fact Eutyches
simply upheld the ultra-Protestant view that nothing
can be imposed as of faith which is not verbally to be
found in Scripture. This, together with an exagger-
ated horror of Nestorianism, appears to describe his
whole theological position.
3. Dioscurus and the party which followed him seem
to have been pure Cyrillians, who by an excessive dis-
like of Nestorianism, fell into excess in minimizing the
completeness of the Humanity, and exaggerating the
effects upon it of the union. We have not documents
enough to tell us how far their error went. A frag-
ment of Dioscurus is preserved in the "Antirrhetica" of
Nicephorus (Spicil. Solesm., IV, 380) which asks: " If
the Blood of Christ is not by nature (xard <p^<riw)
God's and not a man's, how does it differ from the
blood of goats and bulls and the ashes of a heifer? For
this is earthly and corruptible, and the blood of man
according to nature is earthly and corruptible. But
God forbid that we should say the Blood of Christ is
consubstantial with one of those things which are ac-
cording to nature (ivos tQp Kara <p6civ ipoovclcay) ." If
this is really, as it purports to be, from a letter writ-
ten by Dioscurus from his exile at Gangra, we shall
have to class him with the extreme Monophysite " In-
corruptioohe", in that he rejects the "consubstantial
with us" and makes the Blood of Christ incorruptible
of its own nature. But the passage may conceivably
be a Julianist forgery.
4. Timothy jElurus, the first Monophysite Patriarch
of Alexandria, was on the contrary nearly orthodox in
his views, as has been clearly shown by the extracts
published by Lebon from his works, extant in Syriac in
a MS. in the British Museum (Addit. 12156). He de-
nies that 4>fouf nature, can be taken in an abstract
sense. Hence he makes extracts from St. Leo, and
mocks the pope as a pure Nestorian. He does not
even accept i* Mo <pt<rwv, and declares there can be
no question of two natures, either before or after the
Incarnation. "There is no nature which is not a
hypostasis, nor hypostasis which is not a person." So
far we have, not heresy, but only a term defined con-
trary to the Chalcedonian and Western usage. A
second point is the way iElurus understands <t>brts to
mean that which is " by nature". Christ, he says, is
by nature God, not man; He became man only
by "oUowoida" (economy or Incarnation); conse-
quently His Humanity is not His 4>6<rit. Taken thus,
the formula pi* <f>fott was intended hy jElurus in an
orthodox sense. Thirdly, the actions of Christ are at-
tributed to His Divine Person, to the one Christ*
Here iElurus seems to be unorthodox. For the es-
sence of Monothelism is the refusal to apportion the
actions (4w4pyti*i) between the two natures, but to
insist that they are all the actions of the one Person-
ality. How far iElurus was in reality a Monothelite
cannot be judged until his works are before us in full.
He is, at all events in the main, a schismatic, full of
hatred and contempt for the Catholic Church outside
Egypt, for the 600 bishops of Chalcedon, for the 1600
of the Encyclia, for Rome and the whole West. But
EUTYOHIANISM
635
EUTYOHIANISM
he consistently anathematized Eutyches for his denial
that Christ is consubstantial with us.
* 5. In the next generation Severus, Bishop of Antioch
(511-39), was the great Monophysite leader. In his
earlier days he rejected the Henoticon of Zeno, but
.when a patriarch he accepted it. His contemporaries
accused him of contradicting himself in the attempt,
it seems, to be comprehensive. He did not, however,
conciliate the Incorrupticolae, but maintained the cor-
ruptibility of the Body of Christ. He seems to have
admitted the expression 4k Mo 4>6aewp. Chalcedon
and Pope Leo he treated as Nestorian, as jEIutus did,
on the ground that two natures mean two persons.
He did not allow the Humanity to be a distinct monad ;
but this is no more than the view of many modern
Catholic theologians that it has no esse of its own. (So
St. Thomas, III; Q. xvii, a. 2; see Janssens, De Deo-
homine, pars prior, p. 607, Freiburg, 1901.) It need
not be understood that by thus making a composite
hypostasis Severus renounced the CyriTlian doctrine
of the unchanged nature of the Word after the uncon-
fused union. Where he is most certainly heretical is
in his conception of one nature not Divine (so Cyril
and iElurus) but theandric, and thus a composition,
though not a mixture — #&m 0card/u*r4. To this one
nature are attributed all the activities of Christ,
and they are called "theandric" (ivipytuu dear&piicaL).
instead of being separated into Divine activities ana
human activities as by the Catholic doctrine. The
undivided" Word, he said, must have an undivided
activity. Thus even if Severus could be defended
from the charge of strict Monophysitism, in that he
affirmed the full reality of the Human Nature of Christ,
though he refused to it the name of nature, yet at
least he appears as a dogmatic Monothelite. This is
the more clear, in that on the crucial question of one
or two wills, he pronounces for one theandric will. On
the other hand utterances of Severus which make
Christ's sufferings voluntarily permitted, rather than
naturally necessitated by the treatment inflicted on
His Body, might perhaps be defended by the consid-
eration that from the union and consequent Beatific
Vision in the Soul of Christ, would congruously ensue
a beatification of the Soul and a spiritualizing of the
Body, as was actually the case after the Resurrection;
from this point of view it is true that the passibility of
the Humanity is voluntary (that is, decreed by the
Divine will) and not due to it in the state which is
connatural to it after the union; although the Human
Nature is of its own nature passible apart from the
union (St. Thomas, III, Q. xiv, a. 1, ad 2). It is im-
portant to recollect that the same distinction has to be
made in considering whether the Body of Christ is to
be called corruptible or incorruptible, and conse-
quently whether Catholic doctrine on this point is in
favour of Severus or of his adversary Julian. The
words of St. Thomas may be borne in mind: "Corrup-
tio et mors non competit Christo ratione suppositi,
secundum quod attenditur unitas, sed ratione naturae,
secundum quam invenitur differentia mortis et vitae"
(III, Q. 1, a. 5, ad 2). As the Monophysites discussed
the question ratione suppositi (since they took nature
to mean hypostasis, and to imply a suppositum) they
were bound to consider the Body of Christ incorrupti-
ble. We must therefore consider the Julianists more
consistent than the Severians.
6. Julian, Bishop of Halicarnassus, was the leader of
those who held the incorruptibility, as Severus was of
those who held the corruptibility. The question arose
in Alexandria, and created great excitement, when the
two bishops had taken refuge in that city, soon after
the accession of the orthodox Emperor Justin, in 518.
The Julianists called the Severians fOaproXdrpai or
Corrupticolse, and the latter retorted by entitling the
Julians 'A06apro£o*j}rcu and Phantasiasts, as renewing
the Docetic heresies of the second century. In 537, the
two parties elected rival patriarchs of Alexandria,
Theodosius and Gaianas, after whom the Comiptico-
lae were known as Theodosians, and the Incorrupti-
colae as Gaianites. Julian considered, with some show
of reason, that the doctrine of Severus necessitated the
admission of two natures, and he was unjustly accused
of Docetism and Manichseanism, for he taught the
reality of the Humanity of Christ, and made it incor-
ruptible not formaliter qua human, but as united to
the Word. His followers, however, split upon this
question. One party admitted a potential corrupti-
bility. Another party taught an absolute incorrupti-
bility card rdrra rpoirow, as flowing from the union
itself. A third sect declared that dv the union the
Humanity obtained the prerogative of being uncreate;
they were called Actistetse, and replied by denominat-
ing their opponents " Ctistolaters , or worshippers of
a creature. Heresies, after the analogy of low forms
of physical life, tend to propagate by division. So
Monophysitism showed its nature, once it was sepa-
rated from the Catholic body. The Emperor Justin-
ian, in 565, adopted the incorruptibilist view, and
made it a law for all bishops. The troubles that arose
in consequence, both in East and West, were calmed
by his death in November of that year.
7. The famous Philoxenus or Xenaias (d. soon after
518), Bishop of Mabug (Mabbogh, Mambuce, or Hier-
apolis in Syria Euphratensis), is best known to-day by
his Syriac version of the N. T., which was revised by
Thomas of Harkel, and is known as the Harkleian or
Philoxenian text. It is unfair of Hefele (Councils, tr.
Ill, 459-60) to treat him as almost a Docetist. From
what can be learned of his doctrines they were very
like those of Severus and of iElurus. He was a Mono-
physite in words and a Monothelite in reality, for he
taught that Christ had one will, an error which it
was almost impossible for any Monophysite to avoid.
But this pda <pfoit ativBerot was no doubt meant by
him as equivalent to the hypostasis composita taught
by St. Thomas. As Philoxenus taught that Christ's
sufferings were by choice, he must be placed on the side
of the Julianists. He was careful to deny all confusion
in the union, and all transformation of the Word.
8. Peter Fullo, Patriarch of Antioch (471-88), is
chiefly famed in the realm of dogma for his addition to
the Trisagion or Tersanctus, "Agios o Theos, Agios
Ischyros, Agios Athanatos", of the words " who wast
crucified for us". This is plain Patripassianism, so far
as words go. It was employed by Peter as a test, and
he* excommunicated all who refused it. There is no
possibility of explaining away this assertion of the
suffering of the Divine Nature by the communicatio
idiomatum, for it is not merely the Divine Nature (in
the sense of hypostasis) of the Son which is said to have
been crucified, but the words are attached to a three-
fold invocation of the Trinity. Peter may therefore
be considered as a full-blooded Monophysite, who car-
ried the heresy to its extreme, so that it involved error
as to the Trinity (Sabellianism) as well as with regard
to the Incarnation. He did not admit the addition of
the words "Christ our King" which his orthodox rival
Calandio added to his formula. Some Scythian
monks of Constantinople, led by John Maxentius, be-
fore the reconciliation with the West in 519, upheld
the formula "one of the Trinity was crucified' as a
test to exclude the heresy of Peter Fullo on the one
hand and Nestorianism on the other. They were or-
thodox adherents of the Council of Chalcedon. Pope
Hormisdas thought very badly of the monks, and
would do nothing in approval of their formula. But
it was approved by John II, in 534, and imposed under
anathema by the Second Council of Constantinople in
553, which closed the so-called "Theopaschite' con-
troversy.
9. We have further to catalogue a number of sub-
divisions of Monophysitism which pullulated in the
sixth century. The Agnoetse were CorrupticoUe, who
denied completeness of knowledge to the Human
EUTYOHIANISM
636
EUTYOHIANISM
Nature of Christ; they were sometimes called Themis-
tians, from Themistus Calonymus, an Alexandrian
deacon, their chief writer. They were excommuni-
cated by the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Timotheus
(d. 527) and Theodosius. Their views resemble the
" Kenotic" theories of our own day. The Tritheists,
or Tritheites, or Condobaudites, were founded by a
Constantinopolitan philospher, John Asconagus, or
Ascunaghes, at the beginning of the sixth century, but
their principal teacher was John Philoponus, an Alex-
andrian philosopher, who died probably towards the
end of that century. These heretics taught that there
were three natures in the Holy Trinity, the three Per-
sons being individuals of a species. A zealot of the
sect was a monk Athanasius, grandson of the Empress
Theodora, wife of Justinian. He followed the view of
Theodoeius, that the bodies to be given in the resur-
rection are new creations. Stephen Gobaras was an-
other writer of this sect. Their followers were called
Athanasians or Philoponiaci. Athanasius was op-
posed by Conon, Bishop of Tarsus (c. 600), who event-
ually anathematized his teacher Philoponus. The
Cononites are said to have urged that, though the mat-
ter of the body is corruptible, its form is not. The
Tritheites were excommunicated by the Jacobite Pa-
triarch of Alexandria, Damian (577), who found the
unity of God in a ftrap£<t distinct from the three
Persons, which he called abrbBwt. His disciples were
taunted with believing in four Gods, and were
nicknamed Tetradites, or Tetratheites; and also Da-
mianists and Angelites. Peter Callimcus, Patriarch
of Antioch (578-91), opposed them, and both he and
Damian attacked the Alexandrian philosopher Ste-
phen Niobes, founder of the Niobites, who taught that
there was no distinction whatever between the Divine
Nature and the Human after the Incarnation, and
characterized the distinctions made by those who ad-
mitted only one nature as half-hearted. Many of his
followers joined the Catholics, when they found them-
selves excommunicated by the Monophysites.
History. — Of the origin of Eutychianism among
the Cyrillian party a few words were said above. The
controversy between Cyril and Theodoret was revived
with violence in the attacks made in 444-8, after Cyr-
il's death, by his party on Irenaeus of Tyre, Ibas of
Edessa, and others (see Dioscurus). The trial of
Eutyches, by St. Flavian at Constantinople, brought
matters to a head (see Eutyches). Theodosius II
convened an oecumenical council at Ephesus, in 449,
over which Dioscurus, the real founder of Monophysit-
ism as a sect, presided (see Ephesus, Robber Coun-
cil of) . St. Leo had already condemned the teaching
of one nature in his letter to Flavian called the tome, a
masterpiece of exact terminology, unsurpassed for
clearness of thought, which condemns Nestorius on
the one hand, and Eutyches on the other (see Leo I,
Pope) . After the council had aca uitted Eutyches, St.
Leo insisted on the signing of this letter by the Eastern
bishops, especially by those who had taken part in
the disgraceful scenes at Ephesus. In 451, six hun-
dred bishops assembled at Cnalcedon, under the presi-
dency of the papal legates (see Chalcedon, Council
of). The pope s view was assured of success before-
hand by the support of the new Emperor Marcian.
Dioscurus of Alexandria was deposed. The tome was
acclaimed by all, save by thirteen out of the seventeen
Egyptian bishops present, for these declared their
lives would not be safe, if they returned to Egypt after
signing, unless a new patriarch had been appointed.
The real difficulty lay in drawing up a definition of
faith. There was now no Patriarch of Alexandria;
those of Antioch and Constantinople had been nomi-
nees of Dioscurus, though they had now accepted the
tome; Juvenal of Jerusalem had been one of the lead-
ers of the Robber Council, but like the rest had sub-
mitted to St. Leo. It is consequently not surprising
that the committee, appointed to draw up a definition
of faith, produced a colourless document (no longer
extant), using the words i* Mo tpbrevr, which Dios-
curus and Eutyches might have signed without diffi-
culty. It was excitedly applauded m the fifth session
of the council, but the papal legates, supported by the
imperial commissioners, would not' agree to it, and de-
clared they would break up the council and return to
Italy, if it were pressed.
The few bishops who stood by the legates were of the
Antiochian party and suspected of Nestorianism by
many. The emperor's personal intervention was in-
voked. It was demonstrated to the bishops that to
refuse to assert " two natures" (not merely " of " two)
was to agree with Dioscurus and not with the pope.
and they yielded with a very bad grace. They haa
accepted the pope's letter with enthusiasm, and they
had deposed Dioscurus, not indeed for heresy (as Ana-
tolius of Constantinople had the courage, or the impu-
dence, to point out), but for violation of the canons.
To side with him meant punishment. The result was
the drawing up by a new committee of the famous
Chalcedonian definition of faith. It condemns Mono-
fhysitism in the following words! " Following the holy
athers, we acknowledge one and the same Son, one
Lord Jesus Christ; and in accordance with this we all
teach that He is perfect in Godhead, perfect also in
Manhood, truly God and truly Man, of a rational soul
and body, consubstantial with His Father as regards
His Godhead, and consubstantial with us as regards
his Manhood, in all things like unto us save for sin;
begotten of His Father before the worlds as to His
Godhead, and in the last days for us and for our salva-
tion [born] of Mary the Virgin Theotokos as to His
Manhood; one ana the same Christ, Son, Lord, Only-
begotten, made known as in two natures [the Greek
text now has " of two natures", but the history of the
definition shows that the Latin "in" is correct] with-
out confusion or change, indivisibly, inseparably [4*
8fo <pfo€<rip &Arvyx&r**tt &Tp4rrtatt &Aiaip4ru>tt dgwplaTfjf
yrwptfriityoy]; the distinction of the two natures being
in no wise removed by the union, but the properties
of each nature being rather preserved and concurring in
one Person and one Hypostasis, not as divided or sepa-
rated into two Persons, but one and the same Son and
Only-begotten, God the Word, the Lord Jesus Christ;
even as the Prophets taught aforetime about Him, and
as the Lord Jesus Christ Himself taught us, and as the
symbol of the Fathers has handed down to us."
So Monophysitism was exorcised : but the unwilling-
ness of the larger number of the six hundred Fathers to
make so definite a declaration is important. "The
historical account of the Council is this, that a doctrine
which the Creed did not declare, which the Fathers did
not unanimously witness, ana which some eminent
Saints had almost in set terms opposed, which the
whole East refused as a symbol, not once, but twice,
patriarch by patriarch, metropolitan by metropolitan,
first by the mouth of above' a hundred, then by the
mouth of above six hundred of its bishops, and re-
fused upon the grounds of its being an addition to the
Creed, was forced upon the Council, not indeed. as a
Creed, yet, on the other hand, not for subscription
merely, but for its acceptance as a definition of faith
under the sanction of an anathema, forced on the Coun-
cil by the resolution of the Pope of the day, acting
through his Legates and supported by the civil power
(Newman, "Development , v, §3, 1st ed., p. 307).
Theodosius issued edicts against the Eutychians, in
March and July, 452, forbidding them to have priests,
or assemblies, to make wills or inherit property, or to
do military service. Priests who were o-bstinate in
error were to be banished beyond the limits of the
empire. Troubles began almost immediately the
council was over. A monk named Theodosius, who
had been punished at Alexandria for blaming Dios-
curus, now on the contrary opposed the decision of
the council, and going to Palestine persuaded the
EUTYOHIANISM
637
EUTYOHIANISM
many thousands of monks there that the council had
taught plain Nestorianism. They made a raid upon
Jerusalem and drove out Juvenal, the bishop, who
would not renounce the Chalcedonian definition, al-
though he had been before one of the heads of the
Robber Council. Houses were set on fire, and some of
the orthodox were slain. Theodosius made himself
bishop, and throughout Palestine the bishops were ex-
pellee! and new ones set up. The Bishop of Scythopo-
fis lost his life; violence and riots were the order of
the day. Eudocia, widow of the Emperor Theodosius
II, had retired to Palestine, and gave some support to
the insurgent monks. Marcian and Pulcheria took
mild measures to restore peace, and sent repeated let-
ters in which the real character of the decrees of
Chalcedon was carefully explained. St. Euthymius
and his community were almost the only monks who
upheld the council, but this influence, together with a
long letter from St. Leo to the excited monks, had no
doubt great weight in obtaining peace. In 453, large
numbers acknowledged their error, when Theodosius
was driven out and took refuge on Mount Sinai, after
a tyranny of twenty months. Others held out on the
ground that it was uncertain whether the pope had
ratified the council. It was true that he had annulled
its disciplinary canons. The emperor therefore wrote
to St. Leo asking for an explicit confirmation, which
the pope sent at once, at the same time thanking
Marcian for his acquiescence in the condemnation of
the twenty-eighth canon, as to the precedence of the
See of Constantinople, and for repressing the religious
riots in Palestine.
In Egypt the results of the council were far more
serious, for nearly the whole patriarchate eventually
6ided with Dioecurus, and has remained in heresy to
the present day. Out of seventeen bishops who repre-
sented, at Chalcedon, the hundred Egyptian bishops,
only four had the courage to sign the decree. These
four returned to Alexandria, and peaceably ordained
the archdeacon, Proterius, a man of good character
and venerable by his age, in the place of Dioscurus.
But the deposed patriarch was popular, and the thir-
teen bishops, who had been allowed to defer signing
the tome of St. Leo, misrepresented the teaching of
the council as contrary to that of Cyril. A riot was
the result. The soldiers who attempted to quell it
were driven into the ancient temple of Serapis, which
was now a church, and it was burnt over their
heads. Marcian retaliated by depriving the city of the
usual largess of corn, of public shows, and of privi-
leges. Two thousand soldiers reinforced the garri-
son, and committed scandalous violence. The peo-
ple were obliged to submit, but the patriarch was safe
only under military protection. Schism began through
the retirement from his communion of the priest Timo-
thy, called iElurus, "the cat", and Peter, called Mon-
gus, ^ the hoarse", a deacon, and these were joined by
four or five bishops. When the death of Dioscurus
(September, 454) in exile at Gangra was known, two
bishops consecrated Timothy iElurus as his successor.
Henceforward almost the whole of Egypt acknowl-
edged the Monophysite patriarch. On the arrival of
the news of the death of Marcian (February, 457), Pro-
terius was murdered in a riot, and Catholic bishops
were everywhere replaced by Monophysites. Hie new
emperor, Leo. put down force by force, but iElurus
was protectee by his minister Aspar. Leo wished
for a council, but gave way before the objections
made by the pope nis namesake, and the difficul-
ties of assembling so many bishops. He therefore
sent queries throughout the Eastern Empire to be
answered by the bishops, as to the veneration due to
the Council of Chalcedon and as to the ordination and
the conduct of iElurus. As only Catholic bishops were
consulted, the replies were unanimous. One or two of
the provincial councils, in expressing their indignation
against Timothy, add the proviso <rif the reports are
accurate", and the bishops of Pamphylia point out
that the decree of Chalcedon is not a creed for the
people, but a test for bishops. The letters, still pre-
served (in Latin only) under the name of Encyclia, or
Codex Encyclius, bear the signatures of about 260
bishops, but Nicephorus Callistus says, that there were
altogether more than a thousand, while Eulogius, Pa-
triarch of Alexandria in the days of St. Gregory the
Great, puts the number at 1600. He says that only
one bishop, the aged Amphilochius of Side, dissented
from the rest, but he soon changed his mind (quoted
by Photius, Bibl ., CCXXX, p. 283). This tremendous
body of testimonies to the Council of Chalcedon is
little remembered to-day, but in controversies with the
Monophysites it was in those times of equal impor-
tance with the council itself, as its solemn ratification.
In the following year iElurus was exiled, but was
recalled in 475 during the short reign of the Mo-
nophysite usurper Basil iscus. The Emperor Zeno
spared iElurus from further punishment on account of
his great age. That emperor tried to reconcile the
Monophysites by means of his Henoticon, a decree
which dropped the Council of Chalcedon. It could,
however, please neither side, and the middle party
which adhered to it and formed the official Church of
the East was excommunicated by the popes. At
Alexandria, the Monophysites were united: to the
schismatic Church of Zeno by Peter Mongus who be-
came patriarch. But the stricter Monophysites se-
ceded from him and formed a sect known as Acephali
(q. v.). At Antioch Peter Fullo also supported the
Henoticon. A schism between East and West lasted
through the reigns of Zeno and his more definitely
Monophysite successor Anastasius, in spite of the
efforts of the popes, especially the great St. Gelasius
fq. v.). In 518, the orthodox Justin came to the
throne, and reunion was consummated in the following
year by him, with the active co-operation of his more
famous nephew Justinian, to the great joy of the
whole East. Pope Hormisdas (q. v.) sent legates to
reconcile the patriarchs and metropolitans, and every
bishop was forced to sign, without alteration, a peti-
tion in which he accepted the faith which had always
been preserved at Rome, and condemned not only the
leaders of the Eutychian heresy, but also Zeno's time-
serving bishops of Constantinople, Acacius (q. v.) and
his successors. Few of the Eastern bishops seem to
have been otherwise than orthodox and anxious for
reunion, and they were not obliged to omit from the
diptychs of their churches the names of their prede-
cessors, who had unwillingly been cut off from actual
communion with Rome, m the reigns of Zeno and
Anastasius. The famous Monophysite writer Severus
was now deposed from the See of Antioch. Justinian,
during his long reign, took the Catholic side, but his
empress, Theodora, was a Monophysite, and in his
old age the emperor leaned in the same direction. We
still possess the acts of a conference, between 6ix
Severian and seven orthodox bishops, held by his order
in 533. The great controversy of his reign was the
dispute about the "three chapters", extracts from the
writings of Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret, and
Ibas, which Justinian wished to get condemned in
order to conciliate the Severians and other moderate
Monophysites. He succeeded in driving Pope Vigi-
lius (q. v.) into the acceptance of the Second Council of
Constantinople (q. v.), which he had summoned for the
purpose of giving effect to his view. The West dis-
approved of this condemnation as derogatory to the
Council of Chalcedon, and Africa and Iltyncum re-
fused for some time to receive the council.
The divisions among the heretics have been men-
tioned above. A great revival and unification was
effected by the great man of the sect, the famous Jacob
Baradai, Bishop of Edessa (c. 541-78). (See Bara-
daus.) In his earlier years a recluse in his monas-
tery, when a bishop he spent his life travelling in a
EUTY0HIANU8
638
EUTYOHIUS
beggar's garb, ordaining bishops and priests every-
where in Mesopotamia, Syria, Asia Minor, in order to
repair the spiritual ruin caused among the Monophy-
sites by Justinian's renewal of the original laws against
their bishops and priests. John of Ephesus puts the
number of clergy tie ordained at 100,000, others at
80,000. His journeys were incredibly swift. He was
believed to have the gift of miracles, and at least he
performed the miracle of infusing a new life into the
dry bones of his sect, though he was unable to unite
them against the "Synodites" (as they called the
orthodox), and he died worn out by the quarrels
among the Monophvsite patriarchs and theologians.
He has deserved to give his name to the Monophysites
of Syria, Mesopotamia, and Babylonia, with Asia
Minor, Palestine, and Cyprus, who have remained since
his time generally united under a Patriarch of Antioch
(see Jacobites). A number of these united in 1646
with the Catholic Church, and they are governed by
the Syrian Archbishop of Aleppo. The rest of the
Monophysites are also frequently called Jacobites.
For the Coptic Monophysites see Egypt, and for the
Armenians see Armenia. The Armenian Monophv-
site Patriarch resides at Constantinople. The Abys-
sinian Church was drawn into the same heresy through
its close connexion with Alexandria. At least since
the Mohammedan conquest of Egypt, in 641, the
Abuna of the Abyssinians has always been conse-
crated by the Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria, so that
the Abyssinian Church has always been, and is still,
nominally Monophvsite.
The chief materials for the general history of the Eutychians
will be found in the Collections of the Council* by Mansi, Har-
douin, or Lab be, that is to say the councils, letters of popes, and
other documents. To these must be added the historians Eva-
grius, Theophanbs, etc.. and the Monophvsite historians John
of Ephesus. and Zachariab Rhetor (both in Land's Anecdota
Syriaca, II— III, Leyden, 1879), a German translation of the latter
by Ah ren s and Kruqer (Leipzig, 1890) and an English one by
Hamilton and Brooks (London, 1889). The works of Facun-
dus. the Breviarium of Liberator, and information imparted by
Photius are valuable. Of modern authorities, the larger and
smaller histories are innumerable, e. g. Baronius. Fleury,
Gibbon, Hefelb, and (for the early period) Tillbmont. XV;
also the biographical articles in such large works as Cave,
Biogr. Lilt. Fabricius; the Kirchenlexikon; Herzoq, Realen-
cykl.; and Diet. Ch. Biog.; Asseiiani, Bibl. Orient., II; Walch,
Ketzergeschichte (Leipzig, 1762-85). VI-VIII; for detailed biog-
raphies see the articles referred to above.
On the dogmatic side see Petavius, De Incarn., VI; Dorner,
Entwicklungsgeschichte von der Person Christi (Berlin, 1853),
2nd ed.: tr.: Doctrine of the Person of Christ (Edinburgh, 1861-
3), 5 vols. — it should be noted that Dorner himself held a Nes-
torian view; Did. de Thiol. Cath.; the histories of dogma such
as those of Schwane, Harnack, and (up to 451) Bethune-
Baker; Krioer, Monophysitische Streiligkeiten in Zusammen-
hange mil der Rexchspolilik (Jena, 1884): Loops, Leontius von
Bytanz. in Texte una Unters., 1st series. III, 1-2; new light has
come from the Syriac, Arabic, and Coptic of late years. In addi-
tion to the histories mentioned above: Evetts, History of the
Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria, Arabic and Eng-
lish in Patrol. Orient., I, 2 (Paris, 1905); S. ben el Mogaffa,
Historia patriarcharum Alexandr. in Corpus Script. Christ.
Orient.. Scriptores arabici, 3rd series, IX; Chabou, Chronique
de Michel le Syrien JParis, 1901). II.
On the works of Timothy jElurus, Crum, Eusebius and Coptic
Ch. Hist., in Proc. of Soc. of Bibl. Archarol. (London, 1902),
XXIV; Lebon, La Christologie de Timothie ASlure in Revue
d' I list. Bed. (Oct., 1908), IX, 4; on Severus of Antioch, Ku-
gener. Vies de Severe par Zacharie le RhHeur, et par Jean de
Beith Apthonia in Patrol. Orient. II (Paris, 1907); Duval, Les
horn flies cathtdrales de Severe, trad. syr. de Jacques oVEdesse
.in Patrol. Orient.; Brooks, Sixth book of the seled letters of
Severus in the Syriac version of Athan. of Nisib. (Text and Transl.
Soc., London, 1904), besides the fragments published by Mai,
etc.; on Julian see Loofs, loc. cit.; Usener in Rhein. Mus. ftir
Phil. CS. S., LV, 1900): the letters of Peter Mongus and Acacius
publ. by Revillout (Rev. des Qu. hist., XXII, 1877, a French
transl.) and by Amelineau (Monum. pour servir a Vhist. de
VEgypte chr. aux IV et V sudes. Pans, 1888) are spurious;
Duval, Litt. Syriaque (Paris, 1900), 2nd ed.
John Chapman.
Eutychianus, Saint, Pope. — He succeeded Pope
Felix I a few days after the latter's death, and gov-
erned the Church from January, 275, until 7 Decem-
ber, 283. We know no details of his pontificate. The
rite for blessing the produce of the fields, ascribed to
him by the " Liber Pontificalis", undoubtedly belongs
to a later period. The statement also that he pro-
mulgated rules for the burial of martyrs and buried
many of them with his own hands, has but slight
claim to acceptance, since after the death of Aurehan
(275) the Church enjoyed a long respite from persecu-
tion. It is highly probable that Eutychianus did not
die a martyr. The fourth-century Roman Calendar
Epitaph ok Pope Eutychianus
Papal Crypt, Catacomb of St. Callistus
mentions him (8 December) in the "Depositio Epis-
copcrum", but not in its list of martyrs. His
remains were placed in the papal chapel in the Cata-
comb of Callistus. When this famous crypt was dis-
covered the fragments of the epitaph of Eutychianus
were found, i. e. his name (in Greek letters) : Euty-
chiano8 epis (kopos). His feast is celebrated on 8
December.
Duchesne (ed.). Liber Pontificalis, I, 159; Da Robsi, Roma
soUerranca, II (Rome, 1867), 70-72.
J. P. KlRSCH.
•
Eutychius I, Patriarch of Constantinople, b.
about 512, in Phrygia; d. Easter Day, 5 April, 582.
He became a monk and then archimandrite at Amasea,
in Pontus. In 552 his bishop sent him on business to
Constantinople, where he seems to have made a great
impression on Justinian I (527-565), so much so that
when Mennas the Patriarch (53r>-552) died, the em-
peror procured Eutychius's election as successor, on
the very same day (in August). The great quarrel of
" the Three Chapters1' was then going on. Justinian
thought he could conciliate the Monophysites, in
Egypt, -and Syria, by publishing anathemas against
three theologians, — long dead— who were suspect of
the opposite heresy, Nestorianism. The three points
(called >ec<t>d\aia, capitula) were: (1) The condemna-
tion of the person and works of Theodore of Mopsues-
tia (428); (2) the condemnation of the writings of
Theodoret of Cyrus (c. 457) against the Council of
Ephesus; (3) a letter of one Ibas, to a Persian named
Maris, which attacked that Council. It should be
noted that these documents certainly were Nestorian,
and that their condemnation involved no real conces-
sion to Monophysitism. The auestion at issue was
rather, whether it were worth wnile, on the chance of
conciliating these Monophysites, to condemn people
who had died so long ago. It is also true that, in the
West, people suspected in these Three Chapters a
veiled attack on Chalcedon. Justinian's "Edict of
the Chapters1' appeared in 544. It was accepted in
the East and rejected in the West. Pope Vigil i us
(540-555) was the unhappy victim of the quarrel. In
548 he accepted the Edict by a Iudicatum, which also
carefully guarded Chalcedon. He had himself just
come to Constantinople, in order to preside at a Coun-
cil that should confirm the three anathemas. But he
found that, by his Iudicatum, he had grievously of-
fended his own Western bishops. Dacius of Milan,
and Facundus of Hermiane led the opposition against
him, and in 550 a Synod of Carthage excommunicated
the Pope. Vigilius then began that career of inde-
cision that has left him the reputation of being the
weakest Pope that reigned. He was still at Constanti-
nople when Eutychius became Patriarch. Eutychius
sent him the usual announcement of his own appoint-
ment and the usual (and quite orthodox) profession
EUTY0HIU8 639 BVA0BIU8
of faith. At the same time, he urged him to summon (Cairo) ; d. 1 1 May, 940. He was an Egyptian Arafat
the Council at once. Meanwhile Justinian had pub- named Sa'Id ibn Batriq; his father's name was Ba-
lished a second, and still stronger, condemnation of triq (Patricius). He first studied medicine and his-
the Three Chapters (23 Dec., 551). Vigilius gave, and tory, and practised for a time as a physician. He
then withdrew, his consent to the Council. Justinian then entered a monastery and eventually became
insisted on the exclusion of the African bishops, who Patriarch of Alexandria, taking the name Eutychius,
were all strongly opposed to his condemnations. In in 933. Being the Melchite (Orthodox) patriarch, he
spite of the Pope's refusal, the council met on 5 May, spent most of his reign in strife with the great majority
553, at Constantinople. A hundred and sixty-five of Egyptian Christians who were (Monophysite)
bishops attended. This is what was afterwards recog- Copts, and with his Coptic rival. His works (all writ-
nixed as the Fifth General Council (Constantinople ten in Arabic and preserved only in part) are treatises
II). On. 14 May the Pope sent them a modified De- on medicine, theology, and history. He wrote a com-
cree, called the Constitutum, in which he condemned pendium called "The Book of Medicine", treatises on
sixty propositions taken from Theodore of Mopsuestia, tasting, Easter, and the Jewish Passover, various
but forbade the condemnation of the other Chapters, feasts, etc. ; also a " Discussion between a Christian
As he would not attend the council Eutychius pre- and an Infidel", by which he means a Melchite and a
sided. The Council wrote respectfully to the Pope, Monophysite. But his most important work is
but, in spite of the Constitutum, completely confirmed "Nazm al-Gaw&hir" {Chaplet of Pearls), a chronicle
Justinian's edicts, in its eighth session. It also ac- of the history of the world from Adam to 938. The
knowledged the formula Unue de Trinitale vastus work is dedicated to his brother, Isa ibn Batriq,
est as orthodox, and incidentally condemned Origen. and is meant to supply a short account of universal
(Can. 11, 12, 13, 14. For this Council see Liberati history. In Latin it is quoted as "Eutychii Historia
Breviarium, infra; Mansi, IX, 163; Hefele, Concilien- universalis", or as the "Annales" of Eutychius. The
S»ch., 2nd ed., II, 898 seq.) Vigilius gave in on 8 author states that he has compiled his history only
ecember, after months of ill-treatment, was allowed from the Bible and reliable authorities. It contains,
to go back to Rome, and died on the way, in Sicily, in however, a great number of strange and improbable
554. [There is an account of all this story in Fortes- additions to Biblical and profane history not found in
cue's Orth. Eastern Church, 82-83.1 any other source. There are also in the "Chaplet of
Eutychius had, so far, stood by the Emperor Pearls11 many valuable details about the Monophysite
throughout. He composed the decree of the Council controversy and the history of the Patriarchate of
against The Chapters (Mansi, IX, 367-575). In 562, Alexandria. The book acquired a certain fame when,
he consecrated the new church of Sancta Sophia. His in the seventeenth century, John Selden published an
next adventure was a quarrel with Justinian about the excerpt of it (London, 1642, see below) in order to
Aphthartodocetes. These were a sect of Monophy- prove that originally at Alexandria there was no dis-
sites, in Egypt, who said that Christ's body on earth tinction between bishops and priests (a theory at one
was incorruptible (&<j>6opd), and subject to no pain, time adopted by St. Jerome, "In Ep. ad Titum", I,
The Emperor saw in the defence of these people a new 5 ; Ep. cxfvi , " ad Evangelum ' ') t Selden was answered
means of conciliating the Monophysites, and, in 564, by a Maronite, Abraham Ecchellensis (Rome, 1661),'
he published a decree defending their theory (Evag- who disputed the accuracy of his translation of the
rius, Hist. Eccl., IV, 391). Eutychius resisted this passages in question and proposed another. In the
decree, so on 22 January, 565, he was arrested in his thirteenth century another Arabic historian, Al-
church. and banished to a monastery at Chalcedon. Makin (d. 1275), used Eutychius' work in compiling
Eight days later a synod was summoned to judge him. his own history of the world to 1260 (Krumbacher,
A ridiculous list of charges was brought against him; Byzantinische Litteratur, Munich, 1897, p. 368).
he Used ointment, he ate deliciously, etc. (Eustathius, The first edition of the Chaplet of Pearls is that of Pococke,
Vita 8. Eutych., 4,5) He was condemned deposed, gff^&^S)??^ ftEt& %35fti&.
and sent \o Prince s Island m Propontis. Thence he duced in P. G., CXI. 889-1232. Selden's excerpt contains
went to his old home at Amasea, where he Stayed only the history of the origins of the Church of Alexandria,
twelve years. Joannes Scholasticus succeeded as B.uiv^* *fnptti. Patrwrcha orthodoxorum Alexandrini eccU-
t> *_; — L / f u ttt c^o ew j t*. ?j it \T •*• *um orunne* (London. 1642): Abraham Ecchellensis,
Patriarch (John III, 56^-577); and after his death, in Eutychius Pair. Ax. viruiicatus (Rome. 1661); Cave, Script
577, the Emperor Justin II (565-578) recalled Euty- tore* eccUsiastici, 408; Renaudot, Historia Patriarcharum
chiUB, who Came back in October. At the end of his AUxandrinarum (Paris, 1713) 346 sqq.; von Gutschmid, Ver-
ft tti x i_» i j i_ x* i • • j • ii zeiehntM der Patriarchal von Alexandrten in his K lexne Schrxften
life Eutychius evolved a heretical opinion denying the (Leipzig, 1890). 399 sqq.; Graf, Die christliche arab. Liieratur
resurrection of the body. St. Gregory the Great was (1905), 40 sqq. Adrian Fortebcue.
then A'pocrisiarius (legate) of the Roman See, at Con-
stantinople. He argued about this question with the Evagrius, surnamed Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical
patriarch, quoting Luke, xxiv, 39, with great effect, so historian and last of the continuators of Eusebius of
that Eutychius, on his death-bed, made a full and Ca3sarea,b.in536atEpiphaniainCoBle-Syria; d. after
orthodox profession of faith as to this point. St. 594, date unknown. He followed the profession of
^SPfy. tel}? the.fwhole 8torv m hls " ExP- in libr- advocate at Antioch (hence his surname) and became
Job (Morahum lib. XIV, 56) t Eutychius dying said: the friend of the Patriarch Gregory (569-594), whom
"I confess that we shail all nse again m this flesh *'. he successfully defended in presence of the Emperor
(See also Paul. Diac.: Vita Greg. Mag. I, 9.) His ex- Maurice and of the Council at Constantinople (588).
V^t^0™ K®J?1v5Jtcr to Pope W^xm (Migne, P. L., Having already been appointed quaestor by Tiberius
,t£ • ' ' LXXXVI, 2401), a fragment of a n (578-582), he received from Maurice the title of
Discourse on Easter" (Mai: Class. Auct. X, 488, honorary prefect (ex prcefectis). Evagrius, a product
and Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. IX, 623) ; and other frag- Qf the masters of rhetoric, made a collection of the re-
ments in P. G., LXXXVI. His life was written by his ports, letters, and decisions which he had written for
disciple Eustathius, a priest of Constantinople. His the Patriarch Gregory. Another collection contained
feast is kept by the Byzantine Church on 6 April, and discourses of Evagrius, among them a panegyric of the
he is mentioned in lout" Corpus Iuns"(Grat., I pars., Emperor Maurice and his son Theodosius. These
Diet. XVI, Cap. x). have all been lost. None of his works survive except
kSSSSZ^&S! iv^ NMV UftMSSl his " Ecclesiastical History" in six books.. Inthis fie
engfeh., ii, ii, 852, etc. Adman Fortescub. proposes to write the sequel of the narrative begun by
Eusebius of Csesarea ana continued by Socrates, Soso-
Entychius, Melchite Patriarch of Alexandria, men, and Theodoret. He begins with the Council of
author of a history of the world, b. 876, at Fust&t Epheeua (431) and ends with the twelfth year of the
BYAGRIU8
640
XVANOBLXABIA
reign of the Emperor Maurice (593-594). This1 work
is very important for the history of the religious con-
troversies of the fifth and sixth centuries, Nestorian-
ism, Eutychianism, and the last phases of Monophy-
sitism. Evagrius furnishes details concerning events
and persons, and does not neglect works of art (St.
Sophia, H. E., IV, 31). To political history he gives
an important place; in a word, he is an authority of
the first order for this period. He is sincere, and is
conscientious in securing information. But he shares
the ideas of his environment and of his time. In his
defence of Constantino he goes so far as to deny the
murder of Crispus and Faustina. He relates wonders
and legends, and it is to him we owe the account of the
blood that was taken up with a sponge at certain times
from the body of St. Euphemia of Chalcedon (II, 3).
Among the sources of his information he mentions the
chronicle of Eustathius of Antjpch, and the works of
Procopius, Menander Protector, John of Epiphania,
and John Malalas (whom he calls John the Rhetorician) .
While he relies on these authors, he does so with discre-
tion. In his ecclesiastical attitude he is strictly ortho-
dox and abides strictly by. the decrees of Chalcedon;
nevertheless, he judges the heretics with moderation.
His was an equable mind, and he is a reliable guide.
The latest ed. of the Bed. Hist, is that of Parmrntirr and
Bides (London, 1898), in Byzantine Text*, brought out by
Methuen under the supervision of Burt; Krumbacher, Qtsch.
derbytantinuchen Litt. (Munich. 1897). 246-47: Bard en hewer,
Patrotogte, tr. Shahan (St. Louis, 1908). PAUL LSJAT.
Bvagrius, surnamed Ponticus, b. about 345, in
Ibora, a small town on the shores of the Black Sea; d.
399. He is numbered among the more important
ascetical writers of the fourth century. Instructed by
St. Gregory Nazianzen, he was ordained reader by St.
Basil the Great and deacon by St. Gregory of Nyssa
(380), whom he accompanied to the Second Council of
Constantinople (381). According to Palladius, who
differs in his account from Socrates and Sozomen,
Evagrius remained for a time as archdeacon in Con-
stantinople, while Nectarius was patriarch (381-397).
Leaving the city on account of its spiritual dangers, he
went first to Jerusalem and then into the Nitrian
Desert, where he began an eremitical life under the
guidance of the younger Macarius (383). He stead-
fastly refused a bishopric offered by Theophilus
of Alexandria. He became very celebrated for his
ascetical life and writings, though St. Jerome (e. g. Ep.
133 ad Ctesiphontem, n. 3) charges him with Origenis-
tic errors and calls him the precursor of Pelagius. The
Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth (Ecumenical Councils con-
demn Evagrius together with Origan. Rufinus and
Gennadius translated the works of Evagrius into
Latin; several of them have been lost or have not
thus far been recovered (P. L., XL). The best collec-
tions of his works are edited by Bigot (Paris, 1680) ;
Gallandi, "Biblioth. vet. patr.", VII, 551-581; Migne,
" P. G.", XL; cf . also Elter, "Gnomica" (Leipzig, 1892) ;
Zockler, "Evagrius Pontikus" (Munich, 1893). We
may here name: "Monachus seu de vita activa";
"Rerum monachalium rationes earumque juxta qui-
eten* adpositio " ; " De octo vitiosis cogitationibus ' .
Bardrnhrwer, Petrology, tr. Shahan (St. Louis, 1908), 271;
KirchenUx., IV, 1031 sq.; Hurtrr, Nomenetator, I. 227.
A. J. Maas.
EvangeHaria, liturgical books containing those
portions of the Gospels which are read during Mass or
in the public offices of the Church . The name does not
date back earlier than the seventeenth century. The
Greeks called such collections EinyyiXiow, " Gospel", or
ixXoy&b'ior rod efrxyytXiov, " Selections from the Gospel ".
The collection of readings from the Acts of the
Apostles and the Epistles known as 'ArkrroXot,
" Apostle", or rpafyLr6trro\ot. In churches of the
Latin Rite, the lessons from the Old Testament, the
Epistles from the New Testament, and portions of the
Gospels are usually grouped in the same book, under
the name Comes, Liber comiHs, Liber comicus (from
comes, companion), or Lectionarium. Separate Evan-
geliaria are seldom to be met with in Latin. Tables
indicating passages to be read, as well as the Sundays
and Holy Day6 on which they are to be read, are called
by the Greeks MEvangelistarium", a name sometimes
given to the Evangeliaria proper; they are also called
^Synaxarium", and by the Latins are known as
"Capitulare". Although the word Evangeliarium is
of recent origin, it has been universally adopted . The
word Lectioniarium is employed, however, to denote
either the collection of passages from the Old and New
Testaments, including the Gospels, or else these pas-
sages alone without the corresponding Gospels.
Origin and Use of Evangeligrta. — Following the cus-
tom of the Synagogue, the Scriptures of the Old Testa-
ment were read at the primitive Christian assemblies.
According as the Canon of the New Testament was
decided on, certain extracts from it were included in
these readings. Justin tells us that in his day, when
the Christians met together, they read the Memoirs of
the Apostles and the writings of the Prophets (Apol.,
I, Ixvii). Tertullian, Cyprian, and other writers Dear
witness to the same custom ; and in the West the order
of lector existed as early as the third century. For
want of precise testimony we do not know how the
particular passages were decided on. Most likely the
presiding bishop chose them at the assembly itself;
and it is obvious that on the occurrence of certain fes-
tivals the Scripture relating to them would be read.
Little by little a more or less definite list would nat-
urally result from this method. St. John Chrysostom
in a homily delivered at Antioch exhorts his hearers to
read beforehand the Scripture passages to be read and
commented on in the Office of the day (Homilia de
Lazaro, iii, c. i). In like manner other tinurches would
form a table of readings. In the margin of the MS.
text it was customary to note the Sunday or festival
on which that particular passage would be read, and
at the end of the manuscript, the list of such passages,
the Synaxarium or Capitulare, would be added.
Transition from this process to the making of an
Evangeliarium, or collection of all such passages, was
easy. Gregory is of opinion that we possess frag-
ments of Evangeliaria in Greek dating from the fourth,
fifth, and sixth centuries, and that we have very many
from the ninth century onwards (according to Gregory
they number 1072). In like manner, we find Lection-
aries in the Latin Churches as early as the fifth century.
The Comes of the Roman Church dates from before St.
Gregory the Great (P. L., XXX, 487-532). From the
tentn century onwards we find the Gospel lessons, to-
gether with the Epistles and prayers, united in a new
liturgical book, called the Missal.
Evanqeliaria and the Text of the New Testament. —
Evangeliaria have very little importance for the critic
of the Gospel text. At the time when the various
Gospel passages began to be collected in book-form
for use m liturgical reunions, the various families of
the Gospel text and its translations were already in
existence; and those Evangeliaria simply reproduce
the particular text favoured by the Church which
compiled it. They have even exercised an unfortun-
ate influence on the more recent MS. of the Gospels;
certain additions of a liturgical nature (e. g. in Mo
tempore; dixit Dominus) which were set at the begin-
ning or end of a reading, have found their way into the
text itself. But in the official text of the Vulgate, and in
editions of the Greek text of to-day, owing to the labours
of Teschendorf and of Westcott and Hort, these liturgi-
cal glossaries are very rare. We notice one example in
the Vulgate text: Luke, vii, 31 (ait autem Dominus),
The Evangeliaria and Liturgy. — It is especially from
a liturgical point of view that the study of Evangel-
iaria is interesting. The general method of Greek
Evangeliaria is uniform. The first part contains the
Gospels of the Sundays beginning with Easter; the
EVANGELICAL
641
EVANGELICAL
second part gives the Gospels for the festivals of the
saints beginning with 1 September. In the Churches of
the West the distribution of the Gospel pericopes was
more divergent because of the various rites. And the
ceremonial followed in the reading of the Gospel pre-
sents many differences of usage between one church and
another, which it would be too long to treat of here.
Baudot, Lee Bvang&iaires (Paris, 1908), pp. 38-44 and 58-
69, on the Latin liturgical books containing passages from the
Gospels to be read at the Office*; on the distribution of peri-
copes in the East, cf. pp. 30-32; at Rome\ pp. 44-60 and 60-94;
in the Ambrosian Rite, pp. 94-101: Gsboort, Textkritik dee
neuen Testament* (Leipsig, 1900), vol. I, pp. 327-478, on Greek
Evangeliaria; vol. II, pp. 521-23, on Syriae Evangeliaria;
Caspari in KeaUncyklopddie far protestantxsehe Theoloffie.B. v.
Perikopen; Ranks, Dos kirchltche Perikopensystem; Schu,
Die biblieche Lesunoen der hath. Kirche in dem Offlcium und der
mesa* de tempore (Trier, 1861); Manqbnot in Via., Diet, de la
Bibleji. v. Lectionnaires: Duchesne, Lee origines du eulte Chre-
tien (Paris, 1908); Diet. Christ. Ant., s. v. Lectumary; Lbcubboq
in Cabbol, Diet. cTarchiologie chrUienne, s. w. Alexandrie, Anti-
oche; Cabbol, ibid., s. v. AguUie. H. CoPPIETERS.
Ornamentation of Evangeliaria. — From the be-
ginning the books used in the liturgy, and more par-
ticularly the Gospel manuscripts, were highly vener-
ated, and therefore text and cover were often richly
ornamented. From an artistic point of view the dis-
tinction between Evangeliaria strictly so called and
Gospel manuscripts is of little importance and is gen-
erally disregarded. It consists merely in the fact that
the illuminations of the Evangeliaria occur as a rule at
those passages set apart for the greater festivals of the
year. The coronation oath-book of Anglo-Saxon
kings, which KingAthelstan received, it would appear,
from his brother-in-law, Otto I, and which he in turn
presented to the cathedral church of Canterbury, is
ornamented with figures of the Evangelists freely
copied from those that adorn the Evangeliarium of
Charlemagne preserved at Vienna. We are acquainted
with Gospels m rolls only from seeing them in minia-
tures, especially as emblems of the Evangelists, until
well into the Middle Ages.
The roll of the Book of Joshua (ninth — tenth cen-
tury: Vatican Library) is a specimen of what Evan-
geliaria in this form with miniatures were like. The
roll-form remained long in use for liturgical manu-
scripts at Milan and in Southern Italy.
Costly Evangeliaria are noted above all for their
clear and careful writing. They have helped to per-
petuate and propagate certain styles of catigraphy.
The Greek uncialis used in many manuscripts of the
ninth and tenth centuries; and the Latin uncial is
also employed, especially in Gaul, far into the Middle
Ages for Gospel and liturgical works. The copying of
the Gospels influenced largely the writings of Irish and
Anglo-Saxon scribes, and effected the spread of these
characters over the Continent and the development
of the Caroline minuscule and the semi-uncial of the
school of Tours. The copyists of the Gospels made
great use of other helps to beautify their penman-
ship, such as the use of purple parchment, of liquid gold
and silver, and various coloured inks. The part played
by Evangeliaria in the history of miniature painting
until the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is very great.
Especially noteworthy are the miniature insets to the
Canons of Eusebius, or tables of Gospel concordance.
Illuminated initial letters differed according to the
various schools of writing ; the Irish scribes used artistic
knots and loops, the Merovingian and Lombard writers
preferred animal forms, especially fish.
Illuminated scenes, of interest to the iconographist,
are often to be met in these copies of the Gospel text.
Frequently it is the figure of the Evangelist that stands
at the head of his Gospel ; the donor, or rather a sketch
showing the donation of the book, is often found in
miniatures from the days of Charlemagne to the end
of the Middle Aces. The prince is shown receiving
from the hands of the abbot the Evangeliarium he win
use whenever he assists at the holy offices in the abbey
church (cf. the picture of Charles the Bald in the
Vivien Bible, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris). But in
the tenth -and eleventh centuries the prince is shown
offering the precious manuscript to Christ or to the
patron saint of the church or abbey (cf . the Evangeli-
arium at Bamberg showing the Emperor Henry II
offering the book to Christ).
Among the more famous Evangeliaria may be men-
tioned the following: the portion of an Evangeliarium
from Sinope (sixth century: in the Bibliotheque Na-
tionale, Paris) ; the Evangeliarium of Rossano (about
600) in Greek uncials; the Syrian codices of Rabula
(586, at Florence) and Etschmiadzin (miniatures of
the sixth century); the Evangeliarium of Gregory I
(at Cambridge) m Latin uncials; the Book of Kelts
(seventh to ninth century, at Dublin); the Book of
Lindisfarne (eighth -century, in the British Museum,
London) of Irish workmanship ; the Irish-Continental
Evangeliaria of St. Gall (about 800) ; the Carlovingian
Evangeliarium of Godescalc (about 782, in the Biblio-
theque Nationale, Paris) ; the Ada Codex (ninth cen-
tury, at Trier) ; the Evangeliaria of Echternach (tenth
century, at Gotha), and of the Abbess Uta (about
1002, at Munich). Valuable Evangeliaria were care-
fully treasured, and when used in the offices were
E laced on a strip of cloth or on a cushion. The back
*af of the binding was usually left plain, but the front
cover was enriched with all the skill of the goldsmith.
One of the most ancient bindings or covers we possess
is that offered by Queen Theodelinda (600) to the
cathedral of Monza. At times plaques of ivory, re-
sembling diptychs, were set into these bindings. The
earliest of tnem were of Oriental or Italian origan, and
bear isolated figures of Christ or the Blessed Virgin,
etc. A number of them, to be found in the countries
along the Rhine and the Meuse and in Northern
France (tenth and eleventh centuries), have the scene
of the Crucifixion.
See general works on paleography, archeology, iconography*
the lesser arts, and monographs on the Evangeliaria; especially
Bbisskl, Geechichte der EvangelienbUcher im ersten Htilfte des
Mittdalters (Freiburg im Br., 1906). R. Maere.
Evangelical Alliance, The, an association ox
Protestants belonging to various denominations,
founded in 1846, whose object, as declared in a resolu-
tion passed at the first meeting, is "to enable Chris-
tians to realize in themselves and to exhibit to others
that a living and everlasting union binds all true be-
lievers together in the fellowship of the Church"
(Report of the Proceedings of the First General Con-
ference). The points of belief, which the members
accept as being the substance of the Gospel, are con-
tained in a document adopted at the first conference
and known as the Basis. They are nine in number: —
(1) The Divine inspiration, authority, and sufficiency
of the Holy Scriptures; (2) the right and duty of pri-
vate judgment in the interpretation of the Holy Scrip-
tures ; (3) the unity of the Godhead and the Trinity of
Persons therein; (4) the utter depravity of human
nature in consequence of the fall; (5) the Incarnation
of the Son of God, His work of atonement for sinners,
and his mediatorial intercession and reign; (6) the
justification of the sinner by faith alone; (7) the work
of the Holy Spirit in the conversion and sanctification
of the sinner; (8) the immortality of the soul, the re-
surrection of the body, the judgment of the world by
Jesus Christ, with the eternal blessedness of the right-
eous and the eternal punishment of the wicked; (9)
the Divine institution of the Christian ministry, and
the obligation and perpetuity of the ordinances of
Baptism and the Lord's Supper. — " It being, however,
distinctly declared that this brief summary is not to be
regarded, in any formal or ecclesiastical sense, as a
creed or confession, nor the adoption of it as involving
an assumption of the right authoritatively to define
the limits of Christian brotherhood, but simply as an
indication of the class of persons whom it is desirable
to embrace within the Alliance. In this Alliance, it
EVANGELICAL 642 EVANGELICAL
is aiso distinctly stated that no compromise of the India, and several missionary countries. The French
views of any member, or sanction of those of others, national branch abandoned the Basis in 1854 and sub-
on the points wherein they differ, is either required or stituted for it a wider form of a Unitarian character,
expected ; but that all are held free as before to main- The Alliance meets and acts as a whole only in the
tarn and advocate their religious convictions, with due international and general conferences, which are held
forbearance and brotherly love. It is not contem- from time to time. The first of these was held in Lon-
plated that the Alliance should assume or aim at the don, 1851, and has been succeeded by others as follows:
character of a new ecclesiastical organization, claiming Paris, 1855 ; Berlin, 1857 ; Geneva, 1861 ; Amsterdam,
and exercising the functions of a Christian Church. Its 1867; New York, 1873; Basle, 1879; Copenhagen,
simple and comprehensive object, it is strongly felt, may 1884; Florence, 1891; London, 1896 (Celebration of
be successfully promoted without interfering with, or the Jubilee) ; London, 1907, on which occasion the
disturbing the order of, any branch of the Christian Diamond Jubilee of the Alliance was celebrated.
Church to which its members may respectively belong." These international conventions are regarded as of
The Alliance thus layB claim to no doctrinal or legis- special value in the promotion of the aims of the Alli-
lative authority. In a pamphlet issued by the society ance. Another matter to which much importance is
itself this feature is thus explained: "Then it is an attached is the annual "Universal Week of Prayer",
Alliance — not a union of Church organizations, much observed the first complete week in January of each
less an attempt to secure an outward uniformity — but year since 1846. At this time the Alliance invites all
the members of the Alliance are allies: they belong to Christians to join in prayer, the programme being pre-
different ecclesiastical bodies — yet all of the One pared by representatives of aU denominations and
Church. They are of different nations as well as of printed in many different languages. The relief of
many denominations — yet all holding the Head, Christ persecuted Christians is another department of work
Jesus. Unum corpus sumusinChristo. We are one body in which the Alliance claims to have " " *
'v.k-.UMnm;mv"f
in Christ — banded together for common purposes, and much good. Finally, in 1905, the Alliance Bible
to manifest the real unity which underlies our great School was founded with headauarters at Berlin, un-
variety. We are all free to hold our own views in regard der the direction of Pastor Kdnler and Herr Warns,
to subsidiary matters, but all adhere to the cardinal " to place before the students the history and doctrine
principles of the Alliance as set forth in its Basis." of the Bible in accordance with its own teaching".
The Alliance arose at a time when the idea of unity The reports of the conferences claim considerable suc-
was much before men's minds. During the years that cess for these various works, a claim which cannot here
witnessed the beginning of the Oxford Movement in be investigated. From its principles the Evangelical
the Church of England, there progressed a movement Alliance is necessarily opposed to the doctrine and au-
in favour of union among men whose sympathies were thority of the Catholic Church; and Catholics, while
diametrically opposed to those of the Tractarians, but sympathizing with the desire for union among Chris-
who in their own way longed for a healing of the divi- tians, realize that the unity by which we are made one
sions and differences among Christians. In 1842 the in Christ is not to be won by such methods. The
Presbyterian Church of Scotland tried, though without motto of the Alliance is Unum corpus sumus in
success, to establish relations with other Protestant Christo.
bodies. In England the progress of the Tractarian t Tip Evangelical Alliance (London, 1847) and other reports of
Movement led Sany distingjShed I Evangelical Non- M«^^&^)^^B^?^f»rt
conformists to desire a great confederation of men of DicU de thiol, oath., s. v. Alliance; The Evangelical Alliance: il§
all Churches who Were loyal in their attachment to Bm,Hi»ton and Aims (U>ndontB.±); Maintaining the Unity:
Evangelical Protestantism in order to defend the faith *"*«**»<» <* ***<"»* International Confren^^onjfioi).
of the Reformation" (Dale, History of Eng. Congrega- ^DWIN WURT0N-
tionalism, 637). At the annual assembly of the Con- Evangelical Church (in Prussia). — The six-
gregational Union held in London, May, 1842, John teen th-century Reformers accused the Catholic Church
Angell James (1785-1859), minister of Craven Chapel, of having adulterated the primitive purity of the
Bayswater, London, proposed the scheme that ulti- Gospel by the admixture of un-Scriptural doctrines
mately developed into the Evangelical Alliance. He and practices; consequently they designated them-
asked: " Is it not in the power of this Union to bring selves as " Evangelicals", .or followers of the pure
about by God's blessing, a Protestant Evangelical Evangel, in contradistinction to the un-evangelical
Union of the whole body of Christ's faithful followers followers of Roman traditions and institutions. Al-
who have at any rate adopted the voluntary princi- most from the beginning the new Evangelical Church
pie? . . . Let us only carry out the principle of a was split, first into two communions, the Lutheran
great Protestant Union and we may yet have repre- and the Reformed, then into a multitude of sects
sentatives from all bodies of Protestant Christians to which baffles the skill of statisticians. The cleavage
be found within the circle of our own United Empire" arose through differences in the doctrine of Christ's
(Congregational Magazine, 1842, 435-6). The first presence in the Holy Eucharist. Luther taught the act-
definite step towards this was taken by Mr. Patton, ual bodily presence of Christ in and with the elements,
an American minister, who proposed a general confer- though denying Transubstantiation. Zwingli and the
ence of delegates from various bodies, with the result Swiss Reformers admitted only His spiritual presence,
that a preliminary meeting was held at Liverpool in The Lutheran and the Reformed Churches form the two
October, 1845, at which the basis of such a conference great branches of Evangelical Protestantism to which
was arranged. On 19 Aug., 1846, at a meeting of all the other divisions of Protestants are subordinate.
eight hundred delegates, representing fifty denomina- The evangelical section of the Anglican Church stands
tions, held in the Freemasons' Hall. London, the Evan- midway between the High Church and the Latitu-
gelical Alliance was founded. All who would accept dinarian Low Church. As a proper name with strictly
the Basis were eligible as members, and the represen- limited meanmg the designation^ Evangelical Church^'
tatives of the various nations were recommended to applies to a branch of the Protestant Church in Ger-
form national organizations or branches, of which the many^formed in 1817 at the instance of Kins Fred-
British Organization, formed in 1846, was the first, erick William III of Prussia, by a union of the Lu-
These organizations were independent of one another theran and the Reformed Churches,
and were' at liberty to carry on their work in such a History. — At the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
manner as should be most in accordance with the pecu- tury religious life in Germany was at a low ebb. The
liar circumstances of each district. They have been Rationalism and Illuminism of the eighteenth century,
formed in the United States, Germany, France, Swit- openly encouraged by King Frederick II (the Great),
serland, Holland, Sweden, Italy, Turkey, Australia, had told severely on the supernatural life of the coun-
EVANGELICAL
643
EVANGELICAL
try, especially among the Protestants. The a rights
of man'* proclaimed and ruthlessly carried out by the
French Revolutionists, had found a welcome beyond
the Rhine and well nigh superseded the rights of God.
Luther and Calvin, whilst casting off the authority of
the Church, had still bowed to that of the Bible, and
their followers adhered to several "Confessions of
Faith" as binding on their conscience. These formulas
were now overthrown as inimical to the rights of free
inquiry, as the work of men little versed in exegesis and
history, as unscientific and un-Protestant. Religious
life, thus deprived of its sap, was rapidly withering
away. Indifference and infidelity obliterated the
differences among Protestant communities and threat-
ened for a time to sweep away Christianity itself.
The Prussian State, owing its origin, growth, and
importance to Protestantism, was not sympathetic to
its Catholic subjects. The Rhine Province, Westphalia,
and the Polish provinces were ever ready to manifest
their affection tor the Catholic rulers of Austria and
even of France. The House of Hohenzollern was Cal-
vinist, the majority of the nation was Lutheran.
Frederick William III, King of Prussia (4797-1840),
undertook to strengthen his rule and his country by
building up a united religion together with a powerful
army, efficient schools, and a flourishing trade. As
early as 1798 he had expressed the hope of uniting the
Reformed and the Lutheran Churches by means of
a common " Agenda", or ritual. He matured the idea
on his visit to England in 1814, and made the first
arrangement for a union and a new liturgy in St.
James's Palace in London. It was proposed to cele-
brate in Germany the third centennial jubilee of the
Reformation, and in anticipation of this festival he
issued on 27 Sept., 1817, the memorable declaration
that it was the royal wish to unite the separate Luth-
eran and Reformed Confessions in his dominions into
one Evangelical Christian Church, and that he would
set an example in his own congregation at Potsdam
by joining in a united celebration of the Lord's Supper
at the approaching festival of the Reformation. It
was not intended to fuse the Reformed Church into
the Lutheran, or vice- versa, but to establish one Evan-
gelical Church, quickened with the spirit of the Refor-
mation. The epithet " Protestant" was avoided as too
partisan; prominence was given to the vague term
evangelical; Lutherans and Calvinists, whilst main-
taining their own specific doctrines, were to form a
single church under a single government and to pre-
sent a united front to the Catholic Church.
The execution of the royal plan was entrusted to the
provincial consistories, 'synods, and clergy generally.
The Synod of Berlin and nearly all the clergy and laity
of Prussia responded cordially to the decree. External
union, facilitated by the prevailing religious indiffer-
ence, was adopted in Nassau and in the Khenish Pala-
tinate (1818), in Baden (1821), in Rhenish Hesse
(1822), in Wurtemberg (1827). But Saxony, Hanover,
and Bavaria proper were too exclusively Lutheran,
while Switzerland was too exclusively Reformed to
join the Evangelical Church, and the Austrian Protes-
tants also divided their allegiance between the Hel-
vetic and the Augsburg Confessions. Instead of the
former two Protestant bodies in Germany, there were
now three: the Reformed Church, the Lutheran, and
the united Evangelical. The Reformed was the weak-
est in numbers; and in doctrine its sole distinctive
tenet was the rejection of Luther's teaching concern-
ing the Eucharist. Neither was the Lutheran flourish-
ing ; true Lutheranism existed only in the pious aspira-
tions of a few theologians, pastors, and jurists. A
union without a uniform confession and liturgy is but
a loose mass, unworthy to be called a church. Freder-
ick William, therefore, attempted to consolidate his
Evangelical Church by giving it a common liturgy
composed by himself with the assistance of the court
chaplains and a pious layman. This "Agenda" was
made obligatory by royal order for the royal chapel, the
cathedral of Berlin, and for the army; its general
adoption was only recommended. It met with deter-
mined opposition as a measure oppressive of evangeli-
cal freedom, antiquated, leaning to "Romanian"
practices, unsettling men's consciences. None the
less, by 1825 it had been adopted by 5343 churches out
of 7782. The Protestant bishops Evlert and Neander
in Berlin were in favour of it ana of the measures taken
to enforce it. In 1828-29 the "Agenda" was issued
in a revised form and made binding on all Protestant
churches, some concessions being granted to Silesia,
Saxony, Pomerania, and other parts of the kingdom, in
deference to provincial uses. The Lutherans, fearing
the loss of their confessional status, offered increased
resistance. But the king was inexorable. Dr. Scheibel,
professor in Breslau, and others of the Lutheran clergy
who had refused to accept the new liturgy, were sus-
pended from their offices. For several years a fierce
persecution raged against the "Old Lutherans", espe-
cially in Silesia and the Grand Duchy of Posen.
Preacher Hahn headed the troops which were sent to
subdue the recusant villagers by seizure of their goods,
imprisonment, and all manner of violence. Minister
von Altenstein justified these measures on the prin-
ciple that it was the Government's duty to protect
these blind sectarians against the consequences of
their own folly. Thousands of the recusants were
driven to emigrate to America and Australia. Not a
voice was raised in their defence; the whole Liberal
Sress lauded the energy of the Prussian Government.
y a royal decree of 28 Feb., 1834, all Lutheran wor-
ship was declared illegal.
Frederick William III ruled his Church as summits
episcopus, as a pope without a fixed deposit of faith to
guard, or a hierarchy Divinely ordained to co-operate
with him. The result was arbitrariness in the rule,
disorganization in the ruled. The king's first royal
decrees aimed at the conciliation of religion with the
prevailing rationalistic philosophy, but the misfor-
tunes of the year 1806 and the death of his beloved
consort turned his mind more and more to the religion
of revelation and mysteries. Considering himself the *
protector and leader of the Church in Germany he en-
deavoured to raise it from degradation by forcing
unity upon it with a strong hand ; unity not m dogma,
for he disliked theologians "who pretend to be more
Christian than Christ", but in liturgy, wherein his
sincere piety found sufficient satisfaction. In 1831
he surprised Superintendent Eylert with an essay on
the power of the keys and the binding and loosing
power in the Church; it contained an attempt to re-
introduce auricular confession and the old church dis-
cipline. All his efforts, however, only ended in
greater division. At his death, in 1840, the Church of
his creation was still a chaos of warring sects, irre-
sponsive to the brooding of the royal mind and restive
to the royal arm.
Frederick William IV immediately set free the im-
prisoned Lutheran clergy and allowed the formation
of separate congregations. The Old Lutherans now
founded a "separate Lutheran Church" at Breslau
under the direction of the lawyer Huschke. By the
"general concession" of 1845 they were recognized as
Dissenters with legal status but without pecuniary
support from the State. The new sect was, however,
wanting in union and cohesion: Diedrich opposed
Huschke and the OberkirchencoUegium (supreme ec-
clesiastical council); frictions among members were
of frequent occurrence. But few of the discontented
clergymen had left the established Evangelical
Church to join the Old Lutherans; the majority re-
mained at their posts for various reasons: within the
Union they had a better opportunity for working its
destruction than without; they were unwilling to
sacrifice their incomes from the State and consequent
independence from the financial support of their pa-
EVANGELICAL
644
EVANGELICAL
rlshioners ; they feared, in many cases, to be altogether
abandoned by indifferent congregations. The de-
fenders of the union argued that its disruption would
produce at least five particular churches at war with
one another and powerless to withstand the inroads of
the Catholic Church; that the union was a Prussian
achievement to.be supported by all true lovers of
Prussia. The theologians of the Union demanded a
conaensua-synibolum, an ordination formula in which
the consensus of the two Churches was to be contained
without depriving the individual congregation of the
right of giving a call on the ground of the particular
confession" (Gardner, I, 967); others were satisfied
with a confederation professing no formulated creed
and resting solely on unfettered science. The trend
of religious thought during this period, the middle of
the nineteenth century, followed the impulse given by
the king. Frederick William IV 's motto was: "land
my house intend to serve the Lord ' \ He was piously,
even pietistically, inclined, hated infidelity and pan-
theism, cherished the Divine right of kings, and loved
to dream of ancient institutions in Church and State.
In a short time the Prussian universities, and in their
wake the other German universities, except Giessen
and Jena, became centres of positive beliefs and ten-
dencies. The king favoured men of his own thinking
and made known his dislike to transfer the arduous
duties of his "supreme episcopate" to free parishes
formed on the apostolic model. Theological teaching
in schools and press, although starting from the same
positive creeds, diverged in two different streams.
On the one side there were the*partisans of a via media,
endeavouring to find the golden mean between the
Lutheran Confession of Faith and the Rationalism of
the period. On the other side stood the Neo-Luther-
ans. These theologians held to Luther's doctrine on
justification but rejected his invisible Church and uni-
versal priesthood ; they defended a Divinely ordained
hierarchy, and their teaching on sacrifice, orders, and
sacraments nearly approached the Roman. This cur-
rent runs parallel with Puseyism in England; Heng-
stenberg (d. 1869) was its main support.
The General Synod of Berlin (2 June-29 Aug.,
1846) had {riven rise to great hopes for the consolida-
tion of the Union. It was resolved that the National
Evangelical Church should have no other basis thanv
the "consensus"; that the parish councils (Gemeinde-
Preabyterien) and consistories be amalgamated so
that clergy and laity might work together; that a
standing general synod be added to the standing su-
preme consistory (Oberconsist&rium). The crucial
task of the synod was to find an acceptable formula of
consensus. Karl Immanuel Nitzsch, of Bonn, set up
a profession of faith intended to take the place of the
reformed formularies: it consisted of vague Biblical
texts into which both Lutherans and Reformed might
easily read their particular doctrines or no particular
doctrine at all. The synod accepted the formula.
But the country received it with scorn and contempt,
and it was rejected by everyone. Hengstenberg in
his " Kirchenzeitung" branded the synod as a Robber
Synod, a denial of Christ; its decrees were not to be
executed, because they failed to give expression to
"the general Protestant consciousness". The con-
sensus only served to increase existing dissensions.
The most vital questions divided the leading minds:
Was the territorial ruler by right the summus episcopus
within his territory? Was it advisable to impose an
evangelical church discipline, and if so, which? What
part was to be conceded to laymen in the ministry of
the Word and of the sacraments?
The very sterility of controversy turned some prac-
tical men from words to works: the "Inner Mission'1
was originated (1848) by Wicheren, the founder of the
Hamburg Ravhes HauB (properly Rule's House, from
the name of its former occupant), an institution which
covers almost the whole field of Christian charity.
The preacher Fliedner (d. 1864) instituted the order
of Protestant deaconesses, an imitation of the Catho-
lic Sisters of Charity in the main objects of their life.
Court preacher Zimmermann of Darmstadt founded
the Gustav-Adolfs-Verein (1841-2), a union whose
avowed primary object is to support the evangelical
missions in outlying districts (the Diaspora), its sec-
ondary object being to bind together all Protestants
regardless of denominational differences, and to op-
pose a solid bulwark to the encroachments of Catho-
licism. The secondary object caused a split in the
Union. At the general assembly in Berlin (1846) the
Konigsberg preacher Rupp, who had been deprived of
his office for breaking away from the Protestant form-
ularies and from the national Church, presented
himself as a deputy. On the question of his admission
as such the assembly disagreed: Rupp was, however,
excluded by a small majority, a distinct breach of the
principles of the Union. The meeting of 1847 resolved
that henceforth the Union should direct its main
efforts to the "conversion of the Roman Catholics", a
resolution to which it has remained faithful to this day.
The short-lived movement of the "Protestant
Friends", or " Friends of Light ". was started in oppo-
sition to pietistic orthodoxy which threatened free-
dom in teaching. Article & of the programme which
they issued from the Moravian settlement at Gna-
denau, in 1841, runs: " We hold it to be our right and
our duty to submit to the test of our reason whatever
is set before us as religion." Ulich, a simple-minded
man who had the gift of popular preaching, and
Pastor Wislicenus, a downright Rationalist, were the
soul of this movement. The Berlin magistrates pre-
sented to King Frederick William IV an address con-
ceived in the spirit of the Protestant Friends. They
entreated him to grant the Church a free constitution
in keeping with the needs of the time, and freedom
of teaching limited only by public morality and the
safety of the State. The king in person received his
theological municipality, who paraded in fourteen
state coaches before the royal castle. His pietism was
ruffled by the pretensions of the town councillors; in
language not overgracious he told them to mind their
own business. This happened 22 August, 1845; it
marks the end of the Protestant Friends but also the
beginning of the "Free Communities" (Freie Gemein-
den). As formerly the right wing of the Union had se-
ceded to form Neo-Lutheran communities, so now the
left wing withdrew to form dissenting rationalistic
congregations. Their meetings were prohibited, but
Rupp, Ulich, and Wislicenus resisted until by royal
decree of 30 March, 1847, the new dissenters were
allowed to separate from the Established Church with-
out the loss of their civil rights; yet not without many
vexatious formalities and expenses. The Free Com-
munities, wanting internal cohesion to resist the royal
disfavour and the ceaseless assaults of the dominant
pietist clique, came to a speedy end.
The wave of liberal aspirations which rolled over
Europe in 1848 left its mark on the Churches in Prus-
sia. Paragraph 15 of the new Constitution read: " The
Evangelical, and the Roman Catholic Church, and
every other religious society, orders and manages its
own affairs independently (aelbstatdndig) . " The Catho-
lics had the benefit of this law until the beginning
of the Kulturkampf , but among the Protestants, the
ruling orthodox pietists, led by Hengstenberg, were
determined that no freedom should be given to
any other party. They evaded the law by a new
theory, vis. the king, being the pr&cipuum membrum
ecclesKB, i. e. the chief member of the Church, rules it
by an inherent right which no law can take from him ;
in fact Par. 15 makes the territorial lord quite indepen-
dent of all State interference with his management of
his own Church. The king himself did not favour this
extraordinary doctrine. "Do I look like a bishop?"
he said, pointing to his uniform and spurs. Hir ideal
9
EVANGELICAL
645
EVANGELIST
was "the small independent Christian community
managing its own affairs in the spirit of the universal
Church" as in the days of the Apostles. The ideal of
his minister von Raumer and of Hengstenberg was to
train Prussian Unterthanenvertiand, 1. e. a mentality
fit for people under strict authority: believe in Luther,
obey the King, and ask no questions. The alliance of
politics, Lutheran orthodoxy and pietism, royal cabi-
net-orders and counter-orders, general unsettledness
and discontent, and five authonzed churches instead
of one — such was the result of the Union of 1817 in
the fourth decade of its existence. Many attempts at
a more real and more general union were made on the
basis of practical charity, federation, opposition to
Catholicism; church conferences were held in Berlin,
Wittenberg, Eisenach, and elsewhere; the Gustav-
Adolf- Verein and the Inner Mission were founded ; the
English Evangelical Alliance was invited to Berlin
(1857). The result was greater discord and disruption.
William I, who as Regent, King of Prussia, and Ger-
man Emperor reigned from 1858 to 1888, was an
honest, single-minded, and industrious ruler. He had
little sympathy with the Constitution and none at all
with Hengstenberg's agitation for enforcing Lutheran
orthodoxy. He maintained the Constitution as the
law of the land. But of the orthodox party he said in
an address to his newly constituted ministry: ". . .In
both Churches [Catholic and Protestant] all endeav-
ours to make religion a cloak for politics must be
strenuously opposed. In the Evangelical Church — we
cannot deny it— an orthodoxy has found a footing
which is in contradiction with the fundamental idea
of the Union, and which has hypocrites in its train.
That orthodoxy has impeded the work of the Union,
has almost wrecked it. Now it is my will that the
Union be maintained intact ..." Until 1866, how-
ever, little was done to carry out William's programme;
it was impossible and unadvisable to dismiss all the
clerical office-bearers and professors appointed for
their opinions during the last eighteen years. The
new minister of worship, vdn Muehler, was dominated
by Queen Augusta, a highly educated woman devoted
to orthodoxy, who suggested candidates for higher
positions and insisted on their appointment (Hase.
Neue Kircheng., 305). By her stood Hengstenberg ana
Hoffman, a fanatical Swabian. Together they worked
for the preservation of the old regime. The Liberal
party meanwhile found a common centre and a driv-
ing power in the Protestantenverein (Protestant Union),
founded in 1863 at Frankfort-on-the-Main with the
object of defeating both Protestant and Catholic or-
thodoxy. It spread at first but slowly, as it found
little support among the still faithful masses and met
with open hostility among the ruling classes. In 1906
it numbered 27,000 members.
After the war with Austria (1866) the acquisition
of new territories laid upon William I the task of again
regulating the religious situation of his kingdom. The
Hengstenberg party proposed a measure which would
have dealt the death-blow to the Union, viz. to divide
the Supreme Church Council into three senates: a
Lutheran, a Reformed, and a United, each with cir-
cumscribed territorial jurisdiction. But the Supreme
Council refused to take this step and persuaded the
king to leave to the new provinces their existing
church constitutions as long as they chose to main-
tain them. This was done. To a deputation from the
Hanover Consistory William I expressed his convic-
tion that " the Evangelical Union was best furthered
by free and unprejudiced hearts working towards
unity in charity. ' The slight difficulties which arose
locally, e. g. in Hesse, were probably due as much to
political as to religious sentiments. The political unity
of Germany achieved through the Franco-German
War (1870^71) naturally aroused a strong desire for
religious unity in the new empire. Bismarck started
the Kulturkampf to bring the Catholics into line
with the Protestant majority, but had to acknowledge
himself vanquished in 1886. For the unification
of the Protestants in the empire only one way was
open: to abolish legal pressure and to allow the vari-
ous religious bodies to work out their own salvation in
their own way. The emperor, however, was loath to
dismiss at once the ministers and officials who had so
faithfully stood by him in the war; von Muehler re-
tained his post and Empress Augusta her influence;
the old system continued for a while with but slight
concessions to liberty. The relation between the State
and the Evangelical Church was finally fixed by the
laws of 10 Sept., 1873, and 30 May, 1876. At the
head of the wnole organization stands the Supreme
Ecclesiastical Council (Oberkirchenrat) in Berlin, con-
sisting of twelve regular members, one ecclesiastical
vice-president, and a lay president. Under this coun-
cil are eight provincial consistories, K6nigsberg, Ber-
lin. Stettin, Breslau, Posen, Magdeburg, Munster, and
Coblenz ; and under them the superintendents num-
bering 415. In the Evangelical State Church the two
types of Protestantism are united ; no distinction is
made between Lutheran and Reformed either in the
theological faculties or in the seminaries. Luther's
Bible is in common use, the various collections of hymns
have no denominational character. The emperor, or
King of Prussia, is summus episcopus, which, however, is
a title rather than an office. In matters of faith the royal
pronouncements neither claim, »or are they credited
with, infallibility ; and matters of administration are left
to the councils and consistories elected by the people.
The doctrinal status of the United Evangelical
Church in Germany may be fitly described as Modern-
ism in the sense of the Encyclical "Pascendi". The
simple country folk, who practise more than they
think, still follow the religion of older generations, but
the socialist masses of the towns are either indifferent
or openly hostile to all supernatural religion. Owing
to the principle sanctioned in 1648 " that all the sub-
jects must follow the religion of their ruler" the popu-
lation, from a religious point of view, is less mixed in
Germany than in England or America. Numerically,
the two confessions are in the same proportion as they
were 300 years ago: two Protestants to one Catholic.
Conversions from one religion to the other almost bal-
ance with a slight excess in favour of Protestantism.
This is entirely due to mixed marriages and temporal
allurements. The efforts of proselytizing societies,
such as the Gustav - Adolf -Verein. the Protestant
and the Evangelical Unions, show out poor results.
Statistics from the census of 1900 are as follows:
Evangelical Church in Prussia: 8158 parishes with
17,246 churches, etc., 10,071 clergy, and 21,817,577
adherents against 12,110,229 Catholics, which gives
the proportion of 5 Catholics to 9 Protestants. For
the whole German Empire the proportion is 7 Catho-
lics to 12 Protestants, i. e. 20,321,441 to 35,231,104.
No English work deals exhaustively with the subject. Ger-
man sources: — Foerster, Die Entatehung der preuaaiachen
Landeakirche unler.der Regierunq Friedrich WUheltn III, nach
den Quellen (Tubingen, 1905-07): von Hash, Geach. der prot.
Kirche im 19. Johrh. (Leipzig, 1802), 290-308; Heroenrother,
Kirchengeach. (Freiburg, 1886), III, 910 sqq.: DOlunokr,
Kirche u. Kitchen, 422 sqq.; tr. MacCabe (London, 1862).
J. WlLHELM.
Evangelical Counsels. See Counseia, Evangel-
ical.
Evangelist. — In the New Testament this word, in
its substantive form, occurs only three times: Acts,
xxi, 8 ; Eph., iv, 1 1 ; II Tim., iv, 5. It seems to indicate
not so much an order in the early ecclesiastical hier-
archy as a function. The Apostles, indeed, were evan-
gelists, inasmuch as they preached the Gospel (Acts,
viii, 25; xiv, 20; I Cor., i, 17) ; Philip likewise was both
a deacon (Acts, vi, 5) and an evangelist (Acts, viii,
4-5; 40; xxi, 8); in like manner was St. Timothy ex-
horted by St. Paul to do the work of an evangelist
(II Tim., iv, 5).
IVANOILISTARITTM
646
XVI
From the various statements contained in the New
Testament, we may gather with some probability that
evangelists were travelling missionaries, occasionally
solemnly set apart, as seems to have been the case witn
Sts. Paul and Barnabas (Acts, xiii, 1-3), to go about
and preach the Gospel, yet sometimes with a settled
place of abode, as Pnilip at Csesarea, and Timothy at
Ephesus. * They were endowed with a special charisma
to preach to those unacquainted with the Christian
Faith and pave the way tor the more thorough and
systematic work of the pastors and teachers. But
their office, as such, seems to have extended no fur-
ther; so, for instance, we understand from Acts, viii,
4 sqq.y that Philip, who preached successfully in Sa-
maria and baptized many, was not qualified to impart
the Holy Ghost to the converts (verse 14). Accord-
ingly, St. Paul, in his list of the gifts bestowed by
Christ for the edification of the Church, Eph., iv, 11
(in I Cor., xii, 28, they are omitted), mentions the
evangelists in the third place, only after the Apostles
and the Prophets. In the writings of the Apostolic
Fathers, no reference is made to evangelists; travelling
missionaries are sometimes called "apostles", some-
times also, as in the Didache, they are styled " teachers".
In the later ecclesiastical literature the word
evangelist, perhaps sporadically still used for some
time in its old sense (Euseb., Hist. Eccl., V, x), re-
ceived, in most parts of the Church, another meaning.
Applied occasionally to the reader in the Liturgy
(Apost. Const., Ill), even to the deacon (Lit. of St.
John Chrysost., P. G., LXIII, 910), it became gradually
confined to the writers of the Four Gospels (Euseb.,
Hist. Eccl., III,xxxix, etc.). It is exclusively in this
sense that common modern parlance employs it.
As early as the second century, Christian writers
sought in Ezechiel's vision (i, 5 sqq.) and in Apoc. (iv, 6-
10) symbolical representations of the Four Evangelists.
The system, whicn finallyprevailed in the Latin Cnurch,
consisted in symbolizing St . Matthew by a man, St .Mark
by a lion, St. Luke by an ox, and St. John by an eagle
(see Symbolism). It is fully explained by St. Jerome
(In Ezech., i, 7), and had been adopted by St. Ambrose
(Expos. Ev. S. Luc, Procem.), St. Gregory the Great
(In Ezech., Horn.. I, iv, 1), and others. St. Irenaeus,
on the one hand, and Augustine, followed by the
Venerable Bede, on the other, had devised different
combinations. Christian artists followed in the foot-
steps of the ecclesiastical writers, and made use, in
different manners, of the four traditional figures to
represent the Evangelists. Among the most remark-
able works of this description it will suffice here to
mention only the old mosaics of the churches of S.
Pudentiana, S. Sabina, S. Maria Maggiore, and S. Paolo
fuori le Mura, at Rome.
Brudebs, Die Verfaaaung der Kirche (Maim, 1904); Har-,
nack., Miaeion und Auabreitung dee Chriatentuma (Leipzig
1902; ZdcKLER, Diokonen und Evangeliaten (Munich, 1893);
Patrick in Hast., Diet, of Christ and the Qoepela (New York,
1906). 549-60; Kraus, Evangeliaten u. Evangeliatiehe Zeichen
in ReaUncyc. (Freiburg, 1882), I, 458-63.
Charles L. Souvat.
Evaiigeliataxiiun. See Evangeuarium.
EvaristuB, Saint, Pope, date of birth unknown;
d. about 107. In the Liberian Catalogue his name is
given as Aristus. In papal catalogues of the second
century used by Irenseus and Hippolytus, he appears
as the fourth successor of St. Peter, immediately after
St. Clement. The same lists allow him eight years of
reign, covering the end of the first and the beginning
of the second century (from about 98 or 99 to about 106
or 107). The earliest historical sources offer no
authentic data about him. In his "Ecclesiastical
History" Eusebius says merely that he succeeded
Clement in the episcopate of the Roman Church,
which fact was already known from St. Iremeus.
This order of succession is undoubtedly correct.
The "Liber Pontifical is " says that Evanstus came
of a Hellenic family, and was the son of a Bethlehem
Jew. It also attributes to him the allotment of
definite churches as tituli to the Roman presbyters,
and the division of the city into seven dvaconxas or
deaconries; in this statement, however, the "Liber
Pontificalia" arbitrarily refers to the time of Evaristus
a later institution of the Roman Church. More trust-
worthy is the assertion of the "Liber Pontificalia"
that he was laid to rest in Vaticano, near the tomb
of St. Peter. The martyrdom of Evaristus, though
traditional, is not historically proven. His feast oc-
curs 26 Oct. The two decretals ascribed to him by
Pseudo-Isidore are forged.
Acta 88., Oct.. XI. 799 sq.; Liber Pontificalia, ed. Duchesne
(Paris, 1886), 1, 126: Duchesne, Hist. Aneiannedel'Egliae (Paris,
1908), I; Jaffe, Regeata Rom. Pont., 2nd ed., I, 4; Har-
nack, Qeachichte der oltehriatliehen Literotur (LeipaiR, 1893), 11 :
Die Chronologie, 1, 144 sq.; Zeitachrift fur katholiache Theologie,
XXIX (19035, 168 sq. J. P. KlRSCH.
•
Eve (Heb. mn, hawwah). — The name of the first
woman, the wife of Adam, the mother of Cain, Abel,
and Seth. The name occurs only five times in the
Bible. In Gen., iii, 20, it is connected etymofogically
with the verb iTn or mn, " to live " : " And Adam called
the name of his wife Eve [rnn; hawwahV. because she
was the mother of all the living ". The Septuagint
rendering in this passage is Z<*i} (=life, or life-giver),
which is a translation; in two other passages (Gen., iv.
1 and 25) the name is transliterated Efa. The Biblical
data concerning Eve are confined almost exclusively
to the second, third, and fourth chapters of Genesis
(see Adam).
The first account of the creation (Gen. i, " P ") sets
forth the creation of mankind in general, and states
simply that Jbhey were created male and female. The
second narrative (Gen.,ii, "J") is more explicit and
detailed. God is represented as forming an individual
man from the slime of the earth, and breathing into
his nostrils the breath of life. In like manner the
creation of the first woman and her relation to man is
described with picturesque and significant imagery.
In this account, in which the plants and animals ap-
pear on the scene only after the creation of man, the
loneliness of the latter (Gen., ii, 18), and his failure to
find a suitable companion among the animals (Gen., ii,
20), are set forth as the reason wny God determines to
create for man a companion like unto himself. He
causes a deep sleep to fall upon him, and taking out
one of his ribs, forms it into a woman, who, when she
is brought to him, is recognized at once as bone of his
bone and flesh of his flesh. A discussion of the argu-
ments in favor of the historical, or the more or less alle-
gorical character of this narrative would be beyond
the scope of the present notice. Suffice it to say that
the biblical account has always been looked upon by
pious commentators as embodying, besides the fact of
man's origin, a deep, practical and many-sided signifi-
cance, bearing on the mutual relationship established
between the sexes by the Creator.
Thus, the primitive institution of monogamy is im-
plied in the fact that one woman is created for one
man. Eve, as well as Adam, is made the object of a
special creative act, a circumstance which indicates
her natural equality with him, while on the other hand
her being taken from his side implies not only her sec-
ondary role in the conjugal state (I Cor., xi, 9), but also
emphasises the intimate union between husband and
wife, and the dependence of the latter on the former
" Wherefore a man shall leave father and mother, and
shall cleave to his wife: and they shall be two in one
flesh." The innocence of the newly created couple is
clearly indicated in the following verse, but the narra-
tor immediately proceeds to relate how they soon ac-
quired, through actual transgression, the knowledge
of good and evil, and with it the sense of shame which
had been previously unknown to them. In the story
of the Fall, the original cause of evil is the serpent.
BV1
647
EVX
which in later Jewish tradition is identified with Satan
(Wisdom, ii, 24). He tempts Eve presumably as the
weaker of the two, and she in turn tempts Adam, who
yields to her seduction. Immediately their eyes are
opened, but in an unexpected manner. Shame and
remorse take possession of them, and they seek to hide
from the face of the Lord.
For her share in the transgression, Eve (and woman-
kind after her) is sentenced to a life of sorrow and tra-
vail, and to be under the power of her husband.
Doubtless this last did not imply that the woman's es-
sential condition of equality witn man was altered; but
the sentence expresses what, in the nature of things,
was bound to follow in a world dominated by sin and
its consequences. The natural dependence and sub-
jection of the weaker party was destined inevitably to
become something little short of slavery. But if
woman was the occasion of man's transgression and
fall, it was also decreed in the Divine counsels, that she
was to be instrumental in the scheme of restoration
which God already promises while in the act of pro-
nouncing sentence upon the serpent. The woman has
suffered defeat, ana infinitely painful are its conse-
quences, but henceforth there will be enmity between
her and the serpent, between his seed and her seed,
until through the latter in the person of the future Re-
deemer, who will crush the serpent's head, she will
again be victorious.
^ Of the subsequent history of Eve the Bible gives
little information. In Gen., iv, 1, we read that she
bore a son whom she named Cain, because she got him
(rup — to acquire, possess) through God — this at least
is the most plausible interpretation of this obscure
passage. Later she gave birth to Abel, and the narra-
tive does not record the birth of another child until
after the slaying of Abel by his elder brother, when she
bore a son and. called his name Seth; saving: "God
hath given me [fp& — put or appoint] another seed, for
Abel whom Cain slew". Of daughters no specific
mention is made in this account, but in Gen., v, 4 ("P")
we find the general statement that "the days of Adam,
after he begot Seth, were eight hundred years: and he
begot sons and daughters .
Eve is mentioned in the Book of Tobias (viii, 8;
Sept.,-viii, 6) where it is simply affirmed that she was
given to Adam for a helper; in II Cor., xi, 3, where
reference is made to her seduction by the serpent, and
in I Tim., ii, 13, where the Apostle enjoins submission
and silence upon women, arguing that "Adam was
first formed; then Eve. Ana Adam was not seduced,
but the woman being seduced, was in the transgres-
sion".
As in the case of the other Old Testament person-
ages, many rabbinical legends have been connected
with the name of Eve. They may be found in the
"Jewish Encyclopedia", s. v. (see also, Adam), and
in Vigouroux, " Dictionnaire de la Bible", I, art.
"Adam". They are, for the most part, puerile and
fantastic, and devoid of historical value, unless in so
far as they serve to illustrate the mentality of the
later Jewish writers, and the unreliability of the
"traditions" derived from such sources, though they*
are sometimes appealed to in critical discussions.
Palis in Vioouboux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, II, 2118: B»n-
nstt in Hastings, Diet, of the Bible, s. v. ; Encyclopedia Biblica.
s. v. Adam and Eve; Qioot, Special Introduction to the Study of
the Old Testament, Part I, p. 162; Jewieh Encyclopedia, s. v., V,
275. #
James F. Driscoll.
Eve of a Feast (or Vigil: Lat. ViaUia; Gr. varwvxh) .
— In the first ages, during the night before every feast,
a vial was kept. In the evening the faithful assem-
bled in thej>lace or church where the feast was to be
celebrated and prepared themselves by prayers, read-
ings from Holy Writ (now the Offices of Vespers and
Matins), and sometimes also by hearing a sermon. On
such occasions, as on fast days in general, Mass also
was celebrated in the evening, before the Vespers of
the following day. Towards morning the people dis-
persed to .the streets and houses near the church, to
wait for the solemn services of the forenoon. This
vigil was a regular institution of Christian life and was
defended and highly recommended by St. Augustine
and St. Jerome (see Pleithner, Aeltere Geschicnte des
Breviergebetes, pp. 223 sq.). The morning intermis-
sion gave rise to grave abuses; the people caroused and
danced in the streets and halls around the church
(Durandus, " Rat. Div. off.", VI, 7). St. Jerome speaks
of these improprieties (Epist. ad Ripuarium).
As the feasts multiplied, the number of vigils was
greatly reduced. But the abuses could be stopped
only by abolishing the vigils. And where they could
not be abrogated at once and entirely they were to
begin in the afternoon. A synod held at Rouen in 1231
prohibited all vigils except those before the patronal
least of a church (Hefele, "Conciliengeschichte", V,
1007). In place of nocturnal observances, the bishops
introduced for the laity a fast on the day before the
feast, which fast Durandus (loc. cit.) calls "jejunium
dispensationis ". Honorius of Auxerre, in 1 152 (Gemma
Animae, III, 6), and others explain in this way the
origin of this fast. It existed, nowever, long before
the abolition of the nocturnal meetings. The fast on
Christmas Eve is mentioned by Theophilus of Alex-
andria (d. 412), that before the Epiphany by St. John
Chrysostom (d. 407), that before Pentecost by the Sac-
ramentary of St. Leo I. Pope Nicholas I (d. 867), in
his answer to the Bulgarians, speaks of the fast on the
eves of Christmas ana of the Assumption. The Synod
of Erfurt (932) connects a fast with every vigil. The
very fact that the people were not permitted to eat or
drink before the services of the vigil (Vespers and
Matins) were ended, after midnight, explains the ex-
cesses of which the councils and writers speak.
The Synod of Seligenstadt (1022) mentions vigils on
the eves of Christmas, Epiphany, the feasts of the
Apostles, the Assumption of Mary, St. Laurence, and
Ail Saints, besides the fast of two weeks before the
Nativity of St. John. After the eleventh century the
fast, Office, and Mass of the nocturnal vigil were trans-
ferred to the day before the feast; and even now the
liturgy of Holy Saturday (vigil of Easter) shows, in all
its parts, that originally it was not kept on the morn-
ing of Saturday, But during Easter Night. The day
before the feast was henceforth called vigil. A sim-
ilar celebration before the high feasts exists also in the
Orthodox (Greek) Church, and is called varvvxl* or
dypyvvla. In the Occident only the older feasts have
vigils; even the feasts of the first class introduced after
the thirteenth century (Corpus Christi, the Sacred
Heart) have no vigils, except the Immaculate Con-
ception, which Pope Leo XIII (30 Nov., 1879) singled
out for this distinction. The number of vigils in the
Roman Calendar besides Holy Saturday is seventeen,
viz., the eves of Christmas, the Epiphany, the Ascen-
sion, Pentecost; the Immaculate Conception, the As-
sumption, the eight feasts of the Apostles, St. John the
Baptist, St. Laurence, and All Saints. Some dioceses
. ana religious orders have particular vigils, e. g. the Ser-
vites, on the Saturday next before the feast of the
Seven Dolours of Our Lady; the Carmelites, on the eve
of the feast of Mount Carmel. In the United States
only four of these vigils are fast days: the vigils of
Christmas, Pentecost, the Assumption, and All Saints.
The vigils of Christmas, the Epiphany, and Pente-
cost are called vigilice major es; they have a proper
Office (semi-double)., and the vigil of Christmas, from
Lauds on, 'is kept as a double feast. The rest are
vigilice minores, or communes, and have the ferial office.
On the occasion of the reform of the Breviary, in 1568,
a homily on the Gospel of the vigil was added, an
innovation not accepted by the Cistercians. If a vigil
falls on a Sunday, according to the present rubrics, it
is kept on the preceding Saturday; during the Middle
EVISHAM
648
Ages in many churches it was joined to the Sunday claimed rights of visitation and diocesan authority
Office. If it occurs on a double or a semi-double feast, over the monks. The dispute continued for a lone
it is limited to a commemoration in the Lauds and time, but eventually the exemption from episcopal
Haas (a feast of the first class excludes this commem- jurisdiction, originally obtained by St. Egwin, was
oration) , the ninth lesson in the Breviary, and the last confirmed by Rome in 1206. In this as in other mat-
Gospel in Mass. If it occurs on a day within an ordi- ters, the internal history of the abbey, as recorded in
nary octave, the Mass is said of the vigil, the Office of the " Evesham Chronicle ", differs only in detail from
worthy abbots, seldom
s said of the v
that of a
omitted in the Breviary and commemorated only in period.' __
the Mass, if theferiahasa proper mass; if not (a. g. in broken, guided its fortunes wisely and religiously
Advent), the mass is said of the vigil, the feria is com- through the eight centuries of its existence. The use
memorated. In the Ambrosian Liturgy of Milan only of abbatial pontificalia was obtained in 1160 by Abbot
- the vigils of Christmas and Pentecost are kept, at least Adam from the reigning pope. At the height of its
by a special _ .. prosperity the abbey was one of
Mass; the f x H the largest and most stately in
England. It had two dependent
"cells"— Penwortham, in Lan-
cashire, and Alcester, in War-
wickshire — besides another in
Denmark; the abbots were also
the patrons of seventeen neigh-
bouring parishes- they had a seat
in the House of Lords; and they
exercised civil jurisdiction within
the bounds of the monastic ter-
ritory. The great abbey church,
which, besides the magnificent
shrine of St. Egwin, contained
fifteen altars, wss
commenced in the
eleventh century
by Abbot Walter
and gradually
completed by sev-
eral subsequent
abbots. It was
cruciform, with a
central tower, and
was nearly300 feet
in length. The
previous campa-
nile having fallen,
after being struck
by lightning, a
magnificent bell
tower, still stand-
ing, was built by
Abbot Clement
Lichfield about
1633.
, Within the ab-
™ o- Etwbam abbi hey precincts and
uuii Condition) under the very
are unknown.
JlrtuirrgcticU (Kernpten.
eiirn dtr chriat'kathttlwchm
a Kirchrnlctiion, s. v. Vigil;
" "I: Rubnaz amtralet
—■ QmcktckH da
F. G. HoLWECK.
i Abbey, founded by St. Egwin, third
Bishop of Worcester, about 701, in Worcestershire,
England, and dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. The
founder's charter of endowment, dated 714, records
that a "herdsman of the bishop, named Eoves, was one
day favoured with a vision of Our Lady. St. Egwin,
being informed, visited the spot and there the Mother
of God appeared to him also, commanding him to erect
in that place a monastery in her honour Tor Benedic-
tine monks. The bishop at once set about the task,
being liberally assisted in the work by Ethelred and
Kenred, successive kings of Mereia, and others. The
derivation of the name Evesham is accounted for by
the above legend. It is stated, though contemporary shadow of its minster, were two parish churches,
charters make the fact doubtful, that St. Egwin re- erected by the monks for the use of the people of the
signed his see in order to become first abbot of the new town which had grown up around its walls. That of
foundation, which he ruled until his death in 717. He St. Lawrence dates from the thirteenth century and
was buried in the abbey church and his shrine, beauti- that of All Saints is of a century later. The last of the
fied by subsequent abbots, became in after years one great abbots of Evesham, Clement Lichfield, who
of the richest and most popular in the West of Eng- reigned from 1514 to 1539, added chantries to both of
land, and many miracles are recorded as having taken these churches. Unwilling to yield to the rapacity of
B'ace there. In 941, after the havoc wrought by the Henry VIII, when the suppression of the monasteries
anea, the few remaining monks who had survived was threatening, he resigned his abbacy, acting, it is
were ejected and secular canons installed in their said, at Cromwell's suggestion. His unworthy succes-
place. Their possession of the abbey, however, did sor was Philip Hawford, who surrendered the abbey
not last long, for in 960 St. Dunstan and St. Ethel- into the king's hands in the same year, 1539. For
wold, then engaged upon their great reform of the this service he was rewarded with a pension of £240,
English monasteries, restored the Benedictines to their and afterwards became first Protestant Dean of Wor-
own. A second expulsion occurred in 977 and it was cester, in which cathedral his tomb may still be seen,
not until 1014 that the monks effected their final re- The revenues of the abbey at the time of its supprea-
turn. With the Norman conquest and the consolida- sion are given by Dugdale as £1183. The demolition
tion of the kingdom of England, Evesham grew and of the buildings commenced almost immediately, and
prospered, and enjoying royal favour became one of the ruins became, as in the case of so many others, a
the most important abbeys of Black Monks in the stone quarry for the neighbourhood. Besides the
Country, so much so, indeed, that the jealousy of the two parish churches and the bell tower, only a gate-
bishops of Worcester was aroused. way, a cloister arch, the almonry, and a few other
As in the case of many other monasteries they isolated fragments remain intact to show what man-
EVIL
649
EVIL
ner of building the once glorious abbey of Evesham
was.
Tannbb, Notitia Monastiea (London, 1794); Duodais,
Monasticon Anglicanum (London, 1817-30); Chronicon Abba-
tin de Evesham in Rolls Series, Macbat ed. (London, 1863);
Tindal, History and Antiquities of Evesham (Eveaham, 1794) ;
Mat, Descriptive History of Evesham (Eveaham, 1845); Bene-
dictine Nuns of Stanbrook, St. Egwin and his Abbey of Eves-
ham (London, 1904).
G. Cyprian Alston.
Evil, in a large sense, may be described as the sum
of the opposition, which experience shows to exist in
the universe, to the desires and needs of individuals;
whence arises, among human beings at least, the suf-
fering in which life abounds. Thus evil, from the
point of view of human welfare, is what ought not to
exist. Nevertheless, there is no department of human
life in which its presence is not felt; and the discrep-
ancy between what is and what ought to be has
always called for explanation in the account which
mankind has sought to give of itself and its surround-
ings. For this purpose it is necessary ( 1) to define the
precise nature of the principle that imparts the char-
acter of evil to so great a variety of circumstances, and
(2) to ascertain, as far as may oe possible, the source
from which it arises.
With regard to the nature of evil, it should be ob-
served that evil is of three kinds — physical, moral, and
metaphysical. Physical evil includes all that causes
harm to man, whether by bodily injury, by thwarting
his natural desires, or bv preventing the full develop-
ment of his powers, either in the order of nature di-
rectly, or through the various social conditions under
which mankind naturally exists. Physical evils di-
rectly due to nature are sickness, accident, death, etc.
Poverty, oppression, and some forms of disease are
instances of evil arising from imperfect social organi-
zation. Mental suffering, such as anxiety, disap-
pointment, and remorse, and the limitation of intelli-
gence which prevents human beings from attaining to
the full comprehension of their environment, are con-
genital forms of evil which vary in character and
degree according to natural disposition and social
circumstances. '
By moral evil are understood the deviation of hu-
man volition from the prescriptions of the moral order
and the action which results from that deviation.
Such action, when it proceeds solely from ignorance, is
not to be classed as moral evil, which is properly re-
stricted to the motions of the will towards ends of
which the conscience disapproves. The extent of
moral evil is not limited to tne circumstances of life in
the natural order, but includes also the sphere of re-
ligion, by which man's welfare is affected in the super-
natural order, and the precepts of which, as depending
ultimately upon the will of God, are of the strictest
possible obligation (see Sin) . The obligation to moral
action in the natural order is, moreover, generally
believed to depend on the motives supplied by reli-
gion; and it is at least doubtful whether it is possible
for moral obligation to exist at all apart from a super-
natural sanction.
Metaphysical evil is the limitation by one another of
the various component parts of the natural world.
Through this mutual limitation natural objects are for
the most part prevented from attaining to their full
or ideal perfection, whether by the constant pressure
of physical conditions, or by sudden catastrophes.
Thus, animal and vegetable organisms are variously
influenced by climate and other natural causes; pred-
atory animals depend for their existence on the
destruction of life ; nature is subject to storms and con-
vulsions, and its order depends on a system of per-
petual decay and renewal aue to the interaction of its
constituent parts. It is evident that metaphysical
evil does not, like the other two kinds, necessarily
connote suffering. If animal suffering is excluded, no
pain of any kind is caused by the inevitable limitar
tions of nature; and they can only be called evil by
analogy, and in a sense quite different from that in
which the term is applied to human experience.
Clarke, moreover, has aptly remarked (Correspondence
with Leibniz, letter ii) that the apparent disorder of
nature is really no disorder, since it is part of a definite
scheme, and precisely fulfils the intention of the Cre-
ator; it may therefore be counted as a relative per-
fection rather than an imperfection. It is, in fact,
only by a transference to irrational objects of the sub-
jective ideals and aspirations of human intelligence,
that the "evil of nature" can be called evil in any
sense but a merely analogous one. The nature and
degree of pain in the lower animals is very obscure,
and in the necessary absence of data it is difficult to say
whether it should rightly be classed with the merely
formal evil which belongs to inanimate objects, or
with the suffering of human beings. The latter view
was generally held in ancient times, and may perhaps
be referred to the anthropomorphic tendency of primi-
tive minds which appears in the doctrine of metemp-
sychosis. Thus it has of ten been supposed that ani-
mal suffering, together with many of the imperfec-
tions of inanimate nature, was due to the fall of man,
with whose welfare, as the chief part of creation, were
bound up the fortunes of the rest (see Theoph. Anti-
och., Ad Autolyc, II; cf. Gen. hi, and I Cor. ix). The
opposite view is taken by St. Thomas (I, Q. xcvi, a.
1, 2). Descartes supposed that animals were merely
machines, without sensation or consciousness; he was
closely followed by Malebranche and Cartesians gen-
erally. Leibnitz grants sensation to animals, but con-
siders that mere sense-perception, unaccompanied by
reflexion, cannot cause either pain or pleasure; in any
case he holds the pain and pleasure of animals to be
far less acute than those of human beings, and com-
parable in degree to those resulting from reflex action
in man (see also Maher, Psychology, Supp't. A., Lon-
don, 1903).
It is evident again that all evil is essentially nega-
tive-and not positive; i. e. it consists not in the acqui-
sition of anything, but in the loss or deprivation of
something necessary for perfection. Pam, which is
the test or criterion of physical evil, has indeed a posi-
tive, though purely subjective existence as a sensation
or emotion; out its evil quality lies in its disturbing
effect on the sufferer. In like manner, the perverse
action of the will, upon which moral evil depends, is
more than a mere negation of right action, implying as
it does the positive element of choice; but the morally
evil character of wrong action is constituted not by the
element of choice, but by its rejection of what right
reason requires. Thus Origen (In J oh., ii, 7) defines
evil as ariprivit; the Pseudo-Dionysius (De. Div.
Nom. iv) as the non-existent; Maimonides (Dux per-
Stlex.' iii, 10) as "privatio boni alicujus"; Albertus
I agnus (adopting St. Augustine's phrase) attributes
evil to "aliqua causa deficient" (Summa Theol., I, xi,
4) ; Schopenhauer^ who held pam to be the positive
and normal condition of life (pleasure being its partial
and temporary absence), nevertheless made it depend
upon the failure of human desire to obtain fulfilment
— "the wish is in itself pain". Thus it will be seen
that evil is not a real entity; it is relative. What is
evil in some relations may be good in others; and
probably there is no form of existence which is exclu-
sively evil in all relations. Hence it has been thought
that evil cannot truly be said to exist at all, and is
really nothing but a lesser good." But this opinion
seems to leave out of account the reality of human
experience. Though the same cause may give pain to
one, and pleasure to another, pain and pleasure, as
sensations or ideas, cannot but be mutually exclusive.
No one, however, has attempted to deny this very
obvious fact; and the opinion in question may perhaps
be understood as merely a paradoxical way of stating
the relativity of evil.
KVIL
650
EVIL
^ There is practically a general agreement of authori-
ties as to the nature of evil, some allowance being
made for varying modes of expression depending on a
corresponding variety of philosophical presupposi-
tions. But on the question of the origin of evil there
has been, and is, a considerable diversity of opinion.
Hie problem is strictly a metaphysical one; 1. e. it
cannot be solved by a mere experimental analysis of
the actual conditions from which evil results. The
question, which Schopenhauer has called " the punc-
tum prurient of metaphysics", is concerned not so
much with the various detailed manifestations of evil
in nature, as with the hidden and underlying cause
which has made these manifestations possible or neces-
sary; and it is at once evident that enquiry in a region
so obscure must be attended with great difficulty, and
that the conclusions reached must, for the most part,
be of a provisional and tentative character. No sys-
tem of pnilosophy has ever succeeded in escaping from
the obscurity in which the subject is involved; out it
is not too much to say that the Christian solution
offers, on the whole, fewer difficulties, and approaches
more nearly to completeness than any other. The
question may be stated thus. Admitting that evil
consists in a certain relation of man to his environ-
ment, or that it arises in the relation of the component
{tarts of the totality of existence to one another, how
comes it that though all are alike the results of a uni-
versal cosmic process, this universal agency is perpetu-
ally at war with itself, contradicting and thwarting its
own efforts in the mutual hostility of its progeny?
Further, admitting that metaphysical evil in itself
may be merely nature's method, involving nothing
more than a continual redistribution of the material
elements of the universe, human suffering and wrong-
doing still stand out as essentially opposed to the
general scheme of natural development, and are
scarcely to be reconciled in thought with any concep-
tion of unity or harmony in nature. To what, then, is
the evil of human life, physical and moral, to be at-
tributed as its cause? But when the universe is con-
sidered as the work of an all-benevolent and all-power-
ful Creator, a fresh element is added to the problem.
If God is all-benevolent, why did He cause or permit
suffering? If He is all-powerful, He can be under no
necessity of creating or permitting it; and on the other
hand, if He is under any such necessity, He cannot be
all-powerful. Again, if God is absolutely good, and
also omnipotent, how can He permit the existence of
moral evil? We have to enauire, that is to say, how
evil has come to exist, and what is its special relation
to the Creator of the universe.
The solution of the problem has been attempted by
three different methods. L
I. It has been contended that existence is funda-
mentally evil ; that evil is the active principle of the
universe, and good no more than an illusion, the pur-
suit of which serves to induce the human race to per-
petuate its own existence (see Pessimism). This is
the fundamental tenet of Buddhism (q. v.), which re-
gards happiness as unattainable, and holds that there
is no way of escaping from misery but by ceasing to
exist otherwise than in the impersonal state of Nir-
vana. The origin of suffering, according to Buddha,
is " the thirst for being ' '. This was also, among Greek
philosophers, the view of Hegesias the Cyrenaic (called
veurMwiTos, the counsellor of death), who held life
to be valueless, and pleasure, the only good, to be un-
attainable. But the Greek temper was naturally dis-
inclined to a pessimistic view of nature and life; and
while popular mythology embodied the darker aspects
of existence in such conceptions as those of Fate, the
avenging Furies, and the envy (006wt) of the gods,
Greek thinkers, as a rule, held that evil is not univer-
sally supreme, but can be avoided or overcome by the
wise and virtuous.
Pessimism, as a metaphysical system, is the product
of modern times. Its chief representatives are Schop-
enhauer and von Hartmann, both of whom hold the
actual universe to be fundamentally evil, and happi-
ness in it to be impossible. The origin of the phe-
nomenal universe is attributed by Schopenhauer to a
transcendental Will, which he identifies with pure
being; and by Hartmann to the Unconscious, which
includes both the Will and the Idea (Vorstellung) of
Schopenhauer. According to both Schopenhauer and
Hartmann, suffering has come into existence with
self-consciousness, from which it is inseparable.
II. Evil has been attributed to one of two mutually
opposed principles, to which respectively the mingled
good and evil of the world are clue. The relation be-
tween the two is variously represented, and ranges
from the co-ordination imagined by Zoroastrianism to
the mere relative independence of the created will as
held by Christian theology. Zoroaster attributed
good and evil respectively to two mutually hostile
Erinciples (J>l^u: or &>xa0 called Ormuzd (Ahura
[azda) and Ahriman (Angra Mainyu). Each was in-
dependent of the other: but eventually the good were
to be victorious with Ormuzd, and Ahriman and his
evil followers were to be expelled from the world.
This mythological dualism passed to the sect of the
Manichees, whose founder, Manes, added a third, but
subordinate principle, emanating from the source of
good (and perhaps corresponding, in some degree, to
the Mithras of Zoroastrianism), in the "living spirit1',
by whom was formed the present material world of
mingled good and evil. Manes held that matter was
essentially evfl. and therefore could not be in direct
contact with God. He probably derived the notion
from the Gnostic sects, which, though they differed
on many points from one another, were generally
agreed in following the opinions of Philo, and the neo-
PTatonist Plotinus, as to the evil of matter. They
held the world to have been formed by an emanation,
the Demiurge, as a kind of intermediary between God
and impure matter. Bardesanes, however, and his
followers regarded evil as resulting from the mfause of
created free will.
The notion that evil is necessarily inherent in mat-
ter, independent of the Divine author of good, and in
some sense opposed to Him, is common to the above
theosophical systems, to many of the purely rational
conceptions of Greek philosophy, and to much that
has been advanced on this subject in later times. In
the Pythagorean idea of a numerical harmony as the
constitutive principle of the world, good is repre-
sented by unity and evil by multiplicity (Philolaus.
Fragm.). Heraclitus set the "strife", which he held
to be the essential condition of life, over against the'
action of the immanent deity. " God is the author of
all that is right and good and just; but men have
sometimes chosen good and sometimes evil'1 (Fragm.
61). Empedocles, again, attributed evil to the princi-
ple of hate (mkof), inherent together with its oppo-
site, love (0&<a), in the universe. Plato held God to
be "free from blame" (Arab-tot) for the evil of the
world ; its cause was partly the necessary imperfection
of material and created existence, and partly the ac-
tion of the human will (Timaeus, xlii; cf. Phaedo, lx).
With Aristotle, evil is a necessary aspect of the con-
stant changes of matter, and has in itself no real exist-
ence (Metaph., ix, 9). The Stoics conceived evil in a
somewhat similar manner, as due to necessity; the
immanent Divine power harmonizes the evil and good
in a changing world. Moral evil proceeds from the
folly of mankmd, not from the Divine will, and is over-
ruled by it to a jRood end. In the hymn of Clean thes
to Zeus (Stob. Eel., I, p. 30) may be perceived an ap-
proach to the doctrine of Leibniz, as to the nature of
evil and the goodness of the world. " Nothing is done
without thee m earth or sea or sky, save what evil men
commit by their own folly; so thou hast fitted to-
gether all evil and good in one, that there might be one
KVIL
651
KVIL
reasonable and everlasting scheme of all things.1' In
the mystical system of Eckhart (d. 1329), evil, sin in-
cluded, has its place in the evolutionary scheme by
which all proceeds from and returns to God, and con-
tributes, both in the moral order and, in the physical,
to the accomplishment of the Divine purpose. Eck-
nart's monistic or pantheistic tendencies seem to have
obscured for him many of the difficulties of the sub-
ject, as has been the case with those by whom the
same tendencies have since been carried to an extreme
conclusion.
Christian philosophy has, like the Hebrew, uni-
formly attributed moral and physical evil to the action
of created free will. Man has himself brought about
the evil from which he suffers by transgressing the law
of God, on obedience to which his happiness depended.
Evil is in created things under the aspect of mutabil-
ity, and possibility of defect, not as existing per se: and
the errors of mankind, mistaking the true conditions
of its own well-being, have been the cause of moral and
physical evil (Dion. Areop.^De Div. Nom., iv, 31 ; St.
Aug., De Civ. Dei, xii). The evil from which man
suffers is, however, the condition of good, for the sake
of which it is permitted. Thus, " God judged it better
to bring good out of evil than to suffer no evil to ex-
ist " (St. Aug., Enchirid., xxvii). Evil contributes
to the perfection of the universe, as shadows to the
perfection of a picture, or harmony to that of music
(De Civ. Dei, xi) . Again, the excellence of God 's works
in nature is insisted on as evidence of the Divine wis-
dom, power, and goodness, by which no evil can be
directly caused. (Greg. Nyss., De. opif . horn.) Thus
Boethius asks (De Consol. Phil., I, iv) Who can be
the author of good, if God is the author of evil? As
darkness is nothing but the absence of light, and is not
produced by creation, so evil is merely the defect of
goodness. (St. Aug., In Gen. ad lit.) St. Basil
(Hexsem., Horn, ii) points out the educative purposes
served by evil ; and St. Augustine, holding evil to be
permitted for the punishment of the wicked and the
trial of the good, shows that it has, under this aspect,
the nature of good, and is pleasing to God, not because
of what it is, but because of where it is; i. e. as the
penal and just consequence of sin (De Civ. Dei, XI, xii,
De Vera Relig. xliv). Lactantius uses similar argu-
ments to oppose the dilemma, as to the omnipotence
and goodness of God, which he puts into the mouth of
Epicurus (De Ira Dei, xiii). St. Anselm (Monolo-
gium) connects evil with the partial manifestation of
good by creation; its fullness being in God alone.
The features which stand out in the earlier Christian
explanation of evil, as compared with non-Christian
dualistic theories are thus (1) the definite attribution
to God of absolute omnipotence and goodness, not-
withstanding His permission of the existence of evil;
(2) the assignment of a moral and retributive cause
for suffering in the sin of mankind ; and (3) the un-
hesitating assertion of the beneficence of God's pur-
pose in permitting evil, together with the full admis-
sion that He could, had He so chosen, have prevented
it (De Civ. Dei, xiv). How God's permission of the
evil which He foreknew and could have prevented is to
be reconciled with His goodness, is not fully considered ;
St. Augustine states the question in forcible terms,
but is content by way of answer to follow St. Paul, in
his reference to the unsearchableness of the Divine
judgments (Contra Julianum, I, 48).
The same general lines have been followed by most
of the modern attempts to account in terms of Theism
for the existence of evil. Descartes and Malebranche
held that the world is the best possible for the purpose
for which it was created, i. e. tor the manifestation of
the attributes of God. If it had been more perfect in
detail, it would have been less fitted as a whole for the
attainment of this object. The relation of evil to the
will of a perfectly benevolent Creator was elaborately
treated by Leibniz, in answer to Bayle, who had in-
sisted on the arguments derived from the existence of
evil against that of a good and omnipotent God. Leib-
nitz founded his views mainly on those of St. Augus-
tine and St. Thomas, and deduced from them his
theory of Optimism (q. v.). According to it, the uni-
verse is the best possible; but metaphysical evil, or
imperfection, is necessarily involved in its constitu-
tion, since it must be finite, and could not have been
endowed with the infinite perfection which belongs to
God alone. Moral and physical evil are due to the fall
of man, but all evil is overruled by God to a good pur-
pose. Moreover, the world with which we are ac-
quainted is only a very small factor in the whole of
creation, and it may be supposed that the evil it con-
tains is necessary for the existence of other regions un-
known to us. Voltaire, in "Candide", undertook to
throw ridicule upon the idea of the " best possible
world"; and it must be admitted that the theory is
open to grave objections. On the one hand, it is
scarcely consistent with belief in the Divine omnipo-
tence; and on the other, it fails to account for the per-
mission (or indirect authorship) of evil by a good God,
to which Bayle had specially taken exception. We
cannot know that this world is the best possible; and if
it were, why, since it must include so much that is evil,
should a perfectly good God have created it? It may
'ie urged, moreover, that there can be no degree of
finite goodness which is not susceptible of increase by
omnipotence, without ceasing to fall short of infinite
perfection.
Leibniz has been more or less closely followed by
many who have since treated the subject from the
Christian point of view. These have, for the most
part, emphasized the evidence in creation of the wisdom
and goodness of its Author, after the manner of the
Book of Job, and have been content to leave undiscov-
ered the reason for the creation, by Him, of a universe
in which evil is unavoidable. Such was the view of
King (Essay on the Origin of Evil, London, 1732), who
insisted strongly on the doctrine of the best possible
world; of Cudworth, who held that evil, though in-
separable from the nature of imperfect beings, is
largely a matter of "men's own fancy and opinions,
rather than of the reality of things{ and therefore not
to be made the ground of accusation against Divine
Providence. Derham (Physico-Theology, London,
1712) took occasion from an examination of the excel-
lence of creation to commend an attitude of humility
and trust towards the Creator of "this elegant, this
well-contrived, well-formed world, in which we find
everything necessary for the sustentation, use and
pleasure both of man and every other creature here
below; as well as some whips, some rods, to scourge us
for our sins' ' . Priestley held a doctrine of absolute De-
terminism, and consequently attributed evil solely to
the Divine will; which, however, he justified by the
good ends which evil is providentially made to sub-
serve (Doctrine of Philosophical Necessity, Birming-
ham, 1782). Clarke, again, called special attention to
the evidence of method and design^ which bear witness
to the benevolence of the Creator, in the midst of
apparent moral and physical disorder. Rosmini,
closely following Malebranche, pointed out that the
question of the possibility of a better world than this
has really no meaning; any world created by God must
be the best possible in relation to its special purpose,
apart from which neither goodness nor badness can be
predicated of it. Mamiani also supposed evil to be in-
separable from the finite, but that it tended to disap-
pear as the finite approached its final union with the
infinite.
III. The third way of conceiving the place of evil in
the general scheme of existence is that ot those systems
of Monism, by which evil is viewed as merely a mode
in which certain aspects or moments of the develop-
ment of nature are apprehended by human conscious-
ness. In this view there is no distinctive principle to
KVIL
652
EVIL
which evil can be assigned, and its origin is one with
that of nature as a whole. These systems reject the
specific idea of creation; and the idea of God is either
rigorously excluded, or identified with an impersonal
principle, immanent in the universe, or conceived as a
mere abstraction from the methods of nature; which,
whether viewed from the standpoint of Materialism or
from that of Idealism, is the one ultimate reality. The
problem of the origin of evil is thus merged in that of
the origin of being. Moral evil, in particular, arises
from error, and is to be gradually eliminated, or at
least minimized, by improved knowledge of the condi-
tions of human welfare (Meliorism). Of this kind, on
the whole, were the doctrines of the Ionic Hylozoists,
whose fundamental notion was the essential unity of
matter and life; and on the other hand, also, that of
the Eleatics, who found the origin of all things in ab-
stract being. The Atomists, Leueippus and Democri-
tus, held what may be called a doctrine of material-
istic Monism. This doctrine, however, found its first
complete expression in the philosophy of Epicurus,
which explicitly rejected the notion of any external
influence upon nature, whether of " fate ", or of Divine
power. According to the Epicurean Lucretius (De
Rerum Natura, 11^ line 180) the existence of evil was
fatal to the supposition of the creation of the world
by God:
Nequaquam nobis divinitus esse creatam
• Naturam mundi. qua) tanta est pnedita culpa.
Giordano Bruno maae God the immanent cause of all
things, acting by an internal necessity, and producing
the relations considered evil by mankind. Hobbes re-
garded God as merely a corporeal first cause; and ap-
plying his theory of civil government to the universe,
defended the existence ofevil by simple assertion of
the absolute power to which it is due — a theory which
is little else than a statement of materialistic Deter-
minism in terms of social relations. Spinoza united
matter and spirit in the notion of a single substance,
to which he attributed both thought and extension;
error and imperfection were the necessary conse-
Suence of the order of the universe. The Hegelian
[onism, which reproduces many of the ideas of Eck-
hart, and is adopted in its main features by many dif-
ferent systems of recent origin, jgives to evil a place in
the unfolding of the Idea, in which both the origin and
the inner reality of the universe are to be found. Evil
is the temporary discord between what is and what
ought to be. Huxley was content to believe that the
ultimate causes of thingB are at present unknown, and
may be unknowable. Evil is to be known and com-
bated in the concrete and in detail; but the Agnosti-
cism professed, and named, by Huxley refuses to en-
tertain any question as to transcendental causes, and
confines itself to experimental facts. Haeckel ad-
vances a dogmatic materialism, in which substance
(i. e. matter and force) appears as the eternal and in-
finite basis of all things. Professor Metchnikoff, on
similar principles, places the cause of evil in the " dis-
harmonies" which prevail in nature, and which he
thinks may perhaps be ultimately removed, for the
human race at least, together with the pessimistic
temper arising from them, by the progress of science.
Bourdeau has asserted in express terms the futility of
seeking a transcendental or supernatural origin for
evil, and the necessity of confining the view to natural,
accessible, and determinable causes (Revue Philoso-
phique, 1, 1900).
Tne recently constructed system, or method, called
Pragmatism, has this much in common with Pessi-
mism, that it regards evil as an actually unavoidable
part of that human experience which is in point of
tact identical with trutn and reality. The world is
what we make it; evil tends to diminish with the
growth of experience, and may finally vanish; though,
on the other hand, tnere may always remain an irre-
ducible minimum of evil. The origin of evil is, like
the origin of all things, inexplicable; it cannot be fitted
into any theory of tne design of the universe, simply
because no such theory is possible. " We cannot by
any possibility comprehend the character of a cosmic
mind whose purposes are fully revealed by the strange
mixture of goods and evils that we find in this actual
world's particulars — the mere word design, by itself,
has no consequences and explains nothing/' (James,
Pragmatism, London, 1907. Cf . Schiller, Humanism,
London, 1907.) Nietzsche holds evil to be purely
relative, and in its moral aspect at least, a transitory
and non-fundamental concept. With him, mankind
in its present state, is "the animal not yet properly
adapted to his environment". In this mode of
thought the individual necessarily counts for compara-
tively little, as being merely a transient manifestation
of the cosmic force; and the social aspects of humanity
are those under which its pains and shortcomings are
mostly considered, with a view to their amelioration.
Hence, the various forms of Socialism; the idea con-
ceived by Nietzsche of a totally new, though as yet un-
defined, form of social morality, and of the constitu-
tion and mutual relations of classes; and the so-called
ethical and scientific religions inculcating morality as
tending to the general good. The first example of such
religions was that of Auguste Comte, who upon the
materialistic basis' of Positivism, founded the " religion
of humanity", and professed to substitute an enthu-
siasm for humanity as the motive of right action, for
the motives of supernatural religion.
In the light of Catholic doctrine, any theory that
may be held concerning evil must include certain
points bearing on the question that have been authori-
tatively defined. These points are (1) the omnipo-
tence, omniscience, and absolute goodness of the Cre-
ator; (2) the freedom of the will; and (3) that suffer-
ing is the penal consequence of wilful disobedience to
the law of God. A complete account may be gathered
from the teaching of St. Thomas Aquinas, by whom
the principles of St. Augustine are systematized, and
to some extent supplemented. - Evil, according to St.
Thomas, is a privation, or the absence of some good
which belongs properly to the nature of the creature.
(I, Q. xiv, a. 10; Q. xlix, a. 3; Contra Gentiles, III,
ix, x). There is therefore no "summum malum",
or positive source of evil, corresponding to the "sum-
mum bonum ", which is God (I, Q. xlix, a. 3; C. G.,
Ill, 15; De Malo, 1. 1); evil being not "ens reale" but
only "ens ratioms — i. e. it exists not as an objective
fact, but as a subjective conception ; things are evil not
in themselves, but by reason of their relation to other
things, or persons. All realities (entia) are in them-
selves good ; they produce bad results only incident-
ally; and consequently the ultimate cause of evil is
fundamentally good, as well as the objects in which
evil is found (17 Q. xlix; cf. I, Q. v, 3; De Malo, I,
3). Thus the Manichaean dualism has no foundation
in reason.
Evil is threefold, viz., malum naturas (metaphysical
evil), culpa (moral), and pantos (physical, the retribu-
tive consequence of malum culpa) (I, Q. xlviii, a. 5, 6;
Q. lxiii, a. 9 ; De Malo, I, 4). Its existence subserves
the perfection of the whole; the universe would be
less perfect if it contained no evil. Thus fire could not
exist without the corruption of what it consumes.; the
lion must slay the ass in order to live ; and if there
were no wrongdoing, there would be no sphere for
patience and justice (I, Q. xlviii, a. 2). God is said
(as in Is., xlv) to be the author of evil in the sense that
the corruption of material objects in nature is ordained
by Him, as a means for carrying out the design of the
universe ; and on the other hand, the evil which exists
as the consequence of the breach of Divine laws is in
the same sense due to Divine appointment: the uni-
verse would be lessperfect if its laws could be broken
with impunity. Thus evil, in one aspect, i. e. as
counter-balancing the deordination of sin, has the
EVODIUS
653
evodius
ture of good (II, Q. ii, a. 19). But the evil of sin
(culpa), though permitted by God, is in no sense due
to Him (I, Q. xlix, a. 2) ; its cause is the abuse of free
will by angels and men (I-II, Q. lxxiii, a. 6; II-II.
Q. x, a. 2; I-II, Q. ix, a. 3). It should be observed
that the universal perfection to which evil in some
form is necessary, is the perfection of this universe, not
of any universe : metaphysical evil, that k to say, and
indirectly f moral evil as well, is included in the design
of the universe which is partially known to us; but
we cannot say without denying the Divine omnipo-
tence, that another equally perfect universe could not
be created in which evil would have no place.
St. Thomas also provides explanations of what are
now generally considered to be the two main difficul-
ties of the subject, viz., the Divine permission of fore-
seen moral evil, and the question finally arising thence,
why God chose to create anything at all. First, it is
asked why GocL foreseeing that His creatures would
use the gift of free will for their own injury, did not
either abstain from creating them, or m some way
safeguard their free will from misuse, or else deny
them the gift altogether? St. Thomas replies (C. G.,
II, xxviii) that God cannot chance His mind, since
the Divine will is free from the delect of weakness or
mutability. Such mutability would, it should be re-
marked, be a defect in the Divine nature (and there-
fore impossible), because if God's purpose were made
dependent on the foreseen free act of any creature.
God would thereby sacrifice His own freedom, and
would submit Himself to His creatures, thus abdicating
His essential supremacy — a thing which is, of course,
utterly inconceivable. Secondly, to the question why
God should have chosen to create, when creation was
in no way needful for His own perfection. St. Thomas
answers that God's object in creating is Himself; He
creates in order to manifest His own goodness, power,
and wisdom, and is pleased with that reflection or simil-
itude of Himself in which the goodness of creation
consists. God's pleasure is the one supremely perfect
motive for action, alike in God Himself and m His
creatures ; not because of any need, or inherent neces-
sity, in the Divine nature (C. G., I, xxviii: II, xxiii),
but because God is the source, centre, ana object, of
all existence. (I, Q. lxv, a. 2; cf. Pro v., 26, and Cone.
Vat., can. i, v; Const. Dogm., 1.) This is accordingly
the sufficient reason for the existence of the universe,
and even for the suffering which moral evil has intro-
duced into it. God has not made the world primarily
for man's good, but for His own pleasure ; good for man
lies in conforming himself to the supreme purpose of
creation, and evil in departing from it (C. G., In, xvii,
cxliv). It may further be understood from St. Thomas,
that in the diversity of metaphysical evil, in which the
perfection of the universe as a whole is embodied, God
may see a certain similitude of His own threefold
unity (cf. I, Q. xii); and again, that by permitting
moral evil to exist He has provided a sphere for the
manifestation of one aspect of His essential justice
(cf. I{ Q. lxv, a. 2; and I, Q. xxi, a. 1, 3).
It is obviously impossible to suggest a reason why
this universe in particular should nave been created
rather than another; since we are necessarily incapa-
ble of forming an idea of any other universe than this.
Similarly, we are unable to imagine why God chose to
manifest Himself by the way of creation, instead of, or
in addition to, the other ways, whatever they may be,
by which He has, or may have, attained the same end.
We reach here the utmost limit of speculation; and
our inability to conceive the ultimate reason for crea-
tion (as distinct from its direct motive) is paralleled, at
a much earlier stage of the enquiry, by the inability of
the non-creationist schools of thought to assign any
ultimate cause for the existence of the order of nature.
It will be observed that St. Thomas's account of evil is
a true Theodicy, taking into consideration as it does
every factor of the problem, and leavingrunaolved only
the mystery of creation, before which all schools of
thought are equally helpless. It is as impossible to
know, in the fullest sense, why this world was made as
to know how it was made ; but St. Thomas has at least
shown that the acts of the Creator admit of complete
logical justification, notwithstanding the mystery in
which, for human intelligence, they can never wholly
cease to be involved. On Catholic principles, the
amelioration of moral evil and its consequent suffering
can only take place by means of individual reforma-
tion, and not so much through increase of knowledge as
through stimulation or re-direction of the will. But
since all methods of social improvement that have anj
value must necessarily represent a nearer approach to
conformity with Divine laws, they are welcomed and
furthered by the Church, as tending, at least indi-
rectly, to accomplish the purpose for which she exists.
For ancient views of evil, eee: Histories of philosophy by
Zilld and Ubbbbwbg; Dabmbstbtbr and Mills, The Zend-
Avesta (London, 1887); Monibb- Williams, Buddhism, Brah-
manism and Hinduism (London, 1889) : Aliog, Univ. Church
Hist. (Dublin, 1900); Coflbston, Buddhism (London, 1908),
2nd cd.
Modern writers: Malsbbanchb, EntrHiens sur la meta-
physiaue (Paris. 1688, tr., London. 1712); Joachim, Ethics of
Spinoza (Oxford, 1901); Lbibnits, Thiodxeie (Paris. 1846, etc.);
Cudworth, Intellectual system pf the universe (London, 1678,
1845); Rat, Three Physico-theol. Discourses (London, 1721);
Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Idea, tr. Haldanb
and Kbmp (London, 1906); Habtmann, Philosophy of the Un-
conscious, tr. Coup land (London, 1893); Sully, Pessimism
(London, 1901); Caro, he Pessimisms au XIX* eitcle (Paris,
1878); Wen ley, Aspects of Pessimism (London and Edin-
burgh, 1894); Huxley, Essays and Lectures (London, 1902);
Habckel, Riddle of (he Universe, tr. (London. 1904); Metchni-
xoff, The Nature of Man, and Prolongation of Life, tr. (London,
1904 and 1908); Casus, The Religion of Science (Chicago,
1899); Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, tr. (London, 190/);
Mamiani, Confsssioni di un Metafisico (Turin, 1865); Rs-
nouvibr. Nouvelle Monadologie (Paris, 1907).
Catholic writers, besides those already referred to: Mignb in
Encycl. Theel., XXXV, s. v. mal (Paris. 1851); Robmini,
Theodicy, tr. (London, 1886); Billot, De Deo Trino et Uno
(Rome, 1900); Reinbtadler, Elem. Phil. Schol. (Freiburg,
1904); Mbrctbb, Cours de Philosophic (Louvain, 1905), II; R.
F. Clarxe. The existence of Ood; a Dialogue (London, 1887);
Bobddbb, Natural Theology, tr. (New York, 1901); J. Ricxaby,
Moral Phil. (London, 1903), chap. 6; Idem, Evxl and Necessity
in Month (London, Nov., 1898); Smith, The Problem of EvU
(London, 1906).
A. B. Sharps.
Eyodius, first Bishop of Antioch after St. Peter.
Eusebius mentions him thus in his " History " : " And
Evodius having been established the first [bishop] of
the Antiochians, Ignatius flourished at this tune"
(III, 22). The time referred to is that of Clement of
Rome and Trajan, of whom Eusebius has just spoken.
Harnack has shown (after discarding an earlier theory
of his own) that Eusebius possessed a list of the
bishops of Antioch which did not give their dates, and
that he was obliged to synchronize them roughly with
the popes. It seems certain that he took the three
episcopal lists of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch from
the "Chronography'' which Julius Africanus pub-
lished in 221. The " Chronicle of Eusebius" is lost;
but in Jerome's translation of it we find in three suc-
cessive years the three entries (1) that Peter, having
founded the Church of Antioch; is sent to Rome, where
he perseveres as bishop for 25 years; (2) that Mark,
the interpreter of Peter, preaches Christ in Egypt ana
Alexandria; and (3) tnat Evodius is ordained first
Bishop of Antioch. This last year is given as Claudius
III by the Codex Freherianus, "but by the fifth-century
Bodleian Codex (not used in Schoene's edition) and
the rest as Claudius IV (a. d. 44). The Armenian
translation has Claudius II. We have no mention of
Evodius earlier than that by Africanus; but the latter
is confirmed by his contemporary, Origen, who calls
Ignatius the second bishop after Peter (Horn. IV, in
Luc, III, 938 A). It is curious that the ordination of
Evodius should not have been given in the " Chronog-
raphy" in the same year as the founding of the Anti-
ocnian Church by Peter, and Hort supposed that the
three entries must have belonged to a single year in
EVOLUTION
654
EVOLUTION
f
Eusebius. But the evidence is not in favour of this
simplification. The vear of the accession of Ignatius,
that is of the death of Evodius, was unknown to Euse-
bius, for he merely places it in the "Chronicle1' to-
Sither with the death of Peter and the accession of
inu8 at Rome (Nero 14-68), while in the "History"
he mentions it at the beginning of Trajan's reign.
The fame of Ignatius has caused later writers, such
as Athanasius and Chrysostom, to speak of him as
though he were the immediate successor of the Apos-
tles. Jerome (De viris ill., 16) and Socrates (H. E.,
VI, 8) call him the " third " bishop after St. Peter; but
this is only because they illogically include Peter
among his own successors. Theodoret and Pseudo-
Ignatius represent Ignatius as consecrated by Peter.
The difficulty which thus arose about Evodius was
solved in the Apostolical Constitutions by stating that
Evodius was ordained by Peter and Ignatius by Paul.
The Byzantine chronographer, John Malalas (X, 252).
relates that as Peter went to Rome, and passed
through the great city of Antioch, it happened that
Evodus (tic), the bishop and patriarch, died, and
Ignatius succeeded him; he attributes to Evodius the
invention of the name Christian. Salmon does not
seem to be justified in supposing that Malalas ascribes
any of this information to Theophilus, the second-
century Bishop of Antioch. We may be sure that
Evodius is an historical personage, and really the pred-
ecessor of St. Ignatius. But the dates of his ordina-
tion and death are quite uncertain. No early witness
makes him a martyr.
The Greeks commemorate together "Evodus" and
Onesiphorus (II Tim., i, 16) as of the seventy disciples
and as martyrs on 29 April, and also on 7 Sept. Evo-
dius was unknown to the earlier Western martyrologies
the Hieronymian, and those of Bede and Floras; but
Ado introduced him into the so-called " Martyrologium
Romanum parvum" (which he forged not long before
860) and into his own work, on 6 May. His source
was Pseudo-Ignatius, whom he quotes in the " Libel-
lus de fest. Apost. , prefixed to the martyrology
proper. From nim the notice came to Usuard and the
rest, and to the present Roman Martyrology.
Acta 88.. 6 May; Salmon in Diet. Christ. Biog., 8. v.; Hab-
nack, Oeeck. der Altchr. Litt„ I, 781, II, 8. v. Chronol. part I,
esp. 116-122; Quentin, Lea Martyrdtige* hietoriquee (1906).
Nicbfbobus Callisti (II, 3), attributes writings to Evodius,
of which one was called +m , The Light; in it was stated that
three years elapsed from the Baptism of Christ until His Pas-
sion, and seven years more until the stoning of Stephen. A Ser-
mon is attributed to him in a Coptic papyrus published by
Rossi in Memorie ddla R. Acad, detle Sciente di Torino, Series
II, XLII, 1892). See Habnack, I, loo. oit.
John Chapman.
Evolution. — This subject will here receive a two-
fold treatment, as follows: A. The Theory Broadly
Considered, and the Catholic Attitude in its Regard;
B. Its History and Scientific Foundations.
A. Attitude of Catholics towards the Theory.
— One of the most important questions for every edu-
cated Catholic of to-day is: What is to be thought of
the theory of evolution? Is it to be rejected as un-
founded and inimical to Christianity, or is it to be ac-
cepted as an established theory altogether compatible
with the principles of a Christian conception of the
universe? We must carefully distinguish between
the different meanings of the words theory of evolution
in order to give a clear and correct answer to this
question. We must distinguish (1) between the the-
ory of evolution as a scientific hypothesis and as a
philosophical speculation; (2) between the theory of
evolution as based on theistic principles and as based
on a materialistic and atheistic foundation; (3) be-
tween the theory of evolution and Darwinism; (4)
between the theory of evolution as applied to the veg-
etable and animal kingdoms and as applied to man.
(1) As a scientific hypothesis, the theory of evolu-
tion seeks to determine the historical succession of the
various species of plants and of animals on our earth ;
and, with the aid of palaeontology and other sciences,
such as comparative morphology, embryology, and
bionomy, to show how in the course of the different
geological epochs they gradually evolve from their
beginnings by purely natural causes of specific devel-
opment. The theory of evolution, then, as a scientific
hypothesis, does not consider the present species of
plants and of animals as forms directly created by
God, but as the final result of an evolution from other
species existing in former geological periods. Hence it
is called "the theory of evolution", or "the theory of
descent" , since it implies the descent of the present
from extinct species. This theory is opposed to the
theory of constancy, which assumes the immutability
of organic species. The scientific theory of evolution,
therefore, does not concern itself with the origin of life.
It merely inquires into the genetic relations of syste-
matic species, genera, and families, and endeavours to
arrange them according to natural series of descent
(genetic trees).
How far is the theory of evolution based on ob-
served facts? It is understood to be still only an
hypothesis. The formation of new species is directly
observed in but a few cases, and only with reference to
such forms as are closely related to each other; for
instance, the systematic species of the plant-genus
(Enothera, and of the beetle-genus Dinarda. It is,
however, not difficult to furnish an indirect proof of
great probability for the genetic relation of many sys-
tematic species to each other and to fossil forms, as in
the genetic development of the horse (Equidse), of am-
monites, and of many insects, especially of those that
dwell as "guests" with ants and termites, and have
adapted themselves in many ways to their hosts.
Upon comparing the scientific proofs for the probabil-
ity of the theory of evolution, we find that they grow
the more numerous and weighty, the smaller the circle
of forms under consideration, but become weaker and
weaker, if we include a greater number of forms, such
as are comprised in a class or in a sub-kingdom. There
is, in fact, no evidence whatever for the common ge-
netic descent of all plants and animals from a single
primitive organism. Hence the greater number of
botanists and zoologists regard a polygenetic (poly-
phyletic) evolution as much more acceptable than a
monojgenetic (monophyletic). At present, however,
it is impossible to decide how many independent
genetic series must be assumed in the animal and vege-
table kingdoms. This is the gist of the theory of
evolution as a scientific hypothesis. It is in perfect
agreement with the Christian conception of the uni-
verse ; for Scripture does not tell us m what form the
present species of plants and of animals were originally
created by God. As early as 1877 Knabenbauer
stated "that there is no objection, so far as faith is
concerned, to assuming the descent of all plant and
animal species from a few types'1 (Stimmen aus
Maria Laach, XIII, p. 72).
Passing now to the theory of evolution as a philo-
sophical speculation, the history of the plant and ani-
mal kingdoms upon our globe is but a small part of the
history of the entire earth. Similarly, the geological
development of our earth constitutes but a small part
of the history of the solar system and of the universe.
The theory of evolution as a philosophical conception
considers the entire history of the cosmos as an har-
monious development, brought about by natural laws.
This conception is in agreement with the Christian
view of the universe. God is the Creator of heaven
and earth. If God produced the universe by a single
creative act of His will, then its natural development
by laws implanted in it by the Creator is to the greater
glory of His Divine power and wisdom. St. Thomas
says : " The potency of a cause is the greater, the more
remote the effects to which it extends" (Summa c.
Gent., Ill, c. lxxvii) ; and Suarez: " God does not inter-
EVOLUTION
655
EVOLUTION
fere directly with the natural order, where secondary
causes suffice to produce the intended effect " (De opere
eex dierum, II, c. x, n. 13). In the light of this prin-
ciple of the Christian interpretation of nature, the his-
tory of the animal and vegetable kingdoms on our
planet is, as it were, a versicle in a volume of a million
pages in which the natural development of Jthe cosmos
is described, and upon whose title-page is written: " In
the beginning God created heaven and earth."
(2) The theory of evolution just stated rests on a
theistic foundation. In contradistinction to this is
another theory resting on a materialistic and atheistic
basis, the first principle of which is the denial of a per-
sonal Creator. This atheistic theory of evolution is
ineffectual to account for the first beginning of the
cosmos or for the law of its evolution, since it acknowl-
edges neither creator nor lawgiver. Natural science,
moreover j has proved that spontaneous generation —
i. e. the independent genesis of a living being from
non-living matter — contradicts the facts of observa-
tion. For this reason the theistic theory of evolution
postulates an intervention on the part of the Creator
in the production of the first organisms. When and
how the first seeds of life were implanted in matter,
we, indeed, do not know. The Christian theory of
evolution also demands a creative act for the origin of
the human soul, since the soul cannot have its origin
in matter. The atheistic theory of evolution, on the
contrary, rejects the assumption of a soul separate
from matter, and thereby sinks into blank materi-
alism.
(3) Darwinism and the theory of evolution are by no
means equivalent conceptions. The theory of evolu-
tion was propounded before Charles Darwin's time, by
Lamarck (1809) and Geoffroy de Saint-Hilaire. Dar-
win, in 1859, gave it a new form by endeavouring to
explain the origin of species by means of natural selec-
tion. According to this theory the breeding of new
species depends on the survival of the fittest in the
struggle for existence. The Darwinian theory of se-
lection is Darwinism — adhering to the narrower, and
accurate, sense of the word. As a theory, it is scien-
tifically inadequate, since it does not account for the
origin of attributes fitted to the purpose, which must
be referred back to the interior, original causes of evo-
lution. Haeckel, with other materialists, has en-
larged this selection theory of Darwin's into a philo-
sophical world-idea, by attempting to account for the
whole evolution of the cosmos by means of the chance
survival of the fittest. This theory is Darwinism in
the secondary, and wider, sense of the word. It is
that atheistical form of the theory of evolution which
was shown above — under (2) — to be untenable. The
third signification of the term Darwinism arose from
the application of the theory of selection to man,
which is likewise impossible of acceptance. In the
fourth place. Darwinism frequently stands, in popular
usage, for tne theory of evolution in general. This
use of the word rests on an evident contusion of ideas,
and must therefore be set aside.
(4) To what extent is the theory of evolution appli-
cable to man? — That God should have made use of
natural, evolutionary, original causes in the produc-
tion of man's body, is per se not improbable, and was
propounded by St. Augustine (see Augustine of
Hippo, Saint, under V. Augustinism in History) . The
actual proofs of the descent of man's body 'from ani-
mals is, however, inadequate, especially in respect to
palaeontology. And the human soul could not have
been derived through natural evolution from that of
the brute, since it is of a spiritual nature; for which
reason we must refer its origin to a creative act on
the part of God.
For a thorough exposition, Wasmann, Modern Biology and
the Theory of Evolution (Freiburg im Br., 1004). Of the older
literature, Mxvart, On the Oenotu of Specie* (London and New
York. 1871).
E. Wasmann.
B. History and Scientific Foundations. — The
world of organisms comprises a great system of in-
dividual forms, generally classified accorJing to struc-
tural resemblances into kingdoms, classes, orders,
families, genera, species. The species is considered
as the unit of the system. It is designated by a double
name, the first of which indicates the genus, e. g. canis
familiaris, the dpg, and canis lupus, the wolf. Com-
paring the species of the present day with their fossil
representatives in the geological layers, we find that
they differ from one another the more the farther we
retrace the geological record. To explain this remark-
able fact two theories have been proposed, the one
maintaining the stability and special creation of spe-
cies, the other the instability and evolution, or genetic
relation, of species. As is plain from the preceding
section of this article, the principal difference between
the two theories consists m this: that the theory of
evolution derives the species of to-day by a progressive
development from one or more primitive types,
whilst the theory of constancy insists upon the special
creation of each true species. It is generally ad-
mitted that the determination of specific forms de-
pends largely on the subjective views and experience
of the naturalist.
We shall here confine our attention to the history
and scientific foundations of the biological theory of
evolution, leaving all purely philosophical and theo-
logical discussions to others. The entire subject will
here be divided into the following parts: I. History
of the Scientific Theories of Evolution; II.
Definition of Species; III. Variability and Ex-
perimental Facts Relating to the Evolution of
Species; IV. The Palaontological Argument;
V. The Morphological Argument; VI. The Onto-
genetic Argument; VII. The Biogeographical
Argument.
Before we begin, we wish to remind the reader of
the important distinction brought out in the preceding
essay, that the general theory referring to the mere
fact of evolution must be well distinguished from all
special theories which attempt to explain the assumed
fact by ascribing it to certain causes, such as natural
selection, the influence of environment, and the like.
In other words, an evolutionist — that is, a defender of
the general scientific theory of evolution — is not eo
ipso a Darwinian, or a Lamarckian, or an adherent of
any special evolutionary system. No less important
are the other definitions and distinctions emphasized
above under A.
I. History of the Scientific Theories of Evo-
lution.— The historical development of the scientific
theories of evolution may be divided into three peri-
ods. The main figure of the first period is Lamarck.
The period ends with an almost complete victory of
the theory of constancy (1830). The second period
commences with Darwin's " Origin of Species11 (1859).
The idea of evolution, and in particular Darwin's the-
ory of natural selection, enters into every department
of the biological sciences and to a great extent trans-
forms them. The third period is a time of critical
reaction. Natural selection is generally considered as
insufficient to explain the origin of new characters,
while the ideas of Lamarck and G. Saint-Hilaire be-
come prevalent. Besides, the theory of evolution is
tested experimentally. Typical representatives of
the period are Bateson, Hugo de Vnes, Morgan.
First Period. — Linnaeus based his important " Sys-
tema naturae " on the principle of the constancy and
special creation of every species — " Species tot numer-
amus quot diverse) forms in principio sunt creatse"
("Philosophia botanica", Stockholm, 1751, p. 99).
For, "contemplating the works of God, it is plain to
every one that organisms produce offspring perfectly
similar to the parents" (^Systema", Leipzig, 1748,
p. 21). Linnaeus had a vast influence upon the nat-
uralists of his time. Thus his principle of the con-
EVOLUTION
656
EVOLUTION
stancy of species was universally acknowledged, and
this all the more because it seemed to De con-
nected with the first chapter of the Bible. Georges
Louis Leclerc Buff on (1707-88), the "suggestive"
author of the " Histoire naturelle ge'ne'rale et particu-
liere", was the first to dispute the Linnsean dogma
on scientific grounds. Till 1761 he had defended the
theory of constancy, but he then became an extreme
evolutionist, and finally held that through the direct
influence of environment species could undergo mani-
fold modifications of structure. Similar views were
expressed by the German Gottfried Reinhold Tre-
viranus in his work "Biologie oder Philosophic der
lebenden Natur" (1802), and by "the poet of evolu-
tion", J. W. Goethe (1749-1832). However, none of
these men worked out the details of a definite theory.
The same must be said of the grandfather of Charles
Darwin, Erasmus Darwin (1731-1802), physician,
poet, and naturalist, the first who seems to have an-
ticipated Lamarck's main views. "All animals un-
dergo transformations which are in part produced by
their own exertions in response to pleasures and pains,
and many of these acquired forms and propensities
are transmitted to their posterity" (Zoonomia, 1794).
Jean-Baptiste de Lamarck (b. 1744) was the scientific
founder of the modern theory of evolution and its spe-
cial form, known as Lamarckism. At the age of
forty-nine Lamarck was elected professor of inverte-
brate zoology at the Jardin des Plan tea (Paris). In
1819 he became completely blind, and died ten years
later in great poverty ana neglected by his contem-
poraries, socially and scientifically. The main ideas
of his theory are contained in his " Philosophic zoolo-
gique" (1809) and his "Histoire des animaux sans
vertebres'f (1816-22). Lamarck disputes the immu-
tability of specific characters, and denies that there is
any objective criterion for determining, with any de-
gree of accuracy, which forms ought to be considered
as true species. Consequently, according to him, the
name species has only a relative value. It refers to a
collection of similar individuals "que la g£n6ration
perpetue dans le m&me 6 tat tant que les circonstances
de leur situation ne changent pas asses pour fair varier
leurs habitudes, leur caractere et leur forme" (Phil,
zoo)., I, p. 75). But how are species transformed* into
new species? As to plants, Lamarck believes that all
changes of structure and function are due to the direct
influence of environment. In animals the changed
conditions of the environment first call forth new
wants and new activities. New habits and instincts
will be produced, and through use and disuse organs
may be strengthened or weakened, newly adapted to
the requirements of new functions, or made to disap-
pear. The acquired changes are handed down to the
offspring by the strong principle of inheritance. Thus
the web in the feet of water birds was acquired
through use, while the so-called rudimentary organs,
e. g. the teeth of the baleen whale, the small eyes of the
mole, were reduced to their imperfect condition
through disuse. Lamarck did not include the origin
of man in his system. He expressed his belief in abio-
genesis, but he maintained at the same time that " rien
n'existe que par la volonte* du sublime Auteur de
toutes choses" (Phil, zool., I, p. 56).
Lamarck's theory was not sufficiently supported by
facts. Besides, it offered no satisfactory explanation
of the origin and development of new organs, though
he did not ascribe the effect to a mere wish of the ani-
mal. Finally, he offered no proof whatever for his
position that acquired characters are inherited. La-
marck had very little influence upon his own time.
Shortly after his death the famous discussion took
place between Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire and Cuvier. As
professor of vertebrate zoology Saint-Hilaire (1773*-
1844) had long been the colleague of Lamarck. Saint-
Hilaire held the mutability of species, but ascribed the
main influence in its evolution to the "monde ambi-
r
ant". Besides, in order to account for the disconti-
nuity of species, he imagined that the environment
could produce sudden changes in the specific charac-
ters of the embryo (Philosophic anatomique, 1818).
In 1830 G. Saint-Hilaire presented to the French
Academy of Sciences his doctrine of the universal
unity of plan and composition in the animal kingdom.
Cuvier opposed it with his celebrated theory of the
four "embranchements", and showed that his adver-
sary had mistaken resemblance for unity. Cuvier
brought convincing facts in support of his attitude;
Saint-Hilaire did not* That settled the issue. The
theory of evolution was officially abandoned. Natu-
ralists left speculation and returned for a few decades
to an almost exclusive study of positive facts. A
single writer of some celebrity, Bory de Saint- Vincent
(1780-1846), took up Lamarck's poctrines, but not
without modifying tnem by insisting upon the final
constancy of specific characters through heredity.
Isidore Saint-Hilaire (1805-61),' who shared the views
of his father concerning environment and heredity,
defended a very moderate theory of evolution. He
assumed a limited variability of species according to
the variability of the environment.
Second Period. — Charles Robert Darwin's book, on
the " Origin of Species by means of natural selection or
the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for
life . published 24 November, 1859, marks a new
epoch m the history of the evolution idea. Though
the principal factors of Darwin's theory, namely
"struggle, variation, selection "{ had been enunciated
by others, it was mainly Darwin who first combined
them into a system which he tried to support by an
expensive empirical foundation. Assisted r>y a num-
ber of influential friends, he succeeded in obtaining an
almost universal acknowledgment for the general the-
ory of evolution, though his special theory of natural
selection gradually lost much of the significance at-
tached to it. especially by Darwin's extreme followers.
Charles Rooert Darwin was born at Shrewsbury, 12
February, 1809. From 1831-36 he accompanied as
naturalist an English scientific expedition to South
America. In 1842 he retired to his villa at Down in
Kent, where he wrote his numerous works. He died
on 19 April, 1882, and was buried in Westminster
Abbey a few feet from the grave of Newton. Bio-
oeographical observations x>n his voyage to South
America led Darwin to abandon the theory of special
creation. " I had been deeply impressed ' , he says in
his Autobiography, "by discovering in the Pampean
formation great fossil animals covered with armour
like that on the existing armadillos; secondly by the
manner in which closely allied animals replace one an-
other in proceeding southward over the continent;
and thirdly by the South American character of most
of the productions of the Galapagos archipelago and
more especially by the manner in which they differ
slightly on each island of the group. ... It was evi-
dent that such facts could only be explained on the
supposition that species gradually became modified."
In order to account for the transformation, Darwin
began with a systematic study of numerous facts re-
ferring to domesticated animals and cultivated plants.
This was in July, 1837. He soon perceived that selec-
tion was the keystone of man's success in making
useful races, namely, by breeding only from useful vari-
ations. But it remained a mystery to him how selec-
tions could he applied to organisms living in nature.
In October. 1838, Darwin read Malthus's "Essay on
Population and understood at once that in the strug-
gle for existence described by Malthus "favourable
variations would tend to be preserved and unfavour-
able ones to be destroyed, and that the result of this
selection or survival would be the formation of new
species". The struggle itself appeared to him as a
necessary conseouence of the hien rate at which or-
ganic beings tend to increase. The result of the seleo-
I
EVOLUTION 6:
tion — that is the survival of the fittest variations —
to supposed to be transmitted and accumulated
through the principle of inheritance. In this manner
Darwin defined and tried to establish the theory of
natural selection. Long after he had come to Down
he added an important complement to it. The foi*-
mat ion of new species implies that organic beings tend
to diverge in character as they become modified. But
how could this be explained? Darwin answered:
Because the modified offspring of all dominant and in-
creasing forms tend to become adapted to many and
highly diversified places in the economy of nature. In
short, according to Darwin, species arc continuously
beneficial to the being under its condi-
tions of life", that is, by the survival of the fittest,
which is to be considered
"not the exclusive", but
the "most important
means of modification".
As his studies and ob-
servations progressed,
Darwin lost his almost ex-
clusive belief in his own
theory, as he held it in
1859, and gradually
adopted, at least as sec-
ondary causes in the origin
of species, the Lamarck
factor of the inheritance
of the effects of use and
disuse and the BufTon
factor of the direct action
of the environment,
especially in case of the
geographical isolation of
species. Astothehuman
species, Darwin was, as
early as 1837 or 1838, of
the opinion that it was
likewise no special crea-
tion, but a product of evo-
lutionary processes. The
numerous facts which,
according to Darwin,
might be adapted to sub-
stantiate his views are
contained in his work,
"The Descent of Man"
(1871). As a supplemen-
tary work to "The Origin
of Species", Darwin published, in 1868, "The Variation
of Animals and Plants under Domestication", which
contains many valuable facts and theoretical discus-
sions concerning variation and heredity. The princi-
ple of natural selection is certainly a very useful factor
in removing variations not well adapted to their sur-
roundings, but the action is merely negative. The
main point (that is the origin and teleological develop-
ment of useful variations) is left untouched by the
theory, as Darwin himself has indicated. Moreover,
no proof is brought forward that variations must ac-
cumulate in the same direction and that the result
must be a higher form of organization. On the con-
trary, as we shall point out below, the experimental
evidence of the post-Darwinian period has failed to
substantiate Darwin's claim. It is, however, well to
note that Darwin did not wish to ascribe the origin and
survival of useful variations to chance. That word,
he declares, is a wholly incorrect expression which
merely serves to acknowledge plainly our ignorance of
the cause of each particular variation. Later on, it is
true, he seems to have abandoned the idea of design.
"The old argument", he says in his "Autobiography"
(1876) . , . "fails, now that the law of natural selec-
tion has been discovered." Similarly, his belief in the
existence of God, which was strong in him when he
V.— 42
7 EVOLUTION
wrote the " Origin", seems to have vanished from his
mind in the course of years. Id 1874 he confessed:
"I for one must be content to remain Agnostic".
Of the numerous friends of Darwin who contributed
so much to the development and spread of his theories,
we mention in the first place Alfred Russel Wallace,
whose essay on natural selection was read before the
Linmean Society, in London, 1 July, 1858, together
with Darwin's first essay on the subject. The main
work of Wallace, "Darwinism, an Exposition of the
Theory of Natural Selection with Some of ite Applica-
tions (1889), "treats the problem of the origin ol
species on the same general lines as were adopted by
Darwin ; but from the standpoint reached after nearly
30 years of discussion," In fact the book is a defence
of pure Darwinism. Wallace, too, assumed the ani-
mal origin of man's bodily
structure, but, contrary to
Darwin, he ascribed the
origin of man's " intellec-
tual and moral faculties
to the unseen Universe ol
S'rit" (Darwinism).
omaeH.Huxley(1825-
1895) was one of trie most
strenuous defenders of
Darwin's views; his book
on "Man's Place in Na-
ture" (1863) is a defence
of man's "Oneness with
the brutes in structure
and in substance". Be-
sides Wallace and Huxley,
there were the geologist
Sir Charles Lyell, the
zoologist Sir John Lub-
bock, and the botanists
Asa Gray and J. D.
Hooker, who supported
Darwin's theory almost
from the beginning.
Quatrefages and Dana
accepted it in part, but
declared that them were
no arguments in favour
of the animal origin of
man. Spencer's views are
not very much different
from those of Darwin's
later years. Natural se-
lection is more aptly
called by him "the survival of the fittest" ("Principles
of Biology", 1898, I, p. 530)_. Trying to harmonise
the lAmarckian and Darwinian factors of evolution,
he was among the first to defend the so-called neo-
Lamarckian theory, which insists upon the direct in-
fluence of the environment and the inheritance of
newly acquired characters.
Before we enter upon the last phase in the develop-
ment of the evolution idea, it is necessary to devote
some space to the extreme defenders of Darwinism in
Germany. Ernst Haeckel, of Jena, is in some sense
the founder of the science of phylogeny, which seeks
at least by way of hypothesis, to determine the genetic
relation of past and present species. In 1868 Darwin
wrote to Haeckel: Your boldness makes me some-
times tremble ". This refers especially to the phytog-
eny, which is in fact an aprioristic structure often
contradicted, and at almost no point supported, by
experiment and observation. The tetrahedral car
bon atom is, according to Haeckel, the external foun-
tain head of all organic life. Through abiogenesis
certain most primitive organisms are said to have been
formed, such as "moneys", which Haeckel described
as unicellular beings without structure and without
any nuclear differentiation. During ages of unknown
duration these simple masses of protoplasm have bees
EVOLUTION
658
EVOLUTION
evolved into higher plants and animals, man included.
As one of his main arguments, Haeckel refers to the so-
called "biogenetic law of development71. The sup-
posed law maintains that ontogeny is a short and
rapid repetition of phylogeny, that is, the stages in the
individual development of an organism correspond
more or less to the stages which the species passed
through in their evolution. The causes of develop-
ment are, according to Haeckel, the same as were
§ reposed by Darwin and by Lamarck; but Haeckel
enies the existence of God and rejects the idea of tele-
ology.
Our leading scientists do not care to support the un-
founded generalities of Haeckel's doctrines. They
have even, most severely, but justly, censured Haeck-
el's scientific methods, mainly his frauds, his walnt of
distinction between fact and hypothesis, his neglect to
correct wrong statements, his disregard of facts not
agreeing with his aprioristic conceptions and his un-
acquaintance with history, physics, and even modern
biology. They have also pointed out that the bio-
genetic law of development is by no means a trust-
worthy guide in retracing the phylogenetic succession
of species, and that many other theories suggested by
Haeckel are without foundation. But above all we
must reject Haeckel's popular writings because they
contain numerous errors of every kind, and ridicule in a
shameful manner the most sacred convictions and
moral principles of Christianity. It is a sad fact, that
especially through the influence of "Die Weltratsel"
great harm was done to religion and morality, especially
m Germany and in the English-speaking countries.
The present leader of extreme Darwinism is August
Weismann of Freiburg (Vortrage tiber Descendenzthe-
orie, 2d ed., 1904) , the energetic opponent of Lamarck's
idea that acquired characters are inherited. Accord-
ing to Weismann, every individual and specific char-
acter which may be transmitted by heredity is pre-
formed and prearranged in the architecture of certain
ultra-microscopical particles composing the chromatin
of the germ-cells. On account of qualitative differ-
ences the various groups of these ultimate particles or
"biophores" have a different power of assimilation.
Besides, they are present in different numbers. In
consequence thereof an intracellular struggle for exist-
ence will arise, especially after the germ-cells are
united in fertilization. The outcome of the struggle
will be that the weaker particles always or at times
succumb. Thus the principle of the survival of the
fittest is transferred to the germ-cells. Weismann,
moreover, admits an indirect influence of the environ-
ment upon the germ-cells. In order to account for the.
facts of regeneration and reorganization established by
Driesch, Morgan, and others, Weismann appeals at
times to unknown forces of vital affinities, without,
however, dismissing his thoroughly materialistic and
antiteleological suppositions. It will be superfluous
to add that Weismann's theory is a mere hypothesis
whose foundation can probably never be controlled by
observation and experiment. But it must be ac-
knowledged that Weismann was among the first to
point out the intrinsic connexion between the evolu-
tion of species and the science of the cell. As extreme
scientific opponents of Darwinism and evolution we
mention above all the botanist Albert Wiegand and
the zoologist and palaeontologist Louis Agassiz, the
well-known adversary of Asa Gray. These men pro-
duced many an excellent argument against the ex-
treme defenders of pure Darwinism, but, probably by
attending too much to the exceedingly weak founda-
tions of the current theory of the general development
bv small changes, they rejected evolution almost en-
tirely. The most recent representative of such ex-
treme views is the zoologist Albert Fleischmann, who
has become a complete scientific agnostic.
Third Period. — The third period in the history of the
biological evolution theory has only in recent years
assumed the form which marks it as a new epoch. Its
path was prepared by the fact that two classes of nat-
uralists had m course of time been drawing nearer to
one another. On the one hand were those whose
work was merely critical, bv discriminating clearly
between Darwinism and evolution, and on the other
hand those who gave their undivided attention to the
work of experimental investigation. Only in recent
Sears have the two classes jdined hands and, in men
ke de Vries, Bateson, Morgan, have gained very effi-
cient assistance. At the present time the greatest
importance is laid on the explanation of the gaps in
species, on the adaptation of organisms to environ-
ment, and on the inheritance of characters thus ac-
quired, and above all on the idea of the segregation
and the independence of biological characters, as was
S>inted out almost fifty years ago by Gregor Johann
endel.
As far back as 1865, K. von Nageli decided in favour
of the general theory of evolution and against Darwin-
ism . According to him progressive evolution required
intrinsic laws of development, which, however, as he
added, wepe to be sought for in molecular forces.
Natural selection alone could only eliminate, that is to
say, could only explain the survival of the more use-
ful, but not its origin. Like Spencer, Nageli was a
determined precursor of neo-Lamarckism. This the-
ory, which is now defended by many evolutionists,
attempts to reconcile Lamarck's principle of the use
and disuse of organs with Saint-Huaire's theory of the
influence of external circumstances. There are many
evolutionists, such as Th. Eimer, Packard, Cunning-
ham, Cope, who defend this view. However, the
experimental evidence for the foundation of neo-La-
marckism — namely, the inheritance of acquired char-
acters— is still wanting, or at least strongly debated.
Nageli 's most important work, " Mechamsch-physiol-
ogische Theorie der Abstammungslehre", appeared in
1884. The embryologist K. £. von Baer, who did not
share the antiteleological views of Nageli, opposed no
less energetically Darwin's theory of natural selec-
tion, because, as he argued, that theory does not ex-
plain teleology and correlation, and is at the same
time in contradiction to the persistence of species and
varieties. He also vigorously controverted Haeckel's
system, especially his biogenetic law of development.
But he maintained the transformation of species
within certain limits through the agency of grad-
ual and sudden changes. This leads us to the theory
of saltatory evolution which is to-day most strongly
defended by Bateson, de Vries and others. Some of
the first scientific expositors of this view were R. von
KOlliker and St. George Mivart. In his work " On the
Genesis of Species" (1871) Mivart proposed a number
of convincing arguments against the opinion of the
power of natural selection as a prevailing factor. Ac-
cording to him species are suddenly born and originate
by some innate force, which works orderly and with
design. Mivart concedes that external conditions
play an important part in stimulating, evoking, and in
some way determining evolutionary processes. But
the transformation of species will mainly, if not ex-
clusively, be produced by some constitutional affec-
tion of the generative system of the parental forms, an
hypothesis which Mivart would extend also to the
first genesis of the body of man. Hugo de Vries (Die
Mutationstheorie, 1901-03) is, with Bateson, Reinke,
and Morgan, a typical representative of the exponents
of the modern theory of saltatory evolution. He first
endeavoured to show experimentally that new species
cannot arise by selection. Then he attempted to de-
monstrate the origin of new forms by saltatory evolu-
tion. The principal illustration to establish his theory
of " mutation" was the large flower, evening primrose
(Oenothera Lamarckiana). Th. H. Morgan ("Evolu-
tion and Adaptation", 1903) summarizes this view
as follow *. "If we suppose that new mutations and
■VOLUTION Of
'definitely' inherited variations suddenly appear,
some of which will find an environment to which they
are more or leas well fitted, we can aee how evolution
may have gone on without assuming new species to
have been formed through a process of competition.
Nature's supreme test js 'survival. She makes new
forma to bring them to this test through mutation and
does not remodel
old forms through
a process of indi-
vidual selection."
We shall see that
de Vriea overrated
the importance of
his experiments.
Still it Is not to be
denied that he has
become through
his method a mas-
ter for the experi-
mental investiga-
tion of the prob-
lems of evolution.
Of especial value is
his analysis of the
concept of species ,
though probably
his greatest ser-
vice is the redis-
covery of Mendel 's
laws and their in-
troduction into
the realm of bio-
„ ,, logical investi-
Hooo di Vain LJK™,
Rations.
The earliest forerunners of Mendel were the first
scientific hybridists J. G. Kohlreuter (1733-1806) and
T. A. Knight (1758-1838}. Kohlreuter 's results are
of special interest because, through the repeated cross-
ing of a hybrid with the pollen or ovules of one of the
parents, forms appeared which more and more re-
verted to the characteristics of the respective parent.
K. F. von Gartner (1772-1850) was the most prolific
writer on hybridism of his time, though he did not sur-
pass Kohlreuter as to the positive results of his ex-
perimental research. C. Naudin's essay on the hy-
bridity inplunts (1862) represented a considerable ad-
vance. The author pointed out that the facts of the
reversion of the hybrids to the specific forms of their
parents, when repeatedly crossed with the latter, are
naturally explained by the hypothesis of the segrega-
tion of the two specific essences in the pollen grains
and ovules of the hybrids (Leek). This formed in
after years no small part of Mendel's discovery, which
is indeed one of the most brilliant results of experi-
mental investigation.
Gregor Mendel was born 22 July, 1822, at Heinxen-
dorf near Odrau (Austrian Silesia). After finishing
his studies he entered, in 1843, the Augustinian mon-
astery at Brunn. Having been for fourteen years
professor of the natural sciences, he was elected abbot
of the monastery in 1868, and died in January, 1884.
Mendel's celebrated memoir, "Versuche Qber Pflan-
senhybriden", appeared in 1865, but attracted little
attention, and remained unknown and forgotten till
1900. It was based on experiments that had been
carried out during the course of eight years on more
than 10,000 plants. The principal result of these ex-
periments was the recognition that the peculiarities of
organisms produced entities independent of one an-
other, so that they can be joined and separated in a
regular way. As we have said above, H . de Vries was
the first to recognize the value of Mendel's paper.
Other investigators who have taken up the same line
of work are Correns, Tschermak, Morgan, and, most of
all, Bateson, the principal founder of
or the science of genetics.
9 EVOLUTION
II. Definition of Species. — Before Linnss us 's time
genera were considered to be the unite of the plant and
animal kingdoms, and it was assumed these nad been
created by God, while the species were descended from
them. By the nomen specificum was understood the
more or less short description by which Tourne tort and
his contemporaries distinguished the various species of
genera. Linmeus introduced the binomial system
establishing the species as the unit of the organic world.
There are as many species as there were different forms
created in the beginning. The same theoretical norm
had already been adopted before Limueus by the Eng-
lish physician John Ray (died 1678). The practical crite-
rion for determining genera and species was taken from
characteristic morphological features. For instance,
the essential generic characteristic of the quadrupeds
was derived from the teeth; that of birds from the bill.
The species was designated in a similar manner "by
retaining the primary characteristic among the vari-
ous differences which separated two individuals of the
same species." The establishment therefore of a genus
or of a species depended ultimately, then as now, on
the knowledge and subjective views of the systema-
tizer. The whole system was an artificial one pre-
cisely because it took note of one single feature alone,
leaving the rest out of consideration; for instance, in
the vegetable kingdom the character of the flower
alone was taken into consideration. Later on Lin-
nffius entertained the idea that originally God created
only one species of each genus, and that the rest had
been derived from these original species by cross-
breeding. Lin metis's conception of species was
strengthened by Georges Cuvier, who defended the
unchangeable ness of the categories beginning with the
species up to the four types (embranchemenl) . He
was supported in this, as was later L. Agassiz, by the
absolute dearth of intermediate forms in geological
strata. Hence arose his Theory of Catastrophes,
which in turn gave- way to his Migration Theory.
Cuvier came victorious out of tl\e controversy with
Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, who maintained the
unity of the plan of animal structure and the continu-
ous transition of _
forms in the ani-
mal kingdom.
The views pre-
vailing under Lin-
nams and Cuvier
were then divided
into two main
(1) The
moderate
Iransmutationisto
held that genera
were the originally
created unite, and
that from these all
species and vari-
eties were derived .
(2) The followers
of Linnsjus, on the
other hand, af-
firmed that the
Lin mean species
were the created
units, and the sub-
divisions of these
were the derived
ones. Then fol-
lowed the Jordan
schools, which asserted that within the Linnsean
species were what they called "small species", in*,
dividually variable, but specifically immutable (not
connected by intermediate forms), and, as such, to
be considered the true units or " elementary species ".
Linnnus's Draba verna, for instance, comprehends
about 200 "elementary species". The norm or
OiUtOOB M UN DHL
EVOLUTION
660
EVOLUTION
criterion of the elementary species is the experimen-
tally proved constancy of the features (it is quite im-
material how small they may be) during a series of
generations.
How are we to regard these opinions? Before an-
swering this question we must strongly emphasise the
fact that the biological idea of species has nothing
whatever in common with the Scriptural conception
or with that of Scholastic philosophy. The Mosaic
story of Creation signifies nothing more than this, that
ultimately all organisms owe their existence to the
Creator of the World. The concrete how has nothing
to do with the proposition of faith regarding creation.
The enumeration of certain popular groups of organ-
isms, such as fruit-trees, draft-animals, and the like,
could have no other design than to manifest to the
simplest as well as to the most cultivated mind the
action of the Creator of all things; at least, there can
be no question of a scientific conception of genera and
species. The biological concept ot species is likewise
removed from the philosophical concept which desig-
nates either the metaphysical or the physical species.
The former is identical with the Integra essentia (Urra-
burti) — "integral essence11 — of a being; the latter is
founded on the essence (fundatur in essentid — T.
Pesch), and is to be recognised by some attribute
(gradus alicujus perfectionis) which remains constant
and unchangeable in every individual of every genera-
tion and so appears to be necessarily connected with
the most intimate essence of the organism (necessario
cum ret naturd connecti — Haan). The concept, there-
fore, of species according to Holy Scripture, Philoso-
phy, and Science, is by no means a synonymous one for
the natural units of the organic world., And particu-
larly, the first chapter of Genesis should not be
brought into connexion with Linnaeus' s "Systema
naturae ".
As far as the biological concept of species is con-
cerned there is not up to the present time any decisive
criterion by which we may determine in practice
whether a given group of organisms constitute a par-
ticular species or not. Genuine species are differenti-
ated from one another by the fact of their possessing
some important morphological difference which re-
mains constant during a series of generations without
the production of any intermediate form. If the dif-
ferences are of less importance, but constant, we speak
of sub-species (elementary species, Jordan species),
while intermediate forms and all deviations which are
not strictly constant are set down as varieties. Are
such distinctions and criteria acceptable? Expres-
sions such as "considerable", "essential", "more or
less considerable " signify relative propositions. Hence
it follows that the morphological determination of
species depends to a great extent on the subjective es-
timate of the naturalist and on his intimate knowledge
of the geographical distribution and habits of the or-
ganism concerned. In fact, the force of the term
species differs greatly in the different classes of organ-
isms. On this account the fact that species do not
cross-breed, or at least that after a cross they do not
produce fertile descendants, was added as an auxiliary
criterion. This criterion, however, is an impractica-
ble one in the case of palaeontologies! species, and in
the plant world in particular has many exceptions. In
botany, therefore, the auxiliary criterion has been lim-
ited in the sense that within the species itself the fer-
tility always maintains the same general level, while
by the crossing of different species it diminishes very
materially — propositions which do not admit of conver-
sion and in tneir generalisation can scarcely be called
correct. Consequently, it would almost appear that
Darwin was right when he said that the idea of species
was " undefinable ". Still, it is not to be denied that
there are in nature definite and often important grada-
tions and gaps by which the " good species ", in contra-
distinction to the " bad species ", are separated from
one another. The same is also proved by the modern
"mutation theories" which, on account of uncon-
nected differences, admit a development of species by
jumps.
The Darwinian principle of indefinite variability is
contrary to facte, which m general show that, both in
living nature and in geological strata, there exist
types sharply discriminated Rom one another. How-
ever, it is quite impossible to say how many types
compose the organic world. It will be the task of
future research to determine the affinity which exists
between the various groups of organisms, beginning
with the lower limit ot similar sub-species and ascend-
ing to the highest forms whose common ancestry can
be proved. These highest forms, which per se have
nothing in common with the Linnsean species or gen-
era, or with any other systematic groups, are the true
units of nature; for they are composed of those organ-
isms only which are related among themselves without
being connected with the rest by common descent.
We may, if we wish, identify these highest units with
Wasmann's "natural species", or primeval ancestral
forms, but, according to our opinion, neither the Lin-
naean species nor any other of the so-called systematic
groups can be considered as the natural subdivisions
of it. The Linnsean species are indeed indispensable
for an intelligible classification of organisms, but they
are not suitable for the solution of tne problem of de-
velopment. In concluding this section we may add
that the best example of a natural species, and one
ratified by revelation, is the species Man, which, by
reason of its wide range of variation and the relative
constancy of its races, may offer many a happy point
of comparison for defining the limits of the species in
the vegetable and animal kingdoms.
In the following sections we shall see that there can-
not be any doubt as to the evolution of species, if by
species we understand such groups of organisms as are
generally styled by botanists and zoologists syste-
matic, or Linnman, species. But if by the term species
we are to understand groups of organisms whose range
of variability would correspond to that of " the human
species", then we believe that up to the present day
there are no clear facts in favour of specific evolution.
In particular, it will be seen that thus far there is no
evidence of fact as to an ascending development of
organic forms, though we do not deny the possibility
of it provided an innate power of development be as-
sumed, which operates teleologically.
III. Variation and Experimental Facts relat-
ing to the Evolution of Species. — By vcariation we
generally understand three groups of phenomena: (1)
individual differences; (2) single variations; (3)
forms produced by crossing and Mendelian segrega-
tion. The question is. what influence these variations
actually have on the formation of species.
(1) individual Differences. Individual differences
include all fluctuating inequalities of an individual
and of its organs — e. g., the size of the leaves of a tree,
the percentage of sugar contained in the beet, ana
even more important morphological and physiological
features. These differences may be Quantitative
(according to size and weight), meristic (as to num-
bers), and individually quantitative (e. g., the moun-
tain and valley forms of a plant) . They are generally
recognised from the fact that they oscillate around a
certain mean, from which they deviate in inverse pro-
portion to their frequency, a rule which primarily per-
tains only to quantitative differences. According to
Darwinians, useful individual differences can be in-
creased indefinitely by selection and may finally be-
come independent of it. In this manner new species
would result: Darwin himself sometimes considered
single variations as of greater importance. The same
view is strongly defended by modern evolutionists,
who defend, at the same time, a direct influence of en-
vironment to which an organism adapts itself.
KVOLUTXON 6f
In order first of all to obtain a just estimate of the
influence of selection, it must be pointed out that not
everything that is attributed to selection has origi-
nated through selection. The origin of many pure
breeds (e. g., of pigeons) is unknown, and cannot
therefore without further investigation be ascribed to
selection. Furthermore, many cultivated forms have
arisen through crosses and segregation of characters,
but not through merely strengthening individual
characters. If we restrict our examination only to
well attested facts, we find, first, -that nothing new is
brought about by selection; secondly that the maxi-
mum amount in quantitative modification is obtained
in a few generations (mostly in three to five) and that
this amount can only be maintained through constant
selection. In case selection is stopped, a regression
will follow proportional to the length of time required
for the progress. In short, as far as facts teach us,
new species do not arise by selection. But if qualita-
tive changes were produced by some other cause, se-
lection would probably be a potent principle in order
to explain why some peculiarities survive and others
disappear. The question is: Whether changes in the
environment may furnish such a cause. There can be
no doubt that the environment does influence organ-
isms and mould them in many ways. As proof of this
we need only draw attention to the different forms of
Alpine and valley plants, to the formation of the
leaves of plants according to the humidity, shadiness,
tanguinea, but builds a fairly roomy hul-nest. D.
d) D.
D. Dbhtata: (c) d. Haobhsi;
(a) DiNiKDi NUaxsi
or sunniness of the habitat, to the influence of light
and temperature on the formation of pigment and
colouring of the surface, to the strange and consider-
able differences produced, for instance, in knot-
weeds by merely changing the environment, and so
forth. But as far as actual experiments show, the
changes of characteristics and niceties of adaptation
go to and fro, as it were, without transgressing definite
ranges of variation. Moreover, it is not at all clear
how discontinuity of species could have arisen "by a
continuous environment, whether acting directly, as
Lamarck would have it, or as a selective agent, aa
Darwin would have it" (Bateson), unless one takes
into account the accidental destruction and isolation
of intermediate forms.
In spite of these conclusions it has been assumed
that individual differences might lead to the formation
of new species under the continuous influence of nat-
ural selection. Wasmann's well-known Dinarda-
forms may serve as an example. The four forms of
the rove-beetle, Dinarda, namely D. Marktli, D. dtn-
lala, D. Hagenti and D. pygmaa, bear a certain rela-
tion with regard to size to the four forms of ants, For-
mica rufa, tanguinta, exttcta, Ivtco-rufibarbit, and to
their nests, in which they live as tolerated guests.
D. Marktli, which is 5 mm. long, dwells with F. rufa,
which is comparatively large and builds spacious hill-
nests. D. dtntata, which is 4 mm. long, lives with F.
long, lives with F. eztecta, which is smaller than F.
. which is relatively si
nests. Moreover, the three first-named ants are two-
coloured (red and black), and so are the corresponding
Dinarda. The last-
named ant, how-
ever, is of a more
uniform dark col-
the corresponding
Dinarda. Now
comparative soo-
geography con-
tains some indica-
tions according to
which the similar-
ity of colour and
proportion of size
must be attrib uted
to actual adapta-
tion. For (1) there
tral Europe in
which only F. ean-
guinea with D. den-
lata, and F. rufa
with D. Marktli
are found, whereas
F. exmcta and F. rufibarbit do not harbour any Din-
arda- forms at all. Secondly, there are districts in
which the four forms of Dinarda are living with their
four hosts and yet hardly ever showing transitional
forms. Thirdly, in other parts there are more or less
continuous intermediate forms, D. dtntata-Hagtnti
living with F. exttcta, and D. Hagenti-pygmaa living
with F. fueeo-rufibarbis. The nearer a Dinarda ap-
proaches the form of D. pygmaa, the more frequently
it is found with F. futco-rufibarbit. To alt this must
be added, that the adaptation in general appears to
have kept pace with the historical freeing of Central
Europe from ice, though numerous exceptions must
be explained by local circumstances, especially by iso-
lation. Considering these facts, we are inclined to be-
lieve that D. pygmaa especially presents an example of
real adaptation 171 fieri, though this adaptation cannot
be called a progressive one, since the more recent forms,
Hagtnti and pyg-
smaller in sise and
of a more uniform
colour. But at the
same time it seems
to us that the
adaptation of the
Dinarda cannot be
considered as an
example to illus-
trate specific evo-
lution, because, as
we ha ve shownelse-
where, there are
many instances in
nature — we men-
tion only the races
and other sub-divi-
sions of the human
species— that like-
wise present differ-
it deg]
onfai
(Enothua Giois (after da Vriei)
more pronounced
than that found in the Dinarda, but which are not,
and cannot on that account be, quoted as examples
of the formation of new specific characters.
(2) Single Variation* are presumably of far greater
importance for the solution of the evolution problem
EVOLUTION
662
EVOLUTION
than individual differences; for they are discontinu-
ous and constant, and are therefore capable of explain-
ing the gaps between existing species and those of
palaeontology. We use the term single variation
when, from among a large number of offspring, some
one particular individual stands out that differs from
the rest in one or more characteristics which it trans-
mits unchanged to posterity. It is said to be peculiar
to the single variations that they cannot be reduced to
crosses. If this is possible, we speak of "analytical
variations". Favourable conditions for the appear-
ance of single variations are altered environment, a
liberal sowing of seed, and excellent nourishment. It
is a remarkable fact that the fertility of single varia-
tions decreases considerably, and this the more so the
greater the deviation from the parents. Besides, the
newly produced forms are comparatively weak. This
weakness and inclination to sterility are facts which
must be carefully weighed when determining the
probable importance of single variations for specific
evolution. Besides, it is — to our knowledge — in no
case excluded that the suddenly arising form may be
traced back to former crossings. Probably the only
case which is quite generally interpreted to demon-
strate specific evolution experimentally is that of the
primrose observed by de Vries. After many failures
with more than 100 species, de Vries, in 18&6. deter-
mined to cultivate the evening primrose (Oenothera
Lamarckiana), whose extraordinary fertility had at-
tracted his attention." He chose nine well-developed
specimens and transplanted them into the Botanical
Garden of Amsterdam. The cultivation was at first
continued through eight generations. In all he exam-
ined 50,000 plants, among which he discovered 800
deviating specimens, which could be arranged in
seven different groups, as shown in the following
table: —
and darker yellow, or smaller and lighter, the fruit
longer or shorter, the outer skin rougher or smoother,
etc.
It may be conceded that the (Enothera has devel-
oped constant forms corresponding to the so-called
"small or elementary species". The question, how-
ever, is, whether the forms are really new ones or
whether they owe their origin to some unexpected
original cross. In fact, if we are to suppose a previous
cross, perhaps 0. Lamarckiana and 0. sublinearis, then
the O. Lamarckiana' of Hilversum had contained the
different variations in a latent form and through cultr-
vation gradually reverted by throwing off the different
variations. At any rate, there cannot be any ques-
tion of a progressive development, for the reason that
none of the new forms shows the slightest progress in
organization or even development of any kind advanc-
ing in that direction.
(3) Crosses and Menddian Segregations. Cross-
breeding can in nature hardly be considered as a factor
in the progressive development of species; in particu-
lar, forms of different degrees of organization do not
cross, and if they did, all deviations would soon be
equalized according to the laws of chance and proba-
bility. All the greater seems to be the importance of
the Mendelian segregations. It may be known to the
reader that the famous experiments of the Abbot
Mendel were carried on with seven different pairs of
characters which he crossed with one another, and
then, by letting the cross-breds self-fertilize, he contin-
ued the cultivation of the plants through a series of
generations. In the first generation it was found that
tne offspring exhibited without exception the charac-
ter of one of the parents, that of the other parent not
appearing at all. Mendel therefore called the former
— the prevailing— character the "dominant" and the
other the "recessive". In the following generation,
Generation
O. ffigaa
albida
oblong*
rubrinervia
Lamarckiana
nanella
lata
scintillans
I. 1886-87
—
—
—
9
—
•
—
II. 1888-89
15000
A
5
1
1 5
—
III. 1890-01
1
10000
A
3
1 31
—
IV. 1895
1
15
I 176
1 8
1 14000
A
60
I 73
1 r
V. 1896
25
135
1 20
I 8000
A
49
142
1 6
VI. 1897
f
11
t 29
1 3
1800 x
A
9
5
1
VII. 1898
t
9
1 —
I 3000
A
11
—
VlII. 1899
r
5
1
~
1700
21
1
—
The specimen of 0. gigas (1895) was self-fertilized and
yielded 450 O. gigas forms, among which there was
only one dwarf form, 0. aigas-nanetta. The three fol-
lowing generations remained constant. O. albida was
a very sickly form, though it succeeded, thanks to reg-
ular attention, in breeding constant offspring. Among
the O. oblonga descendants there was one specimen,
albida, and in a later generation one specimen of O.
rubrinervis. 0. rubrinervis proved to be as fertile as
Lamarckiana, and yielded oesides a new variation,
leptocarpa. The offspring of 0. nanella was constant,
though among the 1800 descendants of nanella in 1896
three specimens showed oblonga characteristics. 0.
lata was purely female ; but, fertilized with pollen of
other variants, it yielded 15 to 20 per cent O. lata
descendants. O. scintillans was not constant. Ac-
cording to de Vries' observations (since 1886), new
forms also originated in nature, but they succumbed in
the struggle for existence. The differences between
the single forms relate to various parts and degrees of
development, though in several they are very slight.
The plants become either stronger or weaker, with
broader or narrower leaves; the flowers become larger
which was produced by letting the cross-breds fertilize
themselves, the recessive character appeared and,
moreover, in a definite proportion. On an average
this proportion was 2.89 : 1 or 3 : 1. In the second
generation 75 per cent of the whole number of plants
exhibited the dominant character, and 25 per cent the
recessive. No intermediate forms were observed in
any case. In the third generation the offspring of the
recessives was constant and remained pure recessives,
but among the offspring of the dominants some
remained constant dominants, while others were hy-
brids. The average proportion of the constant domi-
nants (D) to variable cross-breds (DR) was as 1 : 2.
Thus, besides the 25 per cent of constant recessives
(R), there was also 25 per cent (one-third of 75 per
cent) constant dominants (D) and 50 per cent (two-
thirds of 75 per cent) variable crossbreds (DR) or
1D+ 2DR+ 1R. The same proportion resulted from
the following generations of the crossbreds, and since
1900 this has been confirmed by other investigators in
the case of other plants (e. g. maize) and also of ani-
mals (e. g. gray and white mice).
Menders rule of segregation, therefore, runs thus:
EVOLUTION
663
EVOLUTION
The hybrids of any two different characters produce
seeds, one half of which again develop the hybrid
forms, while the other half yield offspring which re-
mains constant, and possess the dominant and reces-
sive characters in equal proportion. A simple analy-
sis of this rule shows that it consists of three parts:
(a) By fertilization the characters of the parents are
united, without, however, thereby losing their purity
and independence; (b) In the offspring the characters
of both parents may again be separated from each
other; (c) The character of one of the parents may
completely conceal that of the other. This last
part of the rule is not, according to later investigators,
necessarily connected with the other two parts. We
may add that Mendel's rule also holds good for the off-
spring of hybrids, in which several constant characters
are combined, and that in it there is found a splendid
confirmation of the modern theory of the cell. Cross-
breeding, therefore, does not by any means lead to the
mixing of characteristics. These, on the contrary,
remain pure, or, at most, form new combinations or
split up into simpler components. Hence, the idea
that caps in nature originate through such segregation
is well founded. But the question, whether the idea is
to be applied to the formation of species, and how this
is to be carried out, can scarcely be answered at pres-
ent. This much, however, is evident : that there is no
progress in organization any more than there is any
progressive specific development, brought about by
segregation.
Hence this important conclusion follows: That the
central idea of modern evolution theories — namely,
Met
fikkkm,
Matin
iiliiii
CORRXNB TJRTICA
progressive specific development — has not up to the
present received any confirmation from observation of
the world of organisms as it now exists. It is quite
true, however, that the plasticity of organisms has
been proved by a number of experiments to be very
considerable; so that, in a constant environment, and
by single variations, changes may be brought about
which a systematist would classify as specific or even
generic, if it were not clear from other sources that
tney are not such. In the same way forms could be
developed by segregation, the characteristics of which
would suffice " to constitute specific differences in the
eyes of most systematists, were the plants or animals
brought home by collectors" (Bateson). Yet such
criteria are meaningless for the demonstration of the
formation of species. The question as to the trans-
mission of acquired characters is not by any means
decided. It follows from the doctrine of propagation
that only such characters can be transmitted as are
contained in the germ-cells or which have been either
directly or indirectly transmitted to them. Hence it
is clear that all peculiarities acquired by the cells of
the body through the influence of environment, or by
use or disuse, can only be inherited if they are handed
over, as it were, to the germ-cells. But it is useless to
discuss the question before we have sufficient experi-
mental evidence that acquired characters are at all
inherited.
IV. The Pal^ontolooical Argument. — (1) His-
torical Method. , Before entering upon the discussion
of the evidence furnished by palaeontology we must
briefly refer to the method which ought to be em-
ployed in the interpretation of the palseontological
records. The great archives of the geological strata
are very incomplete. Almost three-quarters of the
earth's surface is covered with water, and another
Eart with perpetual ice, while of the rest but a fraction
as remained free from the ravages of water and the
elements; of this small portion, again, only certain
regions are accessible to the investigator, and these
have been but partially examined. Besides, in most
cases only the hard portions of organisms are pre-
served, and even these are often so badly mutilated
that their correct classification is sometimes difficult.
Many of them, especially in the oldest rocks, must
have perished under the crushing force of metamor-
phic processes. Further, the geographic distribution
of plants and animals must have varied according to
climatological and topographical mutations. It may
suffice to cite the glacial periods of which there are
clear indications in various geological epochs . Finally,
the geological strata themselves underwent many vio-
lent strains and displacements, being upheaved, tilted,
folded again, and even entirely inverted. It is evi-
dent that every one of these phenomena increases the
chaos in its own way and makes the work of classifying
and restoring all the harder. It gives at the same time
to the scientist the right to formulate hypotheses
probable in themselves and adapted to bridge over the
numerous gaps in the work of reconstruction in the
organic world. But these working hypotheses ought
never to assume the form of scientific dogmas. For
after all, the documents which have really been deci-
phered are the only deciding factor. At all events,
the chronological succession and the genetic relation
of organisms cannot be determined by aprioristic rea-
soning, or by means of our present system of classifica-
tion, or by applying the results of ontogenetic studies.
One illustration may suffice. Some maintain that
trilobites are descended from blind ancestors because
certain blind forms exhibit a number of simple charac-
teristics which are common to all specimens. And
yet we know that, e. g., Irinucleus possesses eyes in the
earlier stages of its development, and only becomes
blind in the later stages. 'Hie non-existence of eyes is,
therefore, due to degeneration, and does not point to a
former eyeless state. As a matter of fact, specimens
of trilobites possessing eyes are found side by side with
eyeless specimens in ' the lower Cambrian strata.
Other examples of false a priori conclusions are to be
found in the extraordinary genealogies constructed by
extreme evolutionists, ana which dissolve like so
many mists in the light of advancing investigations.
In fact, up to the present the agreement on ontogeny
and phylogeny has not been proved in any single in-
stance. In short, if we disregard observation and ex-
periment on living organisms, it is the historical
method alone which can decide the limits of evolution
and the succession and genetic relations of the differ-
ent forms. "In the substitution of the hypothetical
ancestors by real ones lies the future of true phyloge-
netic science" (Handlisch).
(2) The Oldest Fossils. Now let us turn to the docu-
ments themselves and see what they have to show us.
The foundation of the Archives is formed of gneiss and
crystallized slate, a rigid mass containing no trace of
organic life, and one wnich offers to the palaeontologist
the hopeless outlook that his science must remain m a
very incomplete state, perhaps forever. Immediately
above this foundation, nature has imbedded the mul-
titudinous, highly-developed Cambrian fauna, with-
%
EVOLUTION
664
EVOLUTION
out leaving the slightest trace of their antecedents,
origin, birth, .or age. Some 800 species of this remo-
test period are known to us. They belong almost
without exception to marine fauna, and are distributed
over all the chief groups of the invertebrates. Nearly
one-half of them are arthropods. They are the well-
known trilobites which occupy a position about the
middle of the scale of animal development. Other
groups belong to coelenterates, brachiopods, gastro-
pods, and cephalopoda. Sponges, too, and traces of
worms are found, as also very imperfect fragments of
scorpions and other insects. Moreover, there can be
no doubt that various types of fishes must have ex-
isted, since in the Silurian age numerous representa-
tives, such as selachians, ganoids, marsipobranchs, dip-
noans, are found from the very beginning side by side.
Where are the ancestors of these highly specialized
beings? The one thing we may affirm is that we know
absolutely nothing whatever of a primitive fauna and
of the numberless series of organisms which must have
followed them up to the Cambrian era, for the simple
reason that we possess absolutely no evidence. More-
over, there is not the least trace of palaeontological
evidence in favour of the spontaneous awakening of
life or of the ascending development out of primitive
protoplasmic masses up to the time of the Cambrian
era. The Cambrian types were all of them specialized
forms perfectly adapted to time and environments,
and not generalized types of zoological systems. The
origin of the plant world is also shrouded in impene-
trable darkness for the palaeontologist. The enor-
mous layers of anthracite and graphite are, according
to the most recent investigations, of inorganic origin.
Clearly established evidence of plant life only dates
from post-Silurian times, and consists of contents of
the oldest turf moors-— giant-ferns and horsetails,
plants akin to the club-mosses, like the Lepidodendron,
and Gymnosperms, like the slender Cordaites. One is
astounded at the rich forms of this long-lost flora, and
we search in vain for their ancestors.
It is certainly remarkable, and a fact which clearly
{>roves the transformation of species, that plants bel-
onging to these remote times vary considerably from
their later representatives. But, as Kerner von Mari-
laun insists, the " fundamental structure of the type"
is never obliterated, and the degree of organization has
at least remained the same. In particular, the pres-
ent dwarf-forms of the horse-tails and club-mosses are
but miserable remains of their mighty ancestors, and
the Cordait£8, though different from trie present coni-
fers, were as highly organized as they. To this must
be added the recently discovered fact that seed-
bearing plants, which constitute a considerable part of
the fern flora of the Carboniferous, are found among
the ferns of the Devonian era.
(3) Angiosperms and Vertebrates. But how did the
undoubtedly higher forms of a later period originate?
To begin with the angiosperms, we are confronted
with the fact that these organisms appear quite sud-
denly in the Cretaceous era and, what is more remark-
able, in forms as highly organized as their present
representatives. It is a fact that principally the di-
cotyledons (at least those in the more recent strata)
correspond more and more to the present-day forms,
clearly indicating the relationship they bear to one an-
other. But whence the earliest forms of the creta-
ceous came, is shrouded in mystery. Similarly, the
gradual transformation of one species into another
cannot be proved in any concrete case. Only this
much is certain, that if evolution took place, it in-
volved a change which did not imply attainment to a
higher stage of organization. It must be borne in
mmd, moreover, that we know of no intermediate
forms capable of justifying even as much as a hypoth-
esis that angiosperms were evolved from lower
plants. If the origin of the angiosperms is for the
present an insoluble problem, the genesis of the verte-
brates is no less so. However, in order not to pass en-
tirely over the post-Cambrian history of the inverte-
brates, we must at least make mention of the sig-
nificant fact that this fauna seems to be constantly
changing, but without ascending to higher forms of
organization. The modification is especially manifest
in the shell-bearing groups, owing to the changed sjze,
form, and ornamentation of their shells, and in this
offers a very acceptable basis for the establishment of a
series of kindred forms — e. g., with the gastropod
genus Paludina of the Slavonian tertiary strata. But
since such structures depend almost entirely on the
calcareous nature of the medium, and on the varying
kind and amount of movement, we can scarcely be in-
clined to regard an increased ornamentation of the
shell as a mark of real progress in organization, but at
most as a temporary development of actual disposi-
tions due to varying conditions of life.
The first authenticated ancestors of the vertebrates
are the fish-remains of the lower Silurian era. Widely
removed from them we find in the carboniferous
strata the oldest remains of the amphibian quadru-
peds and. associated with them, forms of reptiles
whose sudden appearance and equally sudden disap-
pearance belong to the unsolved problems of palaeontol-
ogy. Among the Mesozoic fishes we encounter old
forms together with teleosts which suddenly appear in
the Jurassic strata without producing any transitional
forms. It is generally supposed tnat the teleosts
represent a higher grade of organization than the
ganoids; as a matter of fact, the teleosts, it would
seem, have no structural advantage over the cartilagi-
nous fishes in the lesser hardness of the scale and the
greater hardness of the skeleton. This is, however,
but a shifting, as it were, of development, as the disap-
pearance of the rigid body-covering is compensated
lor by the ossification of the skeleton. At any rate,
the origin of the teleosts is an unsolved problem, as is
that of the Silurian ganoids. The appearance of birds
and mammals is likewise very mysterious. The first
known bird is the famous "bird-reptile" Arckceop-
teryx of the Jurassic strata at Soluhofen. In spite of
some characteristics that remind one of reptiles — as
for instance the twenty homologous caudal vertebrae,
the talons, the separated metacarpal bones and the
toothed jaw — yet the true bird nature is evinced by
the plumage, the pinions, and the bill. In fact Archa-
opteryx is far removed from the reptiles, nor does it
constitute any connecting link witn the later birds,
not even with the toothed lchthyornis and Hesperonis
of the upper Cretaceous era. Certainly the two iso-
lated s]pecimens from Soluhofen indicate that birds
must have existed a long time before; but where their
place of origin is, none can tell.
Palaeontology is silent likewise about the early his-
tory of mammals. The mesozoic representation of
this class may have some connexion with marsupials,
monotremes, and insectivorous animals, but as to the
early history of the great majority of placental mam-
mals we have no evidence whatever. A vast number
of intermediate forms would certainly be reauired to
connect the mammals with the reptiles. No such
series of forms is known. Even the genealogy of the
horse, which is considered the most striking example
of an evolutionary series within a mammalian family,
is scarcely more than a very moderately supported
hypothesis. Let the reader consider the accompany-
ing table of differences in the palaeontological repre-
sentatives of the Equidae. Upon the facts embodied
in this table, which chiefly refer to fossils found in
North American strata, the following comments are
suggested: The genera of the Equinae lived contempo-
raneously, though it must be conceded that in some sedi-
mentary deposits their series seems to be continuous.
Secondly, the sub-families show great differences be-
tween one another. Of the Mcrychippus, which con-
nects the Equina with the Palaotherince, we know only
widely divergent opinions, so much bo that the bril-
liant pedigree becomes greatly dimmed. In particu-
lar, the Eocene forma and the still more remote geo —
Phenaeodat are avowedly very dubious ancestors
i what has been said \
pears as a true Homo sapiens; but how he arrived at
that stage is a problem we are quite unable tc
the horse. Lastly, it is well within the range of posai- because all records are wanting. The bones,
S- I
BSE,
iProtoh.,,
Mrrtchxp.
Tipper Miooene I Palaatherintt (with ■ t Miahipput lsh„_ AD!
Lower Miocene (greBtlydiHereolekuLDlMHoAiippu. fotuep lai
Middle Eocene ) I Qrohippu*
> Hifrneaiherina < tiyraccUieriv
Lower Eocene ) I Eohipput
Fore foot Hind foot Radius
Tibia hi
and Ulna; Teeth
id Fibula
J One toe between two similar
United Long-crow
Three toes (1 main, 2 secondary)
Three toes with larger middle one
mentary splhit Three toe*
Four Iocs Three toes
Hi
" " and rudiment " "
Table of Differences in Pa i_e on illogical Eol-id.e
bility that the ancestors of the fit
scendants of the older a ub- families
discovered up to the present time.
(4) Man. It remains for us briefly to
historical records to see if we can obtain reliable in-
formation concerning the last and moat important
" ascent " to Homo sapiens. The oldest authenticated
traces of man consist of atone implements, and they
are derived from the lower Quaternary strata.
Whether the so-called "eoliths" of the Tertiary Era
are really the handiwork of man, cannot be decided
with certainty. Eminent scientists, as Boule, Ober-
maier, de Lapparent, in their works published in 1905,
have denied the human origin of these objects. Con-
cerning the first stages in the civilization of diluvian
man little can be said. This period, according to
Hoernes, falls under three sub-groups, separated from
one another and preceded by a glacial period. The
first intermediate epoch (Spooue du grand ours) lies
Close to the Pliocene age, and is called, after the prin-
cipal place of its discovery, the stage of Tilloux-Tau-
bach (Krapina), or ChellSo-MousWnen. The fauna is
mostly tropical and includes, among others, EUphas
antiquus, Rhinoceros Merekii, and, most important of
all, tlrsus speUeus. Taubach's held of discovery was a
camp in which the fireplace, remnants of food, and the
simple utensils of Germany's first inhabitants were
found in situ (Hoernes). The second intermediate
epoch (ipoque du mammouth) is named the Solutr£en
stage, after the place where important discoveries
were made in France. It contains, besides the mam-
moth, the wild horse and numerous predatory ani-
mals such as Leo, Ursus, Hyana, etc., though the num-
bers greatly decrease as we draw to the end of the
period, while the Utsus spelavs becomes entirely ex-
tinct. A large number of the stone implements are of
fine workmanship and there are, besides these, various
kinds of carving on bone and ivory, plastic figures of
men, and drawings of animals on the walls of the caves.
The cave of Combarelles (Dordogne), for example, is
decorated with 109 drawings of animals. The orna-
mentation in the 3olutr£en, with its wavelike curves
and spirals, indicates an almost enigmatical degree of
development which would appear to be more in keep-
ing with the culture of the metal age than with the
more remote stone age. The third intermediate
epoch (rpoo-ue du renne) had a bleaker climate. It is
called the Magdaleine stage, after La Magdaleine, in
France. The stone implements are homely, but often
very finely constructed, "small implements made
for delicate hands by delicate hands" (Hoernes).
Pointed and hooked hunting weapons were also found,
as well as numerous instruments of various kinds
manufactured out of bone and horn, and all of them
reveal considerable artistic taste and judgment. Real
a adorn the walls of the Fontrde-Faune cave.
and the de- which are supposed to date from the primeval age of
man are little calculated to solve the problem. A
short resume of the results of recent investigations
will make this clear- Pithecanthropus erectus, the fa-
mous ape-man of Trinil (Java), cannot be considered
" the long-sought missing link in the chain of the high-
est Primates". Aa is well known, we have to do with
of 850 sq. cm. capacity, a thigh-bone, and
two molar teeth; the skull and the thigh-bone were
found lying about 16 yards apart. It is true the skull
differs somewhat from the skulls of present-day a
thropoids; it is, however, in general charaeteristi
thoroughly apelike, as waa
Schwalbe, Klaatsch, Macni
The thigh-bone, according
est resemblance to the fe
Hence the appellation erect
this that, according to the latest researches. Pithecan-
thropus must have been a contemporary of primitive
man, since the strata in which the bones were found
are diluvial. Hence Pithecanthropus cannot belong to
the ancestral line of man. The bones of the Neander-
tal race of the Homo primigenius are undoubtedly
i general characteristics
a pointed out recently by
lamara, and Kohlbrugge.
o Bumuller, bears the ctos-
nur of the ape Hylobala.
Add to
EVOLUTION 666 1VOLUTIOH
human, and have given rise to renewed interest era" and ending with homo toguax. The first fifteen
through the valuable discoveries made in Krapina. stages have no fossil representatives. As to the rest,
The Neandertal skull itself serves as a type which, we may concede that many of these groups actually
owing to the low, receding forehead and the strongly exist, but we do not see a single argument of any
developed supra-orbital ridges, appears to be very probability for Haeckel's assertion that these groups
primitive, though no one knows the actual geological are genetically related. As to the age of the human
conditions of the place where it was originally deposi- species, no assertion can be made with any degree of
ted. We pass over the fact that twenty scientists certainty; thus far there are no indications whatever
have expressed twelve different opinions on this mys- that would justify an estimate of more than 10,000
terious cranium, and confine ourselves to the latest years. Still less are we enabled to say anything defi-
opinion of Schwalbe, who says that the Neandertal nite as to the probable age of life. The numbers given
cranium exhibits forms which are never found in either by different authors vary between twenty-four and
a normal or a pathologically altered Homo sapient, upwards of one hundred million years. De Vriea'a
whether Negro, European, or Australian, and yet at calculation is of especial interest because it is based on
the same time the skull does exhibit human charac- his Oenothera studies. Mainly to show the superiority
teriatics. In a word, the Neandertal skiill does not of the mutation theory to the selection theory, de
^^^^^^^ belong to any Vries assumes that the primrose contains 6000 cbarac-
^^tf|fi ^^h^ variety of Homo teristics, and that a "mutation", or acquisition of s
w _
which may be on which all classification rests, is said to be explained
^^B found to agree by the hypothesis that the different groups (e. g. the
^«|^Hkt*^^^ with the N'ean- vertebrates) have been evolved from fur-ms possessing
Moobtier Skull (lfOB) dertal skull suf- the peculiarities of the type, while the differences are
fices to over- said to have been brought about by modifications
throw the hypothesis. Such a skull has not as yet (e. g, adaptation to the environment). The original
been found, but there are other factors which suf- form or type is imagined to be as primitive as possible,
fice to shake Schwalbe's hypothesis. These have ref- while its modification is said to mark progress, so that
erence to the other diluvial bone remains of Homo those organisms which have the simplest structure are
primigeniut, amongst others to the petrified Gibraltar said to correspond to the most ancient forms, the
skull, to two molar teeth from the Taubach cave, to more perfect specialised forms being the most recent.
the two fragments of a skull from the mammoth caves Are these conclusions well founded? — The plain
of Spy, ana the jawbones from La Naulette, Schipka, facts are these: (a) Groups of organisms exhibit sirai-
Ochos, and, finally, to considerable remains of bones, lar fundamental forms, which, however, (b) show
such as fragments of skulls, lower jawbones, pelvic various differences', so that (c) the groups fall into
bones, thigh and shin bones, from a cave near Krapina similar divisions with a more or less perfect degree of
in Croatia. To these must be added the " Moustier organisation. In the first place it is difficult to under-
flkutl " which was dug up in August, 1908, in Veiere- stand why the lower organized forms should be histori-
tal (Dordogne). All these fragments possess fairly cally the older. According to the evidence furnished
uniform characteristics. Especially worthy of note by palaeontology, this is in many instances positively
are, above all, the cranium with its prominent supra- false, and in no case is it demonstrable, while' philo-
orbital ridges and receding forehead. These quali- sophically it is only possible in as far as the simple
ties, however, are not infrequently found in men of the forms actually possess the peculiarities of their de-
present day. Australians exhibit here and there even scendants at least in some latent condition. See-
the genuine supra-orbital ridges (Gorjanowic-Kram- ondly, it is hard to see why similarity of structure
' '* " " ' ' ' ' : '■ J ■'■-"■ - -- -' ould prove """ " ~;_:~ <-■—■■"---<■*■-•
sapient. Kohl- new character, takes place after every 41)00 years, __
brugge very apt- that 4000x6000=24,000,000 ( = Lord Kelvin's average
!y compares value) would represent the biothronic equation, which
Schwalbe s by- of course consists of unknown variables only, and
pothesis to an rests, moreover, on the unproved assumption that a
upturned pyra- mutation consists in the acquisition of a new character
mid balancing and that such mutations have really occurred.
on a fine point, IV. The Morphological Argument. — (1) In Gen-
since a single eral. — The groups and sub-groups of the plant and
Australian or animal world are built up according to the same f unda-
Negroid skull mental plan of organisation. This important fact.
berger). It cannot be clearly decided whether we are should prove common origin. As a matter of fact,
dealing with purely individual characteristics or with palaeontology knows nothing of common primeval
peculiarities which would justify us in classifying the forms; on the contrary, it points to parallel series
Krapina fragments as belonging to a special race, whose origins are unknown. It is not improbable,
"-■•-'■ • ...... .- ,.,.,. ... .i r . '■■-- lnd function
But this much is clear, that the formation of the skull . moreover, that resemblances of structure ana function
and the degree of civilization of that race are quite in nature frequently represent instances of cotiver-
sufficient to permit of our designating Homo primi- gence, through which widely different organisms as-
geniuH not as a species of itself, out merely as a local sume similar modifications of form under similar con-
sub-division of the Homo sapiens. The Galley Hill ditions of life. For example, certain species of the
skull, from England, which is still older than the aidepiodaanE (Slopelio), euphorbiaceti (Euphorbia), and
Krapina bones, points to the same conclusion and cor- cactus have, in all probability, acquired their similar
responds with the more recent skulls of post-diluvial fleshy form from the adaptation of leafy forms to the
man. Hence, to sum up, we may affirm that we are aridity of the locality in which they grew, and only
acquainted with no records of Tertiary man, that the preserved the different: family characteristics in the
most ancient remains of the Quaternary belong to the structure of the flower. The similarity which exists
Galley Hill man, whose skull worthily represents between whales and fishes can be considered merely
Homo sapiens. The same is to be said of the oldest as an instance of convergence, and no one will assert
traces of civilisation as yet known to us. that the whale has developed from the fish because it
Paleontology, therefore, can assert nothing what- happens to be provided with fins- As a matter of fact
ever of a development of the body of man from the there are numberless analogies which no serious stu-
animal. It may be added that Haeckel's curious dent would ever dream of reducing to a common ori-
"Progonotaxis'.or genealogy of man, is a pure fiction, gin. Take, for example, the cell-division in plants
It consists of thirty stages, beginning with the "mon- and animals, the method of fertilisation, and other
XYOLUTION 6t
analogies of structure and function in vastly different
groups. Finally, the chief problem, which refers to
teleology of adaptive modifications, is not even touched
by the aoctrine of descent from common i
7 EVOLUTION
brain with all its convolutions and that of the orang
we have, according to Wagner, from 1S77 sq. cm. to
2190 sq. cm. for the human brain and 533-5 sq. cm. for
that of the orang— that is a proportion of 4-4:1. It is
further to be taken into consideration that, as Wieder-
sheim points out, the human brain is not to be looked
upon as an enlarged anthropoidal one, but as a " new
acquisition with structures which the anthropoidal
does not as vet [I] possess". These new acquisitions
are presumably qualitative and refer mainly to the
centre within the great cerebral hemispheres. Inti-
mately connected with the development of the brain
is the moderate development of the dentition of man
in comparison with the chinless snout of the monkey,
which is armed with powerful teeth. Again, "the
human face slides as it were down from the forehead
and appears as an appendix to the front half of the
skull. The gorilla's face, on the contrary, protrudes
from the skull, which on return slides almost entirely
backwards from the face. ... It is only on account
of its protruding, strongly developed lower parts that
the small skull-cap of the animal can mask as a kind of
human face" (Ranke).
A second group of differences is obtained by com-
paring the limbs of man and the anthropoid. Owing
to his upright stature, man's appendicular skeleton is
quite different in form and structure from that of the
anthropoid. This is shown not merely by the length
of the single parts, which, strangely enough, exhibit
inverse proportions, but also in the interior structure
of the bones, as was proved by Walkhoff (1905) in the
case of the femur. If we suppose the length of the
body to be 100 we have, according to Ranke, the fol-
lowing proportions: —
Sum. or Ouano-Utujo
(2) Man and the. Anthropoid*. — Palaeontology
knows of no records that point to the relationship be-
tween the body of man and that of the anthropoid.
Hence it follows that the argument of analogy and
classification is of little worth. But, as ever ana again
attempts are made to discover analogies between
every Done of man and the corresponding part of the
ape (e. g. Wiedersheim), it will be useful to gather a
few of the more important morphological discrep
Part | Gorilla
Chimpanioe
Orang
Nup-o
German
Arm and hand 1 Bt if
Leg | 349
877
332
80-7
34-7
45 18
4543
48-8
ape (e. g. Wiedersheim),
few of the more important morphological discrepan-
cies which exist between man's body and that of the
anthropoids ( orang- u tang, chimpanzee, gorilla). It
is, however, far from our intention to attribute to
these differences any great argumentative force, espe-
cially against those who suppose that there was a com-
mon primeval ancestor from which both man and ape
finally descend; nor do we wish to deny that zoologi-
cally the human body belongs to the class of the mam-
malia, nor that within this class there is any repre-
sentative more similar to it than the anthropoids.
Of these differences the most important lies in the
development of the brain of man and of the anthro-
poid, which is seen from the comparison of the
weights. According to Wiedersheim we are forced to
admit that the relative mass of the human brain is
twice that of the chimpanaee, while, absolutely, it is
from three to four times as great. The same is prob-
ably true of the orang-utang, while the brain of the
gorilla, which, according to Wiedersheim, is the most
humanlike of any of the anthropoid brains, is rela-
tively only one-fifth that of man's. The human skull
is from three to four times as large as that of the an-
thropoids. The difference becomes much more strik-
ing still when we compare the cerebral hemispheres and
their convolutions. The weight of the brain of a male
Teuton of from thirty to forty years of age is on the
average 1424 grammes, that of a female 1273 grammes,
and that of a full-grown orang only 79*7 gi
(Wundt). The proportion is therefore from
e the superficial
Huuan SlUIJ.
the accompanying
ticulars: —
plate, gave the
following par-
Humerus
Radius
Ulna
Feraur
Tibia
Han
28 mn.
36 "
22 em.
SQ'8"
25 em.
41 "
47 em.
31 -
37 em.
20 "
EVOLUTION
' The sponge-like structure ii
.hropoia el "
it could be established bv means of
whether the femur was that of an upright walking
individual or not; e. g., it was possible to prove the
Neandertal Hud Spy femora
to be human. The foot of
ver, very char-
acteristic. It is not furnished
with a thumb that can be
bent across the whole mem -
', and hence it does not
prehensile
e with the
hind feet of the monkey. In
general, each bone and organ
of man could in some sense
be styled ape-like, but in no
case does this similarity go so
far that the form peculiar to
man would pass over into the
form which is peculiar to the
ape. This conclusion is con-
firmed by the fact that,
according to Ranke and
Weisbach, all the efforts to
discover a series of bodily
formations which would lead
from the most apelike savages
to the least apelike Caucasians
have till now resulted in
utter failure, since the apelike
forms of organs actual ly found
in some individuals axe not
confined to a single race or
j distributed
throughout ail of them. Tailed
ape-men, in the proper sense
01 the word, have no existence.
If sometimes tail-like append-
ages occur, they are genuine
deformities, pathological rem-
nants of the individual's em-
bryonic life. Cretins and mi-
crocephali are likewise pathological cases. The theory
that such were the ancestors of the human Species
is certainly excluded by the fact that they are un-
able to procure independently the necessary means of
able to prove the kinship of man and the anthropoid
biochemically by showing, first, that the transfusion
of human blood-serum into the chimpanzee was not
followed by any signs of blood-poisoning, as usually
happens on the introduction of foreign blood, and,
secondly, that human serum did not produce a reac-
tion when introduced into a solution of the blood of
the orang and gibbon, while on the other hand it dis-
solved the blood corpuscles of the lower apes. A little
later Nutall and others proved that anti-sera exercised
an opposite effect. An " anti- man-serum '' was pre-
pared by injecting subcutaneously sterile human
serum into a rabbit till the »nim«1 became immune to
poisoning from the foreign blood-serum. The "anti-
man-serum" of rabbit-blood thus prepared gave a
precipitate with the blood-serum of man or of an ani-
mal with chemically similar blood, for instance an-
thropoids, but not with the serum ot chemically differ-
ent blood. The force of the argument lies, therefore,
in this, that the chemical reaction obtained seems to
be on the whole proportional to the degree of their
chemical affinity.
What follows from these factat— Only this, that the
blood of man is chemically similar to that of the an-
thropoids; but it does not follow that this chemical
similarity must be attributed to any kinship of race.
8 KVOLUTIOH
The mistake arises from the confusion of the ideas
" similarity of blood " and " blood-relationship " in the
genealogical sense of the term; otherwise it would be
at once perceived that the fact of chemical similarity
of blood is of no more importance for the theory of
evolution than any other fact of comparative mor-
phology or physiology.
(4) Rudimentary Organ*. — One of the special argu-
ments commonly citea in favour of the evolution the-
ory is based on the frequent occurrence of rudimentary
structures in organisms. As examples we may men-
tion the following: Pythons and boas possess vestiges
of hind legs and of a pelvis separated from the verte-
bral column. — The slow-worm is without external
limbs, and yet possesses the shoulder-girdle and the
pelvis, as well as a slightly developed breast-bone. —
The ostrich has merely stunted wing-bones, while the
nearly extinct kiwi (apteryx) of New Zealand has only
extremely small stumps of wings, which are clothed
with hair-like feathers. — Th^ gigantic birds of New
Zealand which became extinct m past ages were en-
tirely wingless. — Well worthy of note, also, are the
rudimentary organs of the whale (Cetacea) , since of the
hind limbs only a few minute bones remain, and these
are considered to be the pelvic bones, while the Green-
land whale (Baktna myslieetus) also possesses thigh
and leg bones. The bones of the fore-limbs are not
movable independently of one another, being bound
together by means of tendons — .Other remarkable
vestigial structures are the teeth of the Arctic right
whale, which never penetrate the gums and are reab-
sorbed before birth, the upper teeth of the ox, the milk
teeth and the eyes of the mole. The deep sea fish,
like the Barathro-
mi», have instead of
eyes "two golden
metallic concave
mirrors" (Chun).—
Nor is man devoid
of rudimentary or-
gans. Wiedersbeim
mentions no fewer
than one hundred
But of these only
a few are genuine.
The vermiform ap-
pendix may serve as
an example, though
according to recent
research it is not
entirely function-
less. Its length os-
cillates between 2
cm. and 23 cm.,
while its breadth
and external form
vary exceedingly.
Probable reasons
for its partially ru-
dimentary charac-
ter are, besides its
extreme variability,
especially two facts
in particular: the
length of the organ
compared with that
of the large intes-
tine is as 1 :10 in the
embryo, and as
1:20 in the adult;
secondly, in 32 per
cent of all cases
Sbblbton of Okuiq-Ut*»u
among adults of over twenty years of age the ap-
pendix is found to be closed.
Do such rudimentary organs furnish us with an ac-
ceptable proof for the theory of evolution?— It is to be
admitted that in many instances the organs were
■VOLOTIOH 6f
formerly in a more perfect condition, so as to perform
their typical functions — e. g., the eyes of the mole as
organs of sight; and the limbs or the kiwi as means of
locomotion for running or even for flying. Hence
those individuals which now possess rudimentary or-
gans are descended from ancestors which were in pos-
session of these same organs in a less degenerated con-
dition. But it cannot be ascertained from the struc-
tures whether those ancestors were of another kind
than their offspring. The vermiform appendix in
man is fully explained by supposing it to nave had in
antediluvian man a more perfect function of secretion,
or even of digestion. Until the paUeontological rec-
ords furnish us with more evidence we can only con-
clude from the occurrence of rudimentary structures
ered — e. g., the rudimentary teeth of the whale are
probably of use in the growth of the jaw; the breast-
bone ■ of the slow-worm as a protection of the chest.
But even in instances in which we have riot succeeded
in discovering the function of such structures, it must
not be forgotten that degeneration may be eminently
teleologies! in furnishing material for other organs
whose functions become more important. Moreover,
as long as rudimentary organs remain, they may be-
come, under altered circumstances, the starting-point
for an appropriately modified reorganisation. It is
indeed difficult to see how "dysteleology", asHaeckel
calls it, follows from the fact that an organ adapted to
specified means of livelihood disappears, probably in
order to strengthen other organs when those means of
livelihood are changed; and, until the contrary is
proved, we may assume that we have to deal with in-
stances of teleological adaptation and correlation, as
has already been demonstrated in many cases — e. g.,
in the development of amphibians.
VI. The Ontogenetic Arqtjuent. — Comparisons
between the embryos of higher forms and the adult
stages of lower groups were made long before the evo-
lution theory was generally accepted by biologists.
But it was only after 1859 that the facts of embryology
were interpreted by means of that theory. Fnts
M Oiler (1864) was one of the first to advance the view
that the ontogenetic development of an individual is a
short and simplified repetition of the stages through
which the species had passed. Haeckel modified the
proposition by introducing the term " kenogenesis ",
which should account for all points of disagreement
between the two series of development. In its new
form the theory of recapitulation received the name
"the biogenetic law of development". Later on
Hertwig reformed the law a second time by changing
the expression " repetition of forms of extinct ances-
tors ", into " repetition of forms necessary for organic
development and leading from the simple to the com-
plex ". Besides, considerable changes, generally in an
advancing direction, are said to have been brought
about by the action of external and internal factors, so
that in reality " a later condition can never correspond
to a preceding one". Both Haeckel's and Hertwig's
views were rejected by Morgan, who does not believe
in the recapitulation of ancestral adult stages by the
embryo, but tries to show that the resemblance be-
tween the embryos of higher forms might be due to
" the presence in the embryos of the lower groups of
certain organs that remain in the adult forms of this
group". According to Morgan, we are justified in
comparing " the embryonic stages of the two groups "
only — a theory which he calls " the repetition theory ".
Perhaps the most striking fact to illustrate the onto-
E): EVOLUTION
genetic argument is the resemblance between the gill-
system of fishes and certain analogous structures in
the embryos of the other vertebrates, man included.
However, contrary to the statements of most scien-
tists, wedonot think that the resemblance is such as to
justify us in concluding " with complete certainty that
all vertebrates must in the course of their history have
passed through stages in which they were gill-breath-
ing animals" (Wiedersheim). The embryos of fishes
are at a certain very early stage of development fur-
nished with vertical pouches which grow out from the
wall of the pharynx till they fuse with the skin. Then
a number of vertical clefts (gill-slits) arc formed by the
fact that the walls of the pouches separate. In the
adult fishes the corresponding openings serve to let
water pass from the mouth through the gill-slits,
which are covered by the capillaries of the gilt-fila-
ments. In this way the animal is enabled to provide
the blood with the necessary oxygen and to remove
the carbon dioxide. Now it is quite true that in all
vertebrates there is some resemblance as to the first
formation of the pouches, the slits, and the distribu-
tion of blood-vessels. But it is only in fishes that real
gill-structures are formed. In the other vertebrates
THB RODIMBNTI
the development does not proceed beyond the forma-
tion of the apparently indifferent pouches which never
perform any respiratory function nor show the least
tendency to develop into such organs. On the Cl
trary, the gill-slits and arches seem to have, from the
very beginning, a totally different function, actually
subserving, at least in part, the formation of other
organs. Even the amphibians that are furnished
with temporary gills form them in quite a peculiar
manner, which cannot be compared with that of fish-
embryos. Besides, the distribution of blood-vessels
and the gradual disappearance of seemingly useless
structures, as the "gill-systems" of vertebrates seem
to be, may likewise be observed in cases where no one
would seriously suspect a relation to former specific
characteristics. In short, there is (1) no evidence
that the embryos of mammals and birds have true
incipient gill-structures; (2) it is probable that the
structures interpreted as such really subserve from the
very beginning quite different functions, perhaps only
of a temporary nature.
In general it may be said that the biogenetic law of
development is as yet scarcely more than a petitio
principii. Because (1) the agreement between onto-
geny and phytogeny has not been proved in a single
instance; on the contrary- — e. g., the famous pedigree
of the horse's foot begins ontogenetically with a single
digit; (2) the ontogenetic similarity which may be ob-
served, for instance, in the larval stages of insects may
be explained by the similarity of the environment;
(3) the ontogenetic stages of organisms are throughout
specifically diwdmilar, as is proved by a careful con-
crete comparison. The same conclusion is indicate''
EVOEA
670
EVOEA
by Hertwig's and Morgan's modifications of the bio-
genetic law, which, in turn, are of a merely hypotheti-
cal nature. In addition to this a short reference to
Weismann's "confirmation" of Haeckel's law may be
useful. Weismann knew that in the larval develop-
ment of certain butterflies transverse stripes were pre-
ceded by longitudinal ones. Hence he concluded that
in certain similar butterflies, whose early larval stages
were then unknown, a similar succession of markings
ought to be found. Ten years later the " predicted"
marking was discovered. It is plain that such facts
are no confirmation of the biogenetic law, but find their
simple explanation in the fact that similar organisms
will show similar ontogenetic stages. This fact, too,
seems to account sufficiently for the observations
advanced by Morgan in support of his theory of repe-
tition.
VII. The Biogeographical Argument. — The bio-
geographical argument is a very complex one, com-
posed of a vast number of single facts whose correla-
tion among one another, and whose bearing upon the
problem of evolution, can hardly be determinea before
many years of detailed research have gone by. The
theories established, for instance, by Wallace are cer-
tainly not sufficiently supported by facts. On the
contrary, they have serious defects. One of them is
the well-known " Wallace line"; another, much more
important, the unfounded assertion that the higher
vertebrates must have originated from marsupials and
monotremes because these animals are almost entirely
extinct in all countries except in isolated Australia,
where they survive, as the highest representatives of
the Australian vertebrates, in greatly varying forms
till to-day. Besides, in most cases we have no suffi-
cient knowledge of the geographical distribution of
organisms and of its various causes. But in order to
five the reader an idea of the argument, we shall
riefly refer him to a group of facts which is well
adapted to support the view of evolution explained in
the preceding pages. Volcanic islands and such as are
separated from the continent by a sea or strait of great
depth exhibit a fauna and flora which have certainly
come from the neighbouring continents, but which at
the same time possess features altogether peculiar to
them. The flora of Socotra, in the Indian Ocean, for
instance, comprises 565 systematic species; among
these there are 206 endemic ones. Similarly, on Mada-
gascar there are 3000 endemic plant-species among
4100; on the Hawaian Islands, 70 endemic species of
birds among 116; on the Galapagos, 84 among 108.
Many such facts are known. They certainly form an
excellent demonstration in favour of the proposition
defended throughout this article: that such forms as
the endemic species, which may well be compared
with the races of the human species, were not directly
created, but arose by some process of modification
which was greatly facilitated by their complete isola-
tion.
The most important General Conclusions to be
noted are as follows: —
1. The origin of life is unknown to science.
2. The origin of the main organic types and their
principal subdivisions are likewise unknown to science.
3. There is no evidence in favour of an ascending
evolution of organic forms.
4. There is no trace of even a merely probable argu-
ment in favour of the animal origin of man. The
earliest human fossils and the most ancient traces of
culture refer to a true Homo sapiens as we know him
to-day.
5. Most of the so-called systematic species and
genera were certainly not created as such, but origi-
nated by a process of either gradual or saltatory evolu-
tion. Changes which extend beyond the range of
variation observed in the human species have thus far
not been strictly demonstrated, either experimentally
or historically.
6. There is very little known as to the causes of evo-
lution. The greatest difficulty is to explain the origin
and constancy of " new " characters and the teleology
. of the process. Darwin's " natural selection " is a neg-
ative factor only. The moulding influence of the en-
vironment cannot be doubted ; but at present we are un-
able to ascertain how far that influence may extend.
Lamarck's " inheritance of acquired characters " is not
yet exactly proved, nor is it evident that really new
forms can arise by "mutation". In our opinion the
principal of "Mendelian segregation", together with
Darwin's natural selection and the moulding influence
of environment, will probably be some of the chief
constituents of future evolutionary theories.
Many works referring to the subject have been mentioned in
the bodv of the article. We shall here enumerate mainly such
as are of more recent date and will be of special value for further
study.
General. — Gerard, The Old Riddle and the Newewt Answer
(London, 1908); Gutberlbt, Der Mensch, sein Ursprung und
seine Entwicklung (Paderborn. 1896); Krrnrr von Marilaun,
PflanzerUeben (Leipzig and Vienna, 1890-91), II; Mxvart. On
the Genesis of Specie* (London, 1871); Wasmaxn, Die modem*
Biologic und die Bntwicklungstheorie (Freiburg, 1906); In., Der
Kampf urn das Bntwicklungsproblem %n Berlin (Freiburg, 1907);
Quatrbfaqbs, V Bspece humaine (Paris, 1880); Zapletal, Der
Schdpfungsbericht (Freiburg, 1902); Morgan, Evolution and
Adaptation (New York, 1903); Lotby, Vorlesungen uoer De-
scendenstheorien (Jena, 1908); Kohlbrugqe, Die morpholo-
gische Abstommwng dee Menschen (Stuttgart, 1908) ; Die Deszen-
demtheorie (Leipsig, 1901); Osrorn, From the Greeks to Darwin
(New York, 1905); Hartmann, Das Problem des Lebens (Bad
Sachsa, 1906); Brooks, The Foundation of Zoology (New York.
1899); Wilson, The Cell (New York, 1906); Hertwiq. AU-
Jtemeine Biologic (Jena, 1906); Id., Die Elements der Bntwiek-
ungslehre des Menschen und der Wirbeltiere (Jena, 1900);
Korschblt and Heidrr, Lehrbuch der vergleiehenden Bniwiek-
lungsgesehichte der Wirbdosen Tiere (Jena,, 1902-03) ; Reiner,
Einleilung in theoretisehe Biologic (Berlin, 1901); F. Darwin.
The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin (London, 1887); Id.
and Seward, More Letters of Charles Darwin (London, 1908);
Weismann, Vortrage uoer Deszendenztheorie (Jena, 1904);
Flbischmann, Die Darwinsche Theorie (Leipsig, 1903); Plate,
SeUktionsprinzip und Problems der Artbudung (Leipsig, 1908).
Experimental Evidence. — Lock, Recent Progress in the Study
of Variation, Heredity, and Evolution (London, 1907); Muckrr-
mann, Variabilitat und Artbildung in Natur und Offenb. (Mon-
ster, Jan., 1909); dr Vrieb, Die Mutationstheorie (Leipsig,
1901-03) ; Johannsrn, Ueber Erblichkeit in Populationen und m
reinen Linien (Jena, 1903); Wasmann, Gibt es tatsachlich Arten,
etc., in Biol. Zentralbl. (1901); Galton, Natural Inheritance
(London, 1889): Mendel, Versuche Qber Pflanzenhybriden, in
Ostwolds Klassiker, No. 121; Batbbon, Mendel's Principles of
Heredity (Cambridge, 1902); Id., The Progress of Genetics since
the Rediscovery of MendeVs Papers, in Progressus Rei Botanicm
(Jena, 1907), I, 386; Corrrns, Ueber Vererbungsgeeetxe (Berlin,
1906); Padtbbrg and Muckrrmann, Mendel und Mendeiismus
(Munich, -1909): Gross, Ueber einige Beziehungen swischm
Vererbung und Variation, in Biol. Zentralbl. (1906): Strasrur-
qbr, Die stojflichen Grundlagen der Vererbung (Jena, 1905);
Zibgler, Die Vererbungslehre in der Biologic (Jena, 1905).
Historical Evidence. — Muckrrmann, Palaontologische Ur-
kunden und das Problem der ArtbUdunq, in Stimm. aus Maria
Loach, Jan., 1909; Strinmann, Die geologischcn Grundlagen der
Abstammungslehre (Leipsig, 1908); Laurent, Les progres de la
paUobotanique angiospermujue dans la dernihe decade, m Progr.
R. Bot. (Jena, 1907), I; Kokbn, Die Vorwelt und ihre Bntwick-
lungsgeschichte (Leipsig, 1893); Id., Palaontologie und Dessen-
denzlehre (Jena, 1902); Zittrl, Palaozoologie (Munich and
Leipsig, 1876-93); Schimprr and Schbnk, Palaophytologie
(Munich and Leipsig. 1890); dr Lapparrnt, Traite de geologie
(Paris, 1900); Dana, Manual of Geology (New York. — );
Grirtr, Text-book of Geology (London, 1893); Cope, The Pri-
mary Factors of Organic Evolution (Chicago, 1895) ; Strinmann,
Binfuhrungin die Palaontologie (Leipsig. 1907); Crkdnkr. Els-
mente der Geologie (Leipsig): Katsrr, Geologische Formations'
kunde (Stuttgart, 1908); Nrumatr, Erdgeschichte (Leipsig,
1887); Scharfp, European Animals: their Geological History
and Geographical Distribution (London, 1907); Ward, Sketch of
Paleobotany (Washington, 1885); Handursch, Die fossHen
Insekten und die Phylogenie der rezenten FormenCLeApsi*, 1908);
Horrnrs, Der diluriale Mensch (Brunswick, 1903); Schimpfer.
Pflanzengeographie (Jena, 1908); Ltdbkxrr, A Geographical
History of Mammals (London, 1896).
H. MUCKERMANN.
Kvora, Archdiocese of, in Portugal, raised to
archiepiscopal rank in 1544, at which time it was
given as suffragans Leiria and Portalegre; in 1570 and
utter were added Sylves, Ceuta, Congo, Santo Thome',
Funchal, Cabo Verde, and Angra. In the Roman
period Julius Caesar gave it the name of Liberated*
Julia; inscriptions and coins remain to prove its high
rank among the municipalities of Roman Spain. Its
EVKEUX 67
bishop, Quint ianus, was present at the Council of
Elvira early in the fourth century. There exists no
complete list of his successors for the next two cen-
turies, though some are known from ancient diptychs.
In 584 the Visigothic king, Leovirgild, incorporated
with his state the Kingdom of the Suevi, to which
Evora had hitherto belonged. From the sixth and
seventh centuries there remain a few Christian in-
scriptions pertaining to Evora. In one of them has
been interpolated the name of a Bishop Julian (1 Dee.,
566); he is, however, inadmissible. Thenceforth the
episcopal list is known from the reign of Reccared
(586) to the Arab invasion (714), after which the suc-
cession is quite unknown for four centuries and a half,
with the exception of the epitaph of a Bishop Daniel
(January, 1100). Until the reconquest (1166) by Al-
fonso I of Portugal, Evora was suffragan to Herida.
Under this king it became suffragan to Braga, despite
the protests of the Archbishops of Compostella, ad-
ministrators of Merida. In 1274, however, the latter
succeeded in bringing Evora within their jurisdiction.
Finally, it became suffragan to Lisbon from 1394 to
1544, when it was made an archbishopric. Its large
and splendid cathedral has undergone many architec-
tural changes. Among its illustrious prelates may be
mentioned Enrique (1540-64, 1578-80), the founder of
its university and King of Portugal (1578-80); Teu-
tonio de Braganza (1570-1602); and the scholarly
writers Alfonso de Portugal (1486-1522) and Father
Manuel de Cenaculo ViHasboas (1802-14). Portu-
guese writers have maintained that the first bishop of
Evora was St. Hantius, a Roman, and a disciple of
Jesus Christ, sent by the Apostles into Spain as a mis-
sionary of the Gospel ; from his genuine acts it appears
that he was a devout Christian, put to death by the
Jews after the fourth century. Spanish Jews, it is
known, are mentioned in the fourth-century Council of
Elvira (can. 49).
Fonbjh-a. Evora olorioia (Rome. 1728). 261-318; EtpaAa
Saarada (Madrid. 1786). XIV, 102-141; G*us, Serin ™.ropn-
n.m (1873), 9S-100; .Supptem. i 1870), 01; HHBNFB, hvrrp-
tiana Hiavania diriitianat (Berlin, 1871). n. 1, 9, 10. 11, 213,
■24; BtlML, Hierarehia cataolim medii aui (Munich, 1901). I.
165,11,245.
F. Fita.
Ineni, Diocese of (Ebroicenbib), in the Depart
ment of Eure, France; suffragan of the Archbishopric
of Rouen. A legend purporting to date from a cer-
tain Deodatus, who is said to have been converted
and then later ordained by St. Taurinus, makes the
latter first Bishop of Evreux. According to this
legend St. Taurinus was baptized at Rome by St.
Clement and sent into Gaul as a companion to St.
Denis. According to Mgr. Duchesne this legend arose
about the ninth century, when Abbot Hilduin of Saint-
Denis was intent on proving the identity of Diunvsius
the Areopagite with Dionysius (Denis), first Bishop
of Paris. It is certain that in the time of Charles the
Bald (ninth century) St. Taurinus was held in high
esteem at Evreux; still earlier, Bishop Land ulph us,
who seems to have occupied the See of Evreux at the
beginning of the seventh century, had built the basil-
ica in his honour.
It is also impossible to fix the date of the reign of St.
Gaud, who died a hermit at St. Pair, in the Cotentin.
The first historically known Bishop of Evreux is
Maurusio, who was present at the Council of Orleans
in 511. Other bishops of Evreux are: St. Landul-
phus, St. Etemus, and St. Aquilbus (seventh century) -
Gilbert (1071-1112), sent by William the Conqueror to
Alexander II, who preached the funeral oration over
the Conqueror; GiUes de Perche (1170-79), sent by
Henry II of England as ambassador to Rome; Jean
(1181-92), a friend of Henry II, who in Cyprus (1190)
crowned Berengaria Queen of England ; Guillaume de
Contiers (1400-18), an active member of the Council
pf Constance; Jean de la Balue (1465-67), who later
became a prisoner of Louis XI ; Claude de Sainton, the
Apologist (1575-91); Du Perron (1593-1606), a great
factor in the abjuration of Henry IV. Thomas Lindet
(1743-1823), a member of the Convention, w
venerated in the diocese: St. Maximus and St. Vene-
randus, martyrs, at Acquigny on the Eure; St. Leu-
froy (Leufreaus), founder of the Benedictine monas-
tery at La-Croix Saint-Ouen (Audoenus), who died 21
June, .738. and his brother St. Aifroy (Agofredus), who
succeeded him.
The cathedral of Evreux is one of the oldest in
France; its octagonal dome was built at Cardinal
Balue's expense; the church of Gisors has fine sculp-
tures, among them a statue by Jean Go u ion. There
are pilgrimages to the shrine of Notre-Dame de la
Couture at Bemay (since the tenth century); to that
of Notre-Dame des Arcs at Pont de I' Arche; and to a
relic of St. Clotilda venerated at Andelys. Previous
to the anti-Congregations law of 1901, there were
Jesuits and Lasarists at Evreux. Communities of
nuns devoted to teaching and the relief of the poor
were; the Dominicans of St. Catherine of Siena, anin-
Sisters of Providence of Evreux, an order founded ii
1700 by Justine D'lvivier and her brother Father
Duvivier in a small hamlet called Caer. It was or-
ganized by Father James, an Eudist missionary, and
re-established in 1804 by Charlotte Le Mesle; it had
several houses in the diocese. The charitable institu-
tions in charge of religious orders were in 1900; 2
creches, 10 day-nurseries, 1 orphan asylum for boys,
12 for girls, 3 workrooms, 19 homes for the aged, 11
dispensaries, 2 houses of retreat, and 1 insane asylum.
The Diocese of Evreux comprised in 1905 (close of the
Concordat period) 334,781 inhabitants, 37 parishes,
545 succursa! parishes (mission churches), and 25
vicariates paid by the State.
Gallia Chritliana (Nova), (1768), XI, 564, 625; iiutrumtnla.
123. 152; Chasbant Am>B*v\Aax,Hutoir6iLtMaue*irEvreu*
IWALD
672
IWINQ
(Evreux, 1840): Duchesne, Fastes tpiscopaux, II. 224-29; Lb
Brameur, Histoire du comte d' Evreux (Paris, 1722); Fomey,
Monographie de la eathidrale &' Evreux (Evreux, 1897); Lan-
oLon, Histoire de la congregation de la Providence d' Evreux
(Evreux, 1901); Chevalier, Topo-BibL, 1066-1068.
Georges Goyau.
Kwald (or Hewald), Saints, Martyrs in Old
Saxony about 695. They were two priests and natives
of Northumbria, England. Both bore the same name,
but were distinguished as Ewald the Black and Ewald
the Fair, from tne difference in the colour of their hair
and complexions. According to the example of many
at that time, they spent several years as students in
the schools of Ireland. Ewald the Black was the more
learned of the two, but both were equally renowned
for holiness of life. They were apparently acquainted
with St. Willibrord, the Apostle of Friesland, and were
animated with his zeal for the conversion of the Ger-
mans. Indeed, by some they have been actually
numbered among the eleven companions of that saint,
but it is more probable they did not set out from Eng-
land till after St. Willibrord 's departure. They entered
upon their mission about 690. The scene of their
labours was the country of the ancient Saxons, now
Eart of Westphalia, and covered by the dioceses of
[Onster, Osnabruck, and Paderborn. At first the
Ewalds took up their abode in the house of the stew-
ard of a certain Saxon earl or ealdorman (satrapa).
Bede remarks that " the old Saxons have no king, but
they are governed by several ealdormen rsatrapas]
who during war cast lots for leadership, but who in time
of peace are equal in power1 ' (Hist. Eccl., V, 10). The
steward entertained nis two guests for several days,
and promised to conduct them to the chieftain, as they
affirmed they had a message of considerable import-
ance to deliver to him.
Meanwhile, the Ewalds omitted nothing of their
religious exercises. They prayed often, recited the
canonical hours, and celebrated Mass, for they carried
with them all that was necessary for the Holy Sacri-
fice. The pagan Saxons, understanding from these
things that they had Christian priests and mission-
aries in their midst, began to suspect that their aim
was to convert their over-lord, and thus destroy their
temples and their religion. Inflamed with jealousy
and anger, they resolved that the Ewalds should die.
Ewald the Fair they quickly despatched with the
sword, but Ewald the Black they subjected to torture,
because he was the spokesman and showed greater
boldness. He was torn limb from limb, after which
the two bodies were cast into the Rhine. This is
understood to have happened on 3 October at a place
called Aplerbeck, where a chapel still stands.
When the ealdorman heard of what had been done
he was exceedingly angry, and took vengeance by
ordering the murderers to be put to death and their
village to be destroyed by fire. Meanwhile the mar-
tyred bodies were miraculously carried against the
stream up the Rhine, for the space of forty miles, to
the place in which the companions of the Ewalds were
residing. As they floated along, a heavenly light, like
a column of fire, was seen to shine above them. Even
the murderers are said to have witnessed the miracu-
lous brightness. Moreover, one of the martyrs ap-
peared in vision to the monk Tilmon (a companion of
the Ewalds), and told him where the bodies would be
found: " that the spot would be there where he should
see a pillar of light reaching from earth to heaven".
Tilmon arose ana found the oodies, and interred them
with the honours due to martyrs. From that time
onwards, the memory of the Ewalds was annually
celebrated in those parts. A spring of water is said to
have gushed forth in the place of the martyrdom.
Pepin, Duke of Austrasia, having heard of the won-
ders that had occurred, caused the Dodies to be trans-
lated to Cologne, where they were solemnly enshrined
in the collegiate church of St. Cunibert. The heads of
the martyrs were bestowed on Frederick, Bishop of
M Ouster, by Archbishop Anno of Cologne, at the open-
ing of the shrine in 10/4. These relics were probably
destroyed by the Anabaptists in 1534. When St.
Norbert visited Cologne, in 1121, he obtained two
small vessels containing the relics of several saints,
and among them were Dones of the sainted Ewalds.
These were deposited either at Premontre\ or at Plo-
rennes, a Premonstratensian monastery in the province
of Namur. The two Ewalds are honoured as patrons
in Westphalia, and are mentioned in the Roman
Martyrology on 3 October. Their feast is celebrated
in the dioceses of Cologne and Minister.
Bede, Historia Eccl^V, 10; Acta S3., 11 Oct.: Butler, Lives
of the Saints, Oct. 3; Dalgairns, Apostles of Europe (London,
1876). II, 11; (Tractarian) Lives of English Saints, St. Willi-
brord (London, 1844), 30.
Columba Edmonds.
Ewing, Thomas, jurist and statesman, b. inWest Lib-
erty, Virginia (now West Virginia), U. S. A., 28 Decem-
ber, 1789; d. at Lancaster, Ohio, 26 October, 187 1. His
father, George Ewing of New Jersey, who had served as
an officer in the Continental Army after the Revolu-
tion, settled in the Northwest Territory, in the Muskin-
gum Valley, and then, in 1798, in what is now Ames
Township, Athens County, Ohio. Here, amid the priva-
tions of pioneer life, Ewmg was taught to read by his
elder sister, Sarah, and by extraordinary efforts ac-
quired a fair elementary education. At the age of
nineteen he left home and worked in the Kanawha
salt establishments, pursuing his studies at night by
the light of the furnace fires. He remained there until
he had earned sufficient to enable him to enter the
Ohio University at Athens, where, in 1815, he received
the degree of A.B., the first degree conferred by any
college in the western country. Ewing then studied
law at Lancaster, Ohio, and was admitted to the bar
in 1816. He entered into a partnership with his pre-
ceptor, in the firm of Beecher & Ewing, and then, after
Mr. Beecher's death, with his own son Philemon, in
the firm of Ewing & Son. He achieved high promi-
nence as a lawyer and won notable success at the state
and national bar.
In March, 1831, Ewing entered public life as a mem-
ber from Ohio of the United States Senate, and be-
came prominent therein, with Webster and Clay, in
resistance of the acts of President Jackson and in sup-
port of Whig measures. He upheld the protective
tariff system of Clay, and presented one of the first of
the memorials for the abolition of slavery.
In March, 1837, on the expiration of his term, he
resumed the practice of the law. Upon the election of
President Harrison, he was appointed Secretary of the
Treasury in March, 1841. He prepared the second
bill for the re-charter of the Bank of the United States,
and, on its veto by Tyler, he resigned from the cabinet,
in September, 1841. In March, 1849, he was ap-
pointed by President Taylor secretary of the then
recently created Department of the Interior. He
organized the department, and in his report to congress
urged the construction of a railroad to the Pacific.
On the death of Taylor in 1850, Ewing resigned from
the cabinet and was appointed senator from Ohio to
fill an unexpired term. On the expiration of his term
in March, 1851, he returned to the practice of the law.
In 1860 Ewing was appointed by the Governor of
Ohio a member of the famous Peace Conference, and
he was prominent in the efforts to avert the secession
of the Southern States. During the war he unreserv-
edly supported the government, and his judgment on
matters of state was frequently sought by Mr. Lincoln.
When the capture of Mason and S Udell brought Eng-
land and the United States to the verge of hostilities,
Ewing sent Mr. Lincoln the famous telegram that was
decisive of the whole trouble: "There can be no con-
traband of war between neutral points.'* It was his
advice that finally prevailed and secured the freeing of
EXALTATION
673
EXAMINATION
the envoys and the averting of hostilities. Conserva-
tive in his opinions{ Ewing opposed the radical meas-
ures of Reconstruction at the close of the war and sup-
forted the administration of President Johnson. In
ebruary, 1868, after the removal of Stanton, the
President sent to the Senate the nomination of Ewing
as Secretary of War, but it was not confirmed.
Descended of Scottish Presbyterian stock, Ewing,
after a lifelong attraction to the Catholic Church, en-
tered it in his latter years. Reared outside the fold
of any religious body, he married, 7 January, 1820,
Maria Wills Boyle, daughter of Hugh Boyle, an Irish
Catholic. He was deeply influenced by the living
faith and pious example of his wife during their long
married tile, and all his children were reared in the
Faith. In October, 1869, Ewing was stricken while
arguing a cause before the Supreme Court of the
Unitea States and he was baptized in the court room.
In September, 1871, his lifelong friend, Archbishop
Purcell of Cincinnati, received him into the Church.
Philemon Beecher, eldest son of Thomas, b. at
Lancaster, 3 November, 1820; d. there 15 April, 1896.
He graduated in 1838 from Miami University, Oxford,
Ohio, and then entered upon the study of the law.
Admitted to the Bar in 1841, he formed with his
father the firm of T. Ewing & Son. In both State and
Federal courts, through his grasp of the philosophy of
the law and his judicial temperament, he won a place
beside his illustrious father. He was also the main
support of his father in his political life and labours,
ana was an active figure first in the Whig and then in
the Republican party. In 1862 he was appointed
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas. Being opposed
to the Reconstruction measures of his party he took
part in the Liberal Republican movement. He was
nominated to the supreme bench of Ohio in 1873.
During the sixties and seventies he engaged in the
banking business, and was prominent in the develop-
ment of the Hocking Valley coal-fields. The later
years of his life were spent in retirement.
He married at Lancaster 31- August, 1848, Mary
Rebecca Gillespie, a sister of Eliza Maria Gillespie
(Mother Mary of St. Angela of the Sisters of the Holy
Cross of Notre Dame, Indiana). He was a man of
wide culture and a writer of vigorous and limpid Eng-
lish. He was ever foremost where the interests of
the Church were concerned, and was a delegate from
the Diocese of Columbus to the Catholic Congresses of
1889 and 1893. x
Hugh Boyle, third son of Thomas, b. at Lancaster,
31 October, 1826; d. there 30 June, 1905. He was
educated at the United States Military Academy at
West Point, and in 1849 went to California, returning
to Lancaster, in 1852, to enter on the study of the law.
On his admission to the Bar, he practised m St. Louis,
Missouri, from 1854 to 1856, and then, in partnership
with his brother Thomas, at Leavenworth, Kansas,
from 1856 to 1858. In April, 1861, he was appointed
brigade-inspector of Ohio Volunteers with the rank of
major, and m August, 1861, was commissioned colonel,
commanding the Thirtieth Ohio Volunteer Infantry,
and rendered conspicuous service. In November,
1862, he was commissioned brigadier-general. He
took part in the operations against Vicksburg, and his
command led in the assault of 22 May, 1863. In July
following he was appointed to the command of the
Fourth Division, Fifteenth Army Corps. In the op-
erations about Chattanooga he led his division in the
assault upon Missionary Ridge and its capture. In
the latter part of the war he was placed in command
of the district of Kentucky, and at its close was bre-
ve tted major-general. In 1866 President Johnson ap-
pointed him Minister to The Hague, which post he
filled until 1870. On his return to the Unitea States,
he bought a small estate near Lancaster, in 1876, on
which he lived until his death. He was married at
Washington, D. C, 3 August, 1858, to Henrietta Eliza-
V.— 43
beth Young. He was a man of wide culture, and an
interesting writer. He published several stories,
among them "The Grand Ladron, a tale of Early
California ", " Koche, a King of Pit '\ " A Castle in the
Air", and "The Black List*'.
Chables, fifth child of Thomas, b. at Lancaster, 6
March, 1835; d. at Washington, 20 June. 1883. Com-
mencing his studies at the college of the Dominican
Fathers in Perry County, Ohio, he later attended Gon-
zaga College, Washington, ana the University of Vir-
ginia. In 1860 he began the practice of law in St.
Louis, Missouri. The Civil War breaking out soon
afterwards, he was commissioned a captain in the
Thirteenth Infantry of the' United States Regulars in
May. 1861. and in the Spring of 1862, joined his
brotner-in-law, General William T. Sherman, in the
Arkansas and Mississippi campaigns. In the siege of
Vicksburg he was thrice wounded. On the 22nd of
June, 1862, he was commissioned lieutenant-colonel
and assistant inspector-general of volunteers, and on
the 15th of June, 1863. inspector-general of the Fif-
teenth Army Corps. He served with much distinc-
tion in the Atlanta campaign and the famous march
through Georgia. On the 8th of March, 1865, he was
commissioned brigadier-general, and on the mustering
out of the volunteers was transferred to the regular
force, from which he resigned as brevet-colonel on the
31st of July, 1867. He was brevetted three times in
the regular service for gallant and meritorious services
at the Vicksburg and Atlanta campaigns. After his
retirement from the Army, he took up his residence in
Washington and began the practice of law, in which
profession he obtained considerable prominence, Jn
1873 he accepted the appointment of Indian Commis-
sioner, and laboured energetically to restore to the
Catholic Indian Missions the schools among the In-
dians which they had maintained for twenty years.
Pope Pius IX, 3 May, 1877, created him a Knight of
the Order of St. Gregory the Great. General Ewing
married Virginia, daughter of John K. Miller of Mt.
Vernon, Ohio.
Eleanor Boyle (Mrs. William Tbcumseh Sher-
man), daughter of Thomas, b. at Lancaster, 4 October,
1824; d. in New York City, 28 November, 1888. She
was educated at the Visitation Convent at George-
town, D. C. In 1829, just after his father's death,
William Tecumseh Sherman, the subsequent famous
General of the United States army, then a boy of nine
years, was adopted by Mr. Ewing, reared in his house-
hold, and appointed by him to the U. S. Military
Academy. Sherman married the daughter of his bene-
factor, 1 May, 1850. She was devoted throughout her
life, after the duties of her household, to the relief of
suffering and of want, and to the advancement of the
Church. Mentally, she inherited the brilliant intel-
lectual powers of her father and was a true helpmate
of her husband in his distinguished career. She was
the author of "Thomas Ewing, a Memorial", pub-
lished in 1872. Father P. J. De Smet, S.J., the mis-
sionary among the Indians, was an old and intimate
friend of the Shermans, and through this intimacy
Mrs. Sherman was led to take a special interest in the
caus* of the Catholic Indians. Her influence and
greLo personal exertions were of much assistance at
Washington, to her brother, General Charles Ewing,
in the work of saving and promoting the missions for
the Catholic Indians.
The Catholic Telegraph (Cincinnati), files; Alerdinq, The
Diocese of Fort Wayne (Fort Wayne, 1907); A Story of Fifty
Years (Notre Dame, 1005); Encyclopedia of Am. Biog.% s. v.
John G. Ewing.
Exaltation of the Holy Gross. See Cross.
Examination, a process prescribed or assigned for
testing qualification; an investigation, inauiry. Ex-
aminations are in use in parochial schools, Catholic
academies, seminaries, ana universities as tests of pro-
ficiency. Examinations or something equivalent
EXAMINATION
674
EXAMINATION
must enter into all effectual instruction', for it is not
sufficient that a book be placed in the hands of a pupil
or that he be compelled to attend lectures, but it is
necessary to see that he grasps the ideas conveyed.
Such tests are widely in vogue in Catholic institutions,
as they are in those not subject to the Church. Ex-
aminations, however, have other purposes, especially
as tests of qualifications for offices or positions, and as
investigations to arrive at the truth. It is particu-
larly under these aspects that the question of examina-
tions now presents itself.
Examination for Appointment to Parochial Bene-
fices.— The Council of Trent, realizing that parishes
should be ruled over by men of virtue and learning,
decreed (Sess. XXIV, c. xviii, De ref.) that the cure of
souls should be entrusted only to those who, in a com-
petitive examination or concursus, have demonstrated
'their fitness. The purpose of this examination is not
only to exclude unworthy candidates, but to secure
the selection of the best. Clement XI and Benedict
XIV determined the form of this examination (see
Concursus; Examiners, Synodal).
Examination for Promotion to Orders. — The Council
of Trent (Sess. XXIII, c. vii, De ref.), repeating the
legislation of previous councils, prescribes that a
bishop promote no one to orders m the Church till
priests and others prudent and learned, appointed by
the bishop, pass upon the candidate's qualifications.
This investigation is concerned with legitimate birth,
baptism, confirmation, freedom from irregularity, age,
title of ordination, morals, faith, and knowledge. In
{>ractice, however, the examination is confined to
earning, as other requisites* are investigated in ad-
vance and attested by proper documents, of the chan-
cellor, pastor, rector of seminary, etc. The place,
form, matter, number of examiners, and other details
of the examination are left to the bishop. A prelate
commissioned by another to ordain the latter's subject
is free to submit the candidate to an examination or
not, as he may deem proper, unless, for grave reasons,
he suspect the unfitness of the candidate, notwith-
standing a previous examination, or unless he be com-
missioned by the candidate's bishop to hold the exam-
ination. Members of religious orders are examined by
their own superiors and likewise by the ordinary prel-
ate, except tne Jesuits and some others who by special
privilege are exempt from examination by the ordi-
nary prelate (see Examiners, Apostolic).
Examination of Bishops-Elect. — In addition to the
examination in the Roman Pontifical, Gregory XIV
prescribed another for bishops-elect, while Clement
VIII instituted a congregation of cardinals for this
gurpose. This examination, however, developed into
ttle else than a ceremony, since bishops are not se-
lected till assurance is given of their prudence, piety,
and learning. The late reorganization of the Roman
Curia puts this matter under the Consistorial Congre-
gation. Cardinals who are to receive episcopal conse-
cration are exempt from this examination.
Examination of Confessors. — The Council of Trent
(Sees. XXIII, c. xv, De ref.) established the necessary
requirements of episcopal approbation for all priests,
both secular and regular, to near confessions, advising
an examination as a test of fitness, though bishops are
free to approve, without such test, those priests who in
their judgment are qualified for the work. Members
of the regular clergy, without exception, may be
obliged by the ordinary of the diocese to undergo this
test, if they would hear the sacramental confessions of
secular persons. Once approved, however, they are
not to be subjected to another examination, unless
some grave cause relating to confessions arise (see
Examiners, Apostolic).
Examination of Preachers. — The ordinary of a dio-
cese may submit to an examination members of relig-
ious bodies who desire to preach in the diocese in
churches other than those of their own order. Once,
however, he has given his approbation, he may not in-
sist on a second examination, though for just cause he
may withdraw the permission given to preach. The
bishop's successor in office may demand a re-examina-
tion.
Examination of Those Wishing to Contract Mar-
riage.— Before publishing the banns of marriage the
pastor questions separately the contracting parties re-
garding their place of residence, to ascertain whether
he has a right to unite them in matrimony. He. in-
quires, likewise, whether they are acting with perfect
freedom, or perhaps under duress, fear, or other motive
which might invalidate the contract. He learns of
any opposition on the part of parents to the proposed
union, as well as of the possible existence of any matri-
monial impediment. He must ascertain, moreover,
whether the parties are sufficiently grounded in the
rudiments of the Catholic religion and capable, conse-
quently, of instructing their offspring. If the parties
belong to different panshes, by whom is this investiga-
tion to be conducted? Local regulations and customs
are to be observed, since there is neither positive uni-
versal legislation nor uniform practice in this matter.
Examination of Witnesses. — In ecclesiastical, as in
civil, courts witnesses are examined under oath, ad-
ministered by the auditor or judge, who should first
call the witness's attention to the nature and binding
effect of an oath and to his duty of telling the truth.
The oath must be to the effect that the witness will tell
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.
If thought advisable by the judge, the oath may also
contain the promise of secrecy. A statement not
sworn to does not constitute evidence. Witnesses are
examined separately. In civil trials the interested
parties have a right to be present when witnesses are
deposing and may not be excluded except in rare cases
approved by the judge. In criminal or other cases,
where public rather than private interest is at stake,
the practice is to exclude the plaintiff and defendant,
as well as other witnesses. Here, also, in extreme
cases an exception may be made. If, however, the de-
fendant is not allowed to confront the witnesses cited
by the plaintiff and vice versa, he is permitted to see
the witnesses take the oath ana may suggest interrog-
atories to be proposed.
Witnesses are to be asked or cited, but not neces-
sarily in a formal manner, to appear in court and tes-
tify. He who offers his testimony unsolicited is sus-
pected. The examination of witnesses is conducted
by the judge. The interrogatories, which are general
and special, should be clear and capable of a direct and
definite answer. The general questions concern the
name, residence, profession, age, and religion of the
witness. His relations to plaintiff or defendant, his
habits, prejudices, associations, motives, his physical
defects, and, at times, his mental qualities, his means
of knowledge, powers of discernment, and his memory
may be relevant. The special queries are drawn from
the crime or charge, and should be relevant or material
to the fact at issue. The judge must ascertain how
much of the deposition is of personal knowledge, or only
hearsay evidence or rumour, or perhaps mere opinion
or inference. Circumstances of place, persons, time,
etc. may be pertinent. Leading or suggestive ques-
tions, which suggest the answer desired/are not per-
mitted. The rules of competency of witnesses are re-
ducible to two, a knowledge of the facts in the case and
veracity. In weighing the evidence, however, the
t'udge must consider not only the knowledge and credi-
bility of the witness, but also the quality of the deposi-
tion and its weight in comparison with that of other
witnesses. While exception may be taken to a wit-
ness, if unsustained it does not disqualify him. The
testimony is written down by the secretary or clerk
and is read by him to the witness. Additions or cor-
rections, if necessary, are made. The witness affixes
his signature, or, if unable to write, he makes his mark.
EXAMINATION
675
which must be attested by the clerk. If the witness
refuses to subscribe, the tact and the reason thereof
must be noted. Finally, both the judge and the clerk
sign the document.
Ferraris, Prompta Btbliotheca, s. v.; Laurbntius, Insttiu-
tiones, s. v. Examen; Taunton, The Law of the Church, a. v.
Examination.
' Andrew B. Meehan.
Examination of Conscience. — By this term is
understood a review of one's past thoughts, words,
and actions for the purpose of ascertaining their con-
formity with, or dinormity from, the moral law. Di-
rectly, tm> examination is concerned only with the
will, that is, with the good or bad intention that in-
spires one's thoughts, words, and actions. Some of
the ancient philosophers — the Stoics in particular-r
studied to be blameless in their own sight, and for this
they made frequent use of self-inspection. They pro-
fessed the doctrine that the happiness and dignity of
man consist in virtue, or compliance with the law of
reason, or with conscience; and thus examinations of
conscience were a regular practice in the schools of the
Stoics and of their later followers, such Eclectics as
Quintus Sextius and Seneca. In the hearts of all men
there is heard at times the voice of conscience bidding
them seek their moral perfection, not so* much for the
dignity and happiness it confers on them as through
regard for the holiness of the Supreme Author of the
moral law. This precept of rational nature has been
enforced by the voice of revelation. Thus God said to
Abraham, "Walk before me, and be perfect1' (Gen.,
xvii, 1). To this precept the Prophet Jeremias re-
ferred when he sang in his Lamentations: "Let us
search our ways, and seek, and return to the Lord"
(m. 40).
In the fullness of time Christ came to perfect the
knowledge of the moral law and draw the human
heart into closer union with God. Frequent examina-
tion of conscience then became more imperative than
before. In particular it was commanded by the
Apostle St. Paul to be performed by the faithful each
time they received Holy Communion: "Let a man
prove" — that is examine — "himself: and so let him
eat of that bread, and drink of the chalice ; for he that
eateth and drinketh unworthily eateth and drinketh
judgment to himself u we would judge our-
selves, we should not be judged" (I Cor., xi, 28-31).
Ancf] as the early Christians received Holy Communion
very frequently, examination of conscience became a
familiar exercise of their spiritual life. Thus we read
of the great hermit St. Anthony, that he examined his
conscience every night, while St. Basil, St. Augustine,
Sind St. Bernard, and founders of religious orders gen-
erally, made the examination of conscience a regular
daily exercise of their followers. What was thus en-
joined on religious by rule was inculcated upon the
faithful at large by the masters of the spiritual life as a
most effectual means to advance in virtue.
The devotional examination of conscience is quite
distinct from that required as a proximate preparation
for sacramental confession, if a Christian judges
himself unworthy of receiving the Body of the Lord,
he is to make himself worthy by obtaining pardon of
his sins* and the means is provided for the purpose by
Christ in the power He has given His ministers to
remit sins. As discretion is to be used in remitting or
retaining sins* the confession of the sinner is necessary;
and to confess his faults he must examine his con-
science with proper diligence. By self-examination he
intensifies his contrition and purpose of amendment.
In preparing for confession, the penitent is strictly
obliged to examine his conscience with such diligence
as a prudent man ordinarily devotes to important
business, but the impossible is not demanded. The
more protracted his wanderings have been, the weaker
the prodigal may have become to travel back to his
Father, and the more help he may need to accomplish
the task. When he has made some earnest efforts in
this matter, the priest is to lend his assistance to per-
fect the work ; as Vasquez and de Lugo remark, a pru-
dent confessor can accomplish more with most peni-
tents by a few questions than they themselves can by
a long examination. Suarez takes notice that the
Fathers of the Church have not taught any set system
for such examinations. The ordinary method fol-
lowed in the examination for confession is to consider
in succession the Ten Commandments of God, the
Commandments of the Church, the Seven Capital
Sins, the duties of one's state of life, the nine ways of
partaking in the sins of others. For persons who have
fed a uniform life it will often suffice to recall where
they have been, the persons with whom they have
dealt, the duties or pursuits in which they have been
engaged; how they have behaved on ordinary occa-
sions— as, for instance, when busied in their usual em-
ployment on working-days — and on unusual occa-
sions, such as Sundays and holidays.
As to the daily examination of conscience, two spe-
cies must be distinguished, the general and the partic-
ular. The former aims at the correction of all kinds of
faults, the latter at the avoidance of some particular
fault or the acquisition of some particular virtue. For
the general examination a good method is laid down
by St. Ignatius of Loyola in his "Spiritual Exercises".
It contains five points. In the first point we thank
God for the benefits received; in the second we ask
grace to know and correct our faults ; in the third we
pass in review the successive hours of the day, noting
what faults we have committed in deed, word, thought,
or omission ; in the fourth we ask God's pardon; in the
fifth we purpose amendment.
Of the particular examination of conscience St.
Ignatius is generally considered as the author, or at
least as the first who reduced it to system and pro-
moted its practice among the faithful. It concen-
trates one's attention on some one fault or virtue. On
rising in the morning we resolve to avoid a certain
fault during the day, or to perform certain acts of a
particular virtue. About noon we consider how Often
we have committed that fault, or practised that vir-
tue; we mark the number in a booklet prepared for
the purpose, and we renew our resolution for the rest
of the day. At night we examine and mark again,
and make resolutions for the following day. We thus
act like careful business men who watch for a while
a special portion of then* mercantile transactions to
see where losses come in or where greater gain may be
secured. St. Ignatius further suggests that we jmpose
upon ourselves some penance tor every one of the
faults committed, and that we compare the numbers
marked each time with those of the preceding day,
the total sum at the end of the week with that of
the preceding week, etc. (See Conscience; Duty;
Sin.)
Text ofthe Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius (London, 1803),
13-19; Rodriguez, Pract. of Christian Perfection (New York,
1807), I, vii; de la Palma, A Treatise on the Particular Exam.
(At., London, 1873); Druzbicki, The Tribunal of Conscience
(London, 1884); Bro. Philip, Subjects of Part. Exam. (New
York, 1870); SChieler-Heuser, Theory and Practice ofthe Conr
fessional (New York, 1005); Lehmkuhl, Theol. Mor. (Freiburg,
1885), II, nn. 341-344.
Charles Coppens.
Examiners, Apostolic, so called because appointed
by the Apostolic See for service in Rome. In 1570
Pius V instituted the Apostolic examiners to conduct
examinations of candidates for orders and of confes-
sors. These examiners, who are chosen by the pope,
take an oath in the presence of the cardinal vicar to
discharge their duties faithfully. By virtue of a Con-
stitution of Alexander VII, in 1662, the examination of
those who would receive orders is held in the vicariate,
or palace of the cardinal vicar, in the presence of at*
least three examiners. It is only after consultation
with the pope that the cardinal vicar may dispense
EXAMINERS 676 EXAROH
i
from this examination, except in case of tonsure, when sibn of the Holy See and after consultation with the
he may allow candidates to be examined privately by diocesan consultors that a bishop may choose them out
one examiner. All, whether affiliated to the Diocese of synod. In case of vacancy the bishop, with the ad-
of Rome or not. must undergo this examination, vice of said consultors, may supply the deficiency.
Those who have been in Rome four months or more, These examiners are required to take the oath as above
and who intend to return to the Eternal City, must, and likewise to swear not to accept gifts on the occa-
under pain of suspension, be examined in the vicariate sion of examinations. Whether these examiners, thus
before receiving orders (not tonsure) elsewhere. An appointed out of synod, hold office till death or only till
exception is made in regard to the canons of the ba- the convening of the next synod is not determined. In
silica of St. Peter, who are examined and promoted to many dioceses these same examiners conduct the ex-
orders by their cardinal archpriest. They must, how- aminations for the junior clergy, confessors, candidates
ever, have testimonial letters from the cardinal vicar1, for orders, and the like. (CfV Council of Trent, Sees.
Even prelates of the Roman Curia must present them- XXIV, c. xviii, De ref.; also Third Plenary Council of
selves at the vicariate, but out of respect for their dig- Baltimore, nos. 24 sqq.)
nity they occupy seats among the examiners and ex- Andrew B. Meehan.
amine one another.
As regards confessors they are not approved in Exarch (Gr. "E£apx°*)> » title used in various
Rome till they have passed a satisfactory examination senses both civilly and ecclesiastically. In the civil
before the Apostolic examiners. Although the car- administration of the Roman Empire the exarch was
dinal vicar may dispense in this matter, the exercise of the governor or viceroy of any large and important
this prerogative is exceedingly rare. Generally, after province. The best-known case is that of the Exarch
a first ana second test faculties to hear confessions are of Italy, who, after the defeat of the Goths, ruled from
granted only for a limited time, while a third success- Ravenna (552-751) in the name of the emperor at
ful examination meets with unlimited approbation. Constantinople. In ecclesiastical language an exarch
Huhphrbt, Urba et Orbi* (London, 1899), 188-192; Gas- was. at first, a metropolitan whose jurisdiction ex-
pabri, p* Socrd Ordination* (Paria, 1894), nn. 760sq. tended beyond his own (metropolitical) province, over
Andrew B. Meehan. other metropolitans. Thus, as late as tne time of the
Council of Chalcedon (451), the patriarchs are still
Examiners, Synodal, so called because chosen in a called exarchs (can. ix). When the name "patri-
diocesan synod. The Council of Trent prescribes at arch" became the official one for the Bishops of Rome,
least six synodal examiners. The number twenty has Alexandria, Antioch (and later of Constantinople and
been fixed upon by the Congregation of the Council as Jerusalem), the other title was left as the proper style
an ample sufficiency. The chief purpose of synodal of the metropolitans who ruled over the three remain-
examiners is to conduct competitive examinations or ing (political) dioceses of Diocletian's division of the
concursus, though they may be designated to hold Eastern Prefecture, namely the Exarchs of Asia (at
other examinations. Suitable candidates for this Ephesus), of Cappadocia and Pontus (at Csesarea),
office are proposed singly, not all together, each year and of Thrace (at Heraclea). The advance of Con-
in the diocesan synod, by the bishop or his vicar-gen- stantinople put an end to these exarchates, which fell
eral; they must be satisfactory to the synod and meet back to the state of ordinary metropolitan sees (For-
the approval of a majority of those present, the voting tescue, Orth. Eastern Church, 21-25). But the title
being secret or pubhc as the bishop may determine, of exarch was still occasionally used for any metropoli-
They should have the academic degree at least of licen- tan (so at Sardica in 343, can. vi). Since the use of
tiate in theology or canon law, but where clerics with all these titles became gradually fixed with definite
such degrees are not available, others qualified, either technical meanings, that of exarch has disappeared in
of the diocesan or religious clergy, are eligible. Syn- the West, being replaced by the names "Apostolic
odal examiners, once appointed, hold office till the vicar" and then "primate". A. few cases, such as
ensuing synod, though several years have elapsed, that of the Archbishop of Lyons, whom the Emperor
Those chosen take an oath — in the synod, if present, Frederick I named Exarch of Burgundy in 115/, are
otherwise privately in the presence of the bishop or rare exceptions. In Eastern Christendom an exarch is
vicar-general — to fulfil their duties conscientiously, a bishop who holds a place between that of patriarch
without prejudice, favouritism, or other unworthy and that of ordinary metropolitan. The principle is
motive. Neglect on the part of only one to take this that, since no addition may be made to the sacred
oath renders null and void the concursus in which he number of five patriarchs, any bishop who is independ-
takes part. They are admonished, moreover, not to ent of any one of these five should be called an exarch,
accept presents in the discharge of their office, fail- Thus, since the Church of Cyprus was declared auto-
ing in which they become guilty of simony and are cephalous (at Ephesus in 431), its primate receives the
punishable accordingly. Neither the diocesan synod title of Exarch of Cyprus. The snort-lived medieval
nor the bishop personally may establish a salary, Churches of Ipek (for Servia), Achrida (for Bulgaria),
however insignificant, for the fulfilment of their office. Tirnova (for Rumania), were governed by exarchs,
If, within a year after their appointment in synod, though these prelates occasionally usurped the title of
the number of examiners, through death, resignation, patriarch (Fortescue, Orth. Eastern Church, 305 so.,
or other cause, fall below six, the bishop may, with the 317 sq., 328 sq.). On the same principle the Arch-
consent of the cathedral chapter, fill up the number; bishop of Mount Sinai is an exarch, though in this case,
if the number six decrease after the expiration of a as in that of Cyprus, modern Orthodox usage generally
year, permission of the Sacred Congregation of the prefers the (to them) unusual title, "archbishop1'
Council is also requisite. Examiners thus chosen out (?kpxt**ltKoiroi). When the Bulgarians constituted
of synod are termed pro-synodal. There is no positive their national Church (1870), not quite daring to call
legislation regarding the removal from office of exam- its head a patriarch, they made him an exarch. "Hie
biers, synodal or pro-synodal. In some countries, Bulgarian exarch, who resides at Constantinople, is
where ecclesiastical benefices do not exist, the regula- the most famous of all persons who bear the title now.
tions of the Council of Trent anent synodal examiners Because of it his adherents throughout Macedonia are
are not observed, kindred duties as far as necessary called exarchists (as opposed to the Greek patriarch-
being performed by clerics who are styled " examiners ists). It was an inaccurate use of this title when
of the clergy " or something similar. The Third Plen- Peter the Great, after abolishing the Patriarchate of
ary Council of Baltimore prescribes for the United Moscow (1702), for twenty years before he founded
States that these examiners, at least six in number if the Russian Holy Directing Synod, appointed a vice-
possible, be selected in synod. It is only with permis- gerent with the title of exarch as president of a tern-
EZOABDIMATION
677
EXCLUSION
porary governing commission. Since Russia de-
stroyed the old independent Georgian Church (1802)
the Primate of Georgia (always a Russian) sits in the
Holy Synod at St. Petersburg with the title of Exarch
of Greorgia (Fortescue, Orth. Eastern Church, 304-305).
Lastly, the third officer of the court of the Patriarch of
Constantinople, who examines marriage cases (our
defensor matrimonii) , is called the exarch (ibid.. 349).
LObeck, Retchseinteilung und kirchliche Hierarchic des
Orients bis sum Ausaange des U. Jahrhunderts (MOnster, 1901);
Silbbrnagl-Schnitzeb, Verf cutting und gegenwartiger Bestand
s&mtlicher Kirchen des Orients (2nd ed., Munich, 1904); Kat-
tknbusch. Vergleichende Konfessionskunde in Die orthodoxe ana-
tolische Ktrche (Freiburg im Br.. 1892), I, 81-89; Hinschjus,
System des katholischen Kirchenrechtes (Freiburg im Br., 1869),
L 538 sq.; Milasch, Das Kirchenreeht der morgenl&ndischen
Kirehe (2nd ed.. Mostar, 1905); Fortescue, The Orthodox
Eastern Church (London, 1907), 8, 21-25, 319,349.
Adrian Fortescue.
Excardination. See Incardinatton.
Ex Cathedra, literally "from the chair", a theo-
logical term which signifies authoritative teaching and
is more particularly applied to the definitions given by
the Roman pontiff. Originally the name of the seat
occupied by a professor or a bishop, cathedra was used
later on to denote the magisterium, or teaching author-
ity. The phrase ex cathedra occurs in the writings
of the medieval theologians, and more frequently m
the discussions which arose after the Reformation in
regard to the papal prerogatives. But its present
meaning was formally determined by the Vatican
Council, Sees. IV, Const, die Ecclesia Christi, c. iv: " We
teach and define that it is a dogma Divinely revealed
that the Roman pontiff when he speaks ex cathedra,
that is when in discharge of the office of pastor and
doctor of all Christians, by virtue of his supreme
Apostolic authority, he defines a doctrine regarding
faith or morals to be held by the universal Church, by
the Divine assistance promised to him in Blessed Peter,
is possessed of that infallibility with which the Divine
Redeemer willed that His Church should be endowed
in defining doctrine regarding faith or morals, and that
therefore such definitions of the Roman pontiff are of
themselves and not from the consent of the Church
irreformable." (See Infallibility; Pope.)
E. A. Pace.
Exclusion, Right of (Lat. Jus Exclusive), the al-
leged competence of the more important Catholic
countries, Austria, France, and Spam, to indicate to
their respective cardinal protector, or cardinal pro-
curator, those members of the Sacred College who were
persona! minus grata, so that, if there was a possibility
of one of these becoming pope, the authorized cardinal
might, before the decisive ballot, give his veto, in the
name of his government, against such election. At one
time this veto was given orally; later it was given in
writing. The cardinal protector, or cardinal procura-
tor, who cast the veto, was, as a rule, that member of
the Sacred College who had been created a cardinal at
the desire of his government. This declaration could
only be made at the last moment, for the reason that,
by traditional usage, a government might invoke this
alleged right only once at the same conclave, and con-
sequently would not wish to employ it unnecessarily.
A veto made after the election was not recognized.
Opinions differ widely as to the antiquity of this right.
It cannot be proved that it is in any way related to the
rights in the papal election, exercised by German kings
and emperors m the early Middle Ages. Indeed, it
was not until the sixteenth century, that the more
important European countries obtained larger influ-
ence over papal electrons, owing to the contentions of
France, Spain, and the German emperor, for the con-
trol of Italy. These governments were originally sat-
isfied with the so-called "ballot of exclusion'1, i. e.,
they sought to unite more than one-third of the voters
against an undesirable candidate and thus make his
election impossible, through lack of the necessary two-
thirds majority. About the beginning of the seven-
teenth century, however, in the conclaves that elected
Leo XI and Paul V (1605), Spain raised the claim, that
it could exclude a candidate by a general declaration
addressed to the College of Cardinals. Soon after, in
the conclaves of 1644 and 1655, which elected, respec-
tively, Innocent X and Alexander VII, and in both
of which Cardinal Sacchetti was excluded as a can-
didate, the term used for this action was Jus Exclu-
sivcB (right of exclusion). This right was, therefore,
claimed about the middle of the seventeenth century;
later dates suggested, e. g., 1691, or 1721, must be
abandoned. . It was also about the middle of the
seventeenth century that treatises and polemic wri-
tings began to appear, in which the alleged right of
exclusion was discussed; among such controversial-
ists were the Cardinals Albizzi and Lugo.
In the following period repeated use was made of this
so-called right. In 1721 the German emperor for-
mally excluded Cardinal Paolucci; in 1730 the King
of Spain excluded Cardinal Imperiali; in 1758 France
exercised this right to exclude Cardinal Cavalchini. In
the nineteenth century Austria maintained the right
of exclusion, in 1830, against Cardinal Severoli, and
Spain, in 1830, against Cardinal Giustiniani; in 1903
Austria again exercised this right, this time against
Cardinal Kampolla. As a matter of fact, no govern-
ment has a right to exercise any veto in a papal election.
On the contrary the popes have expressly repudiated
the exercise of such right. Pius IV m the Bull " In eli-
fendis", o(9 October, 1562 (Magnum Bullarium, II,
7 sqq.), ordered the cardinals to elect a pope "Prin-
cipum ssecularium intercessionibus, cseterisque mun-
danis respectibus, minime attentis" (without any re-
gard to tne interference of secular rulers, or to other
human considerations) . That he meant thereby what
is now known as the right of exclusion cannot, indeed,
be proved ; according to the foregoing account of its
origin such claim did not then exist. Gregory XV,
in the Bull "iEterni Patris Filius" (15 November,
1621, in "Magnum Bullarium", III, 444 sqq^.) de-
clared authoritatively: " Cardinales omnino abstmeant
ab omnibus pactionibus, conventionibus, promissioni-
bus, intendimentis, condictis, fcederibus, aliis quibus-
cunque obligationibus, minis, signis, contrasignis suf-
fragiorum seu schedularum, aut aliis tarn verbo quam
scripto aut quomodocunque dandis aut petendis, tarn
respectu inclusionis quam exclusionis, tarn unius per-
sons quam plurium aut certi generis, etc.", the sense
of which is, that the cardinals must abstain from all
agreements, and from acts of any kind, which might
be construed as binding them to include or exclude
any one candidate, or several, or candidates of a cer-
tain class. It may be that the pope does not even
here refer to exclusion by a state, but only to the
so-called "ballot of exclusion"; it has already been
stated, however, that the governments at this time
laid claim to a formal right of exclusion. In the
Bull "Apostolatus officium" (11 October, 1732, in
"Magnum Bullarium", XIV, 248 sqo.) Clement XII
ordered the cardinals in the words of Pius IV, already
quoted, to elect, " principum ssecularium intercessioni-
bus cseterisque mundanis respectibus . . . minime attentis
et postpositis" (i. e. without regard to the interference
of secular rulers or to other human considerations).
By this time, however, governmental exclusion had
long been the accepted form of the interference of sec-
ular rulers (intercessio principum) in papal elections.
It is, therefore, precisely this exclusion which the pope
forbids. This command has all the more weight since
we know that this pope was urged to recognize, within
certain limits, the right of exclusion put forth by the
Catholic states ; in the minutes of the deliberations of
the commission of cardinals appointed to draw up this
Bull the right of exclusion is explicitly characterized
as an abuse. By the Constitution "In hac sublimi",
of 23 August, 1871 (Archiv fur kath. Kirchenreeht,
EXCOMMUNICATION
678
EXCOMMUNICATION
1891, LXV, 303 sqq.), Pius IX forbade any interfer-
ence of the secular power in papal elections. It is
plain, therefore, that the popes have rejected all right
of exclusion by a Catholic state in a papal election.
Nor can it be admitted that this right has arisen
through custom. None of the requisites essential to
the growth of a customary right are present; reason-
ableness and prescription are especially lacking. To
debar precisely the most capable candidates is an
onerous limitation of the liberty of the electors, and
injurious to the Church. Moreover, the cases of ex-
clusion by Catholic states are too few to permit the
inference of a right acquired by customary possession.
Recent legislation by Pope Pius X has absolutely
repudiated and abolished forever this Jus Exclusive.
In the Constitution "Commissum Nobis" (20 Jan.,
1904) he declared that the Apostolic See had never
approved the civil veto, though previous legislation
had not succeeded in preventing it: "Wherefore in
virtue of holy obedience, under threat of the Divine
judgment, and pain of excommunication laice sen-
tential ..... we prohibit the cardinals of the Holy
Roman Church, all and single, and likewise the Secre-
tary of the Sacred College of Cardinals, and all others
who take part in the Conclave, to receive even under
the form of a simple desire the office of proposing the
veto in whatever manner, either by writing or by
word of mouth And it is our will that this
prohibition be extended to ail intercessions,
etc by which the lay powers endeavour to in-
trude themselves in the election of a pontiff
" Let no man infringe this our inhibition .*.... under
pain of incurring the indignation of God Almighty
and of his Apostles, Sts. Peter and Paul." The new
form of oath to be taken by all cardinals contains
these words: "we shall never in any way accept, un-
der any pretext, from any civil power whatever, the
office of proposing a veto of exclusion even under the
form of a mere desire . . . and we shall never lend favour
to any intervention,or intercession,or any other method
whatever, by which the lay powers of any grade or order
may wish to interfere in the election of a pontiff".
Wahrmi7ND,_ Das Ausschlteesunpsrecht (jus exclusive) der
' \ una Span, bei den Papstwahlen
(Vienna, 1888); Idem, Die Bulls "JEterni Patria Filius" und
koth. Stooten besterr.% Frankr.
der staatl. Einfluss auf die Papstwahlen in Archiv fUr hath.
Kirchenrecht (1894), LXX1I, 201 sqq.; SaqmOller, Die Papst-
wahlen und die Staaten von 1UU7 bis 1555 (Tubingen, 1890);
Idcm, Die Papstwahlbullen und das staatl. Recht der Exclusive tn
der Papstwahl (Tubingen, 1892): Idem, Das Recht der Exclusive
in der Papstwahl in Archiv. far hath. Kirchenrecht (1895),
LXXIII, 193 sqq.; Lector, Le conclave (Paris, 1894); Giob-
bio, Austria, Francia, eSpagna e VEsclusiva nel Conclave (Rome,
1903); Pivano, Jl diriUo d% Veto, "Jus Exclusivcs", neW elezione
del Pontefice (Turin, 1905); Vidal, Le veto d' exclusion en mature
d'ilection pontificate (Toulouse, 1906); Mack, Das Recht der
Exclusive bei der Papstwahl (Leipzig, 1906); Herre, Papslum
und Papstwahl im Zeitalter Phillips II. (Leipzig, 1907); Eisler,
Das Veto der hath. Staaten bei der Papstwahl seit dem Ende des Hi.
Jahrhunderts (Vienna, 1907); Evrard, Le droit de veto dans les
conclaves (Pans, 1908): Thurston. The Intervention of the Stale
in the Papal Elections in The Month (1903).
Johannes Baptist SagmOller.
Excommunication. — This subject will be treated
under the following heads: I. General Notions and
Historical Summary; II. Kinds of Excommunication;
III. Who Can Excommunicate? IV. Who Can Be
Excommunicated? V. Effects of Excommunication;
VI. Absolution from Excommunication; VII. Ex-
communications Lata Sententice Now in Force.
I. General Notions and Historical Summary. —
Excommunication (Lat. ex, out of, and communio or
communicatio, communion — exclusion from the com-
munion), the principal and severest censure, is a me-
dicinal, spiritual penalty that deprives the guilty Chris-
tian of all participation in the common blessings of
ecclesiastical society. Being a penalty, it supposes
guilt; and being the most serious penalty that the
Church can inflict, it naturally supposes a very grave
offence. It is also a medicinal rather than a vindic-
tive penalty, being intended, not so much to punish
the culprit, as to correct him and bringj him back to
the path of righteousness. It necessarily, therefore,
contemplates the future, either to prevent the recur-
rence of certain culpable acts that have grievous ex*
ternal consequences, or. more especially, to induce the
delinquent to satisfy the obligations incurred by his
offence. Its object and its effect are loss of commu-
nion, i. e. of the spiritual benefits shared by all the
members of Christian society; hence, it can affect only
those who by baptism have been admitted to that
society. Undoubtedly there can and do exist other
penal measures which entail the loss of certain fixed
rights; among them are other censures, e. g. suspen-
sion for clerics, interdict for clerics and laymen, irregu-
larity ex delicto, etc. Excommunication, however, is
clearly distinguished from these penalties in that it is
the privation of all rights resulting from the social
status of the Christian as such. The excommunicated
person, it is true, does not cease to be a Christian,
since his baptism can never be effaced ; he can, how-
ever, be considered as an exile from Christian society
and as non-existent, for a time at least, in the sight of
ecclesiastical authority. But such exile can have an
end (and the Church desires it), as soon as the offender
has given suitable satisfaction. Meanwhile, his status
before the Church is that of a stranger. He may not
participate in public worship nor receive the Body of
Christ or any of the sacraments. Moreover, if he be a
cleric, he is forbidden to administer a sacred rite or
to exercise an act of spiritual authority.
Right of the Church to Excommunicate. — The right to
excommunicate is an immediate and necessary conse-
quence of the fact that the Church is a society. Every
society has the right to exclude and deprive of their
rights and social advantages its unworthy or griev-
ously culpable members, either temporarily or per-
manently. This right is necessary to every society in
order that it may i>e well administered and survive.
The fundamental proof, therefore, of the Church's
right to excommunicate is based on her status as a
spiritual society, whose members, governed by legiti-
mate authority, seek one and the same end through
suitable means. Members who, by their obstinate
disobedience, reject the means of attaining this com-
mon end deserve to be removed from such a society.
This rational argument is confirmed by texts of the
New Testament, the example of the Apostles, and the
practice of the Church from the first ages down to the
present. Among the, Jews, exclusion from the syna-
gogue was a real excommunication (Esd., x, 8). This
was the exclusion feared by the parents of the man
born blind (John, ix, 21 sq.; cf. xii, 42; xvi, 2); the
same likewise that Christ foretold to His disciples
(Luke, vi, 22). It is also the* exclusion which in due
time the Christian Church should exercise: " And if he
will not hear the church, let him be to thee as the
heathen and publican" (Matt., xviii, 17). In the cele-
brated text: "Whatsoever you shall bind upon earth,
shall be bound also in heaven; and whatsoever you
shall loose upon earth, shall be loosed also in heaven "
(Matt., xviii, 18| cf. xvi, 19), it is not only the remis-
sion of sins that is referred tof but likewise all spiritual
jurisdiction, including judicial and penal sanctions.
Such, moreover, was the jurisdiction conferred on St.
Peter by the words: "Feed my lambs1'; "feed my
sheep" (John, xxi, 15, 16, 17). St. Paul excommuni-
cated regularly the incestuous Corinthian (I Cor., v,
5) and the incorrigible blasphemers whom he deliv-
ered over to Satan (I Tim., i, 20). Faithful to t he-
Apostolic teaching and example, the Church, from the
very earliest ages, was wont to excommunicate here-
tics and contumacious persons; since the fourth
century numerous conciliary canons pronounce ex-
communication against those who are guilty of certain
offences. Of the facts there can be no doubt (Seits,
Die Heilsnotwendigkeit der Kirche, Freiburg, 1903).
Excommunication not only External. — In the first
f
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679
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Christian centuries it is not always easy to distinguish
between excommunication and penitential exclusion;
to differentiate them satisfactorily we must await the
decline of the institution of public penance and the
well-defined separation between those things apper-
taining to the forum internum, or tribunal of con-
science, and the forum externum, or public ecclesias-
tical tribunal; nevertheless, the admission of a sinner
to jthe performance of public penance was consequent
on a previous genuine excommunication. On the
other hand, formal exclusion from reception of the Eu-
charist and the other sacraments was only mitigated
excommunication and identical with minor excom-
munication (see below). At any rate, in the first cen-
turies excommunication is not regarded as a simple
external measure; it reaches the soul and the con-
science. It is not merely the severing of the outward
bond which holds the individual to his place in the
Church; it severs also the internal bond, and the sen-
tence pronounced on earth is ratified in heaven. It is
the spiritual sword, the heaviest penalty that the
Church can inflict (see the patristic texts quoted in the
Decree of Gratian, cc. xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii, C. xi, q. Hi).
Hence in the Bull " Exsurge Domine" (16 May, 1520)
Leo X justly condemned Luther's twenty-third prop-
osition according to which "excommunications are
merely external punishments, nor do they deprive a
man of the common spiritual prayers of the Church".
Pius VI also condemned (Auctorem Fidei, 28 Aug.,
1794) the forty-sixth proposition of the Pseudo-Synod
of Pistoia, which maintained that the effect of excom-
munication is only exterior because of its own nature
it excludes only from exterior communion with the
Church, as if. said the pope, excommunication were
not a spiritual penalty binding in heaven and affecting
souls. The aforesaid proposition was therefore con-
demned as false, pernicious, already reprobated in the
twenty-third proposition of Luther, and, to say the
least, erroneous. Undoubtedly the Church cannot
(nor does it wish to) oppose any obstacle to the inter-
nal relations of the soul with God; she even implores
God to give the grace of repentance to the excommuni-
cated. The rites of the Church, nevertheless, are al-
ways the providential and regular channel through
which Divine grace is conveyed to Christians; exclu-
sion from such rites, especially from the sacraments,
entails therefore regularly the privation of this grace,
to whose sources the excommunicated person has no
longer access.
History of Excommunication. — While excommunica-
tion ranks first amortg ecclesiastical censures, it ex-
isted long before any such classification arose. From
the earliest days of the Christian society it was the
chief (if not the only) ecclesiastical penalty for lay-
men; for guilty clerics the first punishment was depo-
sition from their office, i. e. reduction to the ranks of
the laity. Subsequently, when ecclesiastical disci-
pline allowed clerics more easily to resume their -min-
istry, the ancient deposition became suspension;
thenceforth even clerics were subject to excommuni-
cation, by which they lost at once their rights as Chris-
tians and as clerics. Both laymen and clerics were
henceforth threatened or punished with excommuni-
cation for offences that became daily more definite and
numerous, particularly for refusing obedience either to
special ecclesiastical precepts or the general laws of the
Church. Once the forum externum, or public eccle-
siastical tribunal, was distinctly separated from the
forum sacramentale, or tribunal of sacramental pen-
ance, say from the ninth century on, excommunica-
tion became gradually an ever more powerful means of
spiritual government, a sort of coercive measure ensur-
ing the exact accomplishment of the laws of the
Church and the precepts of her prelates. Excommuni-
cation was either threatened or inflicted in order to
secure the observance of fasts and feasts, the payment
of tithes, the obedience of inferiors, the denunciation
of the guilty, also to compel the faithful to make
known to ecclesiastical authority matrimonial impedi-
ments and other information.
Abuse. — This extension of the use of excommunica-
tion led to abuses. The infliction of so grave a pen-
alty for offences of a less grievous kind and most
frequently impossible to verify before the public eccle-
siastical authority, begot eventually a contempt for
excommunication. Conseq uently the Council of Trent
was forced to recommend to all bishops and prelates
more moderation in the use of censures (Sess. XXV, c.
iii, De ref .). The passage is too significant to be here
omitted : " Although the sword of excommunication is
the very sinews of ecclesiastical discipline, and very
salutary for keeping the people to the observance of
their duty, yet it is to be used with sobriety and great
circumspection; seeing that experience teaches that if
it be wielded rashly or for slight causes, it is more
despised than feared, and works more evil than good.
Wherefore, such excommunications which are wont to
be issued for the purpose of provoking a revelation, or
on account of things lost or stolen, shall be issued by
no one whomsoever but the bishop; and not then, ex-
cept on account of some uncommon circumstance
which moves the bishop thereunto, and after the matter
has been by him diligently and very maturely
weighed." Then follow equally explicit measures for
the use of censures in judicial matters. This recom-
mendation of the Council of Trent has been duly
heeded, and the use of censures as a means of coercion
has grown constantly rarer, the more so as it is hardly
ever possible for the Church, to obtain from the civil
power the execution of such penalties.
Excessive Number of Excommunications. — In the
course of time, also, the number of canonical excom-
munications was excessively multiplied, which fact,
coupled with their frequent desuetude, made it diffi-
cult to know whether many among them were always
in force. The difficulty was greater as a large number
of these excommunications were reserved, for which
reason theologians with much ingenuity construed
favourably said reservation and permitted the major-
ity of the faithful to obtain absolution without pre-
senting themselves in Rome, or indeed even writing
thither. In recent times the number of excommuni-
cations in force "has been greatly diminished, and a
new method of absolving from them has been inaugu-
rated ; it will doubtless find a place in the new codifica-
cation of the canon law that is being prepared. Thus,
without change of nature, excommunication in foro
externo has become an exceptional penalty, reserved
for very grievous offences detrimental to Christian
society; in foro interna it has been diminished and
mitigated, at least in regard to the conditions for ab-
solution from it. However, as can, readily be seen
from a perusal of the excommunications actually in
force, it still remains true that what the Church aims
at is not so much the crime as the satisfaction to be
obtained from the culprit in consequence of his
offence.
Refusal of Ecclesiastical Communion. — Finally, real
excommunication must not be confounded with a
measure formerly quite frequent, and sometimes even
known as excommunication, but which was rather a
refusal of episcopal communion. It was the refusal
by a bishop to communicate in sacris with another
bishop and his church, in consideration of an act
deemed reprehensible and worthy of chastisement. It
was undoubtedly with this withdrawal of communion
that Pope Victor threatened (or actually punished)
the bishops of Asia in the paschal controversy (Euse-
bius, Hist. Eccl., V, xxiv); it was certainly the meas-
ure to which St. Martin of Tours had recourse when he
refused to communicate with the Spanish bishops who
caused Emperor Maximinus to condemn to death the
heretic Prisciliian with some of his adherents (Sulpi-
cius Severus, Dial., iii, 15). Moreover, a similar pri-
BCOOMBCUNIOATXON
680
1XOOMMUNIOATXON
▼ation of communion was in early Christian times im-
posed by councils as a regular penalty for bishops
found guilty of certain minor faults ; the most frequent
example is that of bishops who, without good reason,
neglected to attend the provincial council (so the
Councils of Carthage, 401, can. xi; Agde, 506, can.
xxxv ; Tarragona, 516, can. vi; II Macon, 585, can.
xx ; etc.). Tnese bishops were evidently not excom-
municated, properly speaking; they continued to gov-
ern their dioceses and publicly to hold ecclesiastical
services; they were simply deprived, as the aforesaid
texts say, of the consolation of communion with their
episcopal brethren.
II. kinds of Excommunication. — (1) Major and
Minor. — Until recently excommunication was of two
kinds, major and minor, (a) Minor excommunication
is uniformly defined by canonists and by Gregory IX
(cap. lix, De sent, exc, lib. V, tit. xxxix) as prohibi-
tion from receiving the sacraments, what theologians
call the passive use of the sacraments. In order to re-
ceive the Eucharist and the other sacraments, those
who had incurred this penalty had to be absolved
therefrom; as it was not reserved, this could be done
by any confessor. Indirectly, however, it entailed
other consequences. The canon law (cap. x, De cler.
excomm. mmistrante, lib. V, tit. xxvii) taught that
the priest who celebrates Mass while under the ban of
minor excommunication sins grievously; also that he
sins similarly in administering the sacraments; and
finally, that while he can vote for others, he himself is
ineligible to a canonical office. This is readily under-
stood when we remember that the cleric thus excom-
municated was presumed to be in the state of grievous
sin, and that such a state is an obstacle to the lawful
celebration of Mass and the administration of the sac-
raments. Minor excommunication was really identi-
cal with the state of the penitent of olden times who,
prior to his reconciliation, was admitted to public
penance. Minor excommunication was incurred by
unlawful intercourse with the excommunicated, and
in the beginning no exception was made of any class of
excommunicated persons. Owing, however, to many
inconveniences arising from this condition of things,
especially after excommunications had become so
numerous,* Martin V, by the Constitution " Ad evi-
tanda scandala" (1418), restricted the aforesaid un-
lawful intercourse to that held with those who were
formally named as persons to be shunned and who
were therefore known as vitandi (Lat. vitare, to avoid),
also with those who were notoriously guilty of striking
a cleric. But as this twofold category was in modern
times greatly reduced, but little attention was paid to
minor excommunication, and eventually it ceased to
exist after the publication of the Constitution " Apos-
tolic® Sedis". .The latter declared that all excom-
munications latce sentential that it did not mention
were abolished : and as it was silent concerning minor
excommunication (by its nature an excommunication
latcB sentential of a special kind), canonists concluded
that minor excommunication no longer existed. This
conclusion was formally ratified by the Holy Office
(6 Jan., 1884, ad 4).
(b) Major excommunication, which remains now
the only kind in force, is therefore the kind of which
we treat below, and to which our definition fully ap-
plies. Anathema is a sort of aggravated excommuni-
cation, from which, however, it does not differ essen-
tially, but simply in the matter of special solemnities
and outward display.
(2) A jure and ab homine. — Excommunication is
either a jure (by law) or ab homine (by judicial act of
man, i. e. by a judge). The first is provided by the
law itself, which declares that whosoever shall have
been guilty of a definite crime will incur the penalty of
excommunication. The second is inflicted by an ec-
clesiastical prelate, either when he issues a serious
order under pain of excommunication or imposes
this penalty by judicial sentence and after a criminal
trial.
(3) Lata and Ferendce Sentential. — Excommunica-
tion, especially a jure, is either lata or ferendce sentential.
The first is incurred as soon as the offence is com-
mitted and by reason of the offence itself (eo tpso)
without intervention of any ecclesiastical judge; it is
recognized in the terms used by the legislator, for in-
stance: "the culprit will be excommunicated at once,
by the fact itself [statim, ipso facto] ". The second is
indeed foreseen by the law as a penalty, but is in-
flicted on the culprit only by a judicial sentence; in
other words, the delinquent is rather threatened than
visited with the penalty, and incurs it only when the
judge has summoned him before his tribunal, declared
him guilty, and punished him according to the terms
of the law. It is recognized when the law contains
these or similar words: under pain of excommunica-
tion"; "the culprit will be excommunicated".
(4) Public and Occult. — Excommunication ferenda
sentential can be public only, as it must be the object
of a declaratory sentence pronounced by a judge; out
excommunication latce sentential may be either public
or occult. It is public through the publicity of the law
when it is imposed and pubhshed by ecclesiastical au-
thority; it is public through notoriety of fact when
the offence that has incurred it is known to the ma-
jority in the locality, as in the case of those who have
pubhcly done violence to clerics, or of the purchasers
of church property. On the contrary, excommunica-
tion is occult when the offence entailing it is known to
.no one or almost no one. The first is valid in the
forum externum and consequently in the forum inter-
num; the second is valid in the forum internum only.
The practical difference is very important. He who
has incurred occult excommunication should treat
himself as excommunicated and be absolved as soon
as possible, submitting to whatever conditions will be
imposed upon him, but this only in the tribunal of
conscience; he is not obliged to denounce himself to a
judge nor to abstain from external acts connected with
the exercise of jurisdiction, and he may ask absolution
without making himself known either in confession or
to the Sacred Penitentiaria. According to the teach-
ing of Benedict XIV (De synodo, X, i, 5),"a sentence
declaratory of the offence is always necessary in the
forum externum, since in this tribunal no one is pre-
sumed to be excommunicated unless convicted of a
crime that entails such a penalty ". Public excommuni-
cation, on the other hand, is removed only by a public
absolution * when it is question of simple publicity of
fact (see above), the absolution, while not judicial, is
nevertheless public, inasmuch as it is given to a known
person and appears as an act of the forum externum.
(5) Vitandi and Tolerati. — Public excommunication
in f oro externo has two degrees according as it has or
has not been formally published, or, in other words,
according as excommunicated persons are to be
shunned (vitandi) or tolerated (tolerati). A formally
published or nominative excommunication occurs
when the sentence has been brought to the knowledge
of the public by a notification from the judge, indicat-
ing by name the person thus punished. No special
method is required for this publication; according to
the Council of Constance (1414-18), it suffices mat
" the sentence have been published or made known l>y
the judge in a special ana express manner". Persons
thus excommunicated are to be shunned (vitandi) t i. e.
the faithful must have no intercourse with them either
in regard to sacred things or (to a certain extent) pro-
fane matters, as we shall see farther on. All other ex-
communicated persons, even though known, are tole-
rati, i. e. the law no longer obliges the faithful to ab-
stain from intercourse with them, even in religious
matters. This distinction dates from the aforesaid
Constitution "Ad evitanda scandala", published by
Martin V at the Council of Constance in 1418; until
^
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681
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' then one had to avoid communion with all the excom-
municated, once they were known as such. " To avoid
scandal and numerous dangers", says Martin V, " and
to relieve timorous consciences, we hereby mercifully
grant to all the faithful that henceforth no one need
refrain from communicating with another in the recep-
tion or administration of the sacraments, or in other
matters Divine or profane, under pretext of any eccle-
siastical sentence or censure, whether promulgated in
general form by law or by a judge, nor avoid anyone
whomsoever, nor observe an ecclesiastical interdict,
except when this sentence or censure shall have been
published or made known by the judge in special and
express form, against some certain, specified person,
college, university, church, commumty, or place.'
But while notoriously excommunicated persons are no
longer vitandi, the pope makes an exception of those
who have " incurred the penalty of excommunication
by reason of sacrilegious violence against a cleric, and
so notoriously that the fact can in no way be dissimu-
lated or excused1'. He declares, moreover, that he
has not made this concession in favour of the excom-
municated, whose condition remains unchanged, but
solely for the benefit of the faithful. Hence, m virtue
of ecclesiastical law, the latter need no longer deprive
themselves of intercourse with those of the excom-
municated who are " tolerated ". As to the vitandi,
now reduced to the two aforementioned categories,
they must be shunned by the faithful as formerly. It
is to be noted now that the minor excommunication
incurred formerly by these forbidden relations has
been suppressed; also, that of the major excommuni-
cations inflicted on certain definite acts of communion
with the vitandi, only two are retained in the Constitu-
tion "Apostolic® Sedis" (II; 16, 17): that inflicted on
any of the faithful for participation in a crime that has
merited nominative excommunication by the pope,
and that pronounced against clerics alone for spon-
taneous and conscious communion in sacrU with per-
sons whom the pope has excommunicated by name.
Moreover, those- whom bishops excommunicate by
name are as much vitandi as are those similarly ex-
communicated by the pope.
(6) Reserved and Non-Reserved. — Finally, excom- 4
munication is either reserved or non-reserved. This
division affects the absolution from censure. In the
forum internum any confessor can absolve from non-
reserved excommunications; but those that are re-
served can only be remitted, except through indult or
delegation, by those to whom the law reserves the ab-
solution. There is a distinction between excommu-
nications reserved to the pope (these being divided
into two classes, according to which they are either
, specially or simply reserved to him) and those re-
served to bishops or ordinaries. As to excommuni-
• cations ab homine, absolution from them is reserved
by law to the judge who has inflicted them. In a cer-
tain sense excommunications may also be reserved in
view of the persons who incur them; thus absolution
from excommunications in foro externo incurred by
bishops is reserved to the pope; again, custom reserves
.to him the excommunication of sovereigns.
III. Who Can Excommunicate? — Excommunica-
tion is an act of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the rules of
which it follows. Hence the general principle: who-
ever has jurisdiction in the forum externum, properly
so called, can excommunicate, but only his own sub-
jects. Therefore, whether excommunications be a
jure (by the law) or ab homine (under form of sentence
or precept), they may come from the pope alone or a
general council for the entire Church; from the pro-
vincial council for an ecclesiastical province; from the
bishop for his diocese; from the prelate nullius for
?[uasi-diocesan territories; and from regular prelates
or religious orders. Moreover, anyone can excom-
municate who, by virtue of his office, even when dele-
gated, has contentious jurisdiction in the forum exter-
num; for instance, papal legates, vicars capitular, and
vicars-general. But a parish priest cannot inflict this
penalty nor even declare that it is incurred, i. e. he
cannot do so in an official and judicial manner. The
subjects of these various authorities are those who
come under their jurisdiction chiefly on account of
domicile or quasi-domicile in their territory; then by
reason of the offence committed while on such terri-
tory; and finally by Teason of personal right, as in the
case of regulars.
IV. Who Can Be Excommunicated? — Since ex-
communication is the forfeiture of the spiritual privi-
leges of ecclesiastical society, all those, but those only,
can be excommunicated who, ^by any right whatso-
ever, belong to this society. Consequently excom-
munication can be inflicted only on baptized and living
persons. Although the Church recites against the
devil exorcisms in which the word anathema occurs, he
cannot be excommunicated, for he in no way belongs
to the Church. Among living persons, those who have
not been baptized have never been members of the
Christian society and therefore cannot be deprived
of spiritual benefits to which they have never had a
right; in this way, infidels, pagans, Mohammedans,
and Jews, though outside of the Church, are not ex-
communicated. As the baptized cease, at death, to
belong to the Church Militant, the dead cannot be ex-
communicated. Of course, strictly speaking, after the
demise of a Christian person, it may be officially de-
clared that such person incurred excommunication
during his lifetime. Quite in the same sense he may
be absolved after his death ; indeed, the Roman Ritual
contains the rite for absolving an excommunicated
person already dead (Tit. Ill, cap. iv: Ritus absol-
vendi excommunicatum jam mortuum). However,
these sentences or absolutions concern only the effects
of excommunication, notably ecclesiastical burial.
With the foregoing exceptions,, all who have been bap-
tized are liable to excommunication, even those who
have never belonged to the true Church, since by their
baptism they are really her subjects, though of course
rebellious ones. Moreover, the Church excommuni-
cates not only those who abandon the true faith to
embrace schism or heresy, but likewise the members of
heretical and schismatic communities who have been
born therein. As to the latter, however, it is not
question of personal excommunication; the censure
overtakes them in their corporate capacity, as mem-
bers of a community in revolt against the true Church
of Jesus Christ.
. Catholics, on the contrary, cannot be excommuni-
cated unless for some personal, grievously offensive
act. Here, therefore, it is necessary to state with pre-
cision the conditions under which this penalty is in-
curred. Just as exile presupposes a crime, excom-
munication presupposes a grievous external fault.
Not only would it De wrong for a Christian to be pun-
ished without having committed a punishable act, but
justice demands a proportion between the offence and
the penalty; hence the most serious of spiritual chas-
tisements, i. e. forfeiture of all the privileges common
to Christians, is inconceivable unless for a grave fault.
Moreover, in order to fall within the jurisdiction of the
forum externum, which alone can inflict excommuni-
cation, this fault must be external. Internal failings,
e. g. doubts entertained against the Catholic Faith,
cannot incur excommunication. Note, however, that
by external fault is not necessarily meant a public
one; an occult external fault calls forth occult excom-
munication, but in foro interno, as already seen. Most
authors add that the offence must be consummated,
i. e. complete and perfected in its kind (in genere
8uo), unless the legislator have ordained otherwise.
This, however, is a rule of interpretation rather than
a real condition for the incurring of censure, and is
tantamount to saying that attempt at a crime does
not entail the penalty meted out to the crime itself,
EXCOMMUNICATION
682
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but that if the legislator declares that he wishes to
punish even the attempt, excommunication is incurred
(cf. Const. "Apost. Sedis", III, 1, for attempt at
marriage on part of clerics in major orders).
Considered from a moral and juridical standpoint,
the guilt requisite for the incurring of excommunica-
tion implies, first, the full use of reason ; second, suffi-
cient moral liberty; finally, a knowledge of the law
and even of the penalty. Where such Knowledge is
lacking, there is no contumacy, i. e. no contempt of
ecclesiastical law, the essence of which consists in per-
forming an action known to be forbidden, and for-
bidden under a certain penalty. The prohibition and
the penalty are known either through the text of the
law itself, which is equivalent to a juridical warning,
or through admonitions or proclamations issued ex-
pressly by the ecclesiastical judge. Hence arise vari-
ous extenuating reasons {caused excusantes), based on
lack of guilt, which prevent the incurring of excom-
munication: (1) Lack of the full use of reason. This
excuses children, also those who have not attained the
age of puberty, and, a fortiori, the demented. Inad-
vertence, however, is not presumed; while it may
affect moral responsibility and excommunication in
foro externo, it is no obstacle to juridical guilt. (2)
Lack of liberty resulting from grave fear. Such fear
impairs the freedom of the will, and while it exists con-
tumacy or rebellion against the laws of the Church
'cannot be presumed. Evidently, a proper estimation
of this extenuating reason depends on the circum-
stances of each particular case and will be more read-
ily accepted as an excuse for violating a positive law
than in palliation of an offence against the natural or
Divine law. (3) Ignorance. The general principle is,
that whosoever is ignorant of the law is not responsible
for transgressing it j and whosoever is ignorant of the
penalty does not incur it. But the application of
this principle is often complicated and delicate. The
following consideration^ generally admitted, may
serve as a guide: (a) All ignorance, both of law and of
fact, is excusatory, (b) The ignorance known as
"invincible" always excuses; it may also be called
inculpable or probable ignorance, (c) There are two
kinds of culpable ignorance, one known as crassa or
supina, i. e. gross, improbable ignorance, and suppos-
ing a grievously guilty neglect in regard to knowledge
of the law; the other is affected ignorance, really a de-
liberate ignorance of the law through fear of incurring
its penalty, (d) Ordinarily, gross ignorance does not
excuse from punishment. But it does so only when
the law formally exacts a positive knowledge of the
prohibition. The laws that inflict excommunication
contain as a rule two kinds of expressions. Some-
times the offence only is mentioned, e. g. "all apos-
tates, heretics", etc., or "those who absolve their ac-
complices in a sin against chastity" (Const. "Apost.
Sedis", I, 1, 10). Sometimes clauses are inserted that
exact, as a necessary condition, the knowledge or ef-
frontery of the culprit, e. g., "those who knowingly
read books" condemned under pain of excommunica-
tion, " regulars who have the audacity to administer
the Viaticum without permission of the parish priest"
(Const. "Apost. Sedis", I, 2; II, 14). Gross igno-
rance excuses in the second case but not in the first,
(c) For many authors, affected ignorance is equiva-
lent to a knowledge of the law, since by it some avoid
enlightening themselves concerning a dreaded penalty ;
these authors conclude that such ignorance never ex-
cuses. Other canonists consider that every penal law is
to be strictly interpreted; when, therefore, it positively
exacts knowledge on the part of the culprit, he is ex-
cused even by affected ignorance. As, in practice, it
is not always easy to establish the shades of difference,
it will suffice to remark that in a case of occult excom-
munication the culprit has the right to judge himself
and to be judged by his confessor according to the ex-
act truth, whereas, in the forum externum the judge
decides according to presumptions and proofs. ^ Con-
sequently, in the tribunal of conscience he who is rea-
sonably persuaded of his innocence cannot be com-
pelled to treat himself as excommunicated and to seek
absolution; this conviction, however, must be pru-
dently established .
V. Effects of Excommunication. — If we consider
only its nature, excommunication has no degrees: it
simply deprives clerics and laymen of all their rights in
Christian society, which total effect takes on a visible
shape in details proportionate in number to the rights
or advantages of which the excommunicated cleric or
layman has been deprived. The effects of excommu-
nication must, however, be considered in relation also
to the rest of the faithful. From this point of view
arise certain differences according to the various
classes of excommunicated persons. These differ-
ences were not introduced out of regard for the excom-
municated, rather for the sake of the faithful. The
latter would suffer serious inconveniences if the nullity
of all acts performed by excommunicated clerics were
rigidly maintained. They would also be exposed to
grievous perplexities of conscience if they were strictly
obliged to avoid all intercourse, even profane, with the
excommunicated. Hence the practical rule for inter-
preting the effects of excommunication: severity as
regards the excommunicated, but mildness for the
faithful. We may now proceed to enumerate the im-
mediate effects of excommunication. They are
summed up in the two well-known verses: —
Res sacne, ritus, communio, crypta, potestas,
prsedia sacra, forum, civilia jura vetantur,
i. e. loss of the sacraments, public services and prayers
of the Church, ecclesiastical burial; jurisdiction, bene-
fices, canonical rights, and social intercourse.
(1) Res Sacrce. — These are the sacraments; the ex-
communicated are forbidden either to receive or ad-
minister them. The sacraments are of course validly
administered by excommunicated persons, except
those (penance and matrimony) for wrhose administra-
tion jurisdiction is necessary; but the reception of the
sacraments by excommunicated persons is always il-
licit. The licit administration of the sacraments by
excommunicated ecclesiastics hinges upon the benefit
to be derived by the faithful. Ecclesiastics excom-
municated by name are forbidden to administer the
sacraments except in cases of extreme necessity;
apart from this necessity penance and matrimony ad-
ministered by such ecclesiastics are null (Decret. "Ne
temere", art. iv). Excommunicated ecclesiastics tol-
erati, however, may licitly administer the sacraments
to the faithful who request them at their hands, and
the acts of jurisdiction thus posited are maintained by
reason of the benefit accruing to the faithful, most fre-
quently also because of common error (error commu-
nis), i. e. a general belief in the good standing of such
ecclesiastics. The faithful, on their side, may, without
sin, ask tolerated excommunicated ecclesiastics to ad-
minister sacraments to them; they would, however,
sin grievously in making this request of the vitandi,
except in case of urgent necessity.
(2) Ritus. — Hereby are meant the Mass> the Divine "
Office, and other sacred ceremonies. An excommuni-
cated person may not and should not assist at these
ceremonies. If he be a toleratus, his presence need
not be taken into account, and the service can be con-
tinued. If he be a vitandus he must he warned to
retire, and in case of refusal he must be forcibly com-
pelled to withdraw; but if he still persists in remain-
ing, the service must be discontinued, even the Mass,,
unless the Canon has been commenced. (Benedict
XIV, De sacr. Miss., sect, ii, n. 117.) Nevertheless,
since the condition of an excommunicated person,
even a vitandus, is no worse than that of an infidel, he
may assist at sermons, instructions, etc., venerate
images and relics, take holy water, and use privately
other sacramentals. The excommunicated cleric fc
1
EXCOMMUNICATION 683 EXCOMMUNICATION
not released from any of his obligations in regard to remedy cannot be applied to them except in certain
the Divine Office and, if bound to it, must recite it, but cases of extreme necessity, when jurisdiction is said to
privately and not in the choir. A toleratus may be be " supplied" by the Church.
admitted to the choir, but a* vitandus must be expelled (6) Prcsdia sacra are ecclesiastical benefices. The
therefrom. All excommunicated clerics are prohibi- excommunicated ecclesiastic is incapable of acquiring
ted from celebrating Mass and performing other a benefice, and his presentation to it would be legally
strictly liturgical functions, under penalty of the ir- null. A benefice already held is not forfeited at once,
regularity ex delicto for violation of the censure; par- even when to the censure the law adds privation of
ticipation in the liturgical acts performed by an ex- benefice; this is carried into effect only through a sen-
communicated cleric is a forbidden communicatio in tence which must be at least declaratory and issue
aacris; however, no censure would result from it ex- from a competent (i. e. the proper) judge. Neverthe-
cept in the case of clerics voluntarily communicating less, from the very first the excommunicated bene-
in 8acri8 with those whom the pope had excommuni- ficiary loses those fruits of his benefice belonging to
cated by name (Const. " Apost. Sedis", II, 17). In choir service, provided he is bound thereunto. More-
each case the fault should be estimated according to over, should he live a year in the state of excommuni-
circumstance8. cation, he can be deprived of his benefice through judi-
(3) Communio. — These are, properly speaking, the cial sentence. The aforesaid effects do not result from
public suffrages of the Church, official prayers, indul- occult excommunication.
gences, etc., in which the excommunicated have no (7) FonCm. — The excommunicated person is an
share. But they are not excluded from the private exile from ecclesiastical society, consequently from its
suffrages (i. e. intercessory petitions) of the faithful, tribunals; only inasmuch, however, as thev would be
who can pray for them. to his advantage. On, the other hand, if he be sum-
(4) Crypta. — This word signifies ecclesiastical bur-' moned before them to satisfy a third party he is
ial, of which the excommunicated are deprived. In obliged to appear. Hence he cannot appear as plain-
chapter xii, de sepulturis (lib. Ill, tit. xxviii), Inno- tiff, procurator, or advocate; he may be the defendant,
cent III says: " The canons have established that we or the party accused. At this point the difference be-
should not hold communion after their death with tween the vitandi and the tolerati consists in this, that
those with whom we did not communicate during their the former must be prevented from introducing any
lifetime, and that all those should be deprived of ec- legal action before an ecclesiastical tribunal, whereas
clesiastical burial who were separated from the unity the latter can be debarred from so doing only when the
of the Church, and at the moment of death were not defendant alleges and proved excommunication as
reconciled thereunto." The Ritual (tit. VI, cap. ii, already incurred. It is a question here only of public
n. 2) renews this prohibition for those publicly excom- excommunication and before ecclesiastical tribunals,
municated, and most writers interpret this as meaning (8) Civtlia jura, i. e. the ordinary relations between
those whose excommunication has been publicly pro- members of the same society, outside of sacred and
claimed (Many, De locis sacris, p. 354), so that, under judicial matters. This privation, affecting particu-
this head, the ancient discipline is no longer applica- tarry the person excommunicated, is no longer imposed
ble, except to the vitandi. However, this does not on the faithful except in regard to the vitandi. The
mean that the tolerati can always receive ecclesiastical medieval canonists enumerated the prohibited civil
burial; they may be deprived of it for other reasons, relations in the following verse: —
e. g. as heretics or public sinners. Apropos of this Os, orare, vale, communio, mensa negatur,
leniency, it must be remembered that it is not the ex- namely: (a) conversations, exchange of letters, tokens
communicated the Church wishes to favour, but of benevolence (osculum) ; (b) prayer in common with
rather the faithful for whose sake communion with the the excommunicated; (c) marks of honour and re-
tolerati is allowed in the matter of burial as well as in spect; (d) business and social relations; (e) meals
other matters. The interment of a toleratus in a con- with the excommunicated. But at the same time they
secrated cemetery carries with it no longer the desecra- specified the reasons that rendered these relations
tion of said cemetery; this would follow, however, in hcit: —
the case of the vitandi. (See Burial.) Utile, lex, humilis, res ignorata, necesse,
(5) Potestas signifies ecclesiastical jurisdiction, of that is to say: (a) both the spiritual and the temporal
which both the passive and the active use, to speak benefit of the excommunicated and of the faithful;
canonically, are forbidden the excommunicated. Jur- (b) conjugal law; (c) the submission owed by children,
isdiction is used passively when a person is the object servants, vassals, and subordinated in general; (d) ig-
of one of its acts, of a concession. Now, ecclesiastical norance of excommunication or of the prohibition of a
authority has no official relations with the exile unless, particular kind of intercourse; (e) finally, any kind of
at his request, it negotiates the conditions for his re- necessity, as human law, is not binding to this degree,
turn to society. Connected with this discipline is the Remote Effects. — AH the effects that we have just
rule forbidding the excommunicated to receive from enumerated are the immediate results of excommuni-
the pope any End of rescript (of grace or justice) , ex- cation, but it also causes remote effects, which are not a
cept in regard to their excommunication, under pain necessary consequence and are only produced when
of nullity of such rescript (c. xxvi, de rescriptis, lit). I, the person censured occasions them. They are three
tit. iii, and c. i, eod., m VI). Hence the custom of in number: (1) The cleric who violates excommunica-
inserting in papal rescripts the so-called ad effectum tion by exercising one of the liturgical functions of his
absolution from censures, intended solely to ensure the order, incurs an irregularity ex delicto, (2) The ex-
value of the rescript, but affecting in no wise the ex- communicated person who remains a year without
communication, if already existent. Jurisdiction is making any effort to obtain absolution (insordescentia)
used actively when exercised by its depositaries. It is becomes suspected of heresy and can be followed up
easy to understand that the Church cannot leave her and condemned as guilty of such (Council of Trent,
jurisdiction in the hands of those whom she excludes Sess. XXV, cap. iii, De ref.; cf. Ferraris, s: v. "Insor-
from her society. In principle, therefore, excommuni- descens")* (3) This neglect makes it the judge's duty
cation entails the loss of jurisdiction both in foro ex- to deprive the excommunicated cleric of all benefices,*
terno and in foro interno and renders null all acts though some judges postpone for three years the ful-
accomplished without* the necessary jurisdiction, filment of this obligation (see Hollweck, Die kirch-
However, for the general good of society, the Church lichen Strafgesetze, art. I, note 3).
maintains jurisdiction, despite occult excommunica- Effects of Invalid or Unjust Excommunication. — An
tion, and supplies it for acts performed by the tolerati. excommunication is said to be null when it is invalid
But as the vitandi are known to be such, this merciful because of sonic intrinsic or essential defect, e. g. when
EXCOMMUNICATION
684
EXCOMMUNICATION
the person inflicting it has no jurisdiction, when the
motive of the excommunication is manifestly incorrect
and inconsistent, or when the excommunication is es-
sentially defective in form. Excommunication is said
to be unjust when, though valid, it is wrongfully ap-
plied to a person really innocent but believed to fee
guilty. Here, of course, it is not a question of excom-
munication latse sententi® and in f oro interno, but only
of one imposed or declared by judicial sentence. It is
admitted Dy all that a null excommunication produces
no effect whatever, and may be ignored without sin
(cap. ii, de const., in VI) . But a case of unjust excom-
munication brings out in a much more general way the
possibility of conflict between the forum internum and
the forum externum, between legal justice and the real
facts. In chapter xxviii, de sent, excomm. (Lib. V,
tit. xxxix), Innocent III formally admits the possi-
bility of this conflict. Some persons, he says, may be
free in the eyes of God but bound in the' eyes of the
Church; vice versa, some may be free in the eyes of
the Church but bound in the eyes of God: for God's
judgment is based on the very truth itself, whereas
that of the Church is based on arguments and pre-
sumptions which are sometimes erroneous. He con-
cludes that the chain by which the sinner is bound in
the sight of God is loosed by remission of the fault
committed, whereas that which binds him in the sight
of the Church is severed only by removal of the sen-
tence. Consequently, a person unjustly excommuni-
cated is in the same state as the justly excommuni-
cated sinner who has repented and recovered the grace
of God; he has not forfeited internal communion with
the Church, and God can bestow upon him all neces-
sary spiritual help. However, while seeking to prove
his innocence, the censured person is meanwhile bound
to obey legitimate authonty and to behave as one
under the ban of excommunication, until he is rehabili-
tated or absolved. Such a case seems practically
impossible nowadays.
VI. Absolution from Excommunication. — Apart
from the rare cases in which excommunication is im-
posed for a fixed period and then ceases of itself, it is
always removed by absolution; It is to be noted at
once that, though the same word is used to designate
the sacramental sentence by which sins, are remitted
and that by which excommunication is removed, there
is a vast difference between the two acts. The abso-
lution which revokes excommunication is purely juris-
dictional and has nothing sacramental about it. It
reinstates the repentant sinner in the Church ; restores
the rights of which he had been deprived, beginning
with participation in the sacraments; and for this
very reason, it should precede sacramental absolution,
which it thenceforth renders possible and efficacious.
After absolution from excommunication has been
given in foro externo, the judge sends the person ab-
solved to a confessor, that his sin may be remitted ;
when absolution from censure is given in the confes-
sional,' it should always precede sacramental absolu-
tion, conformably to the instruction in the Ritual and
the very tenor of the formula for sacramental absolu-
tion. It may be noted at once that the principal
effect of absolution from excommunication may be
acquired without the excommunicated person's being
wholly reinstated in his former position. Thus, an
ecclesiastic might not necessarily recover the benefice
which he had lost; indeed he might be admitted to lay
communion only. Ecclesiastical authority has the
right to posit certain conditions for the return of the
culprit, and every absolution from excommunication
calls for the fulfilment of certain conditions which
vary in severity, according to the case.
Excommunication, it must be remembered, is a
medicinal penalty intended, above all, for the correc-
tion of the culprit ; therefore his first duty is to solicit
pardon by showing an inclination to obey the orders
given him, just as it is the duty of ecclesiastical au-
thority to receive back the sinner as soon as he repents
and declares himself disposed to give the required satis-
faction. This satisfaction is often indicated in the
law itself; for instance, usurpers of ecclesiastical prop-
erty are excommunicated until such time as they make
restitution (Council of Trent, Sess. XXII, c. xi) ; and
again, it is determined by the judge who grants abso-
lution or the indult for absolving. > Besides expiatory
practices habitually known as "penance", such satis-
faction exacts opportune measures for the reparation
of the past, as well as guarantees for the future. It is
not always necessary that these measures be executed
prior to absolution, which is frequently granted on the
solemn promise of the excommunicated party either
to accomplish a specified act, such as coming to an
agreement with the Church for the property usurped,
or simply to abide by the orders of ecclesiastical au-
thority (standi mandatis ecclesict) . In such cases abso-
lution is not unusually given under pain of "reinci-
dence" (ad reincidentiam), i. e., if within a definite
period the person censured has not accomplished a cer-
tain specified act, he reincurs the same excommunica-
tion ; his status is just as if he had never been absolved.
However, this clause of reincidence is not to be pre-
sumed; when occasion requires, it is inserted in the
sentence of absolution or in the indult granted for that
purpose.
The formula of absolution from excommunication is
not strictly determined, and, since it is an act of juris-
diction, it suffices if the formula employed express
clearly the effect which it is desired to attain. The
formula for remitting the excommunication in foro
externo should be such as to absolve validly from
public excommunication. Similarly, an excommuni-
cation imposed by judicial sentence is to be revoked by
an absolution in the same form ; occult excommunica-
tion may be revoked in the confessional by the sacra-
mental formula. The Roman Ritual (tit. Ill, c. ii)
gives the formula of absolution used in foro externo
and states that in foro interno absolution is given in
the usual sacramental form.
Who Can Absolve from Excommunication t — The an-
swer is given in the customary rules of jurisdiction.
The right to absolve evidently belongs to him who can
excommunicate and who has imposed the law, more-
over to any person delegated by him to this effect,
since this power, being jurisdictional, can be dele-
gated. First, we must distinguish between excom-
munication at homine, which is judicial, and excom-
munication a jure; i. e. lata? sentential. For the
former, absolution is given by the judge who inflicted
the penalty (or by his successor), in other words by
the pope, or the bishop (ordinary), also by the su-
perior of said judge when acting as ) udee of appeal. As
to excommunication latse sententue, the power to ab-
solve is either ordinary or delegated. Ordinary power
is determined by the law itself, which indicates to
what authority the censure is reserved in each case.
Delegated power is of two kinds: that granted in per-
manency and set down in the law and tnat granted or
communicated by personal act, e. g. by authority
(faculties) of the Roman Penitentiana, by episcopal
delegation for special cases, or bestowed upon certain
priests. Of this second kind of delegation there is no
need to speak, as it belongs to each one to verify the
power (faculties) that he possesses. Delegation of
the first kind carries with it the power to absolve from
excommunication without special request or particu-
lar faculties. Such power is in this case conferred by
the law itself. Nevertheless this power is subject to
the general law that governs delegation and is valid
only for the cases and under the conditions mentioned
in the concession. Thus faculties granted for the
forum internum cannot be extended to the forum
externum, nor can those granted for simply reserved
excommunications be used for specially reserved cases,
and so on. However, the faculties proceeding from
EXCOMMUNICATION
685
EXCOMMUNICATION
both kinda of delegation may be "cumulated", i. e.
may be held and exercised in favour of the same person.
These principles admitted, we must remember that
with reference to reservation or the right to absolve,
excommunications are divided into four classes: ex-
communications specially reserved to the pope;
excommunications simply reserved to the pope; ex-
communications reserved to the bishop (ordinary);
and, finally, excommunications that are not reserved
(nemini reservatct). According to this classification,
as a general rule, only the pope can absolve from the
first two kinds of excommunication, although his
power extends to the others ; bishops (ordinaries), but
not other priests, can remove excommunications of
the third class; finally, those of the fourth class, and
those only, can be revoked by any approved priest,
without further special delegation. At this point,
however, must be considered certain concessions of
the law that may be grouped in three categories: the
permanent faculties of bishops ; concessions for urgent
cases; and concessions for the point of death.
(1) The Faculties of Bishops.— The Council of
Trent (Sess. XXIV, c. vi, De rei.) authorizes bishops
to absolve their own subjects in their own dioceses
from all excommunications, consequently from those
reserved to the Holy See, when occult or, rather, not
pertaining to the forum externum. They can exer-
cise this power either in person or through a special
delegate of their choice, but in the tribunal of con-
science only. However, the Constitution "Aposto-
lic® Sedis" restricted this provision of the council to
excommunications simply reserved to the pope, so
that, without special indwt, bishops can no longer ab-
solve from specially reserved cases, even in foro in-
terno. On tne other hand, the indults they receive
are more or less liberal and widely communicable.
(2) Urgent Cases. — In the chapter "Nuper" (xxix,
de sent, excomm., lib. V, tit. xxxix), Innocent HI sets
forth the principle that governs such cases: " When it
is difficult for the excommunicated person to go to him
who excommunicated him, he may be absolved by his
bishop or even by his own priest, on promising to obey
the orders of him by whom excommunication was pro-
nounced.1' This is the principle that moralists and
canonists formulated as an axiom: Impedito casus
vapalis fit episcopalis: in case of one who is prevented
from presenting himself to the pope, the excommuni-
cation reserved to the pope may be removed by the
bishop. But most authors carried the analogy still
further: for him who is prevented from presenting
himself to the bishop, the excommunication may be
removed by any confessor. In regard to the obliga-
tion of submitting to the orders of the pope or the
bishop, the moralists and canonists generally taught
as follows: First, no one was obliged to apply in writ-
ing (correct as to the removal of excommunication,
though Innocent III says nothing of this kind concern-
ing a request for information). Then they distin-
guished between obstacles that were more or less pro-
longed: perpetual obstacles were such as exceed five
years; obstacles of long duration were those lasting
over six months; and obstacles of short duration,
those continuing for less than six months. When the
obstacle was perpetual the bishop or, if he could not be
reached, any priest might absolve without appealing
to the superior; this could also be done, but not with-
out obligation of recourse to the superior on the cessa-
tion of the obstacle, when the latter was of long dura-
tion, provided there were urgency. Finally, the au-
thors drew up a long list of those who were supposed
to be unable to present themselves in person to the
pope;, and this list included almost every one (Gury,
Theol. Moralis, II. nn. 952 and 375). This practice,
far more lenient than was intended by Innocent III,
has been recently profoundly modified by a decree of
the Congregation of the Inquisition (Holy Office)
dated 23 June, 1886. Henceforth "in urgent cases
when absolution cannot be deferred without danger
of grave scandal or infamy, which is left to the con-
scientious appreciation of the confessor, the latter,
after having imposed the necessary satisfaction, can
absolve, without other faculties, from all censures,
even those specially reserved to the Holy See, but
under pain of reincidence under the same censure if,
within a month, the penitent thus absolved does not
recur to the Holy See by letters and through the me-
dium of the confessor. This new method has been
more precisely explained and even rendered easier by
subsequent papal decisions. The absolution thus
given is direct (Holy Office, 19 Aug., 1891), and
although recourse to the Penitentiaria is obligatory,
its object is not to ask a new absolution, but only to
solicit the order of the Church, the penitent, as stated
above, having had to make a serious promise to con-
foim to them (standi mandaiis Ecclesice). The power
thus granted m urgent cases is valid for all cases,
without exception, reserved by law to the pope or the
ordinary, even for the absolution of an accomplice
(Holy Office, 7 June, 1899).
As to what constitutes a state of urgency, the reply
of 16 June, 1897, is very reassuring, since it permits
absolution from censures "as soon as it becomes too
distressing to the penitent to remain in the state of sin
during the time necessary for soliciting and receiving
from Rome the power to absolve". Now, according
to the moralists it is too much to remain even a day or
two in the state of sin, especially for priests. The ap-
peal, though usually made through the medium of the
confessor, can be made by the penitent himself if he be
capable; indeed he should write himself if he cannot
easily return to the same confessor (Sacra Peni-
tentiaria, 7 Nov., 1888). Finally, if both confessor
and penitent find it impossible to appeal by letters,
these mav be dispensed with (Holy Office, 18 Aug.,
1898). The letters should be addressed to the
Cardinal Penitentiarius and should contain infor-
mation concerning all necessary circumstances, but
under a false name (Sacr. Pen., 7"Nov., 1888). If the
interested party, though able to appeal to the Holy
See, fails to do so within a month from .the time of re-
ceiving absolution, he or she incurs the former cen-
sures, which remain effective until there is a new abso-
lution followed by recourse to Rome. There would,
however, be no reincidence if the interval of a month
were to expire through the confessor's fault. It is to
be noted that this sanction of reincidence applies to
all censures reserved to the pope, but not to those
reserved by law to the ordinaries. Finally, this
method is not obligatory for censures reserved to
ordinaries by diocesan law. Bishops, however, could
profitably apply it to such censures, and some have
already done so.
(3) In Danger of Death. — It is a principle repeatedly
set forth in canon law that at the point of death all
reservations cease and all necessary jurisdiction is
supplied by the Church. "At the point of death",
says the Council of Trent (Sess. XIV, c. vii), " in dan-
ger of death", says the Ritual (tit. Ill, cap. i, n. 23),
any priest can absolve from all sins and censures, even
if he be without the ordinary faculties of confessors, or
if he himself be excommunicated ; he may do so even
in presence of another priest properly authorized
(Holy Office, 29 July, 1891). The Constitution
" Apostolical Sedis " expressly maintains this merciful
concession, merely adding, for the case in which the
moribund is restored to health, the obligation of hav-
ing recourse to the Holy See, if he has been absolved
from excommunication specially reserved to the pope,
unless he prefers to ask absolution of a confessor pro-
vided with special faculties. This recourse, although
identical with that of which we have just spoken for
urgent cases, nevertheless differs from it on two
points: it is not imposed for the absolution from ex-
communications simply reserved, and the short delay
KOOMMUNIOATION
686
EXCOMMUNICATION
of a month is not counted from the time of receiving
absolution, but from the time of recovery.
VII. Excommunications Lat^b Sententlsj Now
in Force.— In the preamble of the Constitution
"Apostolic® Sedis", rius IX stated that during the
course of centuries, the number of censures lata; sen-
tentise had increased inordinately, that some of them
were no longer expedient, that many were doubtful,
that they occasioned frequent difficulties of conscience,
and finally, that a reform was necessary. On this
head Pius IX had anticipated the almost unanimous
request of the Catholic episcopate presented at the
Vatican Council (Collectio Lacensis, VII, col. 840, 874,
etc.). The number of excommunications latse sen-
tentue enumerated by the moralists and canonists is
really formidable: Ferraris (Prompta Biblioth., s. v.
Excommunicato, art. ii-iv) gives almost 200. The
principal ones were destined to protect the Catholic
Faith, the ecclesiastical hierarchy and its jurisdiction,
and figured in the Bull known as " In Coena Domini"
read publicly each year in Rome, on Holy Thursday.
In time, this document had received various additions
(Ferraris, loc. cit., art. ii, the text of Clement XI), and
from it the Constitution "Apostolic® Sedis" derives
excommunications specially reserved, with exception
of the tenth. The Constitution of Pius IX deals with
no penalties other than censures; it leaves intact all
censures ferendse sentential but suppresses all cen-
sures latse sententia? that it does not retain. Now,
besides those which it enumerates it retains: (1) the
censures decreed (and not simply mentioned) by the
Council of Trent; (2) the censures of special law, i. e.
those in vigour for papal elections, those enforced in
religious orders and institutes, in colleges, communi-
ties, etc. As to the censures enumerated, they should
be interpreted as if pronounced for the first tune, and
ancient texts should be consulted for them only in so
far as such texts have not been modified by the new
law.
Thus the excommunications latse sententise enforced
to-day by common law in the Catholic Church proceed
from three sources: (A) those enumerated in the Con-
stitution "Apostolicae Sedis"; (B) those pronounced
by the Council of Trent; and (C) those introduced
subsequently to the Constitution " Apostolicae Sedis",
i. e. later than 12 October, 1869. We enumerate
them here with a brief commentary.
A. Excommunications of the Constitution "Aposto-
licae Sedis". — These are divided into four categories:
(a) those specially reserved to the pope; (b) those
simply reserved to the pope ; (c) those reserved to the
bishop (ordinary) | (d) those not reserved to anyone.
(a) Excommunications Specially Reserved to the
Pope. — These are twelve in number and are imposed
upon the following persons : —
(1) "All apostates from the Christian Faith, here-
tics of every name and sect, and those who give them
credence, who receive or countenance them, and gen-
erally all those who take up their defence." Strictly
speaking, an apostate is one who goes over to a non-
Christian religion, e. g. Islam; to such apostates
are assimilated those who publicly renounce all reli-
§ion ; this apostasy is not to be presumed ; it is evi-
ent that both kinds of apostates exclude themselves
from the Church. A heretic is one who rejects a Cath-
olic dogma. The first to be considered is the heretic
who becomes such of his own volition ; who, being in
the Catholic Church, obstinately repudiates a truth of
faith. Excommunication is incurred by him, if, with
full knowledge, he exteriorly formulates an heretical
proposition ; and if he seeks to propagate his error he
is doomatizans and should be denounced. Next comes
the heretic who belongs to an heretical association;
for such a person his heretical membership alone is
sufficient to bring him under sentence of excommuni-
cation. In his case the penalty is incurred by ad-
hesion to the heresy, notably by wilful and active par-
ticipation in sacris (i. e. in public Worship) with here-
tics; hence the excommunication of those who con-
tract a mixed marriage before an heretical minister as
such (Holy Office, 28 Aug., 1888). Finally, the pen-
alty extends to those who believe in heretics \cre~
denies) and join their ranks; to those who receive
them, i. e. who give them shelter in their homes, so as
to protect them from the pursuit of authority ; and to
those who countenance or defend them as heretics and
in view of the heresy, provided it be a positive and
efficacious assistance.
(2) " All those who knowingly read, without permis-
sion of the Apostolic See, books by these same apos-
tates and heretics and upholding heresy, as also the
books of any authors whomsoever specifically prohibi-
ted by Letters Apostolic, and all who keep, print, or in
any way defend these same books." After heretical
persons come heretical books. The act that incurs
excommunication is, first, reading done to a consider-
able extent and culpably, i. e. by one who knows the
nature of the books and of the excommunication, and
who, moreover, has not the necessary permission.
The secondary acts punishable with the same penalty
are the keeping in one's possession, the printing
(rather the publishing), and, finally, the defence, by
word or by writing, of the books in question. These
books are of two kinds: first, those written by apos-
tates, or heretics, and which uphold and commend
heresy, two conditions that must exist simultaneously;
second, books specifically condemned, i. e., by mention
of their titles, not by decree of the Index, but by Let-
ters from the pope himself, Bulls or Briefs, and under
pain of excommunication (for a list of these books see
Hilgers, "Der Index der verbotenen Bucher", Frei-
burg, 1904, p. 96; and "Die Bucherverbote in Papst-
briefen", Freiburg, 1907).
(3) "Schismatics and those who elude or obsti-
nately withdraw from the authority of the reigning
Roman pontiff. " The schismatics here referred to are
of two kmds: those who are such because they belong
to separated Churches which reject the authority of the
pope, and those who, being Catholics, become schis-
matics by reason of obstinate disobedience to the au-
thority of the pope as such.
(4) " All those, of no matter what state, rank, or con-
dition, who appeal from the ordinances or mandates of
the reigning Roman pontiff to a future oecumenical
council, and all who have given aid, counsel, or coiuv
tenance to this appeal." The appeal from the com-
mands of the pope to a future oecumenical council, not
only implies the superiority of the council over the
Eontiff, but is pre-eminently an act of injurious diso-
edience to the Head of the Church . Were this appeal
efficacious it would render all church government im-
possible, unless it be accepted that the normal state of -
the Church is a general council in perpetual session, or
at least meeting at short intervals. This extreme
Gallicanism is justly punishable with excommunica-
tion. The penalty is visited upon all those who have
influenced such act of appeal, either by aid, counsel, or
support. This excommunication, however, is to be
strictly interpreted ; it would not be incurred in conse-
quence of an appeal made to a future pope, the Holy
See being vacant, or to a general council actually as-
sembled.
(5) "All who kill, mutilate, strike, seize, incarcer-
ate, detain or pursue with hostile intent, cardinals,
patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, legates or nuncios of
the Holy See, or drive them from their dioceses, juris-
dictions, estates, or domains, as also those who ratify
these measures or further them by aid or counte-
nance." The object of this penalty is not so much to
protect the members of the clergy, like the celebrated
excommunication of the canon " Si quis suadente di-
abolo", of which we shall speak below, but rather to
safeguard the prelates or superiors in whom the
Church has lodged her jurisdiction- The text clearly
EXCOMMUNICATION
687
EXCOMMUNICATION
indicates the acts punished by excommunication, i.e.
all violent attacks on the person of a prelate as such ;
it likewise specifies the culprits, i. e those who perpe-
trate such assaults and those who are responsible for
them, as also their active accomplices.
(6) "Those who directly or indirectly prevent the
exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, either in foro
interno or in foro externo, and whg, for this purpose,
have recourse to the secular tribunal ; also those who
provoke or deliver the orders of this tribunal or lend it
their aid, counsel, or support." The preceding article
protects those who are the depositaries of jurisdiction;
the present article protects the exercise of said juris-
diction. It punishes any obstacle raised against the
delivery or execution of a sentence or decision of the
ecclesiastical authority. It is not question here of the
power of order (potestas otdinis) or of facts that do
' not really imply jurisdiction, e. g. a simple contract.
Nor is it question of measures taken with prelates so
as to influence them into exercising their jurisdiction
in a given direction, e.g. to confer a benefice on Cains
or withhold one from Titius ; this censure is meant to
punish any obstacle that really prevents action on the
part of a prelate who wishes to perform an act of juris-
diction or to carry it into effect. He is directly pre-
vented when violence is used against him; indirectly,
when his subordinates are prevented from acting.
The chief opposition here considered is recourse to
secular and especially judicial authority. Excom-
munication is therefore incurred under this head by
all who provoke the intervention of secular tribunals,
proyidea such intervention actually follow; by all
who deliver orders or directions intended to prevent
the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction; finally, by
all who co-operate in these acts with aid, counsel, or
support, unless under compulsion. Moralists and
canonists exempt from this penalty the clerks and
servants of the secular courts.
(7) "Those who directly or indirectly oblige lay
judges to cite ecclesiastical persons before then* tri-
bunal, except in cases provided for by canonical agree-
ments, also those who enact laws or decrees against
the liberty or rights of the Church." The first part of
this article has for its object the protection of the
privileges of the ecclesiastical forum, i. e. of those ec-
clesiastics whose right it is to be judged by ecclesiasti-
cal tribunals; consequently, those are excommuni-
cated who oblige lay judges to summon clergymen be-
fore their tribunal in cases where this ecclesiastical
privilege (privilegium fori) should be respected. But
the judges themselves, who act by virtue of their
office, are not excommunicated (Holy Office, 1 Feb.,
1870). Those who thus force lay judges to violate the
privilegium fori are of two kinds: namely, those who
actually cite ecclesiastics before secular judges, and
the legislators or makers of laws detrimental to the
rights of the Church. The first are not excommu-
nicated provided they have no other means of ob-
taining justice, i. e* when the laws of the country in
question do not recognize the aforesaid ecclesiastical
privilegium fori (Holy Office, 23 Jan., 1886). There
remains, therefore, of this censure little more than the
second part of the article, which now affects chiefly
the legislators responsible for laws and decrees against
the liberty and rights of the Church.
(8) "Those who have recourse to lay power for the
prevention of Apostolic Letters or Acts of any kind
emanating from the Apostolic See or from its legates
or delegates; those who directly or indirectly prohibit
the promulgation of these acts or letters, or who, on
the occasion of such promulgation, strike or terrify
either the parties interested or third parties." This
article should be compared with number 6 (above),
from which it differs in that it protects, not all exer-
cise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but that which the
Holy See exercises in its official letters, it being emi-
nently important to ensure the free communication of
the faithful with Rome. The letters in question are:
first, Apostolic Letters, in which the pope himself
speaks. Bulls, Briefs, Encyclicals, etc.; second, the
Acts of the Holy See emanating from Roman Congre-
gations or other organs of the Curia, which constitute
but one authority with the pope (Holy Office, 13 Jan.,
1892) ; finally, the acts of the official representatives
of the pope, e. g. papal legates and delegates. The
excommunication considers not only Letters that con-
cern all the faithful, but also those regarding individ-
uals, e. g. grants of benefices, dispensations, etc. This
admitted, the penalty applies to three classes of, per-
sons, namely: those who resort to secular power, not
only judicial but administrative, to prevent these Let-
ters from being published or from producing their
effect ; those who, Dy means of authority, prevent such
publication or execution ; and finally, those who, von
the occasion of these Letters, strike or terrify either
the beneficiaries or even third parties who take part in
their publication or execution. According to the
more probable opinion, excommunication is incurred
even if these measures of opposition do not produce
the intended results.
(9) " All falsifiers of Apostolic Letters, even in the
form of a Brief, and of petitions concerning matters of
grace or j ustice signed by the Roman pontiff, or by car-
dinal vice-chancellors or those who replace them, or
simply by command of thej>ope; also those who falsely
publish Apostolic Letters, even in the form of a Brief:
and finally, those who falsely sign petitions of this kind
with the name of the Roman pontiff, of the vice-chan-
cellor, or of those who replace them." This excom-
munication punishes what is generally known as for-
gery, not in all its forms, but in so far as it affects such
pontifical letters or grants as are issued through the
tribunals known as the "Signature Gratis" and the
" Signature Justitiai ", i. e. whence issue papal favours
purely benevolent or connected with litigation. It'
does not therefore attain forgeries affecting the letters
of grants of the Roman Congregations or of prelates.
It may be somewhat of a surprise to know that this
excommunication does not include those who fabri-
cate an entire Apostolic Letter, the definition of falsi-
fication {/ahum) meaning only a notable alteration of
authentic Letters either by suppression, erasures,
writing over, or substitution. Petitions addressed to
the pope, when granted, are first signed by him, or by
the vice-chancellor, or other officers. The grant does
not thereby become official, but the petition thus
signed serves as a basis for the Wrding of Apostolic
Letters (Bulls or Briefs) that actually grant the favour
requested* In this process three acts are punish-
able with excommunication: the false signing of a pe-
tition; the falsification of Apostolic Letters, and the
publication of Letters thus falsified, in order to use
them.
(10) "Those who absolve an accomplice in a sin
against chastity, and that even at the moment of
death, provided another priest, although he be not ap-
proved for confession, can hear the confession of the
dying person without serious danger of infamy or
scandal." This excommunication is not derived from
the Bull " In Coena Domini ", but from the celebrated
Constitution of Benedict XIV, " Sacramentum Pceni-
tentiss" (1 June, 1741), completed by his Constitution
" Apostolici muneris" (8 Feb., 1745). By these Bulls
the pope, with a view to protecting the Sacrament of
Penance from sacrilegious abuse, withdraws all juris-
diction from a confessor for absolving from sins against
chastity which he may have committed with another
person, whether man or woman; the absolution he
might impart for such sin would be null, and the mere
attempt to absolve would incur excommunication.
The sin thus withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the
confessor is any grievous exterior sin against the Sixth
Commandment, but it must be such on both sides.
The confessor accessary to it cannot pardon it, but,
DOOMMUNIOATION 688 EXOOMMTJNIOATION
this sin once pardoned, he incurs no penalty by again This article contains two distinct parts. In the first it
hearing the confession of his accomplice. TJhis being is not question of all propositions condemned by popes
the case, excommunication is incurred by the conf es- or councils in terms less condemnatory (e. g. rash,
sor if he pronounce the formula of absolution after his offensive, etc.) than the specific stigma heretical {to de-
accomplice has accused himself or herself of this sin, fend heretical propositions being heresy itself and
even though he had not the intention of absolving, or already declared a chief cause of excommunication,
even if he only feign to absolve (Holy Office, 5 Dec., see above), but only those which the popes have spe-
1883), thereby allowing the penitent to suppose that cifically forbidden^to be maintained under pain of ex-
he has absolved him or her; or again if he be the cause communication lata© sententise. These propositions
of the penitent's refraining from accusing himself or are: (a) the forty-one errors of Luther condemned by
herself of this sin (S.Peniten., 19 Feb., 1896). Neither Leo X, 16 May, 1520; (b) the seventy-nine theses of
gross (crassa, supina) nor affected ignorance excuses Michael Baius condemned 1 Oct., 1567, 29 Jan., 1579.
from the censure (Holy Office, 13 Jan., 1892). There and 16 March, 1641; (c) the thesis on confession ana
are but two cases in which excommunication is not in- absolution by letter or messenger, condemned by
curred: first, under absolutely exceptional circum- Clement VIII, 20 June, 1602; (a) the twenty-eight
stances where the penitent could not approach another propositions condemned by Alexander VII, 24 Sept.,
confessor, as the human law does not bind at the cost 1665; (e) the seventeen propositions condemned by
of such serious disadvantage; again, at the moment of the same pope, 18 March, 1666; (f) the sixty-five
death. But even then Benedict XIV does not restore propositions condemned by Innocent XI, 4 March,
the power of absolving nor exempt from excommuni- 1679; (g) the sixty-eight propositions of Miguel de
cation, unless it be morally impossible for the dying Molinos condemned by the same pope, 20 November,
person, without grave danger of slander or scandal, to 1687; (h) the second of two propositions condemned
call in another confessor; this condition, however, by Alexander VIII, 24 August, 1690; (i) the thirty-
should be interpreted broadly. one propositions condemned by the same pope, 7 De-
(11) "Those who usurp or sequester the jurisdiction, cember, 1690; (k) the five propositions on duelling
property, or revenues belonging to ecclesiastical per- condemned by Benedict XIV, 10 November, 1752;
sons by reason of their churches or benefices/' To (1) and finally the sixty-five Modernistic propositions
usurp is to take as if it legitimately belonged to oneself condemned by decree of the Holy Office, 3 July, 1907,
that which belongs to another; hence it is that this according to the MotuProprio of Pius X, 19 Novem-
article does not apply to thieves of ecclesiastical prop- ber, 1907. The text of all these propositions will be
erty (Holy Office, 9 March, 1870). To sequester is found in Densinger's " Enchiridion Symbolorum, den-
formally and authoritatively to place in the custody of nitionum et declarationum ", etc. (10th ed., Freiburg,
a third party property withdrawn from the possession 1908), also, the last series excepted, in Pennachi s
of a previous owner. The rights and property pro- "Comment, in Const. Apost. Seais", I, 168. The
tected by this article do not include all church prop- second part of the article aims at the abusive practice
erty but only the rights and property of beneficed of requiring the penitent, under pain of being refused
clergy as such; they are, as a matter of met, the princi- absolution, to divulge the name of his or her accom-
' pal possessions of the Church. Other property, e. g. plice in any crime, a dangerous practice and opposed
that belonging to pious establishments (opera pia) or to the conditions of secrecy under which Bacramental
confraternities ana that intended for the maintenance confession is made. Benedict XIV denounced it,
or reparation of churches, is protected, indeed, by notably in Portugal, by the aforementioned Constitu-
distinct censures, but its usurpation or sequestration tions. It is to be noted, however, that this excom-
does not incur the excommunication contemplated by munication is not incurred by the confessor who asks
this article, which was declared applicable to intruded a penitent the name of his or her accomplice, but only
parish priests in Switzerland (Pius IX, Encyclical of by him who teaches or maintains that this practice is
21 Nov., 1873; S. Cone, of the Council, 23 May, 1874) permitted. Moreover, the expression "to teach or
and in Prussia (25 Feb., 1875). It applies quite cer- maintain'1 implies more than merely to affirm or share
tainly to governments that despoil the Church of her the condemned opinions,
property. (2) "Those who, at the instigation of the devil,
(12) Those who themselves or through others, in- violently lay hands on ecclesiastics or religious of
vade, destroy, or detain cities, lands, places, or rights either sex, exception being made, as regards reserva-
of the Roman Church, those who hold possession of, tion, in behalf of cases and of persons that the law or
disturb, or detain its sovereign jurisdiction, and all who privileges allow the bishop or others to absolve."
five aid, counsel, or countenance to these offences/' This is the celebrated privilege or immunity " of the
his penalty applies to the authors and accomplices of canon " (privilegium canonis) , so called from the canon
the invasion ana detention of the temporal domains of " Si quis, suadente diabolo" (Decretum of Gratian, C.
the Holy See. a xvii, q. iv, c. xxix), enacted by the Council of Lateran
(b) Excommunications Simply Reserved to the in 1139 and intended to protect the honour of the
Pope. — Before enumerating those it intends to retain, clergy from material violence and injury. The per-
the Constitution "Apostolic® Sedis" pronounces a sons protected are all who belong to the clergy in the
first excommunication of this kind against " those who broad sense of the word, i. e. both minor and major
< presume to absolve, without the requisite faculties clerics, tonsured persons, monks, nuns, novices, and
and under any pretext whatsoever, from excommuni- even tertiaries livmg in community. This privilege is
cations that are specially reserved ". This article is to be interpreted broadly. The acts punished are all
directed against those who dare to absolve in bad faith injurious corporal violence, such as blows and wounds,
or rashly; a well-founded doubt, however, and even a fortiori mutilation; also pursuit, imprisonment, and
gross ignorance may be pleaded as excuses. Then fol- arrest, likewise insulting acts, such as a slap in the face,
low seventeen excommunications simply reserved, etc. The penalty is not imposed for acts that are not
declared against the following persons: — grievous, for verbal injuries, for excusable violence,
Jl) "Those who either publicly or privately teach or e. g. in the case of legitimate defence, or finally when
end propositions condemned by the Holy See under one is unaware that he is dealing with a cleric. Nowa-
pain of excommunication latse sentential; likewise days only the real perpetrators of these deeds are ex-
those who teach or maintain as lawful the practice of communicated, not accomplices nor those who are
asking the penitent the name of his or her accomplice, morally responsible. Once the fact is publicly known
a practice condemned by Benedict XIV in his Consti- the culprits are vitandi even without being denounced
tutions 'Suprema' (7 July, 1745), 'Ubi primum' (2 by name. Absolution from this excommunication ia
July, 1746), and 'Ad eradicandam' (28 Sept., 1746)." regularly reserved to the pope, but the text of tht*
EXCOMMUNICATION
689
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article maintains the faculties possessed by bishops
and others, such as we have heretofore indicated.
(3) " Those who fight duels, those who challenge or
accept challenge thereunto, all accomplices, all who
help or countenance such combats, all who designedly
assist thereat, finally all who permit duelling or who
do not prevent it in so far as lies in their power, no
matter what their rank or dignity, be it royal or im-
perial." This severe discipline against duelling dates
from the Council of Trent (Sees. XXV, c. xix, De
ref.); here, however, only the excommunication in
question is considered. It aims at duelling, properly
so called, by challenge and on accepted conditions, not
at other single combats or altercations. University
duels, so common in Germany, are included (8. Cong,
of the Council, 29 Aug., 1890). The malice of the duel
lies in the fact that it makes right depend upon the
fate of arms; this penalty is extended to all who take
any part whatever in these detestable combats. The
•excommunication is incurred, first, by the duellists
themselves, not only when they actually fight, but
as soon as they have proposed or accepted a challenge ;
next, by the official witnesses or seconds, also by physi-
cians expressly brought upon the scene (Holy Office,
28 May, 1884), and by all spectators not accidentally
present; likewise by those who permit these affairs,
when such permission is necessary, e. g. in the army,
and by those who, although able to prevent duelling,
refrain from so doing.
(4) "Those who become members of the Masonic
sect, of the Carbonari, or of other similar sects that
{>lot either openly or secretly against the Church or
egitimate authorities; all who countenance these sects
in any way whatever, and finally, all who do not in-
form against the occult chiefs or leaders, i. e. until they
have made such denunciations." Certain associa-
tions are prohibited because of their evil or dangerous
object; this article deals only with those to which it is
forbidden to belong under pain of excommunication
late sententise. These are known by their aim, which
is to plot against the Church' or legitimate authorities,
obviously By illicit or criminal means; this excludes
at once purely political groups. It matters little
whether or not these societies exact secrecy from
their members, though the element of secrecy consti-
tutes an unfavourable presumption. The article
names two of these sects, the Freemasons and the
Carbonari; to these we must add the Fenians (Holy
Office, 12 Jan., 1870). There are four prohibited
American societies: the Independent Order of Good
Templars (Holy Office, 9 Aug., 1893), the Odd Fel-
lows, the Sons of Temperance, and the Knights of
Pythias (Holy Office, 20 June, 1894). but not under
pain of excommunication. In regard to the sects of
which our article treats, three distinct acts incur ex-
communication: the inscribing of one's name as a
member, the positive favouring of the sect as such,
and failure to denounce the occult leaders. For this
last act censure is not incurred if the leaders be not oc-
cult, or if they be not known with sufficient certainty.
• The denunciation, if imperative, must be made within
a month; once it is made the excommunication is no
longer reserved, and one is in a condition to receive
absolution from any confessor without further
formality.
(5) " Those who command the violation of or who
themselves rashly violate the immunity of ecclesias-
tical asylum." Immunity, or right of sanctuary, pro-
tected criminals who took refuge near the altar or
within sacred edifices; it was forbidden to remove
them from such places of refuge either by public or
private force. This immunity, although formerly
beneficial, has disappeared from modern life; the ex-
communication here retained has hardly more than
the value of a principle; it may be noted that the
article is cautiously worded. By its terms excom-
munication would be incurred only by those who
V.— 44
rashly, and without being constrained thereto, violate
the right of sanctuary as such (Holy Office, 1 Feb.,
1871; 22 Dec., 1880).
a (6) " Persons of any kind, condition, sex, or age who
.violate the clausura [i. e. canonical enclosure] of nuns
by penetrating into their monasteries, those intro-
ducing or admitting them, also nuns who leave their
clausura, except in the cases and in the manner pro-
vided for by the Constitution ' Decori' of St. Pius V."
The reader will find in the article Cloister further de-
tails; here it suffices to add that the enclosure in ques-
tion is that of the papal enclosure (dausura papalis),
or that of religious women with solemn vows. The
Constitution "Decori" (24 Jan., 1570) limits the rea-
sons of egress to fire, leprosy, or an epidemic; even in
the two latter cases it is necessary for such nuns to
have the written authorization of the bishop.
(7) " Women who violate the enclosure [clausura] of
male religious and the superiors and others who admit
them." Here also it is question of religious with
solemn vows; moreover, it nas not seemed necessary
to provide for exceptional cases nor for permission.
* (8) " Those who are guilty of real simony [simonia
realti] for the obtaining of any benefices whatever, and
their accomplices." (For this article and the two
that follow see Simony.)
(9) "Those who are guilty of confidential simony
[rimonia confidentialut] apropos of any benefice or any
dignity whatever."
(10) "Those who are guilty of real simony for th»
purpose of entering a religious order."
(11) "All who traffic in Indulgences or other spirit
ual favours are excommunicatea by the Constitution
of St. Pius V, 'Quam plenum' (2 Jan., 1569)." Thu
Constitution enumerates the abuses that the pop*,
wished to remedy. Certain Spanish bishops were ac-
customed to issue public grants of Indulgences ot
various other spiritual favours, but in a manner for
which they were unauthorized; the abuse consisted
mainly in the pecuniary conditions they imposed foi
obtaining these favours (Indulgences, choice of a con-
fessor for the absolution of reserved cases, Mass and
burial in time of interdict, dispensation from absti-
nence, the right to present several sponsors at baptism,
etc.). To overcome these abuses St. Pius V inflicted
•two kinds of penalties: bishops were punished by being
forbidden entrance into church and by suspension of
the "fruits", or revenues, of their benefices; culprits
of inferior rank were excommunicated. The penalties
against bishops have been suppressed; excommunica-
tion, however, is retained to punish those who would
reap unlawful profit from the publication or granting
of Indulgences or of the other spiritual favours
enumerated.
(12) "Those who collect stipends for Masses and.
make profits out of them by having the Masses cele-
brated in places where the stipends are not so high."
The object of the penalty is to remedy all shameful
traffic in Mass-stipends; to incur it two things are
necessary: not only must the stipends for Masses
(called misses manuales) be collected, but a portion of
them must be withheld when remitting them to the
Sriests who are to fulfil the obligation of saying the
Lasses. Despite the wording of the article, it is not
necessary that both conditions, the quest of stipends
and the celebration of the Masses, occur in different
places (Holy Office, 19 Aug., 1891, ad 4).
(13) " All those excommunicated by the Constitu-
tions of St. Pius V, ' Admonet nos' (29 March, 1567);
Innocent IX, 'Quae ab hac Sede' (4 Nov., 1591);
Clement VIII, 'Ad Romani Pontificis curam' (26
June, 1592); and Alexander VIII, 'Inter csteras' (24
Oct., 1660), concerning the alienation and enfeoff-
ment of cities and places belonging to the Holy Roman
Church." This article deals with the temporal do-
mains of the Church and calls here for no special
comment.
^
EXCOMMUNICATION
690
EXCOMMUNICATION
(14) " Religious who, without permission of the par-
iah priest, venture to administer extreme unction or
the Eucharist as Viaticum, to ecclesiastics or laymen,
except in cases of necessity." The penalty affects
religious with solemn vows and professed, but is not
incurred if they have at least the presumed permission
of the parish priest, if they be in ignorance, finally if
it be a case of necessity. Those to whom these reli-
gious must not administer the sacraments are seculars,
ecclesiastics or laymen; they may, however, administer
them to, persons domiciled m their convents.
(15) "Those who without legitimate permission
take relics from the cemeteries or catacombs of Rome
or its territory, and those who give such persons aid or
countenance. The permission is to be sought from
the Roman Vicariate^ and excommunication is in-
curred only by carrying away from the catacombs
genuine relics, not other objects. Relics are the re-
mains, not of anyone happening to be buried in the
catacombs, but only of martyrs or of those regarded as
such by reason of the "signs of martyrdom" that dis-
tinguisn their tombs, notably the phial of blood, ac-
cording to the Sacred Congregation of Rites, 10 April,
1668, and <27 Nov., 1863.
(16) "Tfrose who hold communion in criminal crime
with a person whom the pope has excommunicated by
name, that is, those who give him assistance or coun-
tenance." The "criminal crime" (crimen crimino-
sum) is the very one for which the culprit was excom-
municated; the article, of course, does not contem-
plate participation in the offensive act itself, since
excommunication by name is necessarily posterior
to such an act. The penalty is inflicted for subse-
quently assisting or countenancing the excommuni-
cated person. This is a survival [see above, II (5)] of
the penalties incurred by intercourse* with the excom-
municated. It must be noted that this censure is not
imposed for intercourse with all excommunicated per-
sons, but only with vitandi, those whom the pope has
excommunicated by name, not such as have been ex-
communicated by a Roman Congregation (Holy
Office, 16 June, 1897) or by the bishop.
(17) " Clerics who knowingly and wilfully hold com-
munion in divinis . with persons whom the pope has
excommunicated by name and receive them at Divine
service." The excommunicated in question are the
same as in the preceding article, and they cannot be
admitted to Divine worship ; however, the penalty in-
curred concerns ecclesiastics only, when acting freely
and with full knowledge [see above, II (5)].
(c) Excommunications Reserved to the Bishop
(Ordinary). — These are three in number and affect the
following persons: — ^
(1) "Ecclesiastics in Holy orders and regulars or
nuns who dare to contract marriage after having
made a solemn vow of chastity, also those who dare to
contract marriage with one of these persons." The
ecclesiastics whose marriage is null in consequence of
the impediment of Holy orders are subdeacons and
those in still higher orders; the nuns and male reli-
gious whose marriage is null through the impediment
of vow are members of the great orders. Neverthe-
less, the impediment does not exist from the time of
their first profession that follows the novitiate, but
only from the solemn profession made three years
later. The penalty is incurred by an attempt at mar-
riage, not by an act of betrothal ; such an attempt is
recognized m any contract having the fipura matri-
monii, i. e. which would constitute a marriage if there
were no impediment ; consequently the penalty is in-
curred for civil marriage (Holy Office, 22 Dec, 1880),
even if there were other impediments, e. g. consan-
guinity (Holy Office, 16 Jan., 1892).
(2) "Those who efficaciously procure abortion."
The fruitless attempt is not punished with excommu-
nication; authors do not agree as to whether the
woman guilty of self-abortion is excommunicated.
(3) "Those who knowingly make use of counterfeit
Apostolic Letters or who co-operate in the crime."
[See above, (a) (9).] This article is not directed against
forgers but against those who endeavour to profit by
falsified letters^ Petitions signed by the pope or in
his name are not mentioned. Accomplices are also
punished ; but the culprits must act knowingly, and be
fully aware that they are using falsified papal letters.
(d) Excommunications That Are Not Reserved
(Nemini Reservatae). — These are four in number and
are pronounced against the following persons: —
(1) "Those who command or oblige the giving of
ecclesiastical burial to notorious heretics or to persons
excommunicated by name or placed under interdict."
The article does not consider funeral ceremonies, but
only material interment in consecrated {ground.
Those who admit heretics or others to ecclesiastical
burial are not punished, but only those who, by au-
thority or force, compel such an interment, thereby
violating the prohibition of the Church. Nor is it
question here of all who, according to the Ritual,
should be deprived of ecclesiastical burial, but merely
of the two categories indicated.
(2) " Those who wound or terrorize the inq uisitors,
informers, witnesses, or other ministers of the Holy
Office ; those who lacerate or burn the writings of this
tribunal and all who give to the aforesaid assistance,
counsel, or countenance." This excommunication
does not apply in countries where the Holy Office has
no organized tribunal ; the inquisitional functions de-
volve in such countries on the bishop, who is pro-
tected by the specially reserved excommunications
described above, under (a) (5), (6), (8).
(3) "Those who alienate and those who have the
audacity to receive church property without Apostolic
authorization, according to the terms of the Constitu-
tion 'Ambitiosae, de rebus eccl. non alienandis'."
The author of this Constitution (Extravagantes, lib.
Ill, tit. iv, inter comm.) was Paul II (1 March, 1467).
It forbids under pain of reserved excommunication
and of the nullity of the acts, not only alienations
(properly so called) of ecclesiastical property, sales,
donations, etc., but also all contracts savouring of
alienation, such as mortgages, emphyteusis or perpet-
ual lease, long-term leases, etc. For the manifest
benefit of the Church these contracts must be author-
ized by the pope ; only objects of small value are ex-
cepted (see Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, no.
20).
(4) "Those who, through their own fault, neglect or
omit to denounce within a month the confessors or
priests by whom they have been solicited to immodest
acts, in all the cases set forth by our predecessors
Gregory XV in the Constitution 'Universi' (20 Aug.,
1622) and Benedict XIV in the Constitution 'Sacra-
mentum poenitentiae ' (1 June, 1741)." This excom-
munication is not intended to punish those solicited to
sin (they are not therefore guilty), but to protect the
administration of the Sacrament of Penance. Per-
sons thus solicited are strictly obliged to make known
to the inquisitor or the bishop those priests who have .
solicited them to the aforesaid acts ; if, through their
own fault, such denunciation is not made within a
month they incur excommunication, which ceases only
when they have made known in the aforesaid manner
the guilty party. The solicitation here alluded to is
not any provocation to evil, but to sins against chas-
tity on tne part of confessors or priests, and in con-
nexion with the Sacrament of Penance, this being the
abuse that the legislator especially seeks to punish.
Said connexion exists when the solicitation takes
place "during the very act of sacramental confession,
immediately before or after, on the occasion or under
the pretext of confession, or finally, in the confes-
sional".
B. Excommunications Pronounced by the Council of
Trent. — These are eight in number, the first being aim-
691
EXECUTOR
ply reserved to the pope and the other seven non-
reserved: —
(1) Sees. XXII, c. ii, De ref.: against usurpers,
whether ecclesiastics or laymen, of any kind of church
property, until the time of restitution and absolution.
This penalty protects all ecclesiastical property, prop-
erly so called, i. e. of which the administration belongs
to ecclesiastical authority, such as real and personal
property, revenues, -etc. Excommunication is in-
curred by usurpers, namely by those who claim for
themselves the ownership of this property, and passes
on to the successive acquirers of such property until
restitution or composition (agreement) is made. This
penalty was applied at the time of the recent spolia-
tions in Italy and France.
(2) Seas. IV, De editione et usu sacrorum librorum.
— The excommunication pronounced by the council
was restricted by the Constitution " Apostolicse Sedis ' '
to those who, without the approbation of the bishop,
print, or have printed, books treating of sacred things;
this must here De understood solely of the text of Holy
Writ and of notes and commentaries on the same
(Holy Office, 22 Dec., 1880).
(3) Sees. XXIV, c. vi; De ref. matr.: against those
who are guilty of the crime of abduction, m regard to
any woman, with a view to marriage, ana all who lend
them advice, aid, or countenance.
(4) Sess. XXIV, c. be, De ref. matr.: against tem-
poral rulers and magistrates who directly or indirectly
oppose obstacles to the liberty of their subjects in the
matter of contracting marriage.
(5) Sess. XXV, c. v, De regul.: against secular mag-
istrates who at the request of the bishop, do not give
the support of the secular arm in re-establishing the
clausura or enclosure of nuns. This excommunica-
tion is abrogated in practice or at least is inapplicable.
(6) Sess. XXV, c. xviii, De regul.: against those
who unjustly oblige a woman to enter a monastery
unwillingly, or to take the habit, or make a profession,
and those who thereunto give their counsel, aid, or
countenance, as also against those who, without good
reason, prevent a woman from taking the veil or mak-
ing her profession.
(7) Sess. XXIV, c. i, De ref. matr.: against "those
who deny that clandestine marriages [before the legis-
lation of the council] are true and valid ; as also those
who falsely affirm that marriages contracted by the
children of a family without the consent of their par-
ents are invalid and that parents can make such
marriages valid or invalid."
(8) Sess. XIII, can. xi: "This council ordains' and
declares that sacramental confession, when a confessor
may be had, is of necessity to be made before Commu-
nion by those whose conscience is burdened by mortal
sin, how contrite soever they may think themselves.
But if anyone shall presume to teach, preach, or ob-
stinately to assert, or even in public aisputation to
defend the contrary, he shall be thereupon excommu-
nicated."
C. Excommunications Pronounced or Renewed Since
the Constitution " Aposioliccs Sedis". — These are four in
number, the first two being specially reserved to the
pope, the third to the ordinary; the fourth is non-
rsfifirvfid
(1) The Constitution "Romanus Pontifex" (28
Aug., 1873), besides other penalties, declares specially
reserved excommunication: first, against the digni-
taries and canons of cathedral churches (or those hav-
ing the administration of vacant cathedrals) who
would dare to concede and transfer the administration
of their church with the title of vicar to the person
elected by the chapter, or named or presented to said
church by lay power; second, against those so elected
or presented ; and third, against all who aid, advise, or
countenance the aforesaid offenders.
(2) Excommunication specially reserved against the
members of the "Catholic Italian Society for the res-
toration of the rights of the Christian and especially
of the Roman people ' ', and against its promoters, sup-
porters, and adherents (S. reniten., 4 Aug., 1876;
Acta S. Sed., IX, 352). Amongst other rights this
society proposed to restore popular participation in
the election of the sovereign pontiff.
(3) Excommunication reserved to the ordinary
against laymen (for ecclesiastics the penalty is suspen-
sion) who traffic in Mass-stipends and trade them with
priests for books and other merchandise (S. Cong, of
the Council, decree ".Vigilanti studio", 25 May, 1893).
(4) Excommunication, non-reserved, against mis-
sionaries, both regulars and seculars, of the East In-
dies (Farther Orient) or the West Indies (America)
who devote themselves to commerce or who partici-
pate in it, and their immediate superiors, provincial or
general, who fail to punish the culprits, at least by
removal , and even after a single offence. This excom-
munication comes down from the Constitutions of
Urban VIII, "Ex delicto" (22 Feb., 1633), and Cle-
ment IX, "Sollicitudo" (17 July, 1669), but was sup-
pressed by reason of non-mention in the Constitution
"Apostolic® Sedis"; it was re-established, however,
at the request of the S. Cong, of the Inquisition, 4
Dec., 1872. This excommunication is non-reserved,
but the culprit cannot be absolved prior to making
restitution, unless he be at the point of death.
Canonists usually treat of excommunication in their commen-
taries on the Corpus Juris Canonici, at the title De sententia ex-
communicationis (lib. V, tit. xxxix). Moralists deal with it
apropos of the treatise on censures (De Censuris). One of the
best works is that of D'Annibale, Summula Theologies moralis
(5th ed., Rome, 1908). For details consult the numerous com-
mentaries on the Constitution Apostoliccs Sedis. Special works
by ancient writers: Avila, De censuris (Lyons, 1608); Suarkz,
De censuris (Coimbra, 1603): Altieri, De censuris ecclesiaslicis
(Rome, 1618).— Cf. Kobkr, Der Kvrchenbann (Tubingen, 1857);
Idem in Kirchenlex., s. v. Bonn; Hollweck, Die Icirchlichen
Strafgcsetze (Mainz, 1899); Hilarjus a Sexton, De censuris
(Mama, 1898); MCnchen, Das kanonische Oerichtsverfahren und
Strafrecht (Cologne, 1874); Taunton, The Law of the Church
(London, 1906), s. v. Excommunication; Smith, Elements of Ec-
clesiastical Law (New York, 1884); Santi-Liitner, Prated.
Jur. Canonici (New York, 1905), V, 210-15; Lega,2>« Judiciis
Ecd. (Rome, 1900).
A. BoUDINHON.
Exeat. See Incakdination.
Execration, same as Desecration (q. v.).
Executor, Apostolic, a cleric who puts into execu-
tion a papal rescript, completing what is necessary in
order that it be effective. The executor of a rescript
mav be discovered from the tenor of the document it-
self. In matters which regard the government of
regulars, the executor of Apostolic Letters is the su-
perior of the order, namely, the general, the procura-
tor general, or the provincial. Rescripts containing
favours are sometimes granted by the Holy See di-
rectly to the petitioners; in which case, the executor
merely has the office of executing the favour asked for,
without any obligation of judicial inquiry into the op-
portuneness of the grant, or the reasons alleged for
seeking it. Nevertheless, if it is notorious that the
favour has been surreptitiously obtained, he must
abstain from executing the rescript. Rescripts, how-
ever, are not usually sent direct to the parties inter-
ested, but, in the external forum, to the ordinary,
either of the petitioners or of the territory in question,
and in the internal forum, to any approved confessor
chosen by the persons concerned. In this latter (case
the grant is remitted entirely to the judgment and ,
conscience of him who is to execute it. lie enjoys
delegated power, and must act within the limits of his
mandate. The Apostolic Letters must first of all be
in his hands before he may act; from them he deter-
mines whether he is the one delegated, and what are
his powers. He must verify the force of the reasons
alleged for granting the request, as well as the truth of
other statements found in the petition. As a delegate
of the Holy See he may, ordinarily, subdelegate an-
other to execute the rescript, unless this is expressly
* \
692
EXEGESIS
forbidden in the grant, or unless it is apparent that he
is selected by reason of his knowledge or other personal
qualities specially fitting him for the office. It is im-
portant to know whether an executor is chosen for his
personal characteristics, or on account of his office: in
the former case the delegation is personal, in the
latter it is attached to the position, and passes on to
the successor of the same office. A rescript given to
the ordinary may likewise be executed by the vicar
general. An executor must know the rules for inter-
preting rescripts, also, when they' are rendered void,
because surreptitiously obtained or for other cause.
Rescripts emanating from the Sacred Penitentiaria
are executed in the confessional, and are then de-
stroyed by the confessor, as they treat of matters of
conscience. When the rescript pertains to the exter-
nal forum, a decree should be drawn up to the effect
that all necessary formalities have been observed in its
execution; these formalities should be specified. No
fee is allowed for the execution of Apostolic Letters,
lest the executor's judgment be influenced thereby.
Humphrey, Urba et Orbie (London, 1899), pp. 320-322; Fer-
raris, Prompta Bibliatheca, a. v. Executor.
Andrew B. MeehXn.
Exedra. — A semicircular stone or marble seat; a
rectangular or semicircular recess; the portico of the
Grecian palaestra, or gymnasium, in which disputa-
tions of the learned were held among the ancients:
also, in private houses, the parastas, or vestibule, used
for conversation. The term is sometimes applied to a
porch or chapel which projects from a larger building.
Also used, as synonymous with cathedra, tor a throne
or seat of any kind ; for a small private chamber; the
space between an oriel window and the small chapels
between the buttresses of a large church or cathedral.
Anderson and 8 pie as, Architecture of Greece and Rome
(London), 21, 108, 262, 278; Parker, Glossary of Architecture.
(Oxford and London, 1845), I, 159: B. and B. F. Fletcher, A
History of Architecture (London and New York, 1905), 691.
Thomas H. Poole.
Exegesis (Biblical) is the branch of theology which
investigates and expresses the true sense or Sacred
Scripture. The exegete does not inquire which books
constitute Sacred ScrirJture, nor does he investigate
their genuineness, nor, again, does he study their
double authorship. He accepts the books which, ac-
cording to the concurrent testimony of history and
ecclesiastical authority, belong to the Canon of Sacred
Scripture. Obedient to the decree of the Council of
Trent, he regards the Vulgate as the authentic Latin
version, without neglecting the results of sober textual
criticism, based on the readings found in the other
versions approved by Christian antiquity, in the Scrip-
tural citations of the Fathers, and in the more ancient
manuscripts. With regard to the authorship of the
Sacred Books, too, the exegete follows the authorita-
tive teaching of the Church and the prevalent opinions
of her theologians on the question of Biblical inspira-
tion. Not that these three questions concerning the
Canon, the genuine text, and the inspiration of Sacred
Scriptures exert no influence on Biblical exegesis:
unless a book forms part of the Canon, it will not be
the subject of exegesis at all; only the best supported
readings of its text will be made the basis of its theo-
logical explanation; and the doctrine of inspiration
with its logical corollaries will be found to have a con-
stant bearing on the results of exegesis. Still, exe-
gesis, as such, does not deal with these three subjects;
the reader will find them treated in the articles Canon
op the Holy Scriptures; Criticism, Biblical, sub-
title: Criticism, Textual; and Inspiration.
The early Reformers were wont to claim that the
genuine text of the inspired and canonical books is
self-sufficient and clear. This contention does not
owe its origin to the sixteenth century. The words of
Origen (De princip., IV), St. Augustine (De doctr.
christ., I-III), and St. Jerome (ad Paulin.. ep. liii, 6, 7)
show that similar views existed among the sciolists in
the early age of the Church. The exegetical results
flowing from the supposed clearness of the Bible may
be inferred from the fact that one century after the
rise of the Reformation Bossuet could give to the
world two volumes entitled, " A History of the Varia-
tions of the Protestant Churches". A Protestant
theologian, S. Werenfels, sets forth the same truth in
a telling epigram: —
Hie liber est in quo qusrit sua dogmata quisque,
Invenit et pariter dogmata quisque sua,
which may be rendered in an English paraphrase: —
Men ope this book, their favourite creed in mind;
Each seeks his own, and each his own doth find.
Agreeing with the warning of the Fathers, Pope Leo
XIII. in his Encyclical " Providentissimus Deus", in-
sisted on the difficulty of rightly interpreting the
Bible. "It must be observed", he wrote, "that in
addition to the usual reasons which make ancient
writings more or less difficult to understand, there are
some which are peculiar to the Bible. For the lan-
guage of the Bible is employed to express, under the
inspiration of the Holy Ghost, many things which are
beyond the power and scope of the reason of man —
that is to say, Divine mysteries and all that is related
to them. There is sometimes in such passages a full-
ness and a hidden depth of meaning which the letter
hardly expresses and which the laws of grammatical
interpretation hardly warrant. Moreover, the literal
sense itself frequently admits other senses, adapted to
illustrate dogma or to confirm morality. Wherefore, it
must be recognized that the Sacred Writings are wrapt
in a certain religious obscurity, and that no one can
enter into their interior without a guide; God so dis-
posing, as the Holy Fathers commonly teach, in order
that men may investigate them with greater ardour
and earnestness, and that what is attained with diffi-
culty may sink more deeply into the mind and heart :
and, most of all, that they may understand that God
has delivered the Holy Scriptures to the Church, and
that in reading and making use of His word, they must
follow the Church as their guide and their teacher."
But it is not our purpose so much to prove the need
of Biblical exegesis as to explain its aim, describe its
methods, indicate the various forms of its results, and
outline its history. Exegesis aims at investigating
the sense of Sacred Scripture; its method is contained
in the rules of interpretation; its results are expressed
in the various ways in which the sense of the Bible is
wont to be communicated; its history comprises the
work done by Christian and Jewish interpreters, by
Catholics and Protestants. We shall endeavour to
consider these various elements under the four heads:
I. Sense of Sacred Scripture; II. Hermeneutics; III.
Sacred Rhetoric; IV. History of Exegesis.
I. Sense op Sacred Scripture. — In general, the
sense of Sacred Scripture is the truth actually con-
veyed by it. We must well distinguish between the
sense and the signification of a word. A good diction-
ary will give us, in the case of most words, a list of
their various possible meanings or significations; but
no reader will be tempted to believe that a word has
all these meanings wherever it occurs. The context
or some other restrictive element will determine the
meaning in which each word is used in any given pas-
sage, and this meaning is the sense of the word. The
signification of the word is its possible meaning; the
sense of a word is its actual meaning in any given con-
text. A sentence, like a word, may have several pos-
sible significations, but it has only one sense or mean-
ing intended by the author. Here, again, the signifi-
cation denotes the possible meaning of the sentence,
while the sense is the meaning which the sentence here
and now conveys. In the case of the Bible, it must be
kept in mind that God is its author, and that God, the
Sovereign Lord of all things, can manifest truth not
EXEGESIS
693
EXEGESIS
merely by the use of words, but also by disposing out-
"ward things in such a way that one is the figure of the
other. In the former case we have the literal sense;
in the latter, the typical (cf. St. Thomas, Quodl., vii,
Q. vi, a. 14).
(1) Literal Sense. — (i) What is the Literal Sense? —
The literal sense of Sacred Scripture is the truth really,
actually, and immediately intended by its author.
The fact that the literal sense must be really intended
by the author distinguishes it from the truth conveyed
by anv mere accommodation. This latter applies a
writer s language, on the ground of analogy, to some-
thing not originally meant by him. Again, since the
literal sense is actually intended by the writer, it differs
from the meaning conveyed only virtually by the text.
Thus the reader may come to know the literary capac-
ity of the author from the style of his writing; or he
may draw a number of logical inferences from the
writer's direct statements; the resultant information
is in neither case actually intended by the writer, but
it constitutes the so-called derivative or consequent
sense. Finally, the literal sense is limited to the
meaning immediately intended by the writer, so that
the truth mediately expressed by him does not fall
within the range of the literal sense. It is precisely in
this point that the literal sense differs from the typi-
cal. To repeat briefly, the literal sense is not an ac-
commodation based on similitude or analogy; it is not
a mere inference drawn by the reader; it is not an
antitype corresponding to the immediate contents of
the text as its type; but it is the meaning which the
author intends to convey really , not by a stretch of the
imagination; actually, not as a syllogistic potency;
and immediately , i. e., by means of the language, not
by means of the truth conveyed by the language.
(ii) Division of the Literal Sense. — What has been
said about the immediate character of the literal sense
must not be misconstrued in such a way as to exclude
figurative language from its ranee. Figurative lan-
guage is really a single, not a double, sign of the truth
it conveys. When we speak of "the arm of God",
we do not imply that Goa really is endowed with such
a bodily member, but we directly denote his power of
action (St. Thomas, Summa, I, Q. i, a. 10, ad 3um). This
principle applies not merely in the metaphor, the syn-
ecdoche, the metonymy, or the irony, but also in those
cases in which the figure extends through a whole sen-
tence or even an entire chapter or book. The very
name allegory implies that the real sense of the expres-
sion differs from its usual verbal meaning. In Matt.,
v, 13 sqq., e. jg., the sentence, " You are the salt of the
earth" etc., is not first to be understood in its non-
figurative sense, and then in the figurative; it does
not first class tne Apostles among the mineral king-
dom, and then among the social and religious reform-
ers of the world, but the literal meaning of the passage
coincides with the truth conveyed in the allegory. It
follows, therefore, that the literal sense compnses both
the proper and the figurative. The fable, the para-
ble, ana the example must also be classed among the
allegorical expressions which signify the intended truth
immediately. It is true that in the passage according
to which the trees elect a king (Judges, ix, 6-21), in
the parable of the prodigal son (Luke, xv, 11 sqq.),
and in the history of the Good Samaritan (Luke, x,
25-37) a number of words and sentences are required
in order to construct the fable, the parable, and the
example respectively; but this does not interfere with
the literal or immediate sense of the literary devices.
As such they have no meaning independent of, or
prior to, the moral lesson which the author intends to
convey by their means. It is easily granted that the
mechanical contrivance we call a watch immediately
indicates the time in spite of the subordinate action of
its spring and wheels; why. then, should we question
the truth that the literary device called fable, or para-
ble, or example, immediately points out its moral
lesson, though the very existence of such a device pre-
supposes the use of a number of words and even sen-
tences?
(in) Ubiquity of the Literal Sense. — The Fathers of.
the Church were not blind to the fact that the literal
sense in some Scripture passages appears to imply
great incongruities, not to say insuperable difficulties.
On the other hand, they regarded the language of the
Bible as truly human language, and therefore always
endowed with a literal sense, whether proper or figura-
tive. Moreover, St. Jerome (in Is., xiii, 19), St. Au-
gustine (De tent. Abrah. serm. ii, 7), St. Gregory
(Moral., i, 37) agree with St. Thomas (Quodl, vu, <J. *
vi, a. 14) in his conviction that the typical sense is
always based on the literal and springs from it. Hence
if these Fathers had denied the existence of a literal
sense in any passage of Scripture, they would have
left the passage meaningless. Where the patristic
writers appear to reject the literal sense, they really
exclude only the proper sense, leaving the figurative.
Origen (De princ, IV, xi) may be regarded as the only
exception to this rule; since he considers some of the
Mosaic laws as either absurd or impossible to keep, he
denies that they must be taken in their literal sense.
But even in his case, attempts have been made to give
to his words a more acceptable meaning (cf . Vincenzi,
"In S. Gregorii Nvsseni et Origenis scripta et doc-
trinam nova recensio", Rome, 1864, vol. II, cc. xxv-
xxix). The great Alexandrian Doctor distinguishes
between the body, the soul, and the spirit of Scripture.
His defendants believe that he understands by these
three elements its proper, its figurative, and its typical
sense respectively. He may, therefore, with impunity
deny the existence of any bodily sense in a passage of
Scripture without injury to its literal sense. But it is
more generally admitted that Origen went astray on
this point, because he followed Philo's opinion too
faithfully. # [
(iv) Is the Literal Sense One or Multiple? — There is
more solid ground for a diversity of opinion concerning
the unicity of the literal sense contained in each pas-
sage of Sacred Scripture. This brings us face to face
with a double question: (a) Is it possible that a Scrip-
ture passage has more than one literal sense? (b) Is
there any Biblical text which actually has more than
one literal meaning? It must be kept in mind that
the literal sense is taken here in the strict meaning of
the word. It is agreed on all sides that a multiple
consequent sense or a multiple accommodation may
be regarded as the rule rather than the exception.
Nor is there any difficulty about the multiple literal
sense found in various readings or in different versions
of the same text; we ask here whether one and the
same genuine Scripture text may have more than on©
literal sense.
(a) Possibility of a Multiple Literal Sense. — Since a
word, and a sentence top, may have more meanings,
than one, there is no a priori impossibility in the idea
that a Scriptural text should have more than one literal
sense. If the author of Scripture really intends to
convey the truth contained in the various possible
meanings of a text, the multiple literal sense will be
the natural resultant. Some of the expressions found
in the writings of the Fathers seem to emphasize the
possibility of having a multiple literal sense in Sacred
Scripture.
(b) Actual Occurrence of a Multiple Literal Sense. —
The subject becomes more complicated if we ask
whether a multiple literal sense is not merely possible,
but is actually found anywhere in Scripture. There
is no good authority for its frequent occurrence; but
does it really exist even in the few Scriptural passages
which seem to contain it, such as Ps. ii, 7 : Is., liii? 4, 8;
Dan., ix, 27; John, xi, 51; ii. 19? Did God wish in
these texts to convey frmultiple literal sense? Revela-
tion, as coming down to us in Scripture and tradition,
furnishes the only clue to the solution of the question.
<]
EXEGESIS
694
EXEGESIS
(a) Arguments for the Multiple Literal Sense. — The
advocates of a multiple literal sense advance the fol-
lowing arguments for their view: First, Sacred Scrip-
ture supposes its existence in several passages. Thus
Heb., i, 5, understands Ps. ii, 7 (this day have I begot-
ten thee), of the Divine generation of the Son; Acts,
xiii, 33, understands the text of the Resurrection;
Heb., v, 5, of the eternal priesthood of Christ. Again,
the Latin Vulgate and the Septuagint, together with
I Pet., ii, 24, understand Is. lhi, 4 (he hath borne our
infirmities), of our sins; Matt., viii, 17, understands
the words of our bodily ailments. And again, I Mach.,
i, 57, applies some words of Dan., ix, 27, to his own
subject, while Matt., xxiv, 15, represents them as a
prophecy to be fulfilled in the destruction of the Holy
City. Finally, John, ii, 19, was understood by the
Jews in a sense different from that intended by Jesus
Christ; and John, xi, 51, expresses two disparate
meanings, one intended by Caiphas and the other by
the Holy Ghost. The second argument is, that tradi-
tion too upholds the existence of a multiple sense in
several passages of the Bible. Its witnesses are St.
Augustine (Conf., XII, xxvi, xxx, xxxi; De doctr.
christ., Ill, xxvii; etc.), St. Gregory the Great (in
Ezech., iii, 13, Lib. I, horn, x, n. 30 sq.), St. Basil, St.
Chrysostom, St. Jerome, St. Bernard, and, among the
Scholastics, St. Thomas (I, Q. i, a. 10; "De potent.",
IV, 1 ; " in II sent.", dist. xii, Q. i, a. 2, ad 7-), Card.
Cajetan (ad I, Q. i, a. 10), Melchior Cano (Loc. theol.,
Lib. II, c. xi, ad 7 arg., ad 3 rat.), Baftez (ad I, Q. i,
a. 10), Sylvius (ad id.), John of St. Thomas (I, Q. i,
disp. ii, a. 12),* Billuart (De reg. fidei, dissert, i, a. 8),
Vasquez, Valentia, Molina, Serrarius, Cornelius a La-
pide, and others.
(0) Reasons against the Multiple Literal Sense. —
Patrizi, Beelen, Lamy, Comely, Knabenbauer, Reit-
mayr, and the greater number of recent writers deny
the actual existence of a multiple literal sense in the
Bible; they urge the following reasons for their opin-
ion: First, the Bible is written in human language;
now, the language of other books usually presents only
one literal sense. Second, the genuine sense of Sacred
Scripture must be discovered by means of the rules of
hermeneutics. A commentator would render these
rules meaningless, if he were to look for a second literal
sense of a passage after discovering one true meaning
by their means. Third, commentators implicitly as-
sume that any given text of Scripture has only one
literal sense; for after finding out the various mean-
ings which are philologically probable, they endeavour
to ascertain which of them was intended by the Holy
Ghost. Fourth, a multiple literal sense would create
equivocation and confusion in the Bible. Finally, the
multiple sense in Scripture would be a supernatural
fact wholly depending on the free will of God. We
cannot know it independently of revelation; its actual
occurrence must be solidly proved from Scripture or
tradition. The patrons of the multiple literal sense
have not thus far advanced any such proof.
(1) Where Scripture appeals to disparate meanings
of the same passage, it does not necessarily consider
each of them as the literal sense. Thus Heb., i, 5, may
represent Ps. ii, 7, as referring literally to the eternal
generation, but Acts, xiii, 33, may consider the Resur-
rection, and Hebr., v, 5, the eternal priesthood of
Christ as necessary consequences. Matt., viii, 17, ap-
plies the consequent sense of Is., liii, 4, to the cure of
bodily ailments; I Mach., i, 57, merely accommodates
some words of Dan., ix, 27, to the writer's own time;
in John, ii, 19, and xi, 51, only the meaning intended
by the Holy Ghost is the literal sense, though this may
not have been understood when the words in question
were spoken. (2) The testimony of the Fathers and
the Scholastic theologians is not sufficient in our case
to prove the existence of a dogmatic tradition as to
the actual occurrence of the multiple literal sense in
Scripture, There is no trace of it Def ore the time of
St. Augustine; this great Doctor proposes his view not
as the teaching of tradition, but as a pious and proba-
ble opinion. The expressions of the other Fathers,
excepting perhaps St. Gregory the Great, urge the
depth and wealth of thought contained in Scripture,
or they refer to meanings which we technically call its
typical, derivative, or consequent sense, and perhaps
even to mere accommodations of certain passages.
Among the Scholastics, St. Thomas follows the opinion
of St. Augustine, at least in one of the alleged passages
(De potent.. IV, 1), and a number of the later Scholas-
tics follow the opinion of St. Thomas, f he other early
Scholastics maintain rather the opposite view, as may
be seen in St. Bonaventure (IV Sent. dist. xxi, p. I,
dub. 1) and Alexander of Hales (Summa, I, Q. i, m. 4,
a. 2).
(v) The Derivative or Consequent Sense. — The con-
sequent or derivative sense of Scripture is the truth
legitimately inferred from its genuine meaning. It
would be wrong to identify the consequent sense with
the more latent literal sense. This depth of the literal
sense may spring from the fact that the predicate
changes somewhat in its meaning if it be applied to
totally different subjects. The word wise has one
meaning if predicated of God, and quite another if
predicated of created beings. Such a variety of
meaning belongs to the literal meaning in the strict
sense of the word. The consequent sense may be said
to be the conclusion of a syllogism one of whose prem-
ises is a truth contained in the Bible. Such inferences
can hardly be called the sense, of a book written by a
human author; but God has foreseen all the legitimate
conclusions derived from Biblical truths, so that they
may be said, in a certain way, to be His intended
meaning. The Bible itself makes Use of such infer-
ences as if they were based on Divine authority. St.
Paul (I Cor., i, 31) quotes such an inference based on
Jer., ix, 23, 24, with the express addition, "as it is
written "; in I Cor., ix, 10, 11, he derived the conse-
quent sense of Deut., xxv, 4, indicating the second
premise, while in I Tim., v, 18, he states the conse-
quent sense of the same passage without adding the
second premise. Theologians and ascetical writers
have, therefore, a right to utilize dogmatic and moral
inferences from the genuine sense of Sacred Scripture.
The writings of the Fathers illustrate this principle
most copiously.
(vi) Accommodation. — By accommodation the
writer's words are applied, on the ground of analogy,
to something not originally meant by him. If there
be no analogy between the original and the imposed
meaning, there is no accommodation of the passage,
but rather a violent perversion of its true meaning;
such a contorted meaning is not merely outside, but
against, the genuine sense. Accommodation is usu-
ally divided into two classes: extensive and allusive.
Extensive accommodation takes the words of the
Bible in their genuine sense, but applies them to a new
subject. Thus the words, he " was found perfect, j ust,
and in the time of wrath he was made a reconcilia-
tion ", which Ecclus., xliv, 17, predicates of Noe, are
often applied to other saints. Allusive accommoda-
tion does not employ the words of Scripture in their
genuine sense, but gives them an entirely different
meaning; here the analogy does not exist between the
objects, but between the verbal expressions. Ps. xvii,
26, 27, " With the holy, thou wilt be holy; and with the
innocent man thou wilt be innocent; and with the
elect thou wilt be elect: and with the perverse thou
wilt be perverted ", expresses originally the attitude of
God to the good and tne wicked; but by accommoda-
tion these words are often used to show the influence
of companionship. That the use of accommodation is
legitimate, may be inferred from its occurrence ir
Scripture, in the writings of the Fathers, and from it*
very nature. Examples of accommodation in Scrip-
ture may be found in Matt., vii, 23 (cf . Ps. vi, 9), Rom,
EXEGESIS
695
EXEGESIS
x, 18 (cf. Ps. xviii, 5), II Cor., viii, 15 (cf. Ex., xvi,
18), Heb., xiii, 5 (cf. Jos., i, 5), Apoc., xi, 4 (cf. Zach.,
iv, 14). The liturgical books and the writings. of the
Fathers are so replete with the use of accommodation
that it is needless to refer to any special instances.
Finally, there is no good reason for interdicting the
proper use of accommodation, seeing that it is not
wrong in itself and that its use does not involve any
inconvenience as far as faith and morals are concerned.
But two excesses are to be avoided: first, it cannot be
maintained, that all the citations from the Old Testa-
ment which are found in the New are mere accommo-
dations. Similar contentions are found in the writ-
ings of those who endeavour to destroy the value of
the Messianic prophecies; they are not confined to our
days, but date back to Theodore of Mopsuestia and the
Socinians. The Fifth (Ecumenical Synod rejected the
error of Theodore; besides, Christ Himself (Matt.,
xxii, 41 sq.; cf. Ps. cix, 1), St. Peter (Acts, iii, 25 sq.:
cf. Gen., xii, 3; xviii, 18; xxii, 18), and St. Paul
(Heb., i, 5; v, 5; Acts, xiii, 33; cf. Ps. ii, 7) base theo-
logical arguments on Old-Testament citations, so that
these latter cannot be regarded as mere accommoda-
tions. Secondly, we must not exceed the proper limits
in the use of accommodation. This we should do,
if we were to present the meaning derived from ac-
commodation as the genuine sense of Scripture, or if
we were to use it as the premise in an argument, or
again if we were to accommodate the words of Scrip-
ture to ridiculous, absurd, or wholly disparate sub-
jects. The fourth session of the Council of Trent
warns most earnestly against such an abuse of Sacred
Scripture.
(2) Typical Sense—The typical sense has its name
from the fact that it is based on the figurative or typi-
cal relation of Biblical persons, or objects, or events,
to a new truth. This latter is called the antitype,
while its Biblica* correspondent is named the type.
The typical sense is also called the spiritual, or mysti-
cal, sense: mystical, because of its more recondite
nature; spiritual, because it is related to the literal, as
the spirit is related to the body. What we call type
is called shadow, allegory, parable, by St. Paul (cf .
Rom., v, 14; I Cor., x, 6; Heb., viii, 5; Gal., iv, 24;
Heb., ix, 9); once ne refers to it as antitype (Heb.,
ix, 24) { though St. Peter applies this term to the
truth signified (I Pet., iii, 21). Various other desig-
nations for the typical sense have been used by the
Fathers of the Church; but the following questions
are of more vital importance.
(i) Nature of the Typical Sense.— The typical sense
is the.Scriptural truth which the Holy Ghost intends
to convey really, actually, but not immediately. In-
asmuch as its meaning is really conveyed, the typical
sense differs from accommodation; inasmuch as its
meaning is actually expressed, it differs from the con-
sequent sense; inasmuch as its meaning is not immedi-
ately signified, it differs from the literal sense. While
we arrive at the latter immediately by way of the lit-
erary expression, we come to know the typical sense
only by way of the literal. The text is the sign con-
veying the literal sense, but the literal sense is the sign
expressing the typical. The literal sense is the type
which by a special design of God is directed to signify
its antitype. Three conditions are necessary to con-
stitute a type: (a) It must have its own true and his-
torical existence independently of the antitype; e. g.,
the intended immolation of Isaac would be an histori-
cal fact, even if Jesus Christ had not died, (b) It
must not be referred to the antitype by its very na-
ture. This prohibits the similitude from serving as a
type, on account o'f its antecedent likeness to its ob-
ject, (c) God himself must have established the refer-
ence of the type to its antitype; this excludes objects
which are only naturally related to others. The neces-
sity of these three conditions explains why a type can-
not be confounded with a parable, or an example, or a
symbol, or a similitude, or a comparison, or a meta-
phor, or a symbolic prophecy — e. g., the statue seen in
the dream of Nabuchodonosor. - It should be added,
however, that at times the type may be expressed by
the Scriptural representation of a subject rather than
by the strict literal sense of Scripture. Gen., xiv, 18,
e. g., introduces Melchisedech without reference to his
genealogy; hence Heb., vii, 3, represents him "with-
out father, without mother, without genealogy, hav-
ing neither beginning of days nor end of life", and
makes him as such a type of Jesus Christ. Thus far
we have spoken about the typical sense in its strict
sense. In a wider sense, all persons, events, or objects
of the Old Testament are sometimes considered as
typeSj provided they resemble persons, events, or ob-
jects in the New Testament, whether the Holy Ghost
has intended such a relationship or not. The Egyp-
tian Joseph is in this way frequently represented as a
type of St. Joseph, the foster-father of Christ.
(ii) Division of the Typical Sense. — The division of
the typical sense is basea on the character of the type
and the antitype. The antitype" is either a truth to
be believed, or a boon to be hoped for, or again a vir-
tue to be practised. This gives us a triple sense — the
allegorical, the anagogical, and the tropological, or
moral. The obj ects of faith in the Old Testament cen-
tred mainly around the future Messias and his
Church. The allegorical sense may, therefore, be said
to refer to the future or to be prophetic. The allegory
here is not to be sought in the literary expression, but
in the persons or things expressed. This division of
the typical sense was expressed by the Scholastics in
two lines: —
Littera gesta docet; quid credas, allegoria;
Moralis quid agas; quo tendas, anagogia.
Jerusalem,. e. g., according to its literal sense, is the
Holy City; taken allegorically, it denotes the Church
Militant; understood tropologically, it stands for the
just soul; finally, in its anagogical sense, it stands for
the Church Triumphant . If the division of the typical
sense be based on the type rather than the antitype,
we may distinguish personal, real, and legal types.
They are personal if a person is chosen by the Holy
Ghost as the sign of the truth to be conveyed. Adam.
Noe, Melchisedech, Moses, Josue, David, Solomon, and
Jonas are types of Jesus Christ; Agar with Ismael, and
Sara with Isaac are respectively the types of the Old
and the New Testament. The real types are certain
historical events or objects mentioned in the Old
Testament, such as the paschal lamb, the manna, the
water flowing from the rock, the brazen serpent, Sion,
and Jerusalem. Legal types are chosen from among
the institutions of the Mosaic liturgy, e. g., the taber-
nacle, the sacred implements, the sacraments and
sacrifices of the Old Law. its priests and Levites.
(iii) The Existence of the Typical Sense. — Scripture
and tradition agree in their testimony for the occur-
rence of the typical sense in certain passages of the
Old Testament. Among the Scriptural texts which
establish the typical sense, we may appeal to Col., ii,
16-17; Heb., viii, 5; ix, 8-9; Rom., v, 14; Gal., iv,
24; Matt., ii, 15 (cf. Os., xi, 1); Heb., i, 5 (cf. II K.,
vii, 14). The testimony of tradition concerning this
subject may be gathered from Barnabas (Eb., 7, 8, 9,
12, etc.), St. Clement of Rome (I Cor., xii), St. Justin
(Dial. c. Tryph., civ, 42), St. Irenaeus (Adv. haer., IV,
xxv, 3; II, xxiv, 2 sqq.; IV, xxvi, 2), Tertullian
(Adv. Marc., V, vii), St. Jerome (Ep. liii, ad Paul in., 8),
St. Thomas (I, Q. i, a. 10), and a number of other pa-
tristic writers and Scholastic theologians. That the
Jews agree with the Christian writers on this point,
may be inferred from Josephus (Antiq., XVII, iii, 4;
Procem. Antiq., n. 4; III, vi, 4, 77; De bello Jud.. V,
vi, 4), the Talmud ($erachot, c. v, ad fin.; Quidaus,
fol. 41, col. 1). and the writings of Philo (de Abraham;
de migrat. Aorahse; de vita contempl.), though this
latter writer goes tQ excess in the allegorical interpre-
^
#"•?"■
EXEGESIS 696 EXEGESIS
tation. The foregoing tradition may be confirmed by source of any solid argument in favour of the existence
the language of the liturgy and by the remains of of the typical sense in any particular passage. Where
Christian archaeology (Kraus, " Roma sotterranea," the typical sense really exists, it expresses tne mind of
pp. 242 sqq.). Striking instances of the liturgical God as truly as the literal sense; but we must be care-
x proof may be seen in the Preface of the Mass for ful against excess in this regard. St. Augustine is
Easter, in the Blessing of the Paschal , Candle, and in guilty of this fault in his spiritual interpretation of the
the Divine Office recited on the feast of Corpus thirty-eight years in John, v, 5, and of the one hun-
Christi. All Catholic interpreters readily grant that dred and fifty-three fishes in John, xxi, 11. Besides, it
in some passages of the Old Testament we have a typi- must be kept in mind that not all the minutiae con-
cal sense besides the literal; but this does not appear nected with the type have a definite and distinct
to be granted with regard to the New Testament, at meaning in the antitype. It would be useless labour to
least not subsequently to the death of Jesus Christ, search for the spiritual meaning of every detail con-
Distinguishing between the New Testament as it sig- nected with the paschal lamb, e. g., or with the first
nifies a collection of books, and the New Testament as Adam. The exegete ought to be especially careful in
it denotes the Christian economy, they grant that the admission of typical prophecies, and of anything
there are types in the New-Testament books, but only that would resemble the method of the Jewish Cab-
as far as they refer to the pre-Christian economy, balists.
For the New Testament has brought us the reality in (vi) The Theological Value of the Typical Sense. —
place of the figure, light in place of darkness, truth in Father Perrone (Prael. theol. dogm., IX, 159) believes
place of shadow (cf . Patrizi, " De interpretalione it is the common opinion of theologians and commen-
Scripturarum Sacrarum". p. 199, Rome, 1844). Chi tators that no theological argument can be based on
the other hand, it is urged that the New Testament is the typical sense. But if we speak of the typical sense
the figure of glory, as tne Old Testament was the fig- which has been revealed as such, or which has been
ure of the New (St. Thorn., Summa, I, Q. i, a. 10). proved as such from either Scripture or tradition, it
Again, in Scripture the literal sense applies to what conveys the meaning intended by God not less vera-
precedes, the typical to what follows. Now, even in ciously than the literal sense. Hence it furnishes solid
the New Testament Christ and His Body precedes the and reliable premises for theological conclusions. The
Church and its members; hence, what is said literally inspired writers themselves do not hesitate to argue
of Christ or His Body, may be interpreted allegorically from the typical sense, as may be seen in Matt., ii, 15
of the Church, the mystical body of Christ, tropologio- (cf. Os., xi, 1), and Hefe., i, 5 (cf. II K., vii, 14). Texts
ally of the virtuous acts of the Church's members, whose typical sense is only probable yield only proba-
anagogically of their future glory (St. Thorn., Quodl., ble theological conclusions; such is the argument for
VII, a. 15, ad 5U>). Similar views are expressed by the Immaculate Conception based on Est., xv, 13. If
St. Ambrose (in Ps. xxx, n. 25), St. Chrysostom (in St. Thomas (Summa, I, Q. i, a. 10, ad 1*"; Quod-
Matt., horn, hcvi), St. Augustine (in Jon., ix), St. lib., VII, a. 14, ad 4™") and other theologians differ
Gregory the Great (Horn, ii, in evang. Luc, xviii), St. from our position on this question, their view is based
John Damascene (De fide orth., iv, 13); besides, the on the fact that the existence of the types themselves
bark of Peter is usually regarded as a type of the must first be theologically proved, before they can
Church, the destruction of Jersualem as a type of the serve as premises in a theological argument,
final catastrophe. ^ II. Hermeneutics. — The interpretation of a writ-
(iv) Has Everything in the Old Testament a Typi- ing has for its object to find the ideas which the author
cal Sense? — If such passages as Luke, xxiv, 44, 1 Cor., intended to express. We do not consider here the so-
x. 11, be taken out of their context, they suggest the called authentic interpretation or the writer's own
ubiquity of the typical sense in the Old Testament; statement as to the thought he intended to convey,
the context limits these texts to their proper range. In interpreting the Bible scientifically, its twofold
If some of the Fathers, e. g. St. Augustine (De doct. character must always be kept in view: it is a Divine
christ., Ill, xxi i) and St. Jerome (Ad Dard., Ep. cxxix, book, in as far as it has God for its author ; it is a human
6; Ep. ad Eptes. in, 6), appear to assert the ubiquity book, in as far as it is written bv men for men. In its
of the typical sense, their language refers rather to the human character, the Bible is subject to the same rules
figurative than the spiritual sense. On the other of interpretation as profane books; but in its Divine
hand, Tertullian (De resurrect, earn., c. xx), St. Augus- character, it is given into the custody of the Church to
tine (De civ. Dei., XVII, in; C. Faust., XXII, xciv), be kept and explained, so that it needs special rules of
St. Jerome (in J.oann., c. i; cf . in Jer., xxvii, 3, 9 ; xxix, hermeneutics. Under the former aspect, it is subject
14), and St. Thomas ((Juodl.j vii, a. 15, ad 5nm), to the laws of the grammatico-historical interpreta-
explicitlv reject the opinion which maintains that the tion; under the latter, it is bound by the precepts of
whole of the Old Testament has a typical sense. The what we may call the Catholic explanation,
opposite opinion does not appeal to reason; what (1) Historico - Grammatical Interpretation. — The
could be tne typical sense, e. g., of the command to grammatico-historical interpretation implies three ele-
love the Lord our God (Deut., vi, 5)? ments: first, a knowledge of the various significations
( v) How Can the Typical Sense be Known? — In the of the literary expression to be interpreted ; secondly,
typical sense God does not merely select an existing the determination of the precise sense in which the
person or object as the sign of a future person or literary expression is employed in any given passage;
object, but he directs the course of nature in such thirdly, the historical description of the idea thus de-
a way that the very existence of the type, however termined. What has been said in the preceding para-
independent it may be in itself, refers to the graphs sufficiently shows the difference between the
antitype. Man, too, can, in one or another par- signification and the sense of a word or a sentence,
ticular case, perform an action in order to typify The importance of describing an idea historically may
what he will do in .the future. But as the future is be exemplified by the successive shades of meaning
not under his complete control, such a way of acting attaching to the concept of Messias, or of Kingdom
would be ludicrous rather than instructive. The of God.
typical sense is, therefore, properly speaking, confined (i) Significations of the Literary Expression. — The
to God's own book. Hence the criteria which serve signification of the literary expression of the Bible is
for the interpretation of profane literature will not be best learned by a thorough knowledge of the so-called
sufficient to detect the typical sense. The latter is a sacred languages in which the original text of Scripture
supernatural fact depending entirely on the free will of was written, and by a familiar acquaintance witn the
God ; nothing but revelation can make it known to us, Scriptural way of speaking.
80 that Scripture or tradition must be regarded as the (a) Sacred Languages.— St. Augustine (De doctr.
EXEGESIS
697
EXEGESIS
christ., II, xi; cf. xvi) warns us that "the knowledge of
languages is the great remedy against unknown signs.
Men ofthe Latin tongue need two others for a thor-
ough knowledge of the Divine Scriptures, viz. the
Hebrew and the Greek, so that recourse may be had to
the older copies, if the .infinite variety of the Latin
translators occasions any doubt." Pope Leo XIII, in
the Encyclical " Providentissimus Deus", agrees with
the great African Doctor in urging the study of the
sacred languages. "It is most proper", he writes,
"that professors of Sacred Scripture and theologians
should master those tongues m which the Sacred
Books were originally written* and it would be well
that church students also should cultivate them, more
especially those who aspire to academic degrees. And
endeavours should be made to establish in all academic
institutions — as has already been laudably done in
many — chairs of the other ancient languages, espe-
cially the Semitic, and of other, subjects connected
therewith, for the benefit principally of those who are
intended to profess sacred literature." Nor can it be
urged that for the Catholic interpreter the Vulgate is
the authentic text, which can be understood by any
Latin scholar. The pontiff considers this exception in
the Encyclical already quoted: "Although the mean-
ing of the Hebrew and Greek is substantially rendered
by the Vulgate, nevertheless wherever there may be
ambiguity or want of clearness, the 'examination of
older tongues, ' to quote St. Augustine, will be useful
and advantageous. Recourse to the original text is
considered the only scholarly approach to any great
work of literature. A translation is never a perfect
reproduction of the original; no language can fully
express the thoughts conveyed in another tongue, no
translator is capable of seizing the exact shades of all
the truths contained in any work, and in case of Bibli-
cal versions, we have often good reason for doubt as to
the genuineness of their readings.
(b) Scriptural Language. — The Scriptural language
presents several difficulties peculiar to itself. First,
the Bible is not written by one author, but presents in
almost every book the style of a different writer. Sec-
ondly, the Bible was not written at a single period ; the
. Old Testament covers the time betweenMoses and the
last Old-Testament writer, i. e. more than one thou-
sand years, so that many words must have changed
their meaning during this interval . Thirdly, the Bibli-
cal, Greek is not the classical language of the Greek
authors with whom we are acquainted; up to about
fifteen years ago, Biblical scholars used to speak about
New-Testament Greek, they compiled New-Testament
lexicons, and wrote New-Testament grammars. The
discovery of the Egyptian papyri and other literary re-
mains has broken down this wail of separation between
the language of the New Testament and that ofthe
time in which it was written ; with regard to this point,
our present time may be considered as a period of
transition, leading up to the composition of lexicons
and grammars that will rightly express the relation of
the Biblical Greek to the Greek employed in profane
writings. Fourthly, the Bible deals with the greatest
variety of topics, requiring a corresponding variety of
vocabulary; moreover, its expressions are often fig-
urative, and therefore subject to more frequent
changes of meaning than the language of profane
writers. How are we to become acquainted with the
Scriptural language in spite of the foregoing difficulties?
St. Augustine (De doctr. christ., II, ix saq.) suggests
the continual reading of the Bible as the first remedy,
so that we may acquire "a familiarity with the lan-
guage of the Script ures". He adds to this a careful
comparing of the Bible text with the language of the
ancient versions, a process calculated to remove some
of the native ambiguities of the original text. A third
help is found, according to the same great Doctor, in
the diligent reading of the works of the Fathers, since
many of them formed their style by a constant reading
of Holy Scripture (Loc. cit., II, xiii, xiv) . Nor must we
t omit to study the writings of Philo and Joseph us, the
contemporaries of the Apostles and the historians of
their nation. They are helpful illustrations of the cul-
tured language of the Apostolic time. The study of
the etymology of the sacred languages is another
means of becoming acquainted with the languages
themselves. For a proper understanding of the ety-
mology of Hebrew words, the knowledge of the cog-
nate languages is requisite ; but here it must be kept
in mind that many derivatives have a meaning quite
different from the signification of their respective
radicals, so that an argument based on etymology
alone is open to suspicion.
(ii) Sense of the Literary Expression. — After the
foregoing rules have aided tne interpreter to know the
various significations of the words of the sacred text,
he must next endeavour to investigate in what precise
sense the inspired writer, employed his expressions.
He will be assisted in this study by attending to the
subject-matter of the book or chapter, to its occasion
and purpose, to the grammatical and logical context,
and to the parallel passages. Whatever meaning of
the literary expressions is not in keeping with the sub-
ject-matter of the book, cannot be the sense in which
the writer employed it. The same criterion directs us
in the choice of any particular shade of meaning and
in the limitation of its extent. The subject-matter of
the Epistles to the Romans and the Galatians, e. g.,
shows in what sense St. Paul used the expressions law
and works of the law; the sense of the expressions
spirit of Oody wisdom and understanding, which occur
in Ex., xxxi, 3, must be determined in the same way.
The occasion and purpose of a book or of a passage will
often determine whether certain expressions must be
taken in their proper or figurative sense, whether in a
limited or an unlimited extent. Attention to this point
will aid us in explaining aright such passages as John,
vi, 53 sqa.; Matt., x, 5; Heb., i. 5, 7; etc. Thus we
shall understand the first of these passages of the
real flesh and blood of Christ, not of their figure; we
shall see the true import of Christ's command con-
tained in the second passage, " Go ye not into the way
of the Gentiles, and into the city of the Samaritans
enter ye not": again, we shall appreciate the full
weight of the theological argument m favour of the
eternal generation of the Son as stated in the third
passage, contained in the Epistle to the Hebrews.
The context is the third aid in determining the pre-
cise sense in which each single word is used by the
writer. We need not insist on the necessity of explain-
ing an expression in accordance with its grammatical
environment. The commentator must make sure of
the grammatical connexion of an expression, so as not
to do violence to the rules of inflection or of syntax.
The so-called poetical parallelism may be considered
as constituting part of grammar taken m a wider sense.
But the logical context, too, requires attention; a
commentator must not explain any expression in such
a sense as to make the author contradict himself, being
careful to assign to each word a meaning that will best
agree with the thought of the sentence, of the chapter,
and even of the book. Still, it must not be overlooked
that the context is sometimes psychological rather than
logical ; in lyric poetry, in the words of the Prophets,
or in animated dialogues, thoughts and sentiments are
at times brought into juxtaposition, the logical con-
nexion of which is not apparent. Finally, there is a
so-called optical context which is found in the visions
of the Prophets. The inspired seer may perceive
grouped together in the same vision events which are
widely separated from each other in time and space.
The so-called real or verbal parallelisms will aid the
commentator in determining the precise sense in
which the inspired writer employed: his words. In
case of verbal parallelism, or in the recurrence of the
same literary expressions in different parts of the in*
<;
EXEGESIS
698
EXEGESIS
?>ired books, it is better to explain the language of
aul by that of Paul, the expressions of John by those
of John, than to explain Paul by Matthew, and John
by Luke. Again, it is more natural to explain an ex-
pression occurring* in the Fourth Gospel by another
found in the same book than by a parallel passage
taken from the Apocalypse. Finally, it should be
kept in mind that parallelism of thought, or reap par-
allelism, is a more reliable aid in finding the exact
sense of a passage than a mere material recurrence of a
sentence or a phrase.
(iii) Historical Setting. — The inspired writers con-
nected with their words the ideas which they them-
selves possessed, and which they knew to be intelli-
fible to their contemporaries. When they spoke of a
ouse, they expressed a habitation to which their con-
temporaries were accustomed, not a contrivance in use
among the barbarians. In order to arrive at the pre-
cise sense of a passage, we must therefore bear in mind
its historical setting, we must consult the testimony
of history. The true sense of the Bible cannot be
found in an idea or a thought historically untrue.
The commentator must therefore be well acquainted
with sacred history and sacred archaeology, in order to
know, to a certain extent at least, the various cus-
toms, laws, habits, national prejudices, etc. under the
influence of which the inspired writers composed their
respective books. Otherwise it will be impossible for
him to understand the allusions, the metaphors, the
language, and the style of the sacred writers. What
has been said about the historico-grammatical inter-
pretation of Scripture is synopsized, as it were, in the
Encyclical already quoted: 'The more our adversa-
ries contend to the contrary, so much the more solici-
tously should we adhere to the received and approved
canons of interpretation. Hence, while weighing the
meanings of words, the connexion of ideas, the paral-
lelism of passages, and the like, we should by all
means make use of such illustrations as can be drawn
from apposite erudition of an external sort."
(2) Catholic Interpretation— Since the Church is the
official custodian and interpreter of the Bible, her
teaching concerning the Sacred Scriptures and their
genuine sense must be the supreme guide of the com-
mentator. The inferences which flow from this prin-
ciple are partly' negative, partly positive.
(i) Negative Directions. — The following directions
are called negative not because they do not imply a
positive attitude of mind or because they do not lead
to positive results, but because they appear to empha-
size at first sight the avoidance of certain methods of
proceeding which would be legitimate in the exegesis
of profane books. They are based on what the
Church teaches concerning the sacred character of the
Bible.
(a) Avoid Irreverence. — Since the Bible is God's
own book, its study must be begun and prosecuted
with a spirit of reverence and prayer. The Fathers
insist on this need in many passages. St. Athanasius
calls the Scriptures the fountain that quenches our
thirst for justice and supplies us with the doctrine of
piety (Ep. fest. xxxix) ; St. Augustine (C. Faust., XIII,
xviii) wishes them to be read for a memorial of our
faith, for the consolation of our hope, and for an ex-
hortation to charity; Origen (Ep. ad Gregor. Neocses.,
c. iii) considers pious prayer as the most essential means
for the understanding of the Divine Scriptures; but he
wishes to see humility joined with prayer; St. Jerome
(In Mich., I, x) agrees with St. Augustine (De doctr.
christ., Ill, xxxvii) in regarding prayer as the principal
and most necessary aid for the understanding of the
Scriptures. We might add the words of other patristic
writers, if the alleged references were not clear and
explicit enough to remove all doubt on the subject.
(b) No Error in Scripture. — Since God is the prin-
cipal Author of Sacred Scripture, it can contain no
error, no self-contradiction, nothing contrary to scien-
tific or historical truth. The Encyclical " Providen-
tissimus Deus" is most explicit in its statement of this
' prerogative of the Bible: "All the books which the
Churcn receives as sacred and canonical, are written
wholly and entirely, with all their parts, at the dicta-
tion of the Holy Ghost; and so far is it from being
possible that any error can coexist with inspiration,
that inspiration not only is essentially incompatible
with error, but excludes and rejects it as absolutely
and necessarily, as it is impossible that God Himself,
the Supreme Truth, can utter that which is not true."
The Fathers agree with this teaching almost unani-
mously; we may refer the reader to St. Jerome (In
Nah., I, iv), St. Irenaeus (C. haer., II, xxviii), Glement
of Alexandria (Strom., VII, xvi), §t. Augustine ("C.
Faust.", II, ii; cf. "In Ps. cxviii", serm. xxxi, 5;
"Ad Hier.", ep. lxxxii, 2, 22; "Ad Oros. c. Prise.",
xi), St. Gregory the Great (Praef. in Job, n. 2). The
great African Doctor suggests a simple and radical
remedy against apparent errors in the Bible: " Either
my codex is wrong, or the translator has blundered, or
I do not understand."
But inerrancy is not the prerogative of everything
that happens to be found in the Bible; it is restricted
to what the inspired writers state as their own, unless
they quote the words of a speaker who is infallible in
his utterances, the words ot an Apostle, e. g., or of a
Divinely authorized speaker, whether angel or man
(cf. Luke, i, 42, 67; ii, 25; II Mach., vii, 21), or again
words regarded as having Divine authority either by
Scripture (cf. I Cor., iii, 19; Gal., iv, 30) or by the
Church (e. g., the Magnificat). Biblical words that
do not fall under any of these classes carry merely the
authority of the speaker, the weight of which must be
studied from other sources. Here is the place to take
notice of a decision issued by the Biblical Commission,
13 Feb., 1905, according to which certain Scriptural
statements may be treated as quotations, though they
appear on the surface to be the utterances of the in-
spired writer. But this can be done only when there
is certain and independent proof that the inspired
writer really quotes the words of another without in-
tending to make them his own. Recent writers call
such passages " tacit " or " implicit " citations.
The inerrancy of Scripture does not allow us to ad-
mit contradictions in its statements. This is under-
stood of the genuine or primitive text of the Bible.
Owing to textual corruptions, we must be prepared
to meet contradictions in details of minor impor-
tance; in weightier matters such discrepancies have
been avoided even in our present text. Discrepancies
which may appear to obtain in matters of faith or
morals should put the commentator on his guard that
the same Biblical expressions are not everywhere
taken in the same sense, that various passages may
differ from each other as the complete statement of a
doctrine differs from its incomplete expression, as a
clear presentation differs from its obscure delineation.
Thus " works " has one meaning in James, ii-, 24, an-
other in Rom., iii, 28; " brothers" denotes one kind of
relationship in Matt., xii, 46, quite a different kind in
most other passages; John, xiv, 28, and x, 30, Acts.
viii, 12, and Matt., xxviii, 19, are respectively opposed
to each other as a clear statement is opposed to an
obscure one, as an explicit one to a mere implication.
In apparent Biblical discrepancies found in historical
passages, the commentator must distinguish between
statements made by the inspired writer and those
merely quoted by him (cf. I Kings, xxxi, 9, and II
Kings, i, 6 sqq.), between a double account of the
same fact and the narrative of two similar incidents,
between chronologies which begin with different start-
ing-points, finally between a compendious and a de-
tailed report of an event. Lastly, apparent discrep-
ancies which occur in prophetical passages necessitate
an investigation, whether the respective texts emanate
from the Prophets as Prophets (cf. II Kings, vii, 3-17),
EXEGESIS
699
EXEGESIS
whether thejr refer to the same or to similar subjects
(the destruction of Jerusalem, e: g., and the end of the
world), whether they consider their subject from the
same point of view (e. g. the suffering and the glorious
Messias), whether they use proper or figurative lan-
guage. Thus the Prophet Nathan in his \ private ca-
pacity encourages David to build the Temple (II
Kings, vii, 3), but as Prophet he foretells that Solomon
Will build the house of God (ibid., 13).
The inerrancy of Scripture excludes also any con-
tradiction between the Bible and the certain tenets
of science. It cannot be supposed that the inspired
writers should agree with all the various hypotheses
which scientists assume to-day and reject to-morrow;
but the commentator will be requirea to harmonize
the teaching of the Bible with the scientific results
which rest on solid proof. ' This rule is clearly laid
down by the Encyclical in the words of St. Augustine:
" Whatever they can really demonstrate to be true of
physical nature, we must show to be capable of recon-
ciliation with our Scriptures, and whatever they assert
in their treatises which is contrary to these Scriptures
of ours, that is to Catholic faith, we must either prove
as well as we can to be entirely false, or at all events
we must, without the smallest hesitation, believe it to
be so " (De Gen. ad litt., I, xxi, xli) . But the commen-
tator must also be careful "not to make rash asser-
tions, or to assert what is not known as known " (St.
Aug., in Gen. op. imperf., ix, 30). The Encyclical
appeals here again to the words of the great African
Doctor (St. Aug., de Gen. ad litt., II, ix, xx): "[The
Holy Ghost] who spoke by themlthe inspired writers],
did not intend to teach men these things p. e., the es-
sential nature of the things of the visible universe],
things in no way profitable unto salvation." The
pontiff continues: "Hence they . . . described and
dealt with things in more or less figurative language,
or in terms which were commonly used at the time,
and which in many instances are in daily use at this
day, even by the most eminent men of science. Or-
dinary speech primarily and properly describes what
comes under the senses; and somewhat in the same
way, the sacred writers — as the Angelic Doctor re-
minds us (Summa, I, Q. Ixx, a. 1, ad 3"") — ' went by
what visibly appeared ', or put down what Qod, speak-
ing to men, signified in a way men could understand
and were accustomed to." In Gen., i. 16, e. g., the
sun and the moon are called two great lights; in Jos.,
x, 12, the sun is commanded to stand still; in EccL,
i, 5, the sun returns to its place; in Job, xxvi, 11, the
heavens are upheld by columns; in other passages the
firmament appears solid and brazen, and God rides on
the clouds of heaven.
Finally, the commentator must be prepared to deal
with the seeming discrepancies between Biblical and
profane history. The considerations to be kept in
mind here are similar to those laid down in the preced-
ing paragraph. First, not all statements found in pro-
fane sources can be regarded a priori as Gospel truth;
some of them refer to subjects with which the writers
were imperfectly acquainted, others proceed from
C arty-feeling and national vanity, others again are
ased on imperfectly or only partially translated an-
cient documents. Secondly, the Bible does not efrpro-
fesso teach profane history or chronology. These
topics are treated only incidentally, in as far as they
are connected with sacred subjects. Hence it would
be wrong to regard Scripture as containing a complete
course of history and chronology, or to consider the
text of its historical portions above suspicion of cor-
ruption. Thirdly, we must keep in mind the words of
St. Jerome (in Jer., xxviii, 10) : " Many things in Sa-
cred Scripture are related according to the opinion of
the time in which they are said to have happened, and
not according to objective truth"; and again (in
Matt., xiv, 8): "According to the custom of Scripture,
the historian relates the opinion concerning many things
in accordance with the general belief at that time/9
Father Delattre maintains (Le Criterium a l'usage
de la Nouvelle Exegese Biblique, Liege, 1907) that ac-
cording to St. Jerome the inspired writers report the
public opinion prevalent at the time of the events re-
lated, not the public opinion prevalent when the narra-
tive was written. This distinction is of greater prac-
tical importance than it, at first, seems to be. For
Father Delattre only grants that the inspired historian
may write according to sensible appearances, while
his opponents contend that he may follow also the
so-called historic appearances. Finally, the first two
decisions of the Biblical Commission must be men-
tioned in this connexion. Some Catholic writers had
attempted to remove certain historical difficulties from
the sacred text either by considering the respective
passages as tacit or implied quotations from other
authors, for which the inspired writers did not in any
way vouch; or by denying that the sacred writers
vouch, in any way, for the nistorical accuracy of the
facts they narrate, since they use these apparent facts
merely as pegs on which to hang some moral teaching.
The Biblical Commission rejected these two methods by
decrees issued respectively 13 Feb. and 23 June, 1905,
adding, however, that either of them may be admitted
in the case when, due regard being paid to the sense
and judgment of the Church, it can be proved by solid
argument that the sacred writer either really quoted
the sayings or documents of another without speaking
in his own name, or did not really intend to write his-
tory, but only to propose a parable, an allegory, or
another non-historical literary concept.
(ii) Positive Directions.— rSt. Irenaeus represents the-
teaching of the early Church, when he writes that the
truth is to be learned where the charismata of Gocl are,
and that Holy Scripture is safely interpreted by those
who have the Apostolic succession (Adv. h«r., IV,
xxvi, 5). Vincent of Le*rins appears to sum up the
teaching of the Fathers on this subject when he writes
that on account of the great intricacies of various
errors it is necessary that the line of Prophetic and
Apostolic interpretation be directed according to the
rule of ecclesiastical and Catholic teaching. The Vati-
can Council emphasizes the decree of the Council of
Trent (Sess. IV, De edit, et usu sacr. libr.) when it
teaches (Constit. de fide cat hoi. , c. ii) that "in things
of faith and morals belonging to the building up of
Christian doctrine^ that is to be considered the true
sense of Holy Scripture which has been held and is
held by our Holy Mother the Church, whose place it is
to judge of the true sense and interpretation of the
Scriptures; and therefore that it is permitted to no
one to interpret Holy Scripture against such sense or
also against the unanimous agreement of the Fathers ' '.
Hence flow the following pnnciples.
(a) Defined Texts. — The Catholic commentator is
bound to adhere to the interpretation of texts which
the Church has defined either expressly or implicitly.
The number of these texts is small, so that the com-
mentator can easily avoid any transgression of this
principle. The Council of Trent teaches that Rom., v,
12, refers to original sin (Sess. V, cc. ii. iv), that John,
iii, 5, teaches the absolute necessity of the baptism of
water (Sess. V, c. iv; Sess. VII, De bapt., c. ii), that
Matt., xxyi, 26 sq. is to be understood in the proper
sense (Sess. XIII, cap. i); the Vatican Council gives a
direct definition of the texts, Matt., xvi, 16 sqq. and
John, xxi, 15 saq. Many more Scripture texts are in-
directly defined by the definition of certain doctrines
and the condemnation of certain errors. The Council
of Nicaea, e. g., showed how those passages ought to be
interpreted on which the Arians relied in their conten-
tion that the Word was a creature; the Fifth (Ecu-
menical Council (II Constantinople) teaches the right
meaning of many prophecies by condemning the inter-
pretation of Theodore of Mopsuestia.
(b) Patristic Interpretation. — Pope Leo XIII, in his
EXEGESIS
700
EXEGESIS
Encyclical "Providentissimus Deus", repeats the
Srinciples concerning the authority of the Fathers laid
own hy the Vatican and Tridentine Councils: "The
Holy Fathers, ' to whom, after the Apostles, the Church
owes its growth — who nave planted, watered, built,
governed, and cherished it' (Aug., C. Julian., II, x,
§7)-ythe Holy Fathers, we say, are of supreme au-
thority whenever they all interpret in one and the same
manner any text of the Bible, as pertaining to the doc-
trine of faith or morals; for their unanimity clearly
evinces that such interpretation has come down from
the Apostles as a matter of Catholic faith.1' Three
conditions are, therefore, reouired in order that the
patristic authority may be absolutely decisive: first,
they must interpret texts referring to matters of faith
or morals; secondly, they must speak as witnesses of
Catholic tradition, not merely as private theologians;
thirdly, there must be a moral unanimity in their
interpretation. This unanimity is not destroyed by
the silence of some of the foremost Fathers, and is suf-
ficiently guaranteed by the consentient voice of the
principal patristic writers living at any critical period,
or by the agreement of commentators living at various
times; but the unanimity is destroyed if some of the
Fathers openly deny the correctness of the interpreta-
tion given by the others, or if they explain the passage
in such a way as to render impossibh the explanation
given by others. But the Encyclical warns us to treat
the opinion of the Fathers with reverence, even if
there is no unanimity: " The opinion of the Fathers ' ',
says the holy pontiff, "is also of very great weight
when they treat of these matters in their capacity of
doctors, unofficially; not only because they excel in
their knowledge of revealed doctrine and in their ac-
auaintance with many things which are useful in un-
erstandin^ the Apostolic books, but because they are
men of eminent sanctity and. of ardent zeal for the
truth, on whom God has bestowed a more ample meas-
ure of his light."
(c) The Analogy of Faith. — Here again the Encycli-
cal " Providentissimus Deus" is our guide: "In the
other passages ". it reads, " the analogy of faith should
be followed, ana Catholic doctrine, as authoritatively
{>roposed by the Church, should be held as the supreme
aw; for, seeing that the same God is the author both
of the Sacred Books and of the doctrine committed to
the Church, it is clearly impossible that any teaching
can by legitimate means be extracted from the former,
which shall in any respect be at variance with the lat-
ter." This principle has a double influence on the
interpretation of Scripture, a negative and a positive
influence. First, the commentator cannot admit in
Scripture a statement contrary to the teaching of the
Church; on the other hand, tne agreement of an ex-
planation with the doctrine of the Church does not
prove its correctness, since more than one explanation
may agree with the ecclesiastical teaching. Secondly,
the Catholic interpreter must explain the obscure ana
partial teaching of the Scriptures by the clear and com-
plete teaching of the Church ; the passages, e. g., which
refer to the Divine and human nature of Christ, and to
the power of binding and loosing, find their explana-
tion and their complement in Catholic tradition and
the conciliar definitions. And here we must keep in
mind what the Encyclical adds concerning doctrine
which comes down to us in a less authoritative chan-
nel: "The authority of other Catholic interpreters is
not so great; but the study of Scripture has always
continued to advance in the Church, and. therefore,
these commentaries also have their own honourable
place, and are serviceable in many ways for the refuta-
tion of assailants and the explanation of difficulties."
III. Sacred Rhetoric. — The genuine teaching of
Sacred Scripture is useful to all, but few have the time
necessary to investigate it. It is for this reason that
Scripture students express their results in writing so as
to snare their light with as many as possible. Sixtus
%
Senensis [Bibliotheca sancta (Venice, 1575), I, pp.
278 sqq.] enumerates twenty-four various forms m
which such Scriptural explanations may be expressed.
But some of these methods are no longer in use ; others
may be reduced to fewer and more general heads.
According to the end which the writer has in view,
they may be divided into theoretical and practical or
historico-dogmatic and moral treatises; considering
the persons for whom they were written, they are
either popular or learned expositions j but if their
literary form be made the basis of division, which is
the common and more rational principle of division,
there are five kinds of Biblical exegesis: the version,
the paraphrase, the gloss and schoiion, the disserta-
tion, and the commentary.
(1) The Version. — The version is the translation of
the Bible from one language into another, especially
from its original into the vernacular language. A
version made directly from the original text is called
immediate, while it is mediate if it be based directly on
another version. It is verbal if it renders the very
words; in case it renders the meaning rather than the
words, it is a free version. A good version must be
faithful and clear, i. e. it must express the thought
without any alteration; it must reproduce the literary
form, whether it be prosaic or poetic, figurative or
proper; and it must be easily intelligible, as far as the
character of the two languages in question permits
this. This shows the difficulty of making a good
translation; for it implies not merely a thorough
knowledge of the two languages, but also an accurate
insight into the genuine meaning of Sacred Scripture.
(2) The Parapfirase. — The paraphrase expresses the
genuine sense of Scripture m continuous and more
expansive form. The version removes the difficulties
which arise from the fact that the Bible is written in a
foreign language; the paraphrase elucidates also the
difficulties of thought. For it supplies the transitions
and middle terms omitted by the author; it changes
the foreign and involved phraseology of the original
into idiomatic sentences; it amplifies the brief state-
ments of the original by adding definitions, indicating
causes and reasons, and illustrating the text by refer-
ence to parallel passages. A good paraphrase must
render the thought of the original most accurately, and
must at the same time be brief and clear: there is
danger, in this form of exposition, of rendering ob-
scure what has been clearly said in the original text.
(3) The Gloss and Schoiion. — The version removes
from the Scripture text the difficulties connected with
the foreign language, the paraphrase elucidates the
difficulties of thought; but there are still other diffi-
culties connected with the Bible, which must be re-
moved by means of notes. One kind of brief notes,
called glosses, explains the difficulties connected with
the words; another kind, called scholia, deals with
variant readings, verbal difficulties, unknown persons,
countries, and things, and with the connexion of
thought. Two celebrated series of glosses deserve
special mention: the glossa ordinana by Walafrid
Strabo, and the glossa interlinearis by Anselm of Laon.
(4) The Dissertation. — Origen, Eusebius, and St.
Jerome were asked by their contemporaries concern-
ing certain difficult texts of Scripture; a similar need
of special elucidations of particular passages has been
felt by the faithful of all ages. The answers to such
questions we may call dissertations or treatises. It
is understood that only really important texts ought
to be made the subject of such scholarly explanations.
In order to satisfy the inquisitive reader, the essay-
ist should examine the text critically; he should
state its various explanations given by other wri-
ters and weigh them m the light of the principles of
hermeneutics; finally, he should give the true solution
of the difficulty, prove it by solid arguments, and
defend *it against the principal exceptions.
(5) The Commentary. — The commentary is a contin-
j
EXEGESIS
701
EZEOE8Z8
uoiia, full, learned, well-reasoned, and complete ex-
planation, touching upon not merely the more diffi-
cult passages,- but everything that stands in need of
elucidation. Hence the commentator must discuss
all the variants, state and prove the genuine sense of
the book he explains, add all the necessary personal,
geographical, historical, ethnical information, and in-
dicate the sources whence it is drawn, harmonize the
single sentences with each other and with the scope of
the entire book, consider its apparent contradictions,
and explain the sense in which its quotations from the
Old Testament must be understood. With a view of
securing an orderly exposition, the author should
premise the various nistorico-critical studies belonging
to the whole book; he should divide and subdivide the
book into its principal and subordinate parts, clearly
stating the special subject of each; he should, finally,
arrange the various opinions concerning disputed
questions in a neatly distributed list, so as to lighten
the work of the reader. What has been said suffi-
ciently shows the qualities which a well-written com-
mentary ought to possess; it must be faithful in pre-
senting the genuine sense of Scripture; it must be
clear, complete, and brief; and it ought to show the
private work of the commentator by the light it
throws on the more complicated questions. 'The
commentaries which consist of mere lists of the patris-
tic views on the successive texts of Scripture are called
catenae (q. v.).
Perhaps the homily may be added to the foregoing
methods of Biblical exposition. It is written in a
popular way: and is of a practical tendency. It is not
concerned with the subtile and more difficult questions
of Scripture, but explains the words of a Biblical sec-
tion in the order in which they occur. A more ele-
vated kind of homily seizes the fundamental idea of a
Scriptural section, and considers the rest in relation to
it. The Church has always encouraged such homi-
letic discourses, and the Fathers have left a great num-
ber of them in their writings.
IV. History of Exegesis.— ^The history of exe-
gesis shows its first beginnings, its growth, its decay,
and its restoration. It points out the methods
which may be safely recommended, and warns against
those which rather corrupt than explain the Sacred
Scriptures. In general, we may distinguish between
Jewish and Christian exegesis.
(1) Jewish Exegesis. — The Jewish interpretation of
the Scriptures began almost at the time of Moses, as
may be inferred from traces found both in the more
recent canonical and the apocryphal books. But in
their method of interpretation the Palestinian Jews
differed from the Hellenistic.
(i) Palestinian Exegesis. — All Jewish interpreters
agree in admitting a double sense of Scripture, a literal
and a mystical, though we must not understand these
terms in their strictly technical sense.
(a) The literal exposition is mainly represented by
the so-called Chaldee paraphrases or Targumim,
which came into use after the Captivity, because few
of the returning exiles understood the reading of the
Sacred Books m their original Hebrew. The first
?lace among these paraphrases must be given to the
argum Onkelos, which appears to have been in use as
early as the first century after Christ, though it at-
tained its present form only about a. d. 300-400. It
explains the Pentateuch, adhering in its historical and
legal parts to a Hebrew text which is, at times, nearer
to the original of the Septuagint than the Massoretic,
but Btraymg in the prophetic and poetical portions so
far from the original as to leave it hardly recognizable.
— Another paraphrase of the Pentateuch is the Tar-
gum Pseuao-Jonathan, or the Jerusalem Tar gum.
Written after the seventh century of our era, it is value-
less both from a critical and an exegetical point of view,
since its explanations are wholly arbitrary. — The Tar-
gum Jonathan! or the paraphrase of the Prophets, be-
gan to be written in the first century, at Jerusalem;
but it owes its present form to the Jerusalem rabbis
of the fourth century. The historical books are a
fairly faithful translation from the original text; in
the poetical portions and the later Prophets, the para-
phrase often presents fiction rather than truth. — The
paraphrase of the Hagiographa deals with the Book of
Job, the Psalms, the Canticle of Canticles, Proverbs,
Ruth, the Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, and
Paralipomena. It was not written before the seventh
century, and is so replete with rabbinic fiction that it
hardly deserves the notice of the serious interpreter.
The notes on Cant., Ruth, Lam., Eccles., and Esth.
rest on public tradition; those on the other Hagio-
grapha express the opinions of one or more private
teachers; the paraphrase of Par. is the most recent
and the least reliable.
(b) The method of arguing employed in the First
Gospel and the Epistle to the Hebrews shows that the
Jews before the coming of Christ admitted a mystical
sense of Scripture; the same may be inferred from the
letter of Pseudo-Aristeas and the fragment of Aristo-
bulus. The Gospel narrative, e. g., Matt., xxiii, 16
sqq., testifies that the Pharisees endeavoured to derive
their arbitrary traditions from the Law by way of the
most extraordinary contortions of its real meaning. '
The mystic interpretation of Scripture practised by
the Jewish scholars who lived after the time of Christ,
may be reduced to the following systems.
(a) The Talmudists ascribed to every text several
thousand legitimate meanings belonging either to the
Halakhah or the Haggadan. The Halakhah con-
tained the legal inferences derived from the Mosaic
Law, all of which the Talmudists referred back to
Moses himself; the Haggadah was the collection of all
the material gathered by the Talmudists from history,
archaeology, geography, grammar, and other extra-
Scriptural sources, not excluding the most fictitious
ones. In their commentaries, these writers distin-
guished a twofold sense, the proper, or primitive, and
the derivative. The former was subdivided into the
plain and the recondite sense; the latter, into logical
deductions, and inferences based on the way in which
the Hebrew words were written or on association of
ideas. As to the hermeneutical rules followed by the
Talmudists, they were reduced to seven by Hillel, to
thirteen by Ismael, and to thirty-two by R. Jose of
Galilee. In substance, many of these principles do
not differ from those prevalent in our day. The in-
terpreter is to be guided by the relation of the genus to
the species, of what is clear to what is obscure, of
verbal and real parallelisms to their respective counter*
{>arts, of the example to the exemplified, of what is
ogically coherent to what appears to be contradictory,
of the scope of the writer to his literary production.
The commentaries written according to these princi-
ples are called Midrashim (plural of Midrash;; the
following must be mentioned: Mekhilta (measure,
rule, law) explains Ex., xii, 1-23, 30; xxxi, 12-17;
xxxv, 1-4, and is variously assigned to the second or .
third century, or even to more recent times: it gives
the Halakhah of the ceremonial rites and laws, but
contains also material belonging to the Haggadah. —
Siphra explains the Book of Leviticus; Siphri, the
Books of Numbers and Deuteronomy; Pesiata, the
Sabbatical sections. — Rabboth (plural of Rabba) is a
series of Midrashim explaining the single books of the
Pentateuch and the five Megflloth or the five Hagio-
grapha which were read in the synagogues; the alle-
gorical, anagogical, and moral sense is preferred to the
literal, and the fables and sayings of the rabbis are
highly valued. — Tanchuma is the first continuous
commentary on the Pentateuch; it contains some
valuable traditions, especially of Palestinian origin. —
Yalqut Simoni contains annotations on all the books
of the Old Testament.
(/3) The Caraites are related to the Talmud-
EXEGESIS
702
EXEGESIS
fate, as the Sadducees were related to the Pharisees.
They rejected the Talmudic traditions, just as the
Sadducees refused to acknowledge the authority of the
Pharisaic teaching (cf^ Joseph., Ant., XVIII, x. 6).
The Caraites derive their origin from Anan, born about
a. d. 700, who founded this sect out of spite, because
he had not obtained the headship of the Jews outside
Palestine. From Bagdad, the place of its birth,- the
sect soon spread into Palestine and especially into the
Crimea, so that about a. d. 750 it occasioned what is
practically a schism among the Jews. The Caraites
reject all tradition, and admit only the Mosaic Law.
By means of Ismael's thirteen bermeneutical rules,
they establish the literal sense of Scripture, and this
they supplement by means of the syllogism and the
consensus of the Synagogue. Owing to their rejection
of authentic interpretation and their claim of private
judgment, they have been called by some writers
Jewish Protestants".
(ii) Hellenistic Exegesis. — Generally speaking, the
Alexandrian Jews were favourable to the allegorical
explanation of Scripture, thus endeavouring to har-
monize the inspired records with the principles of
Greek philosophy. Eusebius has preserved specimens
of this Hellenistic exegesis in the fragments of Aris-
tobulus (Hist. Eccles., VII, xxxii; Praepar. evang.,
VIII, x) and in the letter of Pseudo-Aristeas (Prapar.
evang., VIII, ix), both of whom wrote in the second
century b. c. Philo attests that the Essenes adhered
to the same exegetfcal principles (De vit. contempl..
x); but Philo (died a. d. 39) himself is the principal
representative of this manner of interpretation. Ac-
cording to Philo, Abraham symbolizes virtue acquired
by doctrine; Isaac, inborn virtue; Jacob, virtue ac-
quired by practice and meditation; Egypt denotes the
body; Chanaan, piety; the dove, Divme wisdom, etc.
(Be Abraham, ii).
The Cabbalists exceeded the preceding interpreters
in their allegorical explanation of Scripture. Traces of
their system are found in the last pre-Christian centu-
ries, but its full development did not take place till the
end of the first millennium of the Christian Era. In
accordance with their name, from a word meaning " to
receive", the Cabbalists claimed to possess a secret
doctrine received by way of tradition from Moses, to
whom it had been revealed on Mount Sinai. They
maintained that all earthly things had their heavenly
prototypes or ideals; they believed that the literal
sense of Scripture included the allegorical sense, as the
body includes the soul, though only the initiated could
reach this veiled meaning. Three methods helped to
attain it: Gematria takes the numerical value of all
the letters which make up a word or an expression and
derives the hidden meaning from the resultant num-
ber; Notaricon forms new entire words out of the
single letters of a word, or it forms a word out of the
initial letters of the several words of a phrase; Temura
consists in the transposition of the letters which make
up a word, or in the systematic substitution of other
letters. Thus they transpose the consonants of
maVakhi (my angel; Ex., xxiii, 23) into Mikha'd
(Michael). There is a twofold system of substitution:
the first, Athbash, substitutes the last letter of the
alphabet for the first, the second last for the second,
etc.; the second system substitutes the letters of the
second half of the alphabet for the corresponding let-
ters of the first halt. The Cabbalistic doctrine has
been gathered in two principal books, one of which is
called " Yecirah ", the other " Zohar ".
We may add the names of the more prominent Jew-
ish commentators: Saadya Gaon (b. 892; d. 942), in
the Fayum, Egypt, translated the whole of the Old
Testament into Arabic and wrote commentaries on the
same. — Moses ben Samuel ibn Chiqitilla, of Cordova,
explained the whole of the Old Testament in Arabic,
between a. d. 1050 and 1080; only fragments of his
work remain. — Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac, known also
under the named Rashi and Yarchi (b. about 1040, at
Troyes; d. 1105), explained the whole of the Old Testa-
ment, except Par. and Esd., according to its literal
sense, though he did not neglect the allegorical; he
shows an anti-Christian tendency. — Rabbi Abraham
ibn Ezra, often called Aben Ezra (b. about 1093 at
Toledo, Spain; d. 1167 on the Island of Rhodes).
Among his many other works he left an incomplete
commentary on the Pentateuch and other parts of the
Old Testament; he renders the literal sense faithful]?
without excluding the allegorical, e. g. in Cant.—
Rabbi David Kimchi, called also Radak (b. 1170 at
Nar bonne; d. 1230), explained nearly all the books of
the Old Testament in the literal sense, without exclud-
ing the spiritual; his anti-Christian feelirg shows itself
in his treatment of the Messianic prophecies. — Rabbi
Moyses ben Maimon, commonly called .Maimonides
or Rambam (b. 1135 at Cordova, Spain; d. 1204 in
Egypt)* became a convert to Mohammedanism in
order to escape persecution, then fled to Egypt, where
he lived as a Jew, and where, for the guidance of those
who could not harmonize their philosophical principles
with the teaching of Sacred Scripture, he wrote his
celebrated " Guide of the Perplexed ", a work in which
he presents some of the Biblical stories as mere literary
expressions of certain ideas. — Rabbi Isaac Abarbanel
(d. 1508), explained the Pentateuch, the prophetical
books, and Daniel, adding often irrelevant matter and
arguments against Christian revelation. — Rabbi Eliaa
Levita (d. after 1542), is known as one of the best
Jewish grammarians, and as the author of the work
"Tradition of Tradition", in which he gives the his-
tory of Massoretic criticism. — Among the Caraite in-
terpreters we must mention: Rabbi Jacob ben Ruben
(twelfth century), who wrote brief scholia on all the
books of Scripture; Rabbi Aaron ben Joseph (d. 1294),
author of a literal commentary on the Pentateuch,
the earlier Prophets, Isaias, the Psalms, and the Book
of Job; Rabbi Aaron ben Elia (fourteenth century),
who explained the Pentateuch. — Among the Cabbal-
ists, Raobi Moyses Nachmanides, also known as Ram-
ban (d. about 1280), deserves mention on account of
his explanation of the Pentateuch, which is several
times quoted bv Paul of Burgos.y-The principal Jew-
ish commentaries have been reprinted in the so-called
Rabbinic Bibles which appeared at Venice, 1517;
Venice, 1525, 1548, 1568, 1617; Basle, 1618; Amster-
dam, 1724.
(2) Christian Exegesis. — For the sake of clearness
we may distinguish three great periods in Christian
exegesis: the first ends about a. d. 604; the second
brings us up to the Council of Trent; the third em-
braces the time after the Council of Trent.
(i) The Patristic Period. — The patristic period em-
braces three distinct classes of exegetes, the Apostolic
and apologetical writers, the Greek Fathers, the Latin
Fathers. The amount of exegetical literature pro-
duced by these three classes varies greatly; but its
character is so distinctively proper to each of the three
classes that we can hardly consider them under the
same heading.
(a) The Apostolic Fathers and Apologists. — The
early Christians made use of the Scriptures in their
religious meetings as the Jews employed them in the
synagogues, adding however, the writings of the New
Testament more or less completely to those of the Old.
The Apostolic Fathers did not write any professional
commentaries; their use of Scripture was incidental
and casual rather than technical; but their citations
and allusions show unmistakably their acceptance of
some of the New-Testament writings. Neither do we
find among the apologists' writings of the second cen-
tury any professional treatises on Sacred Scripture.
St. Justin and St. Irenseus are noted for their able
defence of Christianity, and their arguments are often
based on texts of Scripture. St. Hippolytus appears
to have been the first Christian theologian who at-
EXEGESIS
703
EXEGESIS
tempted an explanation of the whole of Scripture; his
method we learn from the remaining fragments of his
writings, especially of his commentary on Daniel. It
may be said in general that these earliest Christian
writers admitted both the literal and the allegorical
sense of Scripture. The latter sense appears to have
been favoured by St. Clement of Rome, Barnabas,
St. Justin, St. Irenseus, while the literal seems to pre-
vail in the writings of St. Hippolytus, Tertullian, the
Clementine Recognitions, ana among the Gnostics.
(b) The Greek Fathers.— The Encyclical "Provi-
dentissimus Deus" refers mainly to the Greek Fathers
when it says: "When there arose, in various sees,
catechetical and theological schools, of which the most
celebrated were those of Alexandria and of Antioch,
there was little taught in those schools but what
was contained in the reading, the interpretation, and
the defence of the Divine written word. From them
came forth numbers of Fathers and writers whose
laborious studies and admirable writings have justly
merited for the three following centuries the appella-
tion of the golden age of Biblical exegesis."
(a) The School of Alexandria. — Tradition loves to
trace the origin of the Alexandrian School back to the
Evangelist St. Mark. Be that as it may, towards the.
end of the second century we find St. Pantaenus presi-
dent of the school; none of his writings are extant, but
Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., V, x) and St. Jerome (De vir.
ill., c. xxx vi) testify that he explained Sacred Scrip-
ture. ' Clement of Alexandria ranks him among those
who did not write any book (Strom., I, i); he died
before 200. His successor was Clement of Alexandria,
who had first been his disciple, and after 190 his col-
league. Of his writings are extant "Cohortatio ad
Gentiles "t "P^dagogus", and "Stromata"; also the
Latin translation of part of his eight exegetical books
(Migne, P. G., IX, 729-740). Clement was followed
by Origen (b. 185; d. 254), the principal glory of the
whole school. Among his works, the greater part of
which is lost, his " Hexapla" and his threefold expla-
nation of Scripture, by way of scholia, homilies, and
commentaries, deserve special notice. It was Origen,
too, who fully developed the hermeneutical principles
which distinguishthe Alexandrian School, though they
are not applied in their entirety by any other Father.
He applied Plato's distinction of body, soul, and spirit
to the Scriptures, admitting in them a literal, a moral,
and a mystical or spiritual sense. Not that the whole
of Scripture has this triple sense. In some parts the
literal sense may be neglected, in others the allegorical
may be lacking, while in others again the three senses
may be found. Origen believes that the apparent dis-
crepancies of the Evangelists can be explained only by
means of the spiritual sense, that the whole ceremonial
and ritual law must be explained mystically, and that
all the prophetic utterances about Judea, Jerusalem,
Israel, etc., are to be referred to the Kingdom of
Heaven and its citizens, to the good and bad angels,
etc. Among the eminent writers of the Alexandrian
School must be classed Julius Africanus* (c. 215), St.
Dionysius the Great (d. 265), St. Gregory Thaumatur-
ges (d. 270), Eusebius of Csesarea (d. 340), St. Athana-
sius (d. 373), Didymus of Alexandria (d. 397), St.
Epiphanius (d. 403), St. Cyril of Alexandria (d. 444),
and finally also the celebrated Cappadocian Fathers,
St. Basil the Great (d. 379), St. Gregory Nazianzen
(d. 389), and St. Gregory of Nyssa (d. 394). The last
three, however, have many points in common with the
School of Antioch.
(0) The School of Antioch.--The Fathers of Antioch
adhered to hermeneutical principles which insist more
on the so-called grammatico-historical sense of the
Sacred Books than on their moral and allegorical
meaning. It is true that Theodore of Mopsuestia
urged the literal sense to the detriment of the typical,
believing that the New Testament*applies some of the
prophecies to the Messias only by way of accommoda-
tion, and that on account of their allegories the Canti-
cle of Canticles, together with a few other books, should
not be admitted into the Canon. But generally speak-
ing, the Fathers of Antioch and Eastern Syria, the
latter of whom formed the School of Nisibis or Edessa,
steered a course midway between Origen and Theo-
dore, avoiding the excesses of both, and thus laying
the foundation of the hermeneutical principles which
the Catholic exegete ought to follow. The principal
representatives of the School of Antioch are St. John
Chrysostom (d. 407) ; Theodore of Mopsuestia (d. 429),
condemned by the Fifth (Ecumenical Synod on ac-
count of his explanation of Job and the Canticle of
Canticles, and m certain respects the forerunner of
Nestorius; St. Isidore of Pelusium, in Egypt (d. 434),
numbered among the Antiochene commentators on
account of his Biblical explanations inserted in about
two thousand of his letters; Theodoret, Bishop of
Cyrus in Syria (d. 458), known for his Questions on the
Octateuch, the Books of Kings and Par., and for his
Commentaries on the Psalms, the Cant., the Prophets,
and the Epistles of St. Paul. The School of Edessa
glories in the names of Aphraates who flourished in the
first half of the fourth century, St. Ephraem (d. 373),
CyriUonas, Bakeus, Rabulas, Isaac the Great, etc.
(c) The Latin Fathers. — The Latin Fathers, too,
admitted a twofold sense of Scripture, insisting vari-
ously now on the one, now on the other. We can
only enumerate their names: Tertullian (b. 160), St.
Cyprian (d. 258), St. Victorinus (d. 297), St. Hilary
(d. 367), Marius Victorinus (d. 370), St. Ambrose
(d. 397), Rufinus (d. 410), St. Jerome (d. 420), St.
Augustine (d. 430), Primasius (d. 550), Cassiodorus
(d. 562), St. Gregory the Great (d. 604). St. Hilary,
Marius Victorinus, and St. Ambrose depend, to a cer-
tain extent, on Origen and the Alexandrian School; St.
Jerome and St. Augustine are the two great lights of
the Latin Church on whom depend most of the Latin
writers of the Middle Ages; at the end of the works of
St. Ambrose is inserted a commentary on the Pauline
Epistles which is now ascribed to Ps.-Ambrose or
Ambrosiaster.
(ii) Second Period of Exegesis, a. d. 604-1546.— We
consider the following nine centuries as one period of
exegesis, not on account of their uniform productive-
ness or barrenness in the field of Biblical study, nor on
account of their uniform tendency of developing any
particular branch of exegesis, but rather on account of
their characteristic dependence on the work of the
Fathers. Whether they synopsized or amplified,
whether they analysed or derived new conclusions
from old premises, they always started from the patris-
tic results as their basis of operation. Though during
this period the labours of the Greek writers can in no
way compare with those of the Latin, still it will be
found convenient to consider them apart.
(a) The Greek Writers. — The Greek writers who
lived between the sixth and the thirteenth centuries
composed partly commentaries, partly compilations.
The Bishops of Caesarea, Andreas and Aretnas, who
are variously assigned to the fifth and sixth, or to the
eighth and ninth centuries, explained the Apocalypse;
Procopius of Gaza (524) wrote on the Octateuch, Is.,
and Prov.; Hesvchius of Jerusalem wrote probably
about the end of the sixth century on Lev., rss., Is.,
the Minor Prophets, and the concordance of the Gos-
pels; Anastasius Sinaita (d. 599) left twelve books of
allegorical comments on the hexaemeron; Olympio-
dorus (d. 620) and St. Maximus (d. 662) left more
sober explanations than Anastasius, though they are
not free from allegorism; St. John Damascene (d. 760)
has many Scriptural explanations in his dogmatic and
polemical works, besides writing a commentary on the
Pauline Epistles, in which he follows Theodoret and
St. Cyril of Alexandria, but especially St. Chrysostom.
Photius (d. 891), CEcumenius (tenth century), Theo-
phylactus (d. 1107), and Euthymius (d. 1118) were
■•>"
EXEGSSIS
704
KX^QBSIS
adherents of the Greek Schism, but their exegetical
works deserve attention. — The above-named compila-
tions are technically called catenae. They furnish con-
tinuous explanations of various books of Scripture in
such a way that they give after each text the various
patristic explanations either in full or by way of a
synopsis, usually adding the name of the particular
Father whose opinion they transcribed. Several of
these catenae have been printed, such as Nicephorus,
on the Octateuch (Leipzig, 1772); B. Corderius, on
the Pss. (Antwerp, 1643-1646); A. Schottius, on Prov.
(Lyons, 1633); Angelo Mai, on Dan. (Rome, 1831);
Cramer, on the New Testament (Oxford, 1638-1640).
(b) The Latin Writers. — The Latin writers of this
epoch may be divided into two classes: the pre-
Scholastic and the Scholastic. The two are not of
equal importance, but they are too different to be
treated under the same heading.
(a) The Pre-Scholastic Period. — Among the many
writers of this age who were instrumental m spreading
the Biblical expositions of the Fathers, the following
are deserving of notice: St. Isidore of Seville (d. 636),
the Venerable Bede (d. 735), Alcuin (d. 804), Haymo
of Halberstadt (d. 855), Rhabanus Maurus (d. 856),
Walafrid Strabo (d. 849), who compiled the glossa
ordinaria, Anselm of Laon (d. 1117). author of the
glossa interlinearis, Rupert of Deutz (d. 1135), Hugh
of St. Victor (d. 1141), Peter Abelard (d. 1142), and
St. Bernard (d. 1153). The particular writings of each
of these great men will be found under their respective
names.
(fi) The Scholastics. — Without drawing a mathe-
matical line of distinction between the writers of this
period, we may say that the works which appeared in
its beginning are remarkable for their logical and theo-
logical explanations; the subsequent works showed
more philological erudition; and the final ones began
to offer material for textual criticism. The first of
these groups of writings coincides with the so-called
golden age of scholastic theology which prevailed
about the thirteenth century. Its principal represen-
tatives are so well known that we need only mention
their names. Peter Lombard rightly heads the list
(d. 1164), for he appears to be the first who fully intro-
duced into his exegetical work the scholastic divisions,
distinctions, definitions, and method of argumenta-
tion. Next follow Card. Stephen Langton (d. 1228),
author of the chapter-divisions as they exist to-day in
our Bibles; Card. Hugh of Saint-Cher (d. 1260), au-
thor df the so-called "Dominican Correctory", and of
the first Biblical concordance; Blessed Albertus Mag-
nus (d. 1280); St. Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274); St.
Bona venture (d. 1274); Raimondo Martini (d. 1290),
who wrote the polemical work known as " Pugio Fidei"
against the Moors and Jews; a number of other names
might be added, but they are of less importance. — In
1311 Pope Clement V ordained, in the Council of Vi-
enne, that chairs of the Oriental languages were to be
erected in the principal universities, so that the Jews
and Mohammedans might be refuted from their own
sources. The philological results of this enactment
may be seen in the celebrated "Postilla" of Nicholas
of Lyra (d. 1340), a work which received notable addi-
tions bv Paul of Burgos (d. 1435). Alphonsus Tosta-
tus, called also Abulensis (d. 1455), and Denys the
Carthusian (d. 1471), returned to the more scholastic
method of interpretation; Laurentius Valla (d. 1457)
applied the results of his Greek studies to the explana-
tion of the New Testament, though he is unduly op-
posed to the Latin Vulgate. — Not to insist on the less
illustrious exegetes of this period, we may pass on to
those who applied to Scripture not merely their philo-
logical erudition, but also their acumen for textual
criticism in its incipient state. Aug. Justiniani edited
an Octapla of the Psalter (Genoa, 1516); Card. Xim-
enez finished his Complutensian Polyglot (1517);
Erasmus published the first edition of his Greek New
Testament (1517); Card. Cajetan (d. 1533) attempted
an explanation of the Scriptures according to the origi-
nal texts; Santes Pagninus (d. 1541) translated the
Old and the New Testament anew from their original
texts; a number of other scholars worked in the same
field, publishing either new translations, or scholia, or
again commentaries in which new light was shed on
one or more books of the Sacred Scriptures.
(iii) Third Period of Exegesis. — A few decades be-
fore the Council of Trent, Protestantism began to
make its inroads into various parts of the Church, and
its results were felt not merely in the field of dogmatic
theology, but also in Biblical literature. We shall,
therefore, have to distinguish after this between Catho-
lic and Protestant exegetes.
(a) Catholic Exegetes. — Catholic exegesis subse-
auent to the Councu of Trent may be divided into
three stages: the first may be regarded as the terminus
of the Scholastic period; the second forms the transi-
tion from the old to the new exegesis; and the third
comprises the exegetical work of recent times. The
first stage begins about the time of the Council of
Trent, and ends about 1660; the second reaches to the
beginning of the nineteenth century; and the third
deals with our own times.
(a) The Golden Age of Catholic Exegesis, 1546-
1660. — We have spoken above of the golden age of
Christian exegesis, as distinct from the exegesis of the
Jews; the following period is by some writers called
the golden age of Catholic exegesis, as distinct from
the Biblical work done by Protestants. During this
S;riod more than 350 Catholic writers were engaged in
iblical study; we can only classify the work done,
and indicate some of the principal writers engaged in
it. The revised Clementine edition of the Vulgate ap-
peared in 1592; the Antwerp Polyglot, in the years
156&-1572; the Paris Polyglot, in the years 1629-
1645. — The introductory questions were treated by
Sixtus Senensis (d. 1569}, Christ. Adrichomius (a.
1585), Flaminius Nobilius (d. 1590), Ben. Arias Mon-
tanus (d. 1598), Petrus Morinus (ti. 1608), Lucas Bru-
gensis (d. 1619), de Tena (d. 1622), Joannes Morinus
(d. 1659), and Franc. Quaresmius (d. 1660). — All or
most of the books of Scripture were interpreted by Sa
(d. 1596), Mariana (d. 1624), Tirinus (d. 1636), a La-
pide (d. 1637), Gordon (d. 1641), Menochius (d. 1655),
de la Haye (1661).— Select books of both the Old and .
the New Testament were commented upon by Jan-
senius Gandavensis (d. 1575), Maldonatus (d. 1583),
Ribera (d. 1591), Serarius (d. 1609), and Lorinus
(d. 1634). — Certain books of the Old Testament were
explained by Andreas Masius (d. 1573), Forerius (d.
1581), Pradus (d. 1595), Villalpandus (d. 1608). Gene-
brardus (d. 1597), Agellius (d. 1608), Perenus (d.
1610), Card. Bellarmine (d. 1621), Sanctius (d. 1628),
Malvenda (d. 1628). de Pineda (d. 1637), Bonfrerius
(d. 1642), de Muis (d. 1644), Ghislerius (d. 1646), de
Salazar (d. 1646), and Corderius (d. 1655). — Finally.
all or part of the books of the New Testament found
interpreters in Salmeron (d. 1585), Card. Toletus (d.
1596), Estius (d. 1613), de Alcasar (d. 1613), and Ben.
Justiniani (d. 1622). It must be noted here that sev-
eral of the foregoing writers admit a multiple literal
sense; hence they represent various explanations of
the same words as equally true.
(0) The Transition Period, 1660-1800. — During
this period, historical studies were more cultivated
than scholastic. It is here that we meet with the
father of the historical and critical introduction,
Richard Simon (d. 1712). Frassen (d. 1711) adopts
more of the scholastic method, but there is a return to
the historical in the case of Bern. Lamy (d. 1715),
Daniel Huet (d. 1721), and Nat. Alexander (d. 1722).
The bibliography of exegesis was treated by Barto-
locci (d. 1687), Imbonatus (d. 1694), Dupin (d. 1719),
Lelong (d. 1721), and Desmolets (d. 1760). Old doc-
uments belonging to Scriptural studies were edited by
KXEGE8I8
706
EXEOESJS
B. de Montfaucon (d. 1741), P. Sabatier (d. 1742),
and Jos. Blanchinus (d. 1764) * while Calmet (d. 1757)
and BosBuet (d. 1704) are noted for their exegetical
work. » Bukentop (d. 1710) has recourse to the origi-
nal texts in order to explain doubtful or obscure read-
ings in the Vulgate. If one compares this period with
the preceding, one is struck with its poverty in great
Biblical scholars: but textual criticism is fairly well
represented by Houbigant (d. 1784) and de Rossi
(<L 1831).
(7) Recent Times. — The perturbed state of the
Church at the beginning of the nineteenth century
interfered with the peaceful pursuance of any kind of
ecclesiastical study. After peace had returned, the
study of Sacred Scripture flourished more lustily than
ever. In three respects, the modern commentary
surpasses that of any past age: First, the interpreter
attends in our times not merely to the immediate con-
text of a phrase or a verse, but to the whole literary
form of the book, and to the purpose for which it was
written; secondly, he is assisted by a most abundant
wealth of historical information practically unknown
in former daw; thirdly, the philology of the sacred
tongues has been highly cultivated during the last
century, and its rich results are laid under contribu-
tion by the modern commentator. It would lead us
too far here were we to rehearse the history of all the
recent excavations and discoveries, the contents of the
various tablets, papyri, and ostraka, the results of lit-
erary criticism, archaeology, and history of religion; it
must suffice to say that the modern commentator can
leave none of these various sources of information un-
noticed in so far as they bear on his special subject of
investigation. It would be invidious to mention only
some names of modern scholars, excluding others;
still, they cannot all be enumerated. We may draw
attention, however, to the French series of commen-
taries entitled " La Sainte Bible avec Commentaires" ;
the Latin "Cursus" published by Fathers Comely,
Knabenbauer, and von Hummefauer; the "Revue
biblique" published by the Dominican Fathers; the
" Biblische Zeitschrif t * ; the " Biblische Studien " ; and
the " Dictionnaire de la Bible ". While the two series
of commentaries offer the main points of information
on each particular book of the Bible, as far as it could
be ascertained at the time of their respective pub-
lication, the periodicals keep the reader informed
concerning any new investigation or result worth
knowing.
(b) Protestant Exegetes. — It will be found conven-
ient to. divide Protestant exegesis into three periods.
The first embraces the age of the so-called Reformers,
1517-1600; the second reaches down to the beginning
of rationalism, 1600-1750; the third embraces the
subsequent time.
(o) Early Reformers. — The early Reformers did not
introduce any new principles of interpretation. They
mav speak, at times, as if they admitted only the lit-
eral sense, but Melanchthon and Flacius Illyricus in-
sist also on the importance of the allegorical. Their
teaching concerning the multiplicity of the literal
sense finds practical expression in then* interpretation.
The principle of free inquiry is claimed by the Re-
formers themselves, but neither theoretically nor
practically granted to their followers. Both Luther's
(d. 1546) and Calvin's (d. 1564) principles rest in the
end on subjective considerations.
(0) From the Reformers to the Rationalists. — In
order to secure some unity of interpretation, the first
followers of the Reformers introduced the " analogy of
faith" as the supreme hermeneutic rule. But since
they claimed that Scripture was their rule of faith,
they experienced difficulty in properly applying their
canon of hermeneutics. Finally, they were forced to
regard the contents of their symbols as first principles
which needed no proof. But the writers of this period
produced some noteworthy treatises on Biblical an-
tiquities. Thus Liehtfoot (d. 1675) and Sohdttgen
(d. 1751) illustrated New Testament questions from
rabbinic sources; Reland (d. 1718) wrqte on sacred
geography; Bochart (d. 1667), on natural history;
the two Buxtorfs, father (d. 1629) and son (d. 1664),
Goodwin (d. 1665), and Spencer (d. 1695) investigated
certain civil and religious questions of the Jews.
Among those who explained the sacred text, the fol-
lowing are worthy of mention: Drusius (d. 1616), de
Dieu (d. 1642), Grotius (d. 1645), Vitringa (d. 1722),
Cocceius (Koch, d. 1669), and Clericus (d. 1736).
Brian Walton (d. 1658) is celebrated for the edition of
the London Polyglot, which easily surpasses all pre-
vious works of the same kind. The Critici sacri"
(London, 1660: Frankfort, 1696; Amsterdam, 1698),
collected by John and Richard Pearsons, and the
"Synopsis criticorum" (London, 1669; Frankfort,
1709), edited by Matt. Polus, may be regarded as
fairly good summaries of the exegetical work of the
seventeenth century.
(7) After the Rise of Rationalism. — The Arminians,
Socinians, the English Deists, and the French Ency-
clopedists refused to be bound by the "analogy of
faith " as their supreme hermeneutic rule. They fol-
lowed the principle of private judgment to its last
consequences. The first to adhere to the principle of
Biblical rationalism was Sender, (d. 1791), who denied
the Divine character of the Old Testament, and ex-
plained away the New by his " system of accommo-
dation", according to which Christ and the Apostles
only conformed to the views of the Jews. To discover
the true teaching of Christ, we must first eliminate
the Jewish doctrines, which may be learned from the
books of Josephus, Philo, and other Jewish writers.
— Kant (d. 1804) destroyed the small remnant of super-
natural revelation by his system of " authentic inter-
pretation"; we must not seek to find what the Bibli-
cal writers said, but what they should have said in
order to remain within the range of the natural Kan-
tian religion. — But this did violence to the historical
character of the Biblical records; H. E. G. Paulus (d.
1851) apparently does justice to the historicity of the
Bible, but removes from it all miracles by means of his
" notiologico-philoloraoal " or " psychological " system
of interpretation, fie distinguishes between the fact
or the occurrence to which the witnesses testify, and
the judgment of the fact or the particular view which
the witnesses took of the occurrence. In the New
Testament, e. g., we have a record of the views of the
Disciples concerning the events in Christ's life. — This
explanation left too much of Christ's history and doc-
trine intact. Hence David F. Strauss (d. 1875) ap-
plied to the New Testament the system of Biblical
mvthicism, which Sender. Eichhorn, Vater, and de
Wette had employed in their explanation of part of
the Old Testament; about thirty years after its first
appearance, Strauss's system was popularized by
E. Renan. A great many Protestant commentators
now began to grant the existence of myths in the
Sacred Scriptures, though they might adhere to the
general outlines of the Jewish and the Gospel history.
The principles which are at least implicitly maintained
by the mythicists, are the following: First, miracles .
and prophecies are impossible; secondly, our religious
sources are not really historical; thirdly, the history
and religion of all nations begin with myths, the Chris-
tian religion not excluded; fourthly, the Messianic
idea of the New Testament was adopted from the Old,
and all the traditional traits of the Messias were attri-
buted to Jesus of Nasareth by a really myth-forming
process. — But as it was hard to explain the growth of
this whole Christian mythology within the narrow
space of forty or fifty years, Ferd. Christ. Baur (d.
I860) reconstructed the origin of the Christian Church,
making it a compromise between judaising and uni-
versalistic Christians, or between the Petrine and the
Pauline parties. Only Rom., I and II Cor., Gal. are
EXEMPTION
706
EXEMPTION
authentic; the other books of the New Testament were
written during or after the amalgamation of the two
parties, which occurred in the second»century. The
adherents of this opinion form the New Tubingen or
the Critical School. — It is true that Baur's theory of
the late origin of the New Testament has been aban-
doned by the great majority of Protestant commenta-
tors who have ranked themselves among the followers
of Harnack; but the opinion that the Sacred Books
of the New Testament lack historicity in its true sense,
is more common than ever.
In the light of this fact, we have to distinguish be-
tween the various classes of exegetical works in order
to give a true estimate of the value possessed by the
numberless recent Protestant contributions to Biblical
literature: their philological -and historical studies
are, as a general rule, of great assistance to the com-
mentator; the same must oe said of their work done in
textual criticism; but their commentaries are not
sound enough to elicit commendation. Some of them
adhere professedly to the principles of the most ad-
vanced criticism; others belong to the ranks of the con-
servatives; others again are more concerned with
grammatical and philological than theological ques-
tions; others, finally, try to do the impossible by com-
bining the conservative with the advanced critical
principles.
When we are asked what attitude the Catholic
reader ought to maintain with regard to these numer-
ous Protestant commentaries, we answer in the words
of Leo XIII, found in the Encyclical " Providentissi-
mus Deus": "Though the studies of non-Catholics,
used with prudence, may sometimes be of use to the
Catholic student, he should, nevertheless, bear well in
mind — as the Fathers also teach in numerous pas-
sages— that the sense of Holy Scripture can nowhere
be found incorrupt outside of the Church, and cannot
be expected to be found in writers who, being without
the true faith, only gnaw the bark of the Sacred Scrip-
ture, and never attain its pith."
Manqbnot in Via., Did. de la Bible, a. v. Hermeneutique;
Schanz in Kirchenlex., a. v. Exegese; Zaplxtal, Hermeneutica
Bibl. (Freiburg, 1897); Do lug r, Compendium herm. bibl. (Pader-
born, 1808) ; Ch auvin, Lemons d' introduction genirale, thiologique,
historique et critique aux divines Ecritures (Paris, 1898); Senb-
pin, De divinis scripturis earumque interpretatione brevis instir
tutio (Lyons and Paris, 1893); Lesar, Compendium hermeneu-
ticum (Lay bach, 1891); Cornely, Inlroductio in Libros Sacroe
(Paris, 1885 and 1894), I. Nearly every work on hermeneutica
will give a more or less complete list of recent literature. As to
the Latin Fathers and writers, the reader may consult Mione,
P. t:: CCXIX, 79-84. See also: Orioen, De principiL, IV, viii-
xxvii; Tbrtullian, De pnxscriptionibus; Tichonius, Liber
de septem regulis; Augustine, De doctrind christ.; Junilius,
De portions divince legis; Vincent or L£rins, Commonito-
rium; Eucherius, Liber formularum spiritualis intelligentice;
Ca&siodorus, De institutions divinarum (iterarum; Kjhn, Theo-
dor von Mopsueslia und Junilius Africanus (Freiburg, 1880).
For the Middle Ages consult: Rhabanus Maurus, De clerico-
rum institutions, III, viii-xv: Huoh of St. Victor, Erudit.
dxdascal.. Lib. V; and somewhat later, Jean Gbrson, Proposi-
tiones de sensu literati Scriptural sacra in Opera (Paris, 1606), I,
p. 515. After the rise of the Reformation: Pagnino, Isagoges
seu introductionis ad sacras scripturas liber unus (Lyons, 1528,
1536); Sixtus Sknensis, Bibliothera sancta (Venice, 1566):
the reader will find a number of works belonging to this period
in Mione, Scriptur. Sacr. Cursus Completus. Among Protest-
ant works we may notice: Briogs, General Introduction to the
Study of Holy Scriptures (New York, 1899); Fairbairn, Her-
meneutxcal Manual (Edinburgh, 1858); Terry, Biblical Her-
meneutics (New York, 1883); Davidson, Sacred Hermeneutica
(Edinburgh, 1844).
A. J. Maas.
Exemption is the whole or partial release of an ec-
clesiastical person, corporation, or institution from
the authority of the ecclesiastical superior next higher
in rank, and the placing of the person or body thus re-
leased under the control of the authority next above
the former superior, or under a still higher one, or
under the highest authority of all, the pope. Origi-
nally, according to canon law, all the subjects of a dio-
cese, and all diocesan institutions, were under the au-
thority of the bishop. On account of the oppressive
manner in which bishops at times treated the oaooaa-
teries. these were soon taken under the protection of
synods, princes, and popes. The papal protection
often developed later into exemption from episcopal
authority. The first privilege of this kind was given
by Pope Honorius I, in 628, to the old Irish monastery
of Bobbio, in Upper Italy (Jaff6, Regesta Pont. Rom.,
no. 2017). Since the eleventh century, papal activity
in the matter of reforms has been a frequent source
or occasion of exemptions; in this way the monks be-
came more closely bound to the popes, as against the
bishops, many of whom were often inimical to the
papal power. It thus came to pass that not only indi-
vidual monasteries, but also entire orders, obtained
exemption from the authority of the local ordinary.
Moreover, from the reign of Urban II. the broadly gen-
eral " protection' ' of the Holy See (liberias Romano).
which many monasteries enjoyed, came to be regarded
as exemption from the authority of the bishop. From
the twelfth century, it may be said the exemption of
orders and monasteries became the rule. Exemptions
were also granted to cathedral chapters, collegiate
chapters, parishes, communities, ecclesiastical institu-
tions, ana single Individuals. Under these circum-
stances the diocesan administration of the bishops was
frequently crippled (Trent, Sess. XXIV, De ref. c. xi);
consequently the bishops complained of such exemp-
tions, while, on the other hand, the parties exempted
were wont to accuse the bishops of violating acquired
privileges. The Council of Trent sought to correct the
abuses of exemption by placing the exempt, in many
regards, under the ordinary jurisdiction of the bishops,
or at least under the bishops as papal delegates. This
provision of the council was never fully executed, ow-
ing to the frequent opposition of the monasteries.
About the beginning of the nineteenth century, how-
ever, many monasteries were suppressed by the pro-
cess known as secularization, in part accepted by the
Holy See. In some countries more recent civil legisla-
tion does not permit exemption.
Exemption, as a rule, arises when the privilege is
granted oy competent authority (exemptio dativa). It
can also rest on immemorial use {exemptio prceecrip-
tiva). Finally exemption can be original {exemvtio
nativa), when the respective church or monastery nas
always been free and distinct from the later diocesan
organization. The claimant of exemption must prove
the fact.
Exemption ceases by the complete or partial with-
drawal of the privilege by the giver, by customary ex-
ercise of a contrary usage, or by extinction of the right-
ful subject of the privilege.
Another kind of exemption applies to bishops, when
released from the authority of the metropolitan, either
at their own request or as a gracious act on the part
of the Apostolic See, under 'whose direct control they
are then placed. However, to prevent injury to the
Church, tne bishops, thus made independent of their
proper metropolitans, are obliged to attend the synods
of tne province for which they have opted. Bishops
who had not connected themselves with any provincial
synod were summoned, by Benedict XIII, to attend
the Roman one of 1725. Exemption also frequently
occurs in connexion with the system of military chap-
laincies. In Austria, since 1720, the "Feldbischot"
(army bishop), nominated by the emperor, is exempt.
In Prussia, since 1868, the " Feldprovost " or army
provost, is appointed by the pope alter nomination by
the German emperor. In France military chaplains
who serve permanent garrisons remote from a parish
church were exempt. In Spain and elsewhere vicarii
castrenses generates, i. e. army vicars-general, are ap-
pointed.
As applied to monasteriee and churches, exemption
is known as paetiva or activa. In the former case the
jurisdiction of the monastic or ecclesiastical prelate is
confined to the ecclesiastics and laity belonging to his
monastery or church. On the other hand, prelates
EXEQUATUR
707
EXEQUATUR
having "active" exemption may exercise a more ex-
tensive jurisdiction. They are (1) those who have
certain episcopal rights over a clearly defined territory
otherwise belonging to the diocese, and are known,
canonically, as pramti nullius (i. e. di&ceseos) cum ter-
ritorio conjuncto; (2) those who have episcopal juris-
diction over a definite territory entirely distinct from
the diocese, and known as prcelati nullius cum territorio
separate. The latter are prcelati nullius in the proper
sense ; such, e. g. are the abbots of Monte Cassmo, in
Italy, and of St. Moritz, and Einsiedeln, in Switzer-
land. Prelates actively exempted have almost the
same rights and privileges as a bishop. They may sit
and vote in a general council, make laws within their
proper territory, exercise canonical jurisdiction in
matrimonial , disciplinary, and criminal matters They
may also grant faculties to hear confessions, reserve to
themselves the right of absolving from certain sins, in-
flict ecclesiastical punishments and censures, grant
faculties for preaching, make visitations within their
jurisdiction, found an ecclesiastical seminary for
priests, and appoint a vicar-general. Correspond-
ingly, such a prelate must reside in his district, offer
the Holy Sacrifice for the people, every Sunday and
feast day, go at stated times to visit the Apostolic See
(visitatio liminum Apostolorum), and attend the synod
of the province, for which option has been declared.
He is not, however; obliged to attend the diocesan
svnod. As a rule, such prelates are not consecrated
bishops. They must consequently apply to some
bishop of their own choice for the confirmation of their
subjects, and for the consecration of the holy oils ; for
the ordination of their subjects, however, they must
apply to the nearest bishop. When such prcelati nul-
lius are also regular abbots they may confer on their
subjects the ecclesiastical tonsure, and ordain to the
lower orders, or to this effect grant dimissorial letters
to the diocesan bishop. Without papal privilege,
however, they cannot make use of the pontifical insig-
nia (pontificalia), nor perform acts of consecration
reserved to bishops, ftor can they, without papal
privilege, convene a diocesan synod, appoint synodal
examiners, or hold examinations for appointment to
parishes.
Although regulars are, in all matters of substantial
importance, exempted from jurisdiction, there remain
a number of matters in which they are subject to epis-
copal control . Regulars 1 iving outside of their monas-
tery are subject to the bishop as papal delegate (Cone.
Trid. Sess. VI, De ref.ch. iii; Sess. AXV, De regul., ch.
xiv). Besides the papal confirmation, the consent of
the bishop is also necessary for the founding of a mon-
astery (Cone. Trid. Sess. XXV, De regul. ch. iii). The
bishop has the right to bless an abbot confirmed by the
pope (Cone. TridSess. XXV, De regul. ch. vi). Mon-
asteries of men are subject to episcopal visitation only
in respect of parochial work (cura animarum) carried
on by them outside of the monasteries (Cone. Trid.
Sess. XXV, De regul., ch. xi). The bishop has the
right to confer major orders on regulars, and to use the
pontificalia in their churches. When the regulars have
no special privilege the diocesan bishop consecrates
their churches ; and they must obtain episcopal per-
mission for processions outside the immediate vicinity
of such churches. They must also ask the episcopal
blessing before they can preach (coram episcopo) in
churches of the order, while, in order to preach m any
other than their own churches, canonical authorization
(missio canonica) must be obtained from the bishop
(Cone. Trid. Sess. V, De ref. ch. ii). To hear the con-
fessions of the laity, and to grant absolution in cases
reserved to the bishop, regulars require episcopal ap-
probation (Cone. Trid. Sess. XXIII, De ref. en. xv).
The writings and books of regulars must be submitted,
before publication, to the diocesan censor for the place
of issue (Leo XIII, "Offidorum ac munerum", 25 Janu-
ary, 1897, no 36). Ii is also obligatory, on members
of orders, to observe the ordinances of the bishop re-
specting the Church feast days, church services, and
processions (Cone. Trid. Sess. XXV, De regul., ch. xii,
andch. xiii).
The rights of the bishop in respect to exempt orders
of women are still more extensive. The bishop, or his
representative (commissarius), presides at the election
of abbesses, prioresses, or superiors (Cone. Trid. Sess.
XXV, De regul. ch. vii). The right to visit canonically
religious houses of women belongs to the bishop ; he is
charged in particular, with the entire superintendence
of the observance of the clausura or cloister (Cone.
Trid. Sess. XXV, De regul* ch. v). The bishop ap-
points the confessors, ordinary and extraordinary, for
religious houses of women; in cases where such ap-
pointment belongs to some one else the bishop must,
at least, give his approbation, (Cone. Trid. Sess. XXV,
De regul. ch. x). It is the bishop who examines into,
either personally, or by representative, the voluntary
character of the entrance of candidates into orders for
women, both when they put on the habit of the order,
and when they make^heir profession (Cone. Trid. Sess.
XXV, De regul. ch. xvii). It is the bishop, finally,
who audits the management of the property of female
orders and religious houses. For exemption of eccle-
siastics from secular jurisdiction see Immunity.
Ds Buck, De exemptione reoularium conservanda (Brussels,
1869); SchAfler, Der Bischaf and die Regitlaren seiner Diozese
(Augsburg, 1871); Blumenstok, Der p&pstliche Schulz im Mil-
telalter (Innsbruck, 1890); Weiss, Die kirchlichen Exemlionen
der Kldster von ihrer Entstehung bis zur gregorianisch-kluniacen-
sischen Zeit (Basle, 1893): HOfner, Daa Rechtsinstilut der
klfisterlichen Exemlion in der obendlAndischen Kirche (Mainz,
1903); I.AURENTtus, Institvtumes Juris ecclesiastici (Freiburg
im Br., 1908), 2nd ed.. 180 sqq., 619 sqq.
Johannes Baptist SagmOller.
Exequatur (synonymous with Regium Placet),
as the Jansenist Van Espen defines it, is a faculty
which civil rulers impart to a Bull, papal Brief, or
other ecclesiastical enactment in order to give it
binding force in their respective territories. This
faculty is conceded after ecclesiastical laws' have been
examined and found not derogatory to any right of
the civil power and, therefore, suitable for promul-
gation. Modern statesmen draw a distinction between
the Exequatur and the Regium Placet. The latter,
according to them, is given to episcopal acts or acts of
any other ecclesiastical superior belonging to the
nation for which they are approved ; while the former
is conceded to enactments of a foreign power, that is,
to papal Constitutions; the pope, as nead of tne whole
Church, being formally considered as an authority not
belonging to any particular country. In both cases,
however, state authorities have the power of exam-
ining church laws and giving permission for their pro-
mulgation, by which permission ecclesiastical decrees
acquire legal value and binding force.
As to the origin of this supposed right of the State
over the Church, it is now beyond doubt, contrary to
the assertions of Gallicans and Jansenists, that no
trace of it can be found in the early centuries of the
Church, or even as late as the fourteenth century. It
is true that during all that period of time General
Councils, like those of Nicaea and Ephesus, requisi-
tioned the sanction of State authorities for ecclesias-
tical laws; it was not, however, juridical, but only
physical, force that was then invoked for ecclesiastical
decrees, in order to enforce their execution by the
secular arm. Moreover, had such a power in the State
been at that time known, rulers of nations who were
sometimes anxious to prevent the promulgation and
execution of papal Constitutions in their domains
would have readily appealed to it, instead of resorting
to more difficult and troublesome means, in order to
impede in every possible way papal letters from ever
being introduced into their dominions, e. g. in the
conflicts of Philip the Fair of France with Boniface
VIII, and of Henry II of England with Alexander
XXEBOISES
708
IIL The Regium flacet really dates from the great
Western Schism, which lasted from the pontificate of
Urban VI to the Council of Constance and the election
of Martin V (1378-l4l7). In order to guard against
spurious papal letters issued by antipopes during the
schism, Urban VI granted to some ecclesiastical su-
periors the faculty of examining papal Constitutions
and ascertaining their authenticity before promulga-
tion and execution. Civil authorities felt bound to
adopt the same precautionary measure, though they
did not attribute such a power to themselves as a right
attached to their office; apparently its use was discon-
tinued when, after the schism, Martin V condemned
the Regium Placet in his Constitution "Quod anti-
dota" (1418). In the fifteenth century, however, it
was. revived in Portugal by King John II and claimed
by him as a right inherent in the crown. In the six-
teenth century the Viceroy of Naples, the Duke of
Alcala, made it obligatory by law, and in the seven-
teenth century it was introduced into France in order
to preserve the so-called Gallican Liberties, and after-
wards into Spain, Belgium, Sicily, Naples, and other
countries. * '
In theory this supposed right of the State was first
propounded and defended as a true doctrine by Lu-
ther, Pasquier Quesnel, and other heretics who denied
the supreme jurisdiction of the pope; later on it was
advocated by Gallicans and Jansenists. e. g. Van
Espen, Febronius, De Marca, and Stockmans, who
attributed this power to the State as a necessary
means of self-defence against possible attempts of the
Church to injure the rights of civil society. More
recently it has been defended with particular vieour
by Italian jurists and statesmen, e. g. Cavallari, Man-
cini, Piola, apropos particularly of the " Law of Guar-
antees" passed in 1871 by the Jtalian Government in
favour of the Holy See. However, not only is it his-
torically erroneous, as shown above, that such a right
has been exercised from time immemorial, but it is
also juridically false that such power naturally be-
longs to the State, particularly as a necessary means
of self-defence. The injustice of that claim and the
consequent usurpation of authority by the State
appear manifest m the light of Catholic faith. If the
binding force of church laws depended on the ap-
proval and consent of the State, it would no longer
oe true that the Church received legislative power
directly from her Divine Founder, and that whatever
is bound or loosed by the Church on earth, will be
bound or loosed in heaven (Matt., xvi, 19). Again the
Church would, in that case, immediately cease to be
a supreme, self-sufficient, and perfect society, and
would be deprived of her characteristics of unity,
sanctity, catholicity, and apostolicity. Moreover, the
use of the Exequatur to prevent possible usurpation
of rights is contrary not only to Divine law but also
to natural social law and is, therefore, an abuse of
power, even if exercised by a State not professing the
Catholic religion. A possible conflict of rights of two
societies and the fear of a consequent injury to their
respective jurisdiction do not entitle one of them to
impede the free exercise of its ordinary jurisdiction by
the other. Differences, if they arise, may be settled
by private mutual understanding or arbitration. It
is needless to say that the fear of any usurpation or
conflict on the part of the Church is unfounded, as
appears from her doctrine and history.
The Church, as a matter of fact, never claimed the
power of revising and approving civil laws before pro-
mulgation, although, indeed, past experience would
justify her in fearing on the part of the State usurpa-
tion of her powers. She contents herself with con-
demning civil laws after promulgation, if they are
injurious to Catholic interests. We need not wonder,
then, that the Church has always condemned the
doctrine and use of the Regium Placet. Boniface IX
first condemned it in his Constitution "Intenta Sal-
utis" and- after him a great number of pontiffs; down
to Pius IX in Propositions 28 and 29 of the Syllabus
' \ Quanta Cura" and in the Allocution ' ' Luctuosis Exag-
itati " (12 March, 1877), also the Vatican Council in the
Constitution "De Ecclesia Christi". To avert ani-
mosities and persecution, the Church has made minor
concessions in favour of the State as to the exercise of
the Regium Placet. In some other instances she has
tolerated its acknowledgment by ecclesiastics, particu-
larly to enable them to take possession of benefices
and other temporalities. At present the Exequatur, or
Regium Placet, is seldom, if ever, used, at least in its
fullness, by modern civil rulers. In the Kingdom of
the Two Sicilies it was abolished by the Concordat of
1818, and in Austria by that of 1855. It must likewise
be regarded as abolished in Spain, France, Portugal,
and Hungary. According to Aichner, it exists still, but
in a mitigated form, in Saxony", Bavaria, and some
parts of Switzerland. In Italy the strict Exequatur,
i. e. previous to promulgation of papal Constitutions,
is not in use, but it is retained in a mild form for the
possession of ecclesiastical benefices. According to the
"Law of Guarantees" (13 July, 1871), ecclesiastics
who have been provided with benefices must present
the Bull of their appointment to the State authorities;,
after approval the latter concede the Exequatur and
put the incumbents of benefices in possession of the
temporalities hitherto controlled by the government.
In this form the Exequatur is at present tolerated
by the Church, though it is not devoid of inconven-'
iences, as Leo XIII complained in a letter written to
his Secretary of State Cardinal Nina (27 August, 1878).
Van Espen, De promulgatione legum eccL (Lou vain. 1729);
Bouix, De principtia jurit (Paris, 1788); Zaccaria, Comandi
ehi pub obbedisca chi deve (Faensa, 1788); Cavaonis, Jut. Pvbi.
Bed. Irustit. (Rome, 1906); Barb a, U DirittoPubl. Bed. (Naples.
1900); Tarquini, Dissert, de Regio Placet (Rome, 1862); D*
Domini as, tl Regio Exequatur (Naples, 1869).
S. Luzio.
Exercises, Spiritual. See Spiritual Exercises
of Saint Ignatius.
Exeter (Exonia, Isca Damnoniorum. Caer Wise,
Exanceaster), Ancient Diocese of (Exoniensis),
in England, chosen by Leofric, Bishop of Crediton, as
his cathedral city in 1050. Originally Devonshire
formed part of the Diocese of Wessex. About 703 ,
Devonshire and Cornwall became the separate Bish-
opric of Sherborne and in 900 this was divided into
two, the Devonshire bishop having his cathedral at
Crediton. The two dioceses were again united when
Leofric became first Bishop of Exeter. The present
cathedral was begun by Bishop William de Warel-
hurst in 1112; the abbey church of St. Mary and St.
Peter, founded by Athelstan in 932 and rebuilt in
1019, serving till then as the cathedral church. The
transept towers built by Warelhurst still remain, be-
ing the only part of the Norman cathedral existing.
This Norman building was completed by Bishop Mar-
shall at the close of the twelfth century. The cathe-
dral as it now stands is in the decorated style, being
begun by Bishop Quivil (1280-1291), continued by
Bytton and Stapeldon, and completed by the great
Bishop Grandisson during his long pontificate of
forty-two years, who left it much as it now stands.
In many respects it resembles the French cathedrals
rather than those of England. The special features of
the cathedral are the transeptal towers and the choir.
The latter contains much early stained-glass and a
magnificent episcopal throne, and is separated from
the nave by a choir-screen of singular beauty (1324).
The absence of a central tower and a general lack of
elevation prevent the building from ranking among
the greatest English cathedrals, though the stately
west front is alone sufficient to render it remarkable.
The bishops of Exeter always enjoyed considerable
independence and the see was one of the largest and
richest in England. "The Bishop of Exeter, writes
/SN'A
s
EXISTENCE
709
EXORCISM
Professor Freeman, " like the Archbishop of York was
the spiritual head of a separate people.'1 The remote-
ness of the see from London prevented it from being
bestowed on statesmen or courtiers, so that the roll of
bishops is more distinguished for scholars and admin-
istrators than for men who played a large part in
national affairs. This was fortunate for the diocese
and gave it a long line of excellent bishops, one of
whom, Edmund Lacy, died with a reputation for
sanctity and the working of miracles (1455). The
result of this was seen in the fidelity with which Dev-
onshire and Cornwall adhered to the Catholic Faith at
the time of the Reformation. The following are the
bishops with the dates of their accession: —
Leofnc, 1046
Osbern, 1072
William Warelwast, 1107
Robert Chichester, 1138
Robert Warelwast, 1155
Bartholomew Iscanus,
1161
John the Chaunter, 1186
Vacancy. 1191
Henry Marshall, 1194
Vacancy, 1206
Simon de Apulia, 1214.
William Bruere, 1224
Richard Blondy, 1245
Walter Bronescombe,
1257
Peter Quivil, 1280
Thomas de Bytton, 1292
Walter de Stapeldon, 1308
James Berkeley, 1326
John Grandisson, 1327
Thomas Brantyngham,
1370
Edmund Stafford, 1395
John Ketterick, 1419
Edmund Lacy, 1420
George Neville, 1458 ,
John Bothe, 1465.
Peter Courtenay, 1478
Richard Fox, 1487
Oliver King, 1492
Richard Redman, 1496
John Arundell, 1502
Hugh Oldham, 1504
John Vesey, 1519
Vacancy, 1551
James Turberville, 1555-
1559
The diocese, originally very wealthy, was plundered
during the reign of Henry VIII, when Bishop Vesey
was forced to surrender fourteen out of twenty-two
manors, and the valueof the bishopric was reduced to
a third. Vesey, though a Catholic at heart, held the
see until 1551, when he was made to resign, and the
Reformer, Miles Coverdale, was intruded into the see,
where he made himself most unpopular. On the acces-
sion of Mary, in 1553, Vesey was restored. He died in
1554 and was succeeded by James Turberville, beloved
by Catholics and Protestants alike. He was deprived
of the see by Elizabeth in 1559 and died in prison,
probably in or about 1570, the last Catholic Bishop of
Exeter. The diocese contained four archdeaconries,
Cornwall, Barnstaple, Exeter, and Totton, and six hun-
dred and four parishes. There were Benedictine, Au-
fustinian, Franciscan, Dominican, and Norbertine
ouses, and four Cistercian abbeys. The cathedral
was dedicated to St. Peter, and the arms of the see
were: Gules, a sword in pale blade and hilt proper,
two keys in saltire or.
Ltttlbton, Some remarks on the original foundation of Exeter
Cathedral (1764): Englefield, Observations on Bishop Lyttle-
ton's account of Exeter Cathedral (London, 1796): Anon, The-
saurus Ecdesiasticus Provincialis (Exeter, 1782): Britton,
Historyand Antiquities of the Cathedral Church of Exeter (Lon-
don, 1836); Brewer, Hist, and Antiq. of the Cath. Ch. of Exeter
(London, b. d.); Boooia, Exeter Cathedral (Exeter, s. d.);
Hewett, History of the Cathedral Church of Exeter (Exeter.
1848); Oliver, Lives of the bishops of Exeter and history of
the Cathedral (Exeter, 1861), also Monasticon Diacesis Exon-
iensis, records illustrating the ancient conventual founda-
tions (Exeter, 1846); Carter, Some account of the Cathedral
Church of Exeter (London, 1870); Shelly, History of the Chap-
ter of Exeter (Plymouth, 1881); Hinqeoton-Randolph, Episco-
pal Registers: Diocese of Exeter, U67-1U19, 6 vols. (Loridon,
1889-1806); Reynolds, Use of Exeter Cathedral according to
John de Grandisson (London, 1801); Freeman, Architectural
History of Exeter Cathedral (Exeter, s. d.); Reynolds, Short
History of the Ancient Diocese of Exeter, with calendar of Episco-
pal registers and of MSS. belonging to dean and chapter;
(Exeter, 1805); Edwards, Exeter Cathedral (London, 1807);
Addleshaw, Exeter: the Cathedral and See (London, 1898).
Edwin Burton.
Existence. See Essence and Existence.
Exodus, the second Book of the Pentateuch, second
also of the whole Old Testament Canon (see Penta-
teuch).
Exoxnoloff6Bifl.r See Penance.
Exorcism is (1) the act of driving out, or warding off,
demons, or evil spirits, from persons, places, or things,
which are, or are believed to be, possessed or infested
by them, or are liable to become victims or instru-
ments of their malice; (2) the means employed for this
purpose, especially the solemn and authoritative ad-
juration of the demon, in the name of God, or of any
higher power to which he is subject. The word, which
is not itself biblical, is derived from i$opicl{to, which
is used in the Septuagint (Gen. xxiv, 3 = cause to swear ;
III (I) Kings xxii, 16 = adjure) and in Matt.xxvi, 63,
by the high priest to Christ, "I adjure thee by the
living God ..." The non-intensive dp*/ft> and
the noun itopKurrit (exorcist) occur in Acts xix, 13,
where the latter (in the plural) is applied to certain
strolling Jews who professed to be able to cast out
cjemons. Expulsion by adjuration is, therefore, the
primary meaning of exorcism, and when, as in Chris-,
tian usage, this adjuration is in the name of God or of
Christ, exorcism is a strictly religious act or rite.
But in ethnic religions, and even among the Jews from
the time when there is evidence of its being in vogue,
exorcism as an act of religion is largely replaced by the
use of mere magical and superstitious means, to which
non-Catholic writers at* the present day sometimes
quite unfairly assimilate Christian exorcism. Super-
stition ought not to be confounded with religion, how-
ever much their history may be interwoven, nor
magic, however white it may be; with a legitimate
religious rite.
In Ethnic Religions : The use of protective
means against the real, or supposed, molestations of
evil spirits naturally follows from belief in their exist-
ence, and is, and has been always, a feature of ethnic
religions, savage and civilized. In this connexion
only two of the religions of antiquity, the Egyptian
and the Babylonian, call for notice; but it is no easy v
task, even in the case of these two, to isolate what
bears strictly on our subject, from the mass of mere
magic in which it is embedded. The Egyptians as-
cribed certain diseases and various other evils to
demons, and believed in the efficacy of magical charms
and incantations for banishing or dispelling them.
The dead more particularly needed to be well fortified
with magic in order to be able to accomplish in safety
their perilous journey to the underworld (see Budge,
Egyptian Magic, London, 1899). But of exorcism, in
the strict sense, there is hardly any trace in the Egyp-
tian records.
In the famous case where a demon was expelled
from the daughter of the Prince of Bekhten, human
ministry was unavailing, and the god Khonsu himself
had to Be sent the whole way from Thebes for the pur-
pose. The demon gracefully retired when confronted
with the god, and was allowed by the latter to be
treated to a grand banquet before departing "to his
own place'1 Top. cit. p. 206 sq.). Babylonian magic
was largely bound up with medicine, certain diseases
being attributed to some kind of demoniacal posses-
sion, and exorcism being considered the easiest, if not
the only, way of curing them (Sayce, Hibbert Lect.
1887, 310). For this purpose certain formula) of ad-
juration were employed, m which some god or god-
dess, or some group of deities, was invoked to coniure
away the evil one and repair the mischief he had
caused. The following example (from Sayce, op. cit.,
441 seq.) may be quoted: "The (possessing) demon
which seizes a man, the demon (ekimmu) which seizes
a man; The (seizing) demon which works mischief, the
evil demon, Conjure, O spirit of heaven; conjure, O
S>irit of earth. For further examples see King,
abylonian Magic and Sorcery (London, 1896).
Among the Jews: There is no instance in the Old
Testament of demons being expelled by men. In
Tobias, viii, 3, it is the angel who "took the devil
EXORCISM
710
EXORCISM
and bound him in the desert of upper Egypt"; and
the instruction previously given to young Tobias (VI,
18, and 19), to roast the fish's heart in the bridal cham-
ber, would seem to have been merely part of the
angel's plan for concealing his own identity. But in
extra-canonical Jewish literature there are incanta-
tions for exorcising demons, examples of which may
be seen in the Talmud (Schabbath, xiv, 3; Aboda Zara,
xii, 2; Sanhedrin, x, 1). These were sometimes in-
scribed on the interior surface of earthen bowls, a col-
lection of which (estimated to be from the* seventh
century a. d.) is preserved in the Royal Museum in
Berlin; and inscriptions from the collection have been
published, and translated, by Wohlstein in the " Zeit-
schrift fur Assyriologie " (Dec., 1893; April, 1894).
The chief characteristic of these Jewish exorcisms is
their naming of names believed to be efficacious, i. e.
names of good angels, which are used either alone or in
combination with El (=God) ; indeed reliance on mere
names had long before become a superstition with tile
Jews, and it was considered most important that the
appropriate names, which varied for different times
and occasions, should be used. It was this supersti-
tious belief, no doubt, that prompted the sons of
Sceva, who had witnessed St. Paul's successful exor-
cisms in the name of Jesus, to try on their own account t
the formula, "I conjure yoxi Dy Jesus whom Paul
preacheth", with results disastrous to their credit
(Acts, xix, 13). It was a popular Jewish belief, ac-
cepted even by a learned cosmopolitan like Josephus,
that Solomon had received the power of expelling
demons, and that he had composed and 'transmitted
certain formulae that were efficacious for that purpose.
The Jewish historian records how a certain Eleazar, in
the presence of the Emperor Vespasian and his
officers, succeeded, by means of a magical ring applied
to the nose of a possessed person, in drawing out the
demon through the nostrils — the virtue of the ring
being due to the fact that it enclosed a certain rare
root indicated in the formulae of Solomon, and which
it was exceedingly difficult to obtain (Ant. Jud. VIII,
ii, 5* cf. Bell. Jud. VII, vi, 3).
But superstition and magic apart, it is implied in
Christ's answers to the Pharisees, who accused Him of
casting out demons by the power of Beelzebub, that
some Jews in His time successfully exorcised demons
in God's name: "and if I by Beelzebub cast out
devils, by whom do your children cast them out?1'
(Matt., xii, 27). It does not seem reasonable to under-
stand this reply as mere irony, or as a mere argu-
mentum ad hominem implying no admission of the
fact; all the more so, as elsewhere (Mark, ix, 37-38)
we have an account of a person who was not a disciple
casting out demons in Christ's name, and whose ac-
tion Christ refused to reprehend or forbid.
Exorcism in the New Testament: Assuming the
reality of demoniac possession, for which the authority
of Christ is pledged (see Obsession, Possession), it is
to be observed mat Jesus appealed to His power over
demons as one of the recognised signs of Messiahship
(Matt., xii, 23, 28; Luke, xi, 20). He cast out demons,
He declared, by the finger or spirit of God, not, as His
adversaries alleged, by collusion with the prince of
demons (Matt., xii, 24, 27; Mark, iii, 22; Luke, xi,
15, 19) ; and that He exercised no mere delegated power,
but a personal authority that was properly His own, is
clear from the direct and imperative way in which He
commands the demon to depart (Mark, ix, 24; cf. i,
25 etc.) : " He cast out the spirits with his word, and
he healed all that were sick' (Matt., viii, 16). Some-
times, as with the daughter of the Canaanean woman,
the exorcism took place from a distance (Matt., xv,
22 sqq. ; Mark, vii, 25) . Sometimes again the spirits ex-
Selled were allowed to express their recognition of
esus as " the Holy One of God " (Mark, i, 24) and to
complain that He had come to torment them " before
the time", i. e. the time of their final punishment
(Matt., viii, 29 sqq. ; Luke, viii, 28 sqq.) . If demoniac
possession was generally accompanied by some dis-
ease, yet the two were not confounded by Christ or
the Evangelists. In Luke, xiii, 32? for example, the
Master Himself expressly distinguishes between the
expulsion of evil spirits and the curing of diseases.
Christ also empowered the Apostles and Disciples to
cast out demons in His name while He Himself was
still on earth (Matt., x, 1 and 8; Mark, vi, 7; Luke, ix,
1 ; x, 17), and to believers generally He promised the
same power (Mark, xvi, 17). But the efficacy of this
delegated power was conditional, as we see from the
fact that the Apostles themselves were not always suc-
cessful in their exorcisms: certain kinds of spirits, as
Christ explained, could only be cast out by prayer and
fasting (Matt., xvii, 15, 20; Mark, ix, 27, 28; Luke,
ix, 40). In other words the success of exorcism by
Christians, in Christ's name, is subject to the same
general conditions on which both the efficacy of
prayer and the use of charismatic power depend.
Yet conspicuous success was promised (Mark, xvi, 17).
St. Paul (Acts, xvi, 18; xix, 12), and, no doubt, the
other Apostles and Disciples, made use regularly, as
occasion arose, of their exorcising power, and the
Church has continued to do so uninterruptedly to the
present day.
Ecclesiastical Exorcisms: Besides exorcism in
the strictest sense{ i. e. for driving out demons from the
Eossessed, Cathohc ritual, following early traditions,
as retained various other exorcisms,, and these also
call for notice here. (1) Exorcism of the possessed.
We have it on the authority of all early writers who
refer to the subject at all that in the first centuries not
only the clergy, but lay Christians also were able by
the power of Christ to deliver demoniacs or energu-
mens, and their success was appealed to by the early
Apologists as a strong argument for the Divinity of the
Christian religion (Justin Martyr, Apol., 6; P. G.,VI,
453; Dial., 30, 85; ibid., 537, 676 sq; Minutius Felix,
Octav.,27, P. L., Ill ; Origen, Contra Oelsum., 1, 25; VII,
4,67; P.G^XI, 705, 1425, 1516; Tertullian, Apol., 22,
23; P. L., I, 404 sq; etc.). As is clear from the testi-
monies referred to, no magical or superstitious means
were employed, but in those early centuries, as in
later times, a simple and authoritative adiuration ad-
dressed to the demon in the name of God, and more
especially in the name of Christ crucified, was the
usual form of exorcism.
But sometimes in addition to words some symbolic
action was employed, such as breathing (insuffloHo),
or laying of hands on the subject, or making the sign
of the cross. St. Justin speaks of demons flying from
" the touch and breathing of Christians " (II Apol., 6)
as from a flame that burns them, adds St. Cyril of
Jerusalem (Cat., xx, 3, P. G., XXXIII, 1080). Origen
mentions the laying on of hands, and St. Ambrose
(Paulinus, Vit. Ambr., n. 28, 43, P. L., XIV, 36, 42), St.
Ephraem Syrus (Greg. Nyss., De Vit. Ephr., P. G.,
XLVI, 848) and others used this ceremony in exor-
cising. The sign of the cross, that briefest and sim-
plest way of expressing one's faith in the Crucified and
invoking His Divine power, is extolled by many
Fathers for its efficacy against all kinds of demoniac
molestation (Lactantius, Inst., IV, 27, P. L., VI, 531 sq;
Athanasius, De Incarn. Verbi., n. 47, P. G., XXV, 180;
Basil, In Isai., XL 249, P. G., XXX, 557; Cvril of Je-
rusalem, Cat., XIII, 3 col. 773; Gregory Nazianzen,
Carm. adv. iram. v, 415 sq.; P. G., XXXVII, 842).
The Fathers further recommend that the adjuration
and accompanying prayers should be couched in the
words of Holy Writ (Cyril of Jerus., Procat., n. 9, col.
350; Athanasius, Ad Marcell., n. 33, P. G., XXVII, 45).
The present rite of exorcism as given in the Roman
Ritual fully agrees with patristic teaching and is a
proof of the continuity of Catholic tradition in this
matter.
(2) Baptismal exorcism. At an early age the prac-
EXORCIST
711
EXORCIST
tioe was introduced into the Church of exorcising cate-
chumens as a preparation for the Sacrament of Bap-
tism. This did not imply that they were considered
to be obsessed, like demoniacs, but merely that they
were, in consequence pf original sin (and of personal
sins in case of adults) , subject more or less to the power
of the devil, whose "works" or "pomps" they were
called upon to renounce, and from whose dominion the
grace of baptism was about to deliver them. Exor-
cism in this connexion is a symbolical anticipation of
one of the chief effects of the sacrament of regenera-
tion; and since it was used in the case of children who
had no personal sins, St. Augustine could appeal to it
against the Pelagians as implying clearly the doctrine
of original sin (Ep. cxciv, n. 46, P. L., XXXIII, 890;
C. JuLIII. 8; P. L., XXXIV, 705, and elsewhere).
St. Cyril of Jerusalem (Procat., 14, col. 355) gives a de-
tailed description of baptismal exorcism, from which
it appears that anointing with exorcised oil formed a
part of this exorcism in the East. The only early
Western witness which treats unction as part of the
baptismal exorcism is that of the Arabic Canons of
Hippolytus (n. 19, 29). The Exsufflatio, or out-
breathing of the demon by the candidate, which was
sometimes part of the ceremony, symbolized the re-
nunciation of his works and pomps, while the lnsuf-
flatio, or in-breathing of the Holy Ghost, by ministers
and assistants, symbolised the infusion of sanctifying
grace by the sacrament. Most of these ancient cere-
monies have been retained by the Church to this day
in her rite for solemn baptism.
(3) Other Exorcisms. According to Catholic belief
demons or fallen angels retain their natural power, as
intelligent beings, of acting on' the material universe,
and using material objects and directing material
forces for their own wicked ends; and this power,
which is in itself limited, and is subject, of course, to
the control of Divine providence, is believed to have
been allowed a wider scope for its activity in conse-
auence of the sin of mankind. Hence places and
things as well as persons are naturally liable to dia-
bolical infestation, within limits permitted by God, '
and exorcism in regard to them is nothing more than a
prayer to God, in the name of His Church, to restrain
this diabolical power supernaturally, and a profession
of faith in His willingness to do so on behalf of His
servants on earth.
The chief things formally exorcised in blessing are
water, salt, and oil, and these in turn are used in per-
sonal exorcisms, and in blessing or consecrating places
(e. g. churches) and objects (e. g. altars, sacred ves-
sels, church bells) connected with public worship, or
intended for private devotion. Holy water, the sac-
ramental with which the ordinary faithful are most
familiar, is a mixture of exorcised water and exor-
cised salt; and in the prayer of blessing, God is be-
sought to endow these material elements with a super-
natural power of protecting those who use them with
faith against all the attacks of the devil. This kind
of indirect exorcism by means of exorcised objects is
an extension of the original idea; but it introduces no
new principle, and it has been m use in the Church
from the earliest ages. (See also Exorcist.)
P. J. Toner.
Exorcist, (1) in general, any one who exorcises or
professes to exorcise demons (cf . Acts, XIX, 13) ; (2)
m particular, one ordained by a bishop for this office,
ordination to which is the second of the four minor
orders of the Western Church. The practice of exor-
cism was not confined to clerics in the early ages, as is
clear from Tertullian (Apologet.,23, P. L., I, 410; cf.
De Idolat., 11) and Origen (C. Celsum, VII, 4 P. G.
1425). The latter expressly states that even the sim-
plest and rudest of the faithful sometimes cast out
demons, by a mere prayer or adjuration (Mark, xv,
17), and urges the fact as a proof of the power of .
Christ's grace, and the inability of demons to resist it.
In the Eastern Church, a specially ordained order of
exorcists (or of acolytes, or door-keepers) has never
been established, but in the Western Church, these
three minor orders (with that of lectors as a fourth)
were instituted shortly before the middle of the third
century. Pope Cornelius (251-252) mentions in his
letter to Fabius that there were then in the Roman
Church forty-two acolytes, and fifty-two exorcists,
readers, and door-keepers (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., VI,
xliii; P. G., XX, 621), and the institution of these
orders, and the organization of their functions, seems
to have been the work of Cornelius's predecessor, Pope
Fabian (236-251).
The fourth Council of Carthage (398), in its seventh
canon, prescribes the rite of ordination for exorcist;
the bishop is to give him the book containing the for-
mulae of exorcism, saying, "Receive, and commit to
memory, and possess the power of imposing hands on
energumens, whether baptized or catechumens"- and
the same rite has been retained, without change, m the
Roman Pontifical down to the present day, except that
instead of the .ancient Book of Exorcisms, the Ponti-
fical, or Missal, is put into the hands of the ordained.
From this form it is clear that one of the chief duties
of exorcists was to take part in baptismal exorcism.
That catechumens were exorcised every day, for some
time before baptism, may be inferred from canon xc of
the same council, which prescribed the daily imposi-
tion of hands by the exorcists. A further duty is pre-
scribed in canon xcii, viz. : to, supply food to, and m a
general way to care for, energumens who habitually
frequented the Church . There is no mention of pagan
energumens, for the obvious reason that the official
ministrations of the Church were not intended for
them. But even after the institution of this order,
exorcism was not forbidden to the laity, much less to
the higher clergy; nor did those who exorcised always
use the forms contained in the Book of Exorcisms.
Thus the Apostolic Constitutions (VIII, 26; P. Gf, I,
1122) say expressly that "the exorcist is not or-
dained", i. e. tor the special office of exorcist, but that
if anyone possess the charismatic power, he is to be
recognized, and if need be, ordained deacon or sub-
deacon. This is the practice which has survived in
the Eastern Orthodox Church.
As an example of the discretion allowed in the West,
in the use o{ the means of exorcising, we may refer to
what Sulpitius Severus relates of St. Martin of Tours
(Dial., Ill (II), 6; P. L., XX, 215), that he was in the
habit of casting out demons by prayer alone, without
having recourse to the imposition of hands or the for-
mulae usually employed by the clergy. After a time,
as conditions changed in the Church, the office of ex-
orcist, as an independent office, ceased altogether, and
was taken over by clerics' in major orders, just as the
original functions of deacons and subdeacons have
with the lapse of time passed to a great extent into the
hands of priests; and according to the present disci-
pline of the Catholic Church, it is only priests who are
authorized to use the exorcising power conferred by
ordination. The change is due to the facts that the
catechumenate, with which the office of exorcist was
chiefly connected, has ceased, that infant baptism has
become the rule, and that with the spread of Christian-
ity and the disappearance of paganism, demonic power
has been curtailed, and cases of obsession have become
much rarer. It is only Catholic missionaries labour-
ing in pagan lands, where Christianity is not yet domi-
nant, who are likely to meet with fairly frequent cases
ot possession.
In Christian countries authentic cases of possession
sometimes occur and every priest, especially if he be a
parish priest, or pastor, is liable to be called upon to
perform his duty as exorcist. In doing so, he is to be
mindful of the prescriptions of the Roman Ritual and
of the laws of provincial or diocesan synods, which foi
tXPEOTATION
712
XXPEDITOES
the most part require that the bishop should be con-
sulted, and his authorization obtained before exor-
cism is attempted. The chief points of importance in
the instructions of the Roman Ritual, prefixed to the
rite itself, are as follows: —
. (1) Possession is not lightly to be taken for granted.
Each case is to be carefully examined and great cau-
tion to be used in distinguishing genuine possession
from certain forms of disease. (2) The priest who
undertakes the office should be himself a holy man, of
blameless life, intelligent, courageous, humble; and he
should prepare for the work by special acts of devo-
tion and mortification, particularly by prayer and
fasting (Matt., xvii, 20). (3) He should avoid in the
course of the rite everything that savours of supersti-
tion, and should leave the medical aspects of the case
to qualified physicians. (4) He should admonish the
possessed, in so far as the latter is capable, to dispose
himself for the exorcism by prayer, fasting, confession,
and communion, and while the rite is in progress to ex-
cite within himself a lively faith in God's goodness, and
a patient resignation to His holy will. (5) The ex-
orcism should take place in the Church or some other
sacred place, if convenient; but if on account of sick-
ness, or for other legitimate reasons, it takes place in a
private house, witnesses (preferably members of the
family) should be present: this is specially enjoined,
as a measure of precaution, in case the subject is a
woman. (6) All idle and curious questioning of the
demon should be avoided, and the prayers and adjura-
tions should be read witn great faith, humility, and
fervour, and with a consciousness of power and au-
thority. (7) The Blessed Sacrament is not to be
brought near the body of the obsessed during exorcism
for fear of possible irreverence: but the crucifix, holy
water, and, when available, relics of the saints are to
be so employed. (8) If expulsion of the evil spirit is
not obtained at once, the rite should be repeated, if
need be, several times. (9) The exorcist should be
vested in surplice, and violet stole.
Besides works referred to in article on Exorcism, see Probst,
SacramerUe und Sacramentalien in den ersten Jahthunderten, 16-
62; Idem, in Kirchenlexikon, s. v., IV, 1141 sqa.; MjLarkNm.De
antiquiis Ecclesia ritibus, 1, i, 6 and viii, 8; Martiont, Diet,
dee antiquiUs chrttiennee (Paris, 1877), 312; Whttehoum in
Hastings, Diet, of the Bible, s. v., 1,811 sqq. ; Biscbofbkrqbr,
Entwicklung der sog. ordinea minores in den or ei ertten Jokrh., in
KOmiache Quartolschrift (Rome, 1907), suppl. 7.
P. J. Toner.
Expectation of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Ex-
spectotio Partus p. V. Jf .), Feast of the, celebrated
on 18 December by nearly the entire Latin Church.
Owing to the ancient law of the Church prohibiting the
celebration of feasts during Lent (a law still in vigour
at Milan), the Spanish Church transferred the least
of the Annunciation from 25 March to the season of
Advent, the Tenth Council of Toledo (656) assigning
it definitely to 18 December. It was kept with a
solemn octave. When the Latin Church ceased to
observe the ancient custom regarding feasts in Lent,
the Annunciation came to be celebrated twice in Spain,
vis. 25 March and 18 December, in the calendars of
both the Mozarabic and the Roman Rite (Missale
Gothicum, ed. Migne, pp. 170, 734). The feast of 18
December was commonly called, even in the liturgical
books, "S. Maria de la O", because on that day the
clerics in the choir after Vespers used to utter a loud
and protracted "O", to express the longing of the
universe for the coming of the Redeemer (Tamayo,
Mart. Hisp., VI, 485). The Roman "O" antiphons
have nothmg to do with this term, because they are
unknown in the Mozarabic Rite. This feast and its
octave were very popular in Spain, where the people
still call it " Nuestra Sefiora de la O ' \ It is not known
at what time the term Expedatio Partus first appeared ;
it is not found in the Mozarabic liturgical books. St.
Ildephonsu8 cannot, therefore, have invented it, as
some have maintained. The feast was always kept in
Spain and was approved for Toledo in 1573 by Greg-
ory XIII as a double major, without an octave. The
church of Toledo-has the privilege (approved 29 April,
1634) of celebrating this feast even when it occurs on
the fourth Sunday of Advent. The " Expectatio Par-
tus" spread from Spain to other countries; in 1695 it
was granted to Venice and Toulouse, in 1702 to the
Cistercians, in 1713 to Tuscany, in 1725 to the Papal
States. Tne Office in the Mozarabic Breviary is ex-
ceedingly beautiful; it assigns special antiphons for
every day of the octave. At Milan the feast of the
Annunciation is, even to the present, kept on the last
Sunday before Christmas. The Mozarabic Liturgy
also celebrates a feast called the Expectation (or Ad-
vent) of St. John the Baptist on the Sunday preceding
24 June.
Holwbck, Faati Mariani (Freiburg, 1892); de la Fuknti,
Vida de la Virgen Maria (Mexico, 1883), 206; Liturgica Gothic*
In P. L. '
F. G. Holweck.
Expectative (from Lat. expectare,' to expect or
wait lor). — An expectative, or an expectative grace, is
the anticipatory grant of an ecclesiastical benefice,
not vacant at the moment but which will become so,
regularly, on the death of its present incumbent. In
1179 the Third Lateran Council,, renewing a prohibi-
tion already in existence for a long time, forbade such
promises or gifts. This prohibition was further ex-
tended by Boniface VIII. Nevertheless, during the
Middle Ages expectative graces were customarily con-
ferred upon applicants to canonicalprebends in the
cathedral and collegiate chapters. Tnis fact was due
to toleration by the Holy See* which even accorded to
the chapters the right of nominating four canons in the
way of expectative graces (cc. ii.vni, De concessione
prebends, X, III, viii; c. ii, De concessione pre-
bend®, in Vl°, III, vii; Constitution of Alexander
IV, " Execrabilis ' ', 1254). Several chapters preferred
to renounce this right; others continued to employ
expectatives even contrary to the canonical enact-
ments. The popes, especially, made use of this grace
from the twelfth century. After having first asked,
then ordered, the collators to dispose of certain bene-
fices in favour of ecclesiastics whom they had previ-
ously named to them, the popes themselves directly
granted, in the way of expectatives, benefices which
were not at the moment vacant; they even charged
another ecclesiastic with the future investiture of the
appointee with the benefice. The privilege of grant-
ing expectatives was conceded also to the delegates of
the Holy See, the universities, certain princes, etc..
with more or less restriction. This practice aroused
grave opposition and gave rise to many abuses, espe-
cially during the Western Schism. The Council of
Trent suppressed all expectatives excepting the desig-
nation of a coadjutor with the right of succession m
the case of bishops and abbots; to these we may add
the prefects Apostolic. (Sess. XXIV, cap. xix, De
ref.; Sess. XXIX, cap. vii, De ref.). Although the
council intended to forbid also the collation of expec-
tatives by privileges granted by the pope, still the
latter is not bound by such a prohibition. However,
the only expectatives now in use are those authorised
by the Council of Trent.
ScHifiTT, De to quod circa expedativaa ad canonicahis ex statu-
tie et observantiis Oermania juetum eet in Mater, Thesaurus
novue juris eceUsiasHci (Ratisbon, 1701), I, 240; DGrr, De capi-
tulie dausis in GermanxA in Schmidt, Thesaurus juris ecdestas-
tiei (Heidelberg. 1774), III, 122; Hinbchius, System des katho-
lischen Kirchenrechts (Berlin. 1879-1896), II, 64, 474; III. 113
sqq.; Wcrnz, Jus Decretalium (Rome, 1899), II, 450.
A. Van Hove.
Expediters, Apostolic. — (Lat. ExpedUionarius lit-
terarum apo&tolicarum, DataricB Apostolica scUicHatcr
atque expeaitor; It. Spedizionieri). Officials who attend
to the sending of Bulls, Briefs, and Rescripts, that
emanate from the Apostolic Chancery, the Dataria,
the Sacred Poenitentiaria, and the Secretariate of
EXPIATION
713
XXPOSXTZOH
Briefs. In a restricted and specific sense expeditors
or expeditioners are laymen approved by the Dataria,
after an examination, to act as^agents for bishops or
others before the Dataria or Apostolic Chancery.
They are members of the Roman Court. They differ
from solicitors as well as from procurators or agents
in general, who transact business with the Roman
Congregations. A solicitor, strictly speaking, is an
assistant to a procurator, doing the mechanical work
of preparing documents. An expeditor is more con-
cerned with matters of favour, privileges, dispensa-
tions and so on, than with cases m litigation. It has
been the practice of the Dataria and Apostolic Chan-
cery to carry on business only with authorized agents,
or expeditors, whose office it is to draw up and sign the
necessary documents, receive and forward the answer
given. They receive a certain fixed fee for each trans-
action, while procurators and solicitors generally re-
ceive a monthly stipend. The number of expeditors
has varied. Cardinal Pacca, pro-datarius, decided, in
1833. that the number, which was then one hundred,
should be regulated by the amount of business to be
transacted. In late years there were about thirty.
In reorganizing the Roman Court, Pius X deprived
these expeditors of their exclusive right to appear be-
fore the Dataria, and Apostolic Chancery.
Humphrbt, Urb* d Orbia (London, 1890), 437-440; Moroni,
Disionario, a. v. Spedixioniere.
Andrew B. Meehan.
Expiation, Feast of. See Atonement, Day of.
Exposition of the Blessed Sacrament is a man-
ner of honouring the Holy Eucharist, by exposing It,
with proper solemnity, to the view of the faithful in
order that they may pay their devotions before It.
We will speak later of the conditions which constitute
§ roper solemnity, but something must first be said of
tie history of the practice.
History. — There can be no reasonable doubt that
the practice of exposition came in in the wake of that
most epoch-making liturgical development, the Eleva-
tion of the Host in the Mass. The Elevation itself
(q. v.), of which we first hear in its present sense about
the year 1200, was probably adopted as a practical
Protest against the teaching of Peter Comestor and
eter the Chanter; who held that the bread was not
consecrated in the Mass until the words of institution
had been spoken over both bread and wine. Those
who believed that when the words "Hoc est enim cor-
pus meum" had been pronounced, the bread was at
once changed into the flesh of our Lord, supported
their opinion by adoring the Sacrament, and holding'
It up for the adoration of the people, without waiting
for the words to be spoken over the chalice. At Paris,
this elevation became a matter of syrfodal precept,
probably before the year 1200. Before long it came
to be regarded as a very meritorious act to look upon
and salute the Body of the Lord. In this way, even
before the middle of the thirteenth century, all kinds
of fanciful promises were in circulation regarding the
special privileges enjoyed by him, who, on any day,
saw the Body of his Maker. He was believed to be
protected from sudden death, or from loss of sight.
Further, on that day he would be duly nourishedby
the food he took, ana would grow no older, with many
other extravagances. The development of these pop-
ular beliefs was also probably much assisted by a
legendary element current in the romances of the Holy
Grail, then at the height of their popularity. What is
certain is, that among all classes the seeing the Host,
at the moment It was lifted on high in the hands of the
priest, became a primary object of devotion, and
various devices — for example, the hanging of a black
curtain at the back of the altar, or the lighting of
torches held behind the priest by a deacon or server —
were resorted to, to make the looking upon the Body
of Christ more easy.
Whether the institution of the feast of Corpus
Christi with its procession, an innovation due to the
visions of the Flemish contemplative, St. Juliana Cor-
nelion, is to be regarded as the cause, or rather the
effect, of this great desire to behold the Body of Christ
is somewhat doubtful. But the evidence points to it
as an effect rather than as a cause, for, even before the
close of the twelfth century, we find a well-authenti-
cated story of the last moments of Maurice de Sully,
Bishop of Paris, according to which, being unable on
account of sickness to receive Holy Viaticum, he satis-
fied his devotion by having the Blessed Sacrament
brought to him to gaze upon. An exactly similar
incident is recorded of St. Juliana herself, when upon
her death-bed. This also seems to show that the de-
vout longing of the faithful to gaze upon the Sacred
Host was not confined to the time of Mass. Moreover,
we find it debated among scholastic theologians, as
early as the thirteenth century, whether the looking •
upon the consecrated Host was permissible to those in
the state of grievous sin, and it was commonly decided
that far from being a new offence against God, such an
act was praiseworthy, if it were done with a reverent
intention, and was likely to obtain for the sinner the
grace of true contrition.
In the fourteenth century, we find the practice of
Exposition already established, especially in Germany.
The " Septililium of Blessed Dorothea of Prussia who
died a recluse, at an advanced age, in 1394, not only
bears witness to the saint's extraordinary desire to see
the Blessed Sacrament, a desire which was sometimes
gratified as often as a hundred times in one day, but
also incidentally mentions that in certain churches
near Dantzig, the Blessed Sacrament^was reserved all
day long in a transparent monstrance, so that pious
persons like Dorothea could come to pray before It.
The practice undoubtedly spread very widely, espe-
cially in Germany and the Netherlands. In the fif-
teenth century, we find numerous synodal decrees
passed, prohibiting this continuous and informal Ex-
position, as wanting in proper reverence. The decree
enacted at Cologne in 1452, under the presidency of
Cardinal Nicholas de Cusa, altogether forbids the re-
serving, or carrying of the Blessed Sacrament in such
monstrances, except during the octave of Corpus
Christi. An earlier decree passed at Breslau, in 1416,
speaks of permission having previously been given
for .the Body of Jesus Christ, on some few days of the
week, to be visibly exposed and shown to public
view . But the bishop declares that he has per-
ceived, that, "by this frequent exposition, the inde-
votion of the multitude only becomes greater, and
reverence is lessened ". It is clear that these prohibi-
tions did not eradicate the custom, but they seem to
have led to a curious compromise, by which the
Blessed Sacrament, throughout a great part of central
Europe, was reserved in "Sakramentshauschen''
(Sacrament houses), often beautifully carved of stone,
and erected in the most conspicuous part of the
church, near the sanctuary. There the sacred Host
was kept in a transparent vessel, or monstrance, be-
hind a locked metal door of lattice work, in such a
way that the Host could still be dimly seen by those
who prayed outside. In the convent of Vadstena in
Sweden, the motherhouse of the Brigittines, we have
record of the erection of such a Sacrament House, in
1454, in the following terms: "Circa festum Epipha-
nise erectum est ciborium, sive columna, pro Corpore
Christi, et monstrancia ibi posita cum lampade".
Another custom which seems to have been very
prevalent tn Germany and the Netherlands, before
the close of the fifteenth century, was the practice of
exposing the Blessed Sacrament during the time of
Mass, apparently to add solemnity to the Holy Sacri-
fice thus offered. Numerous papal permissions for
such Exposition will be found in the " Regesta " of
Pope Leo X. (See e. g. 3 Nov., 1514; 20 Nov., 1514,
EXPULSION
714
EXTENSION
etc.). This practice is still a very favourite one in
Belgium, though it seems directly to contravene the
S)int of many directions in the official "Cseremoniale
piscoporum " prescribing that the Blessed Sacrament
should, when possible, be removed from the altar at
which High Mass is to be celebrated (C«r. Episc. I,
XII, 8-9). Before the Council of Trent, the abuse of
such frequent expositions, in Germany and elsewhere,
seems to have been very much checked, if not entirely
eliminated. In the sixteenth century and subse-
quently, the developments of popular devotion in this
matter have been much more restrained, and they
have always been subject to strict episcopal super-
vision. The practice of the Forty Hours' Devotion, and
the service now known as Benediction of the Blessed
Sacrament, are treated separately, and the reader may
be referred to the articles in question. But a good
many other varieties of services, involving Exposition
of tne Blessed Sacrament for a longer or shorter
period, began to prevail in the time of St. Philip Neri
and St. Charles Borromeo. Of one such variety
known as the Oratio sine iniermissione, and dating at
least from 1574, a full account will be found in the
" Acta Mediolanensis Ecclesue ". Not very long after
this, we begin to come across various religious insti-
tutes founded, with the permission of the Holy See.
for the express purpose of maintaining the perpetual
adoration of the Blessed Sacrament. See the article
Adoration, Perpetual, where details are given. In
most of these cases we may assume that the Blessed
Sacrament is exposed upon the altar, though in some
religious institutes of this kind the exposition is only
continued by day.
Conditions Regulating Exposition. — The Church
distinguishes between private and public Expositions
of the Blessed Sacrament; and though the former
practice is hardly known m northern Europe, or in
America, it is clearly within the competence of a
parish priest to permit such private exposition for
any good reason of devotion, Dy opening the taber-
nacle door and allowing the ciborium containing the
Blessed Sacrament to be seen by the worshippers.
There is, however, in this case no enthroning of the
Blessed Sacrament or use of a monstrance. Public
Exposition of the Blessed Sacrament may not take
place without the permission, express or implied, of
the ordinary. In English-speaking countries, a mon-
strance is almost always used when the Blessed Sacra-
ment is set upon Its throne, but in Germany, one fre-
quently sees simply the ciborium, covered of course
with its veil. A certain solemnity and decorum in the
matter of lights upon the altar, incense, music, and
attendance of worshippers is also required, and bishops
are directed to refuse permission for public Exposition
where these cannot be provided for.
When Mass is celebrated, or the Divine Office re-
cited, at the altar upon which the Blessed Sacrament
is exposed, a new set of rubrics comes into force, biret-
tas are not worn, genuflexions on both knees are made
before the altar, the incense and water are not blessed,
the celebrant's hand is not kissed, etc. The "Caere-
moniale" seems only to contemplate the case of Mass
before the Blessed Sacrament exposed during the
octave of Corpus Christi, and at the Mass of Deposition
of the Quarant' Ore, but, as already noticed, in many
Earts of Europe, local custom has made these Masses
efore the Blessed Sacrament of very common occur-
rence. For the candles that ought to burn upon the
altar, and for the ritual to be followed the reader may
be referred to the articles Benediction, .and Forty
Hours' Devotion. Other rubrical directions dealing
with such matters as the use of electric light, the ar-
rangement of the throne, etc., are given m detail in
manuals like that of Hartmann, or works upon Pas-
toral Theology such as that of Schulze.
Gihr, in Kirchenlexikon (1713-1716), I; Thurston in The
Month, June to September, 1001, and May, 1902, p. 530;
Corblkt, Histoire de la Sainte Eucharistxe (Paris, 1886) ; Lurui,
De SS. Sacramenii Pvblica Exposition e (Liege, 1681): Thicks,
De I' Exposition du S. SacremerU de VAutel (Paris. 1677) ; Rajblk.
Der Tabernakd efrut und jetzt (Freiburg, 1908), which gro
some good illustrations of German * 'Sacrament-houses ". For
rubrical details see, for example, Schulze, Manual of Pastoral
Theology (Milwaukee, 1906), 66-62); Van der Stappxn, Soen
LMuroxa .(Mechlin, 1903), V, Caremoniale; Scbuck. Pastonl
TheotogU (Innsbruck, 1905). p. 628. ^««*»
Herbert Thurston.
Expulsion. See Anathema; Degradation; Ex-
communication; Religious Orders; Vow.
Extension (from Lat. ex-tendere, to spread out) —
That material substance is not perfectly continuous in
its structure, as it appears to our gross senses, the physi-
cal sciences demonstrate. The microscope reveals
pores in the most compact matter, while the permea-
tion of gases and even of liquids through solids indi-
cates that the densest bodies would probably present
to a sufficiently penetrating eye a sponge-like struc-
ture throughout. This fact, togetherwith the difficulty
of explaining how the senses can perceive extension,
has led many theorists to deny its objectivity, al-
though, on the other hand, the first of modern philoso-
phers, Descartes, was so impressed by the universality
of extension that he held it to be the very essence of
matter. Kant makes extension a subjective form, an
original condition of sensuous faculty which when
stimulated by the sense-object stamps the impression
accordingly. Others, with Leibniz, resolve matter into
simple unextended points (monads), which by their
agitation are supposed to produce in us the impression
of continuous extension. Others, with Boscovich (d.
1787), subtilize matter into simple forces which some
hold to be " virtually ' ' extended. The Atomists (phys-
ical and chemical) dissolve bodies into minute par-
ticles or atoms (which some consider to be absolutely,
others only physically, indivisible) of certain elemen-
tary substances, which hitherto have defied further
analysis but which may eventually turn out to be
merely varying arrangements of some primordial
homogeneous material, the radical constituent of the
universe. The present teaching of Catholic philosophy
on the subject may be summarized as follows: Exten-
sion is either successive (fluent, as that of a stream
and of time), or permanent. The latter may be viewed
as either (a) continuous (mathematical, i. e. abstract,
as a line; or physical), when the entitative or inte-
grant parts into which its immediate subject, material
substance, is divisible are united (perfectly or imper-
fectly) throughout, e.g. a homogeneous wire; (b) con-
tiguous, when the said parts are conjoined only by
contact, e. g. a brick wall ; (c) interrupted, when those
parts are in some degree disjoined, though connected
by an intermediate, e. g. a string of beads. We are
here occupied with continuous extension only.
Continuous extension may be described as that
property in virtue whereof the parts into which mate-
rial substance is divisible are situally arranged in or-
derly relation one beyond the other (internal and
potentially local extension) and hence are naturally'
commensurate with the corresponding parts of the
immediately environing surfaces (external and actual
local extension). Consequent attributes of extension
are divisibility, measurability, and impenetrability.
Wherein precisely the essence of extension consists,
is a controverted question. Probably the more general
opinion is that extension radically and essentially
consists in the internal distribution of the parts into
which matter is divisible, and that external extension,
or the correspondence of those parts to the parts of
the locating surfaces, is a sequent property of essential
or internal extension. Of course tnis does not explain
extension. Some nearer approach to an explanation
may be found in the opinion of a recent writer (Pecsi)
who makes extension consist in the expansive and co-
hesive forces of matter — the former causing the said
parts to spread out, the latter keeping them united.
W
EXTRAVAGANCES
715
EXTBAVAOAHTE3
Continuous extension is an objective property of
matter, not a mere mental form moulding the sensuous
impression produced in the sensory organs by some
sort of physical motion. What it is that extension
immediately affects — whether the ultimate atoms, the
constituent molecules, or the gross mass of matter —
we are unable in the present stage of physical science
to* decide. Even should it turn out, however, as many
conjecture, that the densest solid — to say nothing of
a liquid or a gas — is but what might be called an
"infinitely" complex arrangement of infinitesimal
corpuscles — atoms or electrons — gyrating in a matrix
of ether, continuous extension would still remain real
(objective), though it would then be the immediate
property of the 'constituent corpuscles and the ether
instead of a property of the gross mass. It is experi-
mentally demonstrable that sensuous impressions are
aroused in us by bodies as extended and resistent.
Now if bodies were constituted of simple, unextended
points — monads or forces — these could not stimulate
the sensory organs, since such elements, apart from
the fact that they would all coalesce and copenetrate,
could not be the subjects of material activity (etherial
or aerial vibrations, chemical reactions, i. e. the im-
mediate sense-stimuli). Nor could the organs evoke
the sensation, since in the hypothesis thev, too, being
made up of unextended elements, would be incapable
of material action. Neither will it do to say that the '
motion of the supposed "points" might evoke sensa-
tion, since being unextended they would be impercep-
tible whether in motion or at rest.
Extension is an "absolute accident", that is not a
mere mode in which substance exists, as, for instance,
are motion and rest. It seems to have a certain dis-
tinct entity of its own. This, of course, would most
probably never have been suspected by the human
mind unaided by Revelation. But given the doctrine
of the Real Presence of Christ in the Sacrament of the
Eucharist, wherein the extensional dimensions and
sensible qualities of bread and wine persist after the
conversion of the substance of the bread and wine into
His Body and Blood, reason, speculating on the doc-
trine, discerns some grounds for the possibility of the
real distinction and even severance between substance
and local extension. In the first place there are mo-
tives for inferring a real distinction between substance
and extension (actual and local), or, in other words, that
extension does not constitute the essence of material
substance (as Descartes maintained that it does): (a)
substance is the root principle of action; extension as
such is either inactive or at most a proximate principle;
(b) substance is the ground of specification; extension
as such is indifferent to any species, since shape or fig-
ure which is the dimensional termination of extension
depends upon the specific form ; (c) substance is iden-
tical in the entire mass and in each of its parts (e. g. in
gold), while extension is not the same in the whole
and in each of its parts; (d) substance is the principle
of unity ; extension is the formal principle of plurality;
(e) substance essentially demands three dimensions;
extension may be realized in one or two ; (f ) substance
remaining the same, extension may increase or de-
crease.
Given a real distinction between extension and sub-
stance, no intrinsic impossibility can be proven to
exist in the separation of one from the other, for
although internal extension naturally demands exter-
nal, there is no evidence that the demand is so essen-
tially imperative that Omnipotence cannot super-
naturally suspend its realization and by other means
afford the accidents — extension and the rest — the
support which the substance naturally supplies. Since
material substance owes the distribution of its integral
parts to extension, the question arises whether, inde-
pendently of extension, it possesses any such parts (it,
of course, possesses parts essential to corporeal sub-
stance, matter and form), or is simple, indivisible, St.
Thomas and many others maintain that substance as
such is indivisible. Suarez and others hold that it is
divisible. For this and the other questions concerning
the divisibility of extension, and the psychology of the
subject, the reader is referred to the works mentioned
below*
Balmes, Fundamental Philosophy (New York, 1864); Far-
oes, L'Ideedu Continu (Paris, 1894); Nys, Cosmologie (Lou vain,
1906); L add, Psychology Descriptive and Explanatory (New York,
1895); Idem, Theory of Reality (New York, 1899); Gutberlet,
Naturphilosophie (Mttnster, 1894); Maher, Psychology (New
York, 1903); Willemb. InstUutiones Philosophic* (Trier, 1906);
Huoon, PhUosophia Naturalis (Paris, 1907); Pecsi, Cursus
brevis PhUosophUB (Esxtergom, Hungary, 1906).
F. P. Siegfried.
Extra vagantes (extra, outside; vagari, to wan-
der).— This word is employed to designate some papal
decretals not contained in certain canonical collections
which possess a special authority, i. e. they are not
found in the Decree of Gratian or the three official collec-
tions of the "Corpus Juris" (the Decretals of Gregory
IX, the Sixth Book of the Decretals, and the*Clemen-
tines). The term was first applied to those papal
documents which Gratian had not inserted in nis
"Decree" (about 1140), but which, however, were
obligatory upon the whole Church, also to other decre-
tals of a later date, and possessed of the same author-
ity. Bernard of Pavia designated under the name of
"Breviarium Extravagantium", or Digest of the
"Extravagantes", the collection of papal documents
which he compiled between 1 1 87 and 1191. Even the
Decretals of Gregory IX (published 1234) were long
known as the "Liber" or "Collectio Extra", i. e. the
collection of the canonical laws not contained in the
" Decree* ' of Gratian. This term is now applied to the
collections known as the "Extravagantes Joannis
XXII "and the "Extravagantes communes", both of
which are found in all editions of the "Corpus Juris
Canonici". When John XXII (1316-1334) pub-
lished the decretals known as the Clementines, there
already existed some pontifical documents, obligatory
upon the whole Church but not included in the
"Corpus Juris". This is why these Decretals were
called "Extravagantes". TTieir number was in-
creased by the mclusion of all the pontifical laws
of later date, added to the manuscripts of the "Cor-
pus Juris", or gathered -into separate collections.
In 1325 Zenselinus de Cassanis added a gloss to
twenty constitutions of Pope John XXII, and named
this collection " Viginti Extravagantes papae Joannis
XXII ". The others were known as " Extravagantes
communes", a title given to the collection by Jean
Chappuis in the Paris edition of the "Corpus Juris"
(1499-1505). He adopted the systematic order of
the official collections of canon law, and classified in a
similar way the "Extravagantes" commonly met
with (hence "Extravagantes communes") in the
manuscripts and editions of the "Corpus Juris". This
collection contains decretals of the following popes:
Martin IV, Boniface VIII (notably the celebrated
Bull "Unam Sanctam"), Benedict XI, Clement V,
John XXII, Benedict XII, Clement VI, Urban V,
Martin V, Eugene IV, Callistus III, Paul II, Sixtus IV
(1281-1484). Chappuis also classified the "Extrava-
gantes" of John XXII under fourteen titles, contain-
ing in all twenty chapters. These two collections are
of lesser value than the three others which form the
"Corpus Juris Canonici"; thev possess no official
value, nor has custom bestowed such on them. On
the other hand, many of the decretals comprised in
them contain legislation obligatory upon the whole
Church, e. g. the Constitution of Paul II, " Ambitio-
sae", which forbade the alienation of ecclesiastical
goods. This, however, is not true of all of them-
some had even been formally abrogated at the time
when Chappuis made his collection; three decretals
of John A All, are reproduced in both collections.
Both the collectings were printed in tfye official (1853.
EXTRKMI
718
we are certainly justified in including in that verse a
reference to the saving of the soul. Moreover, the
Apostle could not, surely, have meant to teach or imply
that every sick Christian who was anointed would be
cured of his sickness and saved from bodily death ; yet
the unction is clearly enjoined as a permanent institu-
tion in the Church for all the sick faithful, and the sav-
ing and raising up are represented absolutely as being
the normal, if not infallible, effect of its use. We know
from experience (and the same has been known and
noted in the Church from the beginning) that restora-
tion of bodily health does not as a matter of fact norm-
ally result from the unction, though it does result with
sufficient frequency and without being counted mirac-
ulous to justify us m regarding it as one of the Divinely
(but conditionally) intended effects of the rite. Are
we to suppose, therefore, that St. James thus solemnly
recommends universal recourse to a rite which, after
all, will be efficacious for the purpose intended only by
way of a comparatively rare exception? Yet this is
what would follow if it be held that there is reference
exclusively to bodily healing in the clauses which
speak of tne^sick man being saved and raised up, and if
further it be denied that the remission of sins spoken of
in the following clause, and which is undeniably a spir-
itual effect, is attributed to the unction by St. James.
This is the position taken by Mr. Puller; but, apart
from the arbitrary and violent breaking up of the
Jacobean text which it postulates, such a view utterly
fails to furnish an adequate rationale for the universal
and permanent character of the Apostolic prescription.
Mr. ruller vainly seeks an analogy (op. cit., pp. 289
sqq.) in the absolute and universal expressions in
which Christ assures us that our prayers will be heard.
We admit that our rightly disposed prayers are always
and infallibly efficacious for our ultimate spiritual
good, but not by any means necessarily so for the
specific temporal objects or even the proximate spirit-
ual ends which we ourselves intend. Christ's promises
regarding the efficacy of prayer are fully justified on
this ground; but would they be justified if we were
compelled to verify them by reference merely to the
E articular temporal boons we ask for? Yet this is
ow; on his own hypothesis, Mr. Puller is obliged to
justify St. James's assurance that the prayer-unction
shall be efficacious. But in the Catholic view, which
considers the temporal boon of bodily healing as being
only a conditional and subordinate end of the unction,
while its paramount spiritual purpose — to confer on
the sick and dying graces which they specially need —
may be, and is normally, obtained, not only is an ade-
quate rationale of the Jacobean injunction provided,
out a true instead of a false analogy with the efficacy
of prayer is established.
But in defence of his thesis Mr. Puller is further
obliged to maintain that all reference to the effects of
the unction ceases with the words, "the Lord shall
raise him up", and that in the clause immediately fol-
lowing, "and if he be in sins, they shall be forgiven
him'1, St. James passes on to a totally different sub-
ject, namely, the Sacrament of Penance. But unless
we agree to disregard the rules of grammar and the
logical sequence of thought, it is impossible to allow
this separation of the clauses and this sudden transi-
tion in the third clause to a new and altogether unex-
pected subject-matter. All three clauses are con-
nected in the very same way with the unction, "and
the prayer of faith . . . and the Lord . . . and if he
be in sins . . . ", so that the remission of sins is just as
clearly stated to be an effect of the unction as the sav-
ing and raising up. Had St. James meant to speak of
the effect of priestly absolution in the third clause he
could not have written in such a way as inevitably to
mislead the reader into believing that he was still deal-
ing with an effect of the priestly unction. In the nature
of things there is no reason whv unction as well as
absolution by a priest might not be Divinely ordained
for the sacramental remission of sin, and that it was so
ordained is what every reader naturally concludes
from St. James. Nor is there anything in the context
to suggest a reference to the Sacrament of Penance in
this third clause. The admonition in the following
verse (16), "Confess, therefore, your sins one to an-
other ", may refer to a mere liturgical confession like
that expressed in the " Confiteor " ; but even if we take
the reference to be to sacramental confession and ad-
mit the genuineness of the connecting " therefore" (its
genuineness is not beyond doubt), there is no compel-
ling reason for connecting this admonition closely with
the clause which immediately precedes. The " there-
fore" may very well be taken as referring vaguely to
the whole preceding Epistle and introducing a sort of
epilogue.
Mr. Puller's is the latest and most elaborate attempt
to evade the plain meaning of the Jacobean text that
we have met with : hence our reason for dealing with it
so fully. It would be an endless task to notice the
many other similarly arbitrary devices of interpreta-
tion to which Protestant theologians and commenta-
tors have recurred in attempting to justify their denial
of the Tridentine teaching so clearly supported by St.
James (see examples in Kern, " De Sacramento Ex-
treme Unctionis , Ratisbon, 1907, pp. 60 sq.). It is
enough to remark that the number of mutually con-
tradictory interpretations they have offered is a strong
confirmation of the Catholic interpretation, which is
indeed the only plain and natural one. but which thev
are bound to reject at the outset. In contrast witi
their disregard of St. James's injunction and their
hopeless disagreement as to what the Apostle really
meant, we have the practice of the whole Christian
world down to the time of the Reformation in main-
taining the use of the Jacobean rite, and the agreement
of East and West in holding this rite to be a sacrament
in the strict sense, an agreement which became explicit
and formal as soon as the definition of a sacrament in
the strict sense was formulated, but which was already
implicitly and informally contained in the common
practice and belief of preceding ages. We proceed,
therefore, to study the witness of Tradition.
(C) Proof from Tradition.— (I) State of the Argu-
ment.— Owing to the comparative paucity of extant
testimonies from the early centuries relating to this
sacrament. Catholic theologians habitually recur to
the general argument from prescription, which in this
case may be stated briefly thus: The uninterrupted use
of the Jacobean rite and its recognition as a sacrament
in the Eastern and Western Churches, notwithstand-
ing their separation since 869, proves that both must
have been in possession of a common tradition on the
subject prior to the schism. Further, the fact that the
Nestorian and Monophvsite bodies, who separated
from the Church in the fifth century, retained the usf
of the unction of the sick, carries back the undivided
tradition to the beginning of that century, while no
evidence from that or any earlier period can be ad-
duced to weaken the legitimate presumption that the
tradition is Apostolic, having its origin in St. James's
injunction. Both of these broad facts will be estab-
lished by the evidence to be given below, while the
presumption referred to will be confirmed by the wit-
ness of the first four centuries.
As to the actual paucity of early testimonies, various
explanations have been offered. It is not sufficient to
appeal with Binterim (Die VorzQglichsten Denkwur-
digkeiten der christkathol. Kirche, vol. VI, pt. Ill, p.
241) to the Discipline of the Secret, which, so far as it
existed, applied equally to other sacraments, yet did
not prevent frequent reference to them by writers and
preachers of those ages. Nor is Launoi s contention
(Opera, vol. I, pt. I, pp.* 544 sq.) well founded, that
recourse to this sacrament was much rarer in early
ages than later. It is more to the point in the first
place to recall the loss, except for a tew fragments, of
EXTREME
719
EXTREME
several early commentaries on St. James's Epistle (by
Clement of Alexandria, Didymus, St. Augustine, St.
Cyril of Alexandria, and others) in. which chiefly we
should look for reference to the unction. The earliest
accurately preserved commentary is that of St. Bede
(d. 735), who, as we shall see, is a witness for this sac-
rament, as is also Victor of Antioch (fifth century) . the
earliest commentator on St. Mark. Second, it is clear,
at the period when testimonies become abundant, that
the unction was allied to penance as a supplementary
sacrament, and as such was administered regularly
before the Viaticum. We may presume that this order
of administration had come down from remote antiq-
uity, and this close connexion with penance, about
which, as privately administered to the sick, the
Fathers rarely speak, helps to explain their silence on
extreme unction. Third, it should be remembered
that there was no systematic sacramental theology be-
fore the Scholastic period, and, in the absence of the
interests of system, the interests of public instruction
would call far less frequently for the treatment of this
sacrament and of the other offices privately adminis-
tered to the sick than would subjects of sucn practical
public concern as the preparation of catechumens and
the administration and reception of those sacraments
which were solemnly conferred in the church. If
these, and similar considerations which might be
added, are duly weighed, it will be seen that the com-
parative fewness of early testimonies is not after all so
strange. It should be observed, moreover, that charis-
matic and other unctions of the sick, even with conse-
crated oil, distincv from the Jacobean unction, were
practised m the early ages, and that the vagueness of
not a few testimonies which speak of the anointing of
the sick makes it doubtful whether the reference is to
the Apostolic rite or to some of these other usages.
It should finally be premised that in stating the
argument from tradition a larger place must be al-
lowed for the principle of development than theolo-
gians of the past were in the habit of allowing. Prot-
estant controversialists were wont virtually to demand
that the early centuries should speak in the language
of Trent — even Mr. Puller is considerably under the
influence of this standpoint — and Catholic theologians
have been prone to accommodate their defence to the
terms of their adversaries' demand. Hence they have
undertaken in many cases to prove much more than
they were strictly bound to prove, as for instance that
extreme unction was clearly recognized as a sacrament
in the strict sense long before the definition of a sacra-
ment in this sense was drawn up. It is a perfectly
valid defence of the Tridentine doctrine on extreme
unction to show that St. James permanently pre-
scribed the rite of unction in terms that imply its
strictly sacramental efficacy; that the Church for sev-
eral centuries simply went on practising the rite and
believing in its efficacy as taught by the Apostle, with-
out feeling the need of a more definitely formulated
doctrine than is expressed in the text of his Epistle;
and that finally, when this need had arisen, the
Church, in the exercise of her infallible authority, did
define for all time the true meaning and proper efficacy
of the Jacobean prayer-unction. Ft is well to keep this
principle in mind in discussing the witness of the early
ages, though as a matter of fact the evidence, as will be
seen, proves more than we are under any obligation to
prove.
(2) The Evidence.— (a) Ante-Nicene Period.— The
earliest extant witness is Origen (d. 254), who, in
enumerating the several ways of obtaining remission of
sins, comes (seventhly) to "the hard and laborious"
way of (public) penance, which involves the confession
of one's sins to the priest and the acceptance at his
hands of " the salutary medicine ". And having quoted
the Psalmist in support of confession, Origen adds:
" And in this [in quo] is fulfilled also what St. James
the Apostle says: if any one is sick, let him call in the
priests of the Church, and let them lay hands on him.
anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord, ana
the prayer of faith shall save the sick man, and if ne be
in sins they shall be remitted to him" (Horn, ii, in
Levit., in P. G., XII, 419). We might be content to
quote this as a proof merely of the fact that the injunc-
tion of St. James was -well known and observed in
Origen's time, and that the rite itself was commonly
spoken of at Alexandria as "a laying on of hands' .
But when it is urged that he here attributes the remis-
sion of sins of which the Apostle speaks, not to the rite
of unction but to the Sacrament of Penance, it is
worth while inquiring into the reasons alleged for this
interpretation of the passage. Some would have it
that Origen is allegorizing, and that he takes the sick
man in St. James to mean the spiritually sick or the
sinner, thus changing the Apostolic injumction to the
following: If anyone be in sins, let him call in the
priests . . . and if he be in sins, they shall be remit-
ted to him. But we cannot suppose the great Alexan-
drian capable of such illogicalness on his own account,
or capable of attributing it to the Apostle. According
#to Mr. Puller (op. cit., pp. 42 sqq.), Origen, while quo-
'ting the whole text of St. James, means in reality to
refer only to the fulfilment of the concluding words,
"and if he be in sins", etc. But if that be so, why
quote the preceding part at all, which, in Mr. Puller's,
and ex hypothesi in Origen's, view, has nothing to do
with the subject and can only lead to confusion; and
why, above all, omit the words of St. James imme-
diately following, "Confess your sins one to another",
which would have been very much to the point ana
could not have caused any confusion? The truth is
that the relation of the Jacobean rite to penance is
very obscurely stated by Origen; but, whatever may
have been Ins views of that relation, he evidently
means to speak of the whole rite, unction and all, and
to assert that it is performed as a means of remitting
sin for the sick. It it be held on the obscurity of the
connexion that he absolutely identifies the Jacobean
rite with penance, the only logical conclusion would be
that he considered the unction to be a necessary part
of penance for the sick. But it is much more reason-
able and more in keeping with what we know of the
penitential discipline of the period — Christian sinners
were admitted to canonical penance only once — to
suppose that Origen looked upon the rite of unction as
a supplement to penance, intended for the sick or
dying who either had never undergone canonical pen-
ance, or after penance might have contracted new sins,
or who, owing to their " hard and laborious" course of
satisfaction being cut short by sickness, might be con-
sidered to need just such a complement to absolution,
this complement itself being independently efficacious
to remit sins or complete their remission by removal of
their effects. This would fairly account for the con-
fused grouping together of both ways of remission in
the text, and it is a Catholic interpretation in keeping
with the conditions of that age and with later and
clearer teaching. It is interesting to observe that John
Cassian. writing nearly two centuries later, and proba-
bly with this very text of Origen before him, gives
similar enumeration of means for obtaining remission
of sins, and in this enumeration the Jacobean rite is
given an independent place (Collat., XX, in P. L.,
XLIX, 1161).
Origen's contemporary, Tertullian, in upbraiding
heretics for neglecting the distinction between clergy
and laity and allowing even women " to teach, to dis-
pute, to perform exorcisms, to undertake cures [euro-
tiones repromittere], perhaps even to baptize " (De Prae-
script., c. xli, in P. L., II, 262), probably refers in the
italicized clause to the use of the Jacobean rite; for he
did not consider charismatic healing, even with oil, to
be the proper or exclusive function of the clergy (see
" Ad Scapulam ", c. iv, in P. L., I, 703). If thisbe so.
Tertullian is a witness to the general use of the rite and
720
EXTREME
to the belief that its administration was reserved to
the priests.
St. Aphraates, " the Persian Sage ", though he wrote
(336-345) after Nicsea, may be counted as an Ante-
Nicene witness, since he lived outside the limits of the
empire and remained in ignorance of the Arian strife.
Writing of the various uses of holy oil, this Father says
that it contains the sign " of the sacrament of life by
which Christians [in baptism], priests [in ordination],
kings, and prophets are made perfect; [it] illuminates
darkness [in confirmation], anoints the sick, and by its
secret sacrament restores penitents" (Demonstratio
xxiii, 3, in Graffin. "Patrol. Syriaca" vol. I, p. Iv).
It is hardly possible to question the allusion here to
the Jacobean rite{ which was therefore in regular use in
the remote Persian Church at the beginning of the
fourth century. Its mention side by side with other
unctions that are not sacramental in the strict sense
is characteristic of the period, and merely shows that
the strict definition of a sacrament had not been for-
mulated. As being virtually Ante-Nicene we may give
also the witness of the collection of liturgical prayers
known as the " Sacramentary of Serapion". (Sera-
pion was Bishop of Thmuis in the Nile Delta and the
friend of St. Athanasius.) The seventeenth prayer is a
lengthy form for consecrating the oil of the sick, in the
course of which God is besought to bestow upon the oil
a supernatural efficacy "for good grace and remis-
sion of sins, for a medicine of life and salvation, for
health and soundness of soul, body, spirit, for perfect
strengthening ". Here we have not only the recogni-
tion in plain terms of spiritual effects from the unction
but the special mention of grace and the remission of
sins. Mr. Puller tries to explain away several of these
expressions, but he has no refuge from the force of the
words "for good grace and remission of sins1' but to
hold that they must be a later addition to the original
text.
(b) The Great Patristic Age: Fourth to Seventh
Century. — References to extreme unction in this period
are much more abundant and prove beyond doubt the
universal use of the Jacobean unction in every part of
the Church. Some testimonies, moreover, refer spe-
cifically to one or more of the several ends and effects of
the sacrament, as the cure or alleviation of bodily
sickness and the remission of sins, while some may be
said to anticipate pretty clearly the definition of ex-
treme unction as a sacrament in the strict sense. As
illustrating the universal use of the Jacobean unction,
we may cite in the first place St. Ephraem Syrus
(d. 373), who in his forty-sixth polemical sermon
(Opera, Rome, 1740, vol. II, p. 541), addressing the
sick person to whom the priests minister, says: "They
pray over thee; one blows on thee; another seals
thee." The "sealing" here undoubtedly means
"anointing with the sign of the cross", and the ref-
erence to St. James is clear [see Bickell, Carmina
Nisibena, Leipzig, 1866, pp. 223, 4, note, and the
other passage (seventy-third carmen) there discussed].
Next we would call attention to the witness of an
ancient Ordo compiled, it is believed, in Greek before
the middle of the fourth century, but which is pre-
served only in a fragmentary Latin version made be-
fore the end of the fifth century and recently discov-
ered at Verona (" Didascalias Apostolorum" in "Frag-
menta Veronensia", ed. Hauler, Leipzig, 1900), and m
an Ethiopic version. This Ordo in both versions con-
tains a form for consecrating the oil for the Jacobean
rite, the Latin praying for "the strengthening and
healing" of those who use it, and the Ethiopic for
their "strengthening and sancufication " . Mr. Puller,
who gives and discusses both versions (op. cit., p. 104
sq.), is once more obliged to postulate a corruption of
the Ethiopic version because of the reference to sanc-
tification. But may not the "strengthening" spoken
of as distinct from " healing" be spiritual rather than
corporal? Likewise the " Testamentum Domini",
compiled in Greek about the year 400 or earlier, and
preserved in Syriac (published by Rahmani), and in
Ethiopic and Arabic versions (still in MSS.) contains
a form for consecrating the oil of the sick, in which,
besides bodily healing, the sanctifying power of the oil
as applied to penitents is referred to (see "The Testa-
ment of Our Lord", tr. Cooper and Maclean, 1902, pp.
77, 78). From these instances it appears that Sera-
pion's Sacramentary was not without parallels during
this period. '
In St. Augustine's "Speculum de ScripturA" (an.
427; in P. L.. XXXIV, 887-1040), which.is made up
almost entirely of Scriptural texts, without comment
by the compiler, and is intended as a handy manual of
, Christian piety, doctrinal and practical, the injunction
of St. James regarding the prayer-unction of the sick is
quoted. This shows that the rite was a common-
place in the Christian practice of that age; and we are
told by Possidius, in his " Life of Augustine" (c. xxvii,
in P. L., XXXII, 56), that the saint himself " followed
the rule laid down by the Apostle that he should visit
only orphans and widows in their tribulation (James,
i, 27), and that if be happened to be asked by the sick
to pray to the Lord for them and impose hands on
them, he did so without delay ". We have seen Origen
refer to the Jacobean rite as an " imposition of hands ",
and this title survived to a very late period in the
Church of St. Ambrose, who was himself an ardent
student of Origen and from whom St. Augustine very
likely borrowed it (see Magistretti, "Manuale Am-
brosianum ex Codice saec. XT", etc., 1905, vol. I, p. 79
sq., 94 sq., 147 sq., where three different Ordines of the
eleventh and thirteenth centuries have as title for the
office of extreme unction, impositio manuum super in-
firmum). It is fair, then, to conclude from the biog-
rapher's statement that, when called' upon to do so,
St. Augustine himself used to administer the Jacobean
unction to the sick. This would be exactly on the
lines laid down by Augustine's contemporary, Pope
Innocent I (see below). St. Ambrose himself, writing
against the Novatians (De Poenit., VIII, in P. L.,
AVI. 477), asks: " Why therefore do you lay on hands
and believe it to be an effect of the blessing \benedic-
tionis opus] if any of the sick happen to recover? . . .
Why do you baptize, if sins cannot be remitted by
men? " The coupling of this laying-on of hands with
baptism and the use of both as arguments in favour of
penance, shows that there is question not of mere
charismatic healing by a simple messing, but of a rite
which, like baptism, was in regular use among the
Novatians, and which can only have been the unction
of St. James. St. Athanasius, in his encyclical letter
of 341 (P. G., XXV. 234), complaining of the evils to*
religion caused by the intrusion of the Arian Bishop
Gregory, mentions among other abuses that many
catechumens were left to die without baptism and that
many sick and dying Christians had to choose the hard
alternative of being deprived of priestly ministrations
— "which they considered a more terrible calamity
than the disease itself " — rather than allow " the hands
of the Arians to be laid on their heads". Here again
we are justified in seeing a reference to extreme unc-
tion as an ordinary Christian practice, and a proof
of the value which the faithful attached to the rite.
Cassiodorus (d. about 570) thus paraphrases the in-
junction of St. James (Complexiones in Epp. Aposto-
lorum, in P. L., LXX, 1380) : " a priest is to be called
in, who by the prayer of faith [orations fidci\ and the
unction of the holy oil which he imparts will save him
who is afflicted [by a serious injury of by sickness]."
To these testimonies may be added many instances
of the use of extreme unction recorded in the lives of
the saints. See, e. g., the lives of St. Leobinus (d.
about 550; Acta SS., 14 March, p. 348), St. Tresanus
(ibid., 7 Feb., p. 55), St. Eugene (Eoghan), Bishop of
Ardsrath (modern Ardstraw, in the Diocese of Derry;
d. about 618; ibid., 23 Aug., p. 627). One instance
EXTBEM1 721 EXTREME
from the life of an Eastern saint, Hypatius fd. about of body and remission of sins, for the Holy Ghost has
446), is worthy of particular notice. While still a given this promise through James". We have men-
young monk and before his elevation to the priest- tioned the witness of John Cassian, and the witness of
hood, he was appointed infirmarian in his monastery his master, St. Chrysostom, may be given here. In his
(in Bithynia), and while occupying this office he work " On the Priesthood " (III, vi, in P. G., XL VIII,
showed a splendid example of charity m his care of the 644) St. Chrysostom proves the dignity of the priest-
sick, whom he sought out and brought to the monas- hood by showing, among other arguments, that the
tery. " But if the necessity arose ' { says his disciple priests by their spiritual ministry do more for us than
ana biographer, "of anointing the sick person, he re- our own parents can do. Whereas our parents only
ported to tne abbot, who was a priest (t* yty vpwfto- beget our bodies, which they cannot save from death
repot), and had the unction witn the blessed dil per- and disease, the priests regenerate our souls in baptism
formed by him. And it often happened that in a few and have power, moreover, to remit post-baptismal
days, God co-operating with his efforts, he sent the sins; a power which St. Chrysostom proves by quoting
man home restored to health" (Acta SS., 17 June, p. the text of St. James. This passage, like that of Ori-
251). It appears from this testimony that the Jaco- gen discussed above, has given rise to no little con-
bean unction was administered only to those who were troversy, and it is claimed by Mr. Puller (op. cit., pp.
seriously ill, thai only a priest could administer it, 45 sqq.) as a proof that St. Chrysostom, like Origen,
that consecrated oil was used, that it was distinct understood St. James as he (Mr. Puller) does. But if
from charismatic unction (which the saint himself this were so it would still be true that only clinical
used to perform, while still a layman, using conse- penance is referred to, for it is only of the sick that
crated oil), and finally that bodily healing did not St. James can be understood to speak; and the main
always follow and was not apparently expected to fol- point of Mr* Puller's argument, viz., that it isincon-
low, and that when it did take place it was not re- • ceivable that St. Chrysostom should pass over the
garded as miraculous. It is, therefore, implied that Sacrament of Penance in such a context, would have
other effects besides bodily healing were believed to be lost hardly any df its force. We know very little,
produced by the Jacobean unction, and these must be except by way of inference and assumption, about the ,
understood to be spiritual. practice of clinical penance in that age; but we are '
As evidence of the use of the unction by the Nes- well acquainted witn canonical penance as adminis-
torians we may refer to the nineteenth canon of the tered to those in good health, and it is to this obviously
synod held at Seleucia in 554 under the presidency of we should expect the saint to refer, if he were bound to
tne Patriarch Joseph, and which, speaking of those speak of that sacrament at all. Mr. Puller is probably
who have been addicted to various diabolical and su- aware how very difficult it would be to prove that
perstitious practices, prescribes that any such person St. Chrysostom anywhere in his voluminous writings
on being converted shall have applied to him, "as to teaches clearly ana indisputably the necessity of con-
one who is corporally sick, the oil of prayer blessed by f easing to a priest: in other words, that he recognizes
the priests" (Chabot, Synodicon Orientale, 1902, the Sacrament of Penance as Mr. Puller recognizes it;
p. 363). Here, besides the legitimate use of the Jaco- and in view of this general obscurity on a point of
Bean unction, we have an early instance of an abuse, fundamental importance it is not at all so strange that
which prevails in the modern Orthodox (schismatical) penance should be passed over here. We do not pre-
church, of permitting the euchelaion to be adminis- tend to be able to enter into St. Chrysostom's mind,
tered, on certain days of the year, to people who are in but assuming that he recognized both penance and
perfect health, as a complement of penance and a unction to be efficacious for the remission of post-
preparation for Holy Communion [see Delow VI, (3)]. baptismal sins — and the text before us plainly states
That the Monophysites also retained the Jacobean this in regard to the unction — we may perhaps find
unction after their separation from the Catholic in the greater affinity of unction with baptism, and in
Church (451) is clear from the fact that their liturgies the particular points of contrast he is developing, a
(Armenian, Syrian, and Coptic) contain the rite for reason why unction rather than penance is appealed
blessing the oil. There is reason to suppose that this to. Regeneration by water in baptism is opposed to
portion of their liturgies in its present form has been parental generation, and saving by oil from spiritual
borrowed from, or modelled upon, the Byzantine rite disease and eternal death to the inability of parents to
of a later period {see Brightman in Journal of save their children from bodily disease and death. St.
Theological Studies , I, p. 261), but this borrowing Chrysostom might have added several other points of
supposes that they already possessed the unction itself, contrast, but he confines himself ip. this context to
It has nowadays fallen into disuse among the Nestor- these two; and supposing, as one ought in all candour
ians and Armenians, though not among tne Copts. to suppose, that he understood the text of St. James as
Many testimonies might be quoted in which the we do, in its obvious and natural sense, it ts evident
Jacobean unction is recommended specifically as a that the prayer-unction, so much more akin to bap-
means of restoring bodily health, and the faithful are tism in the simplicity of its ritual character and so
urged to receive it instead of recurring, as they were naturally suggested by the mention of sickness and
prone to do, to various superstitious remedies. This death, supplied a much apter illustration of the
is the burden of certain passages in Procopius of Gaza priestly power of remitting post-baptismal sins than
[c. 465-525: " In Levit. , xix, 31, in P. G., LXXXVII the judicial process of penance. And a single illus-
(1), 762 sq. J, Isaac of Antioch (b. about 350; Opp., ed. "trative example was all that the context required.
Bickell, Pt. I, pp. 187 sq.), St. Cyril of Alexandria (De Victor of Antioch (fifth century) is one of the an-
Adorat. in Spintu et Veritate, VI, in P. G., LXVIII, cient witnesses who, in the general terms they employ
470 sq.) . St. Cs3sarius of Aries (Serm. cclxxix, 5, " Ap- in speaking of the Jacobean unction, anticipate more
petid aa sermm. Au^ustini" inP. L., XXXIX, 2273), or less clearly the definition of a sacrament in the
and John Mandakum (Montagouni), Catholicos of the strict sense. Commenting on St. Mark, vi, 13, Victor
Armenians from 480 to 487 (Schmid, Reden des quotes the text of St. James and adds: "Oil both
Joannes Mandakuni, pp. 222 sq.). This particular cures pains and is a source of light and refreshment,
effect of the prayer-unction is the one specially em- The oil, then, used m anointing signifies both the mercy
phasized in the form used to this day in the Orthodox of God, and the cure of the disease, and the enlighten-
Eastern Church (see above, I). ing of the heart. For it is manifest to all that the
Mention of the remission of sins as an effect of the prayer effected all this; but the oil, as I think, was the
Jacobean rite is also fairly frequent. It is coupled symbol of these things" (Cramer, Caten. Grsec. Pa-
with bodily healing by St. Caesarius in the passage just trum, I, p. 324). Here we have the distinction, so
referred to: the sick person will " receive both health well known in later theology, between the signification
V.
<n
EXTREME 722 EXTREME
V
I
and causality of a sacrament; only Victor attributes use in many churches at that time and in later a^es,
the signification entirely to the matter and the causal- but to which there is not the least reason for believing
ity to the form (the prayer). This was to be corrected that the pope meant specially to refer. In any case
in the fully developed sacramental theory of later the reference is certainly not exclusive, as Mr. Fuller
times, but the attribution of sacramental effects to the leaves his reader to infer. What Pope Innocent, fol-
form (the prayer, the word, etc.) is characteristic of lowing the "Roman custom", explicitly teaches is
patristic suggestions of a theory. Victor clearly attri- that the " sacrament " enjoined by St. James was to be
butes both spiritual and corporal effects to the prayer- administered to the sick faithful who were not doing
unction; nor can the fact that he uses the imperfect canonical penance; that priests, and a fortiori bishops,
tense (irfpyei, "effected"; farflpx6, " was ") betaken can administer it; but that the oil must be blessed dv
to imply that the use of the unction had ceased at the bishop. The exclusion of sick penitents from this
Antioch in his day. The use of the present tense in "sacrament" must be understood, of course, as being
describing the signification of the rite implies the con- subject to the same exception as their exclusion from
trary, and independent evidence is clearly against the " the other sacraments ", and (he latter are directed to
supposition. In the passage from John Mandakuni, be given before the annual Easter reconciliation when
referred to above, the prayer-unction is repeatedly danger of death is imminent: "Quando usoue ad
described as " the gift of grace ", " the grace of God , desperandum venerit, ante tempus paschae reiaxan-
Divinelv instituted and prescribed, and which cannot dum [est] ne de sseculo raegrotus] absque communione
be neglected and despised without incurring " the discedat. " If the words of Innocent — and the same
curse of the Apostles"; language which it is difficult observation applies to other ancient testimonies, e. g.
to understand unless we suppose the Armenian patri- to that of Csesarius of Aries referred to above^ — seem to
arch to have reckoned the unction among the most imply that the laity were permitted to anoint them-
sacred of Christian rites, or, in other words, regarded selves or members of their household with the oil con-
it as being what we describe as a sacrament m the secrated .by the bishop, vet it is clear enough from the
strict sense (cf. Kern, op. cit., pp. 46, 47). text of St. James and from the way in which Pope
There remains to be noticed under this head the Innocent explains the mention of priests in the text,
most celebrated of all patristic testimonies on extreme • that this could not have been considered by him to be
unction, the well-known passage in the Letter of Pope identical with the Jacobean rite, but to be at most a
Innocent I (402-417), written in 416, to Decentius, pious use of the oil allowable for devotional, and posai-
Bishop of Eugubium, in reply to certain questions sub- bly for charismatic, purposes. , But it would not be
mitted by the latter for solution. In answer to the impossible nor altogether unreasonable to understand
question as to who were entitled to the unction, the the language used by Innocent and others in a causa-
pope, having quoted the text of St. James, says: tive sense, l. e. as meaning not that the laity were per-
" There is no doubt that this text must be received or mitted to anoint themselves, but that they were to
understood of the sick faithful, who may be [lawfully] have the blessed oil at hand to secure their being
anointed with the holy oil of chrism; which, having anointed by the priests according to the prescription
been blessed by the bishop, it is permitted not only to of St. James. We believe, however, that this is a
priests but to all Christians to use for anointing in their forced and unnatural way of understanding such testi-
own need or that of their families." Then he diverges monies, all the more so as there is demonstrative evi-
to point out the superfluous character of a further dence of the devotional and charismatic use of sacred
doubt expressed by Decentius: " We notice the super- oil by the laity during the early centuries,
fluous addition of a doubt whether a bishop may do It is worth adding, as a conclusion to our survey of
what is undoubtedly permitted to priests. For priests this period, that Innocent's reply to Decentius was
are expressly mentioned [by St. James] for the reason incorporated in various early collections of canon law,
that bishops, hindered by other occupations, cannot some of which, as for instance that of Dionysius
go to all the sick. But if the bishop is able to do so or Exiguus (P. L., LXVTI, 240), were made towards the
thinks anyone specially worthy of being visited, he, end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century,
whose office it is to consecrate the chrism, need not In this way Innocent's teaching became known and
hesitate to bless and anoint the sick person." Then, was received as law in most parts of the Western
reverting to the original question, he explains the Church.
qualification he had added in speaking of "the sick (c) The Seventh Century and Later. — One of the
faithful ": " For this unction may not be given to'peni- most important witnesses for this period is St. Bede
tents [i. e. to those undergoing canonical penance], (d. 735), who, in his commentary on the Epistle of St.
seeing that it is a sacrament [quia genus sacramenti est]. James, tells us (P. L., XCIII, 39) that, as in Apostolic
For how is it imagined that one sacrament [unum times, so " now the custom of the Church is tnat the
genus] may be given to those to whom the other sacra- sick should be anointed by the priests with conse-
ments are denied? " The pope adds that he has an- crated oil and through the accompanying prayer re-
swered all his correspondent's questions in order that stored to health". He adds that, according to Pope
the latter's Church may be in a position to follow " the Innocent, even the laity may use the oil provided it
Roman custom" (P. L., XX, 559 sq., Denzinger, no. has been consecrated by the bishop; and commenting
99 — old no. 61). We do not, of course, suggest that on the clause, " if he be in sins they shall be remitted
Pope Innocent had before his mind the definition of a to him", after quoting I Cor., xi, 30, to prove that
sacrament in the strict sense when he calls the Jaco- " many because of sins committed in the soul are
bean unction a sacrament, but since " the other sacra- stricken with bodily sickness or death ". he goes on to
ments" from which penitents were excluded were the speak of the necessity of confession: If, therefore,
Holy Eucharist and certain sacred offices, we are justi- the sick be in sins and shall have confessed these to the
fied in maintaining that this association of the unction priests of the Church and shall have sincerely under-
with the Eucharist most naturally suggests an implicit taken to relinquish and amend them, they shall be
faith on the part of Pope Innocent m what has been remitted to them. For sins cannot be remitted with-
explicitly taught by Scholastic theologians and defined out the confession of amendment. Hence the iniunc-
by the Council of Trent. It is interesting to observe tion is rightly added [by St. James], ' Confess, tnere-
that Mr. Puller, in discussing this text (op. cit., pp. 53 fore, your sins one to another.' " St. Bede thus
sqq.), omits all reference to the Holy Eucharist, appears to connect the remission of sins in St. James's
though it is by far the most obvious and important of text with penance rather than the unction, and is
" the other sacraments " of which Innocent is speaking, therefore claimed by Mr. Puller as supporting his own
and diverts his reader's attention to the eulogia, or interpretation of the text. But it should be observed
blessed bread (pain benit), a sacramental which was in that in asserting the necessity of confessing post-
723
EXTREME
baptismal sins, a necessity recognized in Catholic
teaching, Bede does not deny that the unction also may
be efficacious in remitting them, or at least in complet-
ing their remission, or in remitting the lighter daily
sins which need not be confessed. The bodily sickness
which the unction is intended to heal is regarded by
St. Bede as being, often at any rate, the effect of sin;
and it is interesting to notice that Amalarius of Metz,
writing a century later (De Eccles. Offic, I, xii, in P.
L., CV, 101 1 sa.), with this passage of Bede before him,
expressly attributes to the unction not only the heal-
ing of sickness due to the unworthy reception of the
Eucharist, but the remission of daily sins: "What
saves the sick is manifestly the prayer of faith, of
which the sign is the unction of oil. If those whom the
unction of oil, i. e. the grace of God through the prayer
of the priest, assists are sick for the reason that they
eat the Body of the Lord unworthily, it is right that
the consecration [of the oil] of which there is question
should be associated with the consecration of the Body
and Blood of the Lord, which takes place in commemo-
ration of the Passion of Christ, by Whom the author of
sin has been eternally vanquished. The Passion of
Christ destroyed the author of death; His grace,
which is signified by the unction of oil, has destroyed
his arms, which are daily sins."
The confusing way in which St. Bede introduces
penance in connexion with the text of St. James is
intelligible enough when we remember that the unc-
tion was regarded and administered as a complement
of the Sacrament of Penance, and that no formal ques-
tion had yet been raised about their respective inde-
pendent effects. In the circumstances of the age it was
more important to insist on the necessity of confession
than to discuss with critical minuteness the effects of
the unction, and one had to be careful not to allow the
text of St. James to be misunderstood as if it dispensed
with this necessity for the sick sinner. The passage in
St. Bede merely proves that he was preoccupied with
some such idea in approaching the text of St. James.
Paschasius Radbertus (writing about 831) says from
the same standpoint that "according to the Apostle
when anyone is sick, recourse is to be had in the first
place to confession of sins, then to the prayer of many,
then to the sanctification of the unction [or. the unc-
tion of sanctification] " (De Corp. et Sang. Domini, c.
viii, in P. L., CXX, 1292); and the same writer, in
what he tells us of the death of his abbot, St. Adelhard
of Corbie, testifies to the prevalence of an opinion that
it was only those in sins who had need of the unction.
The assembled monks, who regarded the holy abbot as
" free from the burdens of sins , doubted whether they
should procure the Apostolic unction for him. But the
saint, overhearing the debate, demanded that it should
be given at once, and with his dying breath exclaimed:
"Now dismiss thy servant in peace, because I have
received all the sacraments of Thy mystery" (P. L.,
CXX, 1547).
As proving the uninterrupted universality during
this period of the practice of the Jacobean rite, with a
clear indication in some instances of its strictly sacra-
mental efficacy, we shall add some further testimonies
from writers, synods, and the precepts of particular
bishops. As doubts may be raised regarding the age
of any particular expression in the early medieval
liturgies, we shall omit all reference to them. There is
all the less need to be exhaustive as the adversaries of
Catholic teaching are compelled to admit that from
the eighth century onwards the strictly sacramental
conception of the Jacobean rite emerges clearly in the
writings and legislation of both the Eastern and the
Western Churches. Haymo, Bishop of Halberstadt
(841-853), in his Homily on Luke, ix, 6 (P. L.,
CXVIII, 573), and Amulo, Bishop of Lyons (about
841), in his letter to Theobald (P. L., CXVI, 82), speak
of the unction of the sick as an Apostolic practice.
Prudentius, Bishop of Treves (about 843-861), tells
how the holy virgin Maura asked to receive from his
own hands " the Sacraments of the Eucharist and of
Extreme Unction" (P. L., CXV. 1374; cf. Acta SS.,
21 Sept., p. 272) ; and Jonas, Bishop of Orleans, in his
"Institutio Laicalis" (about 829), after reprobating
the popular practice of recurring in -sickness to magical
remedies, says: "It is obligatory on anyone who is
sick to demand, not from wizards and witches, but
from the Church and her priests, the unction of sancti-
fied oil, a remedy which [as coming] from Our Lord
Jesus Christ will benefit him not only in Jbody but in
soul" (III, xiv, in P. L., CVI, 122 so.). Already the
Second Council of Chalon-sur-Saone (813), in its forty-
eighth canon, had prescribed as obligatory the unction
enjoined by St. James, "since a medicine of this kind
which heals the sicknesses of soul and of body is not to
be lightly esteemed" (Hardouin, IV, 1040). The
Council of Aachen in 836 warns the priest not to
neglect giving penance and unction to the sick person
(once his illness becomes serious), and when the end is
seen to be imminent the soul is to be commended to
God "more sacerdotali cum acceptione sacrse com-
munionis" (cap. ii, can. v, ibid., 1397). The First
Council of Mainz (847), held under the presidency of
Jlhabanus Maurus (cap. xxvi), prescribed in the same
order the administration of penance, unction, and the
Viaticum (Hardouin, V, 13); while the Council of
Pa via (850), legislating, as seems clear from the word-
ing of the capitulary (viii), according to the tradi-
tional interpretation of Pope Innocent's letter to
Decentius (see above) f directs preachers to be sedulous
in instructing the faithful regarding "that salutary
sacrament which James the Apostle commends . . .
a truly great and very much to De desired mystery, by
which, if asked for with faith, both sins are remitted
and as a consequence corporal health restored" (ibid.,
Ill, 27; Denzinger, Freiburg, 1908, no. 315).
The statutes attributed to St. Sonnatius, Arch-
bishop of Reims (about 600-631), and which are cer-
tainly anterior to the ninth century, direct (no. 15)
that " extreme unction is to be brought to the sick
person who asks for it", and " that the pastor himself
is to visit him often, animating and duly preparing
him for future glory/' (P. L., LXXX, 445; cf. Hefele,
Conciliengesch., Ill, 77). The fourth of the canons
promulgated (about 745) by St. Boniface, the Apostle
of Germany (see Hefele, III, 580 sq.), forbids priests to
go on a journey " without the chrism, and the blessed
oil, and the Eucharist", so that in any emergency they
may be ready to offer their ministrations; and the
twenty-ninth orders all priests to have the oil of the
sick always with them and to warn the sick faithful
to apply for the unction (P. L., LXXXIX, 821 sq.).
In the <rExcerptiones" of Egbert, Archbishop of York
(732-766), the unction is mentioned between penance
and the Eucharist, and ordered to be diligently admin-
istered (P. L., LXXXIX, 382). But no writer of this
period treats of the unction so fully as, and none more
undeniably regards it as a true sacrament in the strict
sense than, Theodulf , Bishop of Orleans, and with him
we will conclude our list of witnesses. A long section
of his second Capitulare, published in 789, is taken up
with the subject (P. L., CV, 220 sq.) : " Priests are also
to be admonished regarding the unction of the sick, and
penance, and the Viaticum, lest anyone should die
without the Viaticum." Penance is to be given first,
and then, " if the sickness allow it, " the patient is to be
carried to the church, where the unction and Holy
Communion are to be given. Theodulf describes the
unction in detail, ordering fifteen, or three times five,
crosses to be made with the oil to symbolize the
Trinity and the five senses, but noting at the same time
that the practice varies as to the number of anointings
and the parts anointed. He quotes with approval the
form used by the Greeks while anointing, in which re-
mission of sins is expressly mentioned; and so clearly
is the unction in his view intended as a preparation for
724 EXTREME
death that he directs the sick person after receiving it one should wish to maintain that in the absence of
to commend his soul into the hands of God and Lid reservation the ordinary bishop would have this
farewell to the living. He enjoins the unction of sick power). The Eastern Uniats have the express appro-
children also on the aground that it sometimes cures bation of the Holy See for their discipline, and, as
them, and that penance is (often) necessary for them, gards the schismatics! Orthodox, one may say either
Theodulf 's teaching is so clear and definite that some that they have the tacit approbation of the pope or
Protestant controversialists recognise him as the that the reservation of episcopal power does not ex-
originator in the West of the teaching which, as they tend to them. In spite of the schism the pope has
claim, transformed the Jacobean rite into a sacrament, never wished or intended to abrogate the ancient
But from all that precedes it is abundantly clear that privileges of the Orthodox in matters of this kind,
no such transformation occurred. Some previous The prayers for blessing the oil that have come down
writers, as we have seen, had explicitly taught and to us differ very widely, but all of them contain some
many had implied the substance of Theodulf 's doc- reference to the purpose of anointing the sick. Hence,
trine, to which a still more definite expression was at least in the case of a bishop, whose power is ordinary
later to be given. The Scholastic and Tndentine doc- and not delegated, no special form would seem to be
trine is the only goal to which patristic and medieval necessary for validity, provided this purpose is ex-
teaching could logically have led. pressed. But where it is not at all expressed or in-
IV. Matter and Form. — (For the technical mean- tended, as in the forms at present used for blessing the
ing of these terms in sacramental theology see Sacra- chrism and the oil of catechumens, it appears doubtful
ments.) — (1) The remote matter of extreme unction is whether either of these oils would be valid matter for
consecrated oil. No one has ever doubted that the oil extreme unction (cf. Kern, op. cit., p. 131). But in
meant by St. James is the oil of olives, and in the the nature of things there does not seem to be any
Western Church pure olive oil without mixture of any reason why a composite form of blessing might not
other substance seems to have been almost always suffice to make the same oil valid matter for more than
used. * But in the Eastern Church the custom was in- one sacrament.
troduced pretty early of adding in some places a little (2) The proximate matter of extreme unction is the
water, as a symbol of baptism, m others a little wine, in unction with consecrated oil. The parts anointed
memory of the good Samaritan, and, among the Nes- according to present usage in the Western and Eastern
torians, a little ashes or dust from the sepulchre of Churches have been mentioned above (I), but it is to
some saint. But that the oil must be blessed or con- be observed that even to-day there are differences of
secrated before use is the unanimous testimony of all practice in various branches of the Orthodox Church
the ages. Some theologians, however, have held con- (see Echos d'Orient, 1899, p. 194). The question is
secration to be necessary merely as a matter of pre- whether several unctions are necessary for a valid
cept, not essential for the validity of the sacrament, sacrament, and if so, which are the essential ones,
e. g. Victoria (Summ. Sacramentorum, no. 219), Arguing from the practice with which they were ac-
Julnin (Comm. hist, et dogm. de Sacram., D. vii, q. iii, quainted and which they assumed to have existed
c. i), de Sainte-Beuve (De Extr. Unct., D. iii, a. 1), always, the Scholastics not unnaturally concluded
Drouven (De Re Sacramentaria, Lib. VII, q. ii, c. i, 2) ; that the unctions of the five organs of sense were es-
indeed Berti, while holding the opposite himself, ad- sential. This was the teaching of St. Thomas (Suppl ,
mitted the wide prevalence of this view among the Q. xxxii, a. 6), who has been followed pretty unani-
recent theologians of his day. But considering the mously by the School and by many later theologians
unanimity of tradition in insisting on the oil being down to our own day (e. g. Billot, De Sacramentis, II,
blessed, and the teaching of the Council of Trent p. 231) who set the method and tradition of the School
(Sess. XIV) that " the Cnurch has understood the above positive and historical theology. But a wider
matter [of this sacrament] to be oil blessed by the knowledge ofpast and present facts has made it in-
bishop " it is not surprising that by a decree of the creasingly difficult to defend this view, and the best
Holy Office, issued 13 Jan., 1611, the proposition as- theologians of recent times have denied that the unc-
serting the validity of extreme unction with the use of tion of the five senses, any more than that of the feet
oil not consecrated by the bishop should have been or loins, is essential for the validity of the sacrament,
proscribed as "rash and near to error" (Denzinger, The facts, broadly speaking, are these: that no ancient
no. 1628— old no. 1494), and that, to the question testimony mentions the five unctions at all, much less
whether a parish priest could in case of necessity val- prescribes them as necessary, but most of them speak
idly use for this sacrament oil blessed by himself, the simply of unction in a way that suggests the sufficiency
same Holy Office, reaffirming the previous decree, of a single unction; that the unction of the five senses
should have replied in the negative (14 Sept., 1842; has never been extensively practised in the East, and
ibid., no. 1629— -old no. 1495). These decisions only is not practised at the present time in the Orthodox
settle the dogmatic question provisionally and, so far Church, while those Uniats who practise it have sim-
as they affirm the necessity of episcopal consecration ply borrowed it in modern times from Rome; and
of the oil, are applicable only to the Western Church, that even in the Western Church down to the eleventh
As is well known, it is the officiating priest or priests century the practice was not very widespread, and did
who ordinarily bless the oil in the Eastern Orthodox not become universal till the seventeenth century, as
Church, and there is no lack of evidence to prove the is proved by a number of sixteenth-century Rituals
antiquity of this practice (see Benedict XIV, De Synod, that have been preserved (for details and sources see
Dicec., VIII, i, 4). For Italo-Greeks in communion Kern, op. cit., p. 133 sq.). In face of these facts it is
with the Holy See the practice was sanctioned by impossible any longer to defend the Scholastic view
Clement VIII m 1595 and by Benedict XIV (see ibid.) except by maintaining that the Church has frequently
" uoiiect. JLacensis' , ii, pp. 3t>, lou, d»z, 4vy sq.; cf. the greater part ot her history, as she stun allows witn-
Letter of Leo XIII, " De Discipl. Orient, conser- out protest in the East. The only conclusion, there-
vandA" in "Acta S. Sedis", XXVII, pp. 257 so.), fore, is that as far as the matter is concerned nothing
There is no doubt, therefore, that priests can be dele- more is required for a valid sacrament than a true unc-
gated to bless the oil validly, though there is no in- tion with duly consecrated oil, and this conclusion
stance on record of such delegation being given to may henceforth be regarded as certain by reason of the
Western priests. But it is only the supreme authority recent decree of the Holy Office already referred to
in the Church that can grant delegation, or at least it (I), which, though it speaks only of the form, evi-
may reserve to itself the power of granting it (in case dently supposes that form to be used with a single
726
unction. Besides the authority of the Scholastio tradi- verey about the form does not affect the disciplinary
tion, which was based on ignorance of the facts, the obligation of adhering strictly to the prescriptions of
only dogmatic argument for the view we have re- the Ritual, or, for cases of urgent necessity, to the.
jected is to be found in the instruction of Eugene IV to decree of the Holy Office.
the Armenians [see above, III (A)]. But in reply to # V. Minister. — (1) The Council of Trent has denned
this argument it is enough to remark that this decree in accordance with the words of St. James that the
is not a dogmatic definition but a disciplinary instruc- proper ministers (proprios ministroa) of this sacrament
tion, and that, if it were a definition, those who appeal are the priests of the Church alone, that is bishops or
to it ought in consistency to hold the unction of the priests ordained by them (Sess. XIV. cap. iii, and can.
feet and loins to be essential. It is hardly necessary iv, De Extr. Unct.). And this has Seen the constant
to add that, while denying the necessity of the unc- teaching of tradition, as is clear from the testimonies
tions prescribed in the Roman Ritual for the validity given above. Yet Launoi (Opp., I, 569 sq.) has main-
of the sacrament, there is no intention of denying the tained that deacons can be validly delegated by the
grave obligation of adhering strictly to the Ritual ex- bishop to administer extreme unction, appealing in
cept, as the Holy Office allows, in cases of urgent neces- support of his view to certain cases in which they were
sity. authorized in the absence of a priest to reconcile dying
(3) The forms of extreme unction from the Roman penitents and give them the Viaticum. But in none of
Ritual and the EuchologLon have been given above (I), these cases is extreme unction once mentioned or re-
However ancient may be either form in its substance, ferred to, and one may not gratuitously assume tjiat
it is certain that many other forms substantially differ- the permission given extended to this sacrament, all
ent from the present have been in use both in the East the more so as there is not a particle of evidence from
and the West (see Martene, "De^intiquisEccL Rit.", any other source to support the assumption. The
I, vii, 4; and Kern, op. cit., pp. 142-152); and the Carmelite Thomas Waldensis (d. 1430) inferred from
controversy among theologians as to what precise the passage of Innocent I [see above, under III (C).
form or kind of form is necessary for the validity of (2), (b)] that, in case of necessity when no priest could
the sacrament has followed pretty much the same be got, a layman or woman might validly anoint (Doc-
lines as that about the proximate matter. That some trinale Antiq. Fidei, II, clxiii, 3), and quite recently
form is essential, and that what is essential is contained Boudinhon (Revue Cath. des Eglises, July, 1905, p.
in both the Eastern and Western forms now in use, is 401 sq.) has defended the same view and improved
admitted by all. The problem is to decide not merely upon it by allowing the sick* person to administer the
what words in either form may be omitted without sacrament to himself or herself. This opinion, how-
invalidating the sacrament, but whether the words re- ever, seems to be clearly excluded by the definition of
tained as essential must necessarily express a prayer — the Council of Trent that the priest alone is the
41 the prayer of faith" spoken of by St. James. Both "proper" minister of extreme unction. The word
forms as now used are deprecatory, and for the West proper cannot be taken as equivalent merely to ordi-
the Holy Office has decided what words may be omit- nary, and can only mean " Divinely authorized ". And
ted in case of necessity from the form of the Roman as to the unction of themselves or others by lay per-
Ritual. That the form, whether short or long, must be sons with the, consecrated oil, it is clear that Pope
a prayer-form, and that a mere indicative form, such Innocent, while sanctioning the pious practice, could
as " I anoint thee " etc., would not be sufficient for not have supposed it to be efficacious in the same way
validity, has been the opinion of most of the great as the unction by a priest or bishop, to whom alone in
Scholastics and of many later theologians. But not a his view the administration of the Jacobean rite be-
f ew Scholastics of eminence, and nearly all later theo- longed. This lay unction was merely what we call to-
logians who have made due allowance for the facts of day a sacramental. Clericatus (Decisiones de Extr.
history, have upheld the opposite view. For the fact Unct., decis. lxxv) has held that a sick priest in case of
is that the indicative form has been widely used in the necessity can validly administer extreme unction to
East and still more widely in the West; it is the form himself; but he has no argument of any weight to offer
we meet with in the very earliest Church Orders pre- for this opinion, which is opposed to all sacramental
served, viz., those of the Celtic Church (see Warren, analogy (outside the case of the Eucharist) and to a
" Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church ", e. g. decision of the Congregation of Propaganda issued 23
p. 168. I anoint thee with sanctified oil in the name of March, 1844. These several singular opinions are re-
the Trinity that thou mayst be saved for ever and jected with practical unanimity by theologians, and
ever"; cf. p. 223). Among contemporary theologians the doctrine is maintained that the priests of the
Kern (op. cit., pp. 154 sq!), who is followed by Pohle Church, and they alone, can validly confer •extreme
(Lehrbuch der Dogmatik, 3d ed., Paderborn, 1908, unction.
Ill, 534). suggests a compromise by holding, on the (2) The use of the plural in St. James — " the priests
one hand, that at least a virtual prayer-form is re- of the Church"— -does not imply that several priests
quired by the text of St. James and, on the other are required for the valid administration of the sacra-
hand t that the indicative forms that have been used ment. Writing, as we may suppose, to Christian corn-
are virtually deprecatory. But this seems to be only munities in each of which there was a number of
a subtle way of denying the raison d'Ure of the con- priests, and where several, if it seemed well, could
troversy; one might argue on the same principle that easily be summoned, it was natural for the Apostle to
the forms of baptism, penance, and confirmation are use the plural without intending to lay down as a mat-
virtually prayer-forms. Some of the so-called indica- ter of necessity that several should actually be called
tive forms may be reasonably construed in this way, in. The expression used is merely a popular and
but in regard to others we may say, with Benedict XIV, familiar way of saying: "Let the sick man call for
that "we do not know how a prayer can be discov- priestly ministrations", just as one might say, "Let
ered in certain other forms published from very many nim call in the doctors , meaning, "Let him procure
ancient Rituals by Mlnard and Martene, in which medical aid". The plural in either case suggests at the
there is used merely the words ' I anoint thee* without very most the desirability, if the circumstances per-
any thing else being added from which a prayer can be mit, of calling in more than one priest or doctor, Dut
deduced or fashioned " (De Synod. Dioec., VIII, ii, 2). does not exclude, as is obvious, the services of only
If it be insisted that prayer as such must be in some one, if only one is available, or if for a variety of possi-
way an element in the sacrament, one may say that ble reasons it is better that only one should be sum-
the prayer used in blessing the oil satisfies this require- moned. As is evident from several of the witnesses
ment. What has been said in regard to the matter is quoted above (III), not only in the West but in the
to be repeated here, viz., that the dogmatic contro- East the unction was often administered in the early
726
centuries by a single priest; this" has been indeed at all
times the almost universal practice in the. West (for
exceptions cf. Martene, op. cit., I, yii, 3; Kern, op.
cit., p. 259). In the East, however, it has been more
generally the custom for several priests to take part in
the administration of the sacrament. Although the
number seven, chosen for mystical reasons, was the
ordinary number in many parts of the East from an
earlier period, it does not seem to have been prescribed
by law for the Orthodox Church before the thirteenth
century (cf. Kern, op. cit.t p. 260). But even those
Oriental theologians who with Symeon of Thessalonica
(fifteenth century) seem to deny the validity of unc-
tion by a single priest, do not insist on more than three
as necessary, while most Easterns admit that one is
enough in case of necessity (cf. Kern, op. cit., p. 261).
The Catholic position is that either one or several
priests may validly administer extreme unction; but
when several officiate it is forbidden by Benedict XIV
for the Italo-Greeks (Const. "Etsi Pastoralis", 1742)
for one priest merely to anoint and another merely to
pronounce the form, and most theologians deny the
validity of the unction conferred in this way. The
actual practice, however, of the schismatical churches
is for each priest in turn to repeat the whole rite, both
matter ana form, with variations only in the non-
essential prayers. This gives rise to an interesting
question which will best be discussed in connexion,
with the repetition of the sacrament (below, IX).
VI. Subject.— r(l) Extreme Unction may be val-
idly administered only to Christians who have had the
use of reason and who are in danger of death from sick-
ness. That the subject must be baptized is obvious,
since all the sacraments, besides baptism itself, are
subj ect to this condition. This is implied in the text of
St. James: "Is any man sick among yout" i. e. any
member of the Christian community; and tradition is
so clear on the subject that it is unnecessary to delay
in giving proof. It is not so easy to explain on internal
grounds why extreme unction must be denied to bap-
tized infants who are sick or dying, while confirmation,
for instance, may be validly administered to them;
but such is undoubtedly the traditional teaching and
practice. Except to those who were capable of pen-
ance extreme unction has never been given. It we
assume, however, that the principal effect of extreme
unction is to give, with sanctifying grace or its in-
crease, the right to certain actual graces for strength-
ening and comforting and alleviating the sick person in
the needs and temptations which specially beset him in
a state of dangerous illness, and that the other effects
are dependent on the principal, it will be seen that for
those who have not attained, and will not attain, the
use of reason till the sickness has ended in death or re-
covery, the right in question would be meaningless,
whereas the similar right bestowed with the character
in confirmation may, and normally does, realize its
object in later life. It is to be observed in regard to
children, that no age can be specified at which they
cease to be incapable of receiving extreme unction.
If they have attained sufficient use of reason to be
capable of sinning even venially, they may certainly be
admitted to this sacrament, even though considered too
young according to modern practice to receive their
First Communion; and in cases of doubt the unction
should be administered conditionally. Those who
have always been insane or idiotic are to be treated in
the same way as children; but anyone who has ever
had the use of reason, though temporarily delirious by
reason of the disease or even incurably insane, is to be
given the benefit of the sacrament in case of serious
illness.
(2) Grave or serious bodily illness is required for the
valid reception of extreme unction. This is implied in
the text of St. James and in Catholic tradition (see
above, III), and is formally stated in the decree of
Eugene IV for the Armenians : " This sacrament is not
to be given except to the sick person, of whose death
fears are entertained" (Denzinger, no. 700 — old no.
595), and in the teaching of the Council of Trent that
"this unction is to be administered to the sick, but
especially to those who seem to be at the point of
death [in exitu vila] " (Sess. XTV, cap. iii, De Extr.
Unct.). It is clear from these words of Trent that
extreme unction is not for the dying alone, but for all
the faithful who are seriously ill with any such sickness
as involves danger of death (discrimen vita, ibid.), i. e.
as may probably terminate fatally. How grave must
be the illness or how proximate the danger of death is
not determined by the council, but is left to be decided
by the speculations of theologians and the practical
judgment of priests directly charged with the duty of
administering the sacrament. And there have been,
and perhaps still are, differences of opinion and of
practice in this matter.
(3) Down to the twelfth century in the Western
Church the practice was to give the unction freely to
all (except public penitents) who were suffering from
any serious illness, without waiting to decide whether
danger of death was imminent. This is clear from
many testimonies quoted above (III). But during
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries a change of prac-
tice took place, and the sacrament came to be regarded
by many as intended only for the dying. The causes
contributing to this change were: (a) the extortionate
demands of the clergy on the occasion of administering
the unction which prevented the poor or even those of
moderate means from asking for it except as a last
resource; (b) the influence of certain popular super-
stitions, as, for instance, that the person anointed
could not, m case of recovery, use the rights of mar-
riage, eat flesh meat, make a will, walk with bare feet,
etc.; and (c) the teaching of the Scotist School and of
other theologians that, as the principal effect of the
sacrament was the final remission of venial sins, it
should not be given except to those who could not
recover, and were no longer able or at least likely to
fall again into venial sin (St. Bonaventure, " Brevilo-
3uium,,; P. VI, c. xi; Scotus, "Report. Parisien.",
ist. xxui. O. unica). ^ It was doubtless under the in-
fluence oi this teaching that one or two provincial
synods of the sixteenth century described the subject
of extreme unction as "the dangerously sick and
almost dying" (Hardouin, X, 1848, 1535); and the
neglect of the sacrament induced by these several
causes resulted, during the disturbances of the six-
teenth century, in its total abandonment in many parts
of Germany and especially of Bavaria (Kndpfler, " Die
Kelchbewegung in Bay em unter Herzog Albrecht V.M,
pp. 61 sq. ; and on this whole matter see Kern, op. cit..
pp. 282 sq.). In view of these facts, the oft-repeatea
accusation of the Eastern schismatics, that the Latins
gave the sacrament only to the dying and withheld it
from the seriously ill who were capable of receiving it,
is not without foundation (Kern, op. cit., p. 274); but
they were wrong in assuming that the Western Church
as a whole or the Holy See is responsible for abuses of
this kind. Church authority earnestly tried to correct
the avarice of the clergy and the superstitions of the
people, while the Scotist teaching, regarding the chief
effect of the unction, was never generally admitted in
the schools, and its post-Tridentine adherents have felt
compelled to modify the practical conclusion which
St. Bonaventure and Scotus had logically drawn from
it. There still linger in the popular mind traces of
the erroneous opinion that extreme unction is to be
postponed till a sickness otherwise serious has taken
a critical turn for the worse, and the danger of death
become imminent; and priests do not always combat
this idea as strongly as tney ought to, with the result
that possibly in many cases the Divinely ordained
effect of corporal healing is rendered impossible ex-
cept by a miracle. The best and most recent theo-
logical teaching is in favour of a lenient, rather than «f
727
a severe, view of the gravity of the sickness, or the ings of disease, and more easily resists the temptations
proximity of the danger of death, required to qualify of the demon lying in wait for his heel, and sometimes,
for the valid reception of extreme unction; and this is when it is expedient for his soul's salvation, recovers
clearly compatible with the teaching of the Council of bodily health." The remission of sins, as we have
Trent and is supported by the traditional practice of seen, is explicitly mentioned by St. James, and the
the first twelve centuries. other spiritual effects specified by the Council of Trent
But if the Easterns have had some justification for are implicitly contained, side by side with bodily
their charge against the Westerns of unduly restricting healing, in what the Apostle describes as the saving
the administration of this sacrament, the Orthodox and raising up of the sick man (see above, II).
Church is officially responsible for a widespread abuse (1) It is therefore a doctrine of Catholic faith that
of the opposite kind which allows the euchelaion to be sins are remitted by extreme unction, and, since neither
given to persons in perfect health as a complement of St. James nor Catholic tradition nor the Council of
penance and a preparation for Holy Communion. Trent limits this effect to venial sins, it is quite certain
Many Western theologians, following Goar (Eucholo- that it applies to mortal sins also. But according to
gion, pp. 349 sq.), have denied that this rite was under- Catholic teaching there is per se a grave obligation un-
stood and intended to be sacramental, though the posed by Divine law of confessing all mortal sins corn-
matter and form were employed precisely as in the case mitted after baptism and obtaining absolution from
of the sick; but, whatever may have been the in ten- them; from which it follows that one guilty of mortal
tion in the past, it is quite certain at the present time sin is bound per se to receive the Sacrament of Pen-
that at least in the Constantinopolitan and Hellenic ance before receiving extreme unction. Whether he is
branches of the Orthodox Church the intention is to further bound, in case penance cannot be received, to
give the sacrament itself and no mere sacramental to prepare himself for extreme unction by an act of per-
those in sound health who are anointed (Kern, op. feet contrition is not so clear; but the affirmative
cit., 281). On the other hand, in the Russian Church, opinion is more commonly held by the theologians, on
except in the metropolitan churches of Moscow ana the ground that extreme unction is primarily a sacra-
Novgorod on Maundy Thursday each year, this prac- ment of the living, i. e. intended for those in the state
tice is reprobated, and priests are expressly forbidden of grace, and that every effort should^ be made by the
in their faculties to give the euchelaion to people who subject to possess this primary disposition. That the
are not sick (Kern, pp. 279 sq.; Fortescue, The Or- remission at least of mortal sins is not the primary end
thodox Eastern Church, London, 1907, p. 425). We * of extreme unction is evident from the conditional
have already noticed (III) among Nestorians what way in which St. James speaks of this effect; "and if
appears to have been a similar abuse, but in the Or- he be in sins" etc.; but, on the other hand, this effect
tnodox Church till long after the schism there is no is attributed, if conditionally and secondarily, yet di-
evidence of its existence, and the teaching of Eastern rectly and per se to the unction — nojb indirectly and
theologians down to modern times, to which the Rus- per accidens as we attribute it to other sacraments of
sians still adhere{ has been at one with the Western the living — which means that extreme unction has
tradition in insisting that the subject of this sacrament been instituted secondarily as a sacrament of the
must be labouring under a serious sickness. dead, i. e. for the purpose not merely of increasing but
(4) Nor will danger, or even certainty, of death from of conferring sanctifying grace sacramentally. Hence,
any other cause than sickness qualify a person for ex- if for any reason the subject in mortal sin is excused
treme unction. Hence criminals or martyrs about to from the obligation of confessing or of eliciting an act
suffer death and others similarly circumstanced may of perfect contrition, extreme unction will remit his
not be validly anointed unless they should happen to sin and confer sanctifying grace, provided he has
be seriously ill. But illness caused by violence, as by actual, or at least habitual, attrition, or provided (say
a dangerous or fatal wound, is sufficient: and old age on recovering the use of reason) he elicits an act of
itself without any specific disease is held by all West- attrition so that the sacrament may take effect by way
ern theologians to aualify for extreme unction, i. e. of reviviscence (see below, X). By habitual attrition
when senile decay has advanced so far that death in this connexion is meant an act of sorrow or detes-
already seems probable. In cases of lingering dis- tation for sins committed, elicited since their commis-
eases, like phthisis or cancer, once the danger has be- sion and not retracted in the interval before the sacra-
come really serious, extreme unction may l>e validly ment is received. The ordinary example occurs when
administered even though in all human probability the act of attrition has been elicited before the sick
the patient will live for a considerable time, say sev- person lapses into unconsciousness or loses the use of
eral months; and the lawfulness of administering it in reason. That such attrition is necessary^ follows from
such cases is to be decided by the rules of pastoral the teaching of Trent (Sess. XIV, cap. l, De Poenit.)
theology. If in the opinion of doctors the sickness regarding the absolute and universal necessity of re-
will certainly be cured, and all probable danger of pentance for the remission, even in baptism, of per-
death removed by a surgical operation, theologians are sonal mortal sins. Schell has maintained (Katnol.
not agreed whether the person who consents to under- Dogmatik, III, pp. 629 sq.) that such attrition is not
go the operation ceases thereby to be a valid subject required for the validity of extreme unction, but that
for the sacrament. Kern holds that he does (op. cit., the general purpose and intention, which a Christian
p. 299), but his argument is by no means convincing, sinner may retain even when he is sinning, of after-
VII. Effects.-— The decree of Eugene IV for the wards formally repenting and dying in the friendship
Armenians describes the effects of extreme unction of God, is sufficient; but this view seems irreconcilable
briefly as " the healing of the mind and, so far as it is with the teaching of Trent, and has the whole weight
expedient, of the body also" (Denzinger. no. 700 — of theological tradition against it.
old no. 595). In Sess. XIV, can. ii, De Extr. Unct., Extreme unction likewise remits venial sins pro-
the Council of Trent mentions the conferring of grace, vided the subject has at least habitual attrition for
the remission of sins, and the alleviation of the sick, them; and, following the analogy of penance, which
and in the corresponding chapter explains as follows with attrition remits mortal sins, for the remission of
the effects of the unction: " Tnis effect is the grace of which outside the sacrament perfect contrition would
the Holy Ghost, whose unction blots out sins, if any be required, theologians hold that with extreme unc-
remain to be expiated, and the consequences [re- tion a less perfect attrition suffices for the remission of
liquids] of sin, and alleviates and strengthens the soul venial sins than would suffice without the sacrament,
of the sick person, by exciting in him a great conn- But besides thus directly remitting venial sins, ex-
dence in the Divine mercy, sustained by which [confi- treme unction also excites dispositions which procure
dence] he bears more lightly the troubles and suffer- their remission ex opere operantis.
728
The relics or effects of sin mentioned bv the Council* eral feeling of comfort and courage, and of humble
of Trent are variously understood by theologians to confidence in God's mercy and peaceful resignation to
mean one, or more, or all of the following: spiritual His Will inspired^ reacts as a natural consequence on
debility and depression caused by the consciousness of the physical condition of the patient, and this reaction
having sinned; the influence of evil habits induced by is sometimes the factor that decides the issue of certain
sin; temporal penalties remaining after the guilt of diseases. This mediate and dependent way of effect-
sin has been forgiven; and venial, or even mortal, sins ing restoration of health is the way indicated by the
themselves. Of these only the remission of temporal Council of Trent in the passage quoted above, and the
punishment is distinct from the other effects of which view proposed is in conformity with the best and most
the council speaks; and though some theologians have ancient theoretical teaching on the subject and avoids
been loath to admit this effect at all, lest tney might the seemingly unanswerable difficulties involved in
seem to do away with the raUon d'Ure of purgatory opposing views. Nor does it reduce this effect of
and of prayers and indulgences for the dying and dead, extreme unction to the level of those perfectly natu-
there is really no solid ground for objecting to it, if pass- ral phenomena known to modern science as "faith
ing controversial interests are subordinated to Catho- cures". For it is not maintained, in the first place,
lie theory. It is not suggested that extreme unction, that recovery will follow in any particular case unless
like baptism, sacramentaUy remits all temporal pun- this result is spiritually profitable to the patient — and
ishment due to sin, and the extent to which it actually of this God alone is the judged—and it is admitted, in
does so in any particular case may, as with baptism, the second place, that the spiritual effect, from which
fall short of what was Divinely intended, owing to the physical connaturally results, is itself strictly
obstacles or defective dispositions in the recipient, supernatural (cf. Kern, loc. cit.).
Hence there is still room and need for Indulgences for (4) There remains the question, on which no little
the dying, and if the Church offers her prayers and controversy has been expended, as to which of these
applies Indulgences for adults who die immediately several effects is the principal one. Bearing in mind
after baptism, she ought, a fortiori, to offer them for the general theory that sacramental grace as such is
those who have died alter extreme unction. And sanctifying grace as imparted or increased by the sacra-
if temporal punishment be, as it certainly is, one of ment, with the right or title to special actual graces
the rdtquuB of sin, and if extreme unction be truly corresponding to the special end of each sacrament,
what the Council of Trent describes (Sess. XIV, De the meaning of the question is: Which of these effects
Extr. Unct., introduct.) as " the consummation not is the sacramental grace imparted in extreme unction
merely of [the Sacrament of] Penance, but of the whole primarily and immediately intended to produce, so
Christian life, which ought to be a perpetual penance ". that the others are produced for the sake of, or by
it is impossible to deny that the remission of temporal means of, it? Or, more ultimately, what, according to
punishment is one of the effects of this sacrament. Christ's intention in instituting it, is the primary and
(2) The second effect of extreme unction mentioned distinctive purpose of this sacrament, its particular
by the Council of Trent is the alleviation and strength- raison d'itre as a sacrament? Now, clearly this cannot
ening of the soul by inspiring the sick person with such be either the remission of mortal sin or the restoration
confidence in the Divine mercy as will enable him pa- of physical health, since, as we have seen, extreme
tiently and even cheerfully to bear the pains and unction is primarily a sacrament of the living; and
worries of sickness, and with resolute courage to repel toration of bodily health is not a normal effect, but only
the assaults of the tempter in what is likely to be the brought about, when at all, indirectly. There remain
last and decisive conflict in the warfare of eternal sal- the remission of venial sins and of the temporal punish-
vation. The outlook on eternity is brought vividly ment due for sins already forgiven, and the invigora-
before the Christian by the probability of death in- tion of the soul in face of the probability of death,
separable from serious sickness, and this sacrament Reference has already been made to the Scotist view
has been instituted for the purpose of conferring the (VI) which singles out the final and complete remis-
graces specially needed to fortify him in facing this sion of venial sm as the chief end or effect of extreme
tremendous issue. It is unnecessary to explain in de- unction, and which logically leads to the practical con-
tail the appropriateness of such an institution, which, elusion, adopted by St. Bona venture and Duns
were other reasons wanting, would justify itself to Scotus, that only the dying should receive the sacra-
the Christian mind by the observed results of its use. ment; and the same conclusion, which must in any
(3) Finally, as a conditional and occasional effect of case be rejected, would also follow from holding in a
extreme unction, comes the restoration of bodily similarly exclusive sense that the principal effect is the
health, an effect which is vouched for by the witness of remission of temporal punishment. Tnus we are left
experience in past ages and in our own day. Theolo- in possession of the theory, held by many of the best
fians, however, have failed to agree in stating the con- theologians, that the supernatural invigoration of the
ition on which this effect depends or in explaining soul in view of impending death is the chief end and
the manner in which it is produced. "When it is effect of extreme unction. This effect, of course, is
expedient for the soul's salvation", is how Trent ex- actually realized only when the subject is sui compos
presses the condition, and not a few theologians have and capable of co-operating with grace; but the same
understood this to mean that health will not be re- is true of the principal effect of several other sacra-
stored by the sacrament unless it is foreseen by God ments. It is no argument, therefore, against this
that a longer life will lead to a greater degree of glory view to point to the Tact that sins are sometimes re-
— recovery being thus a sign or proof of predestina- mitted by extreme unction while the recipient is un-
tion. But other theologians rightly reject this opin- conscious and incapable of using the invigorating
ion, and of several explanations that are offered (cf . graces referred to. The infusion or increase of sancti-
Kern, op. cit., pp. 195 sq.) the simplest and most rea- lying grace is an effect common to all the sacraments:
sonable is that which understands the condition men- yet it is not by this of itself that they are distinguished
tioned not of the future and perhaps remote event of from one another, but by reference to the special ac-
actual salvation, but of present spiritual advantage tual graces to which sanctifying grace as infused or in-
which, independently of the ultimate result, recovery creased gives a title; and if the realisation of this title
may bring to the sick person; and holds, subject to is sometimes suspended or frustrated, this is merely by
this condition, that this physical effect, which is in way of an accidental exception to which, in general,
itself natural, is obtained mediately through and sacramental efficacy is liable. It does not seem, how
dependency upon the spiritual effects already men- ever, that this theory should be urged in an exclusive
tioned. The fortifying of the soul by manifold graces, sense, as implying, that is, that the remission of yeniai
by which over-anxious fears are banished, and a gen- sin or of temporal punishment is not also a primary
fl
i 729 EXTREME
effect which may be obtained independently; rather 87 sq.); but he wished to have St. Yves's opinion, and
should the theory be enlarged and modified, and the the latter quite agreed with his friend (ibid., 88). Not
primary and essential end of the sacrament so de- long afterwards reter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny,
scribed as to comprehend these effects. was asked by Abbot Theobald to explain " why it was
This is the solution of the whole question proposed that the unction of the sick was the only unction [out
by Kern (op. cit.. pp. 81 sq.. 215 sq.), who, with no of many] repeated, and why this took pjace only at
little learning ana ability, defends the thesis that the Cluny", and Peter in reply gave a convincing explana-
end of extreme unction is the perfect healing of the tion of the Benedictine practice, his main contention
soul with a view to its immediate entry into glory, un- being that the person anointed may on recovery have
less it should happen that the restoration of bodily sinned again and be in need of the remission of sins
health is more expedient. This view is quite in con- promised by St. James, and that the Apostle himself
f ormity with, and may even be said to be suggested by, not only does not suggest that the unction may be
the teaching of the Council of Trent to the effect that given only once, but clearly implies the contrary —
extreme unction is "the consummation of the whole ut quoties quia infirmatus fuent, toties inungatur"
Christian life " ; and Kern has collected an imposing (P. L., CLXXXIX, 392 sq.). After this all opposition
weight of evidence in favour of his thesis from ancient to the repetition of the sacrament disappears, and
and medieval and modern writers of authority. Dr. subsequent writers unanimously teach, what has been
Pohle(op. cit., pp. 535,536) reviews Kern's suggestion defined by the Council of Trent, that it may under
sympathetically. Besides being self-consistent and certain conditions be validly and lawfully repeated,
free from any serious difficulty, it is recommended by It should be noted, moreover, that the practice of re-
many positive arguments, and in connexion with the peating it at this period was not confined to the Benc-
controVerted point we have been discussing it has the dictines or to Clunv. The Cistercians of Clairvaux,
advantage of combining and co-ordinating as parts of for example, were also in the habit of repeating it, but
the principal effect — i. e. perfect spiritual health— not subject to the restriction that it was not to be given
only the remission of vemaLsins and the invigoration more than onoe within a year; and several Ordines of
of the soul, for which respectively Scotists and their particular Churches dating from the ninth, tenth,
opponents have contended too exclusively, but also eleventh, and twelfth centuries, have a rubric pre-
the remission of temporal punishment, which not a scribing the repetition of the unction for seven suc-
few theologians have neglected. cessive days (cf. Kern, op. cit., pp. 334, 338 sq.).
VIII. Necessity. — Theologians are agreed that Coming to the more accurate determination of the
extreme unction may in certain circumstances be the circumstances or conditions which justify the repeti-
only, and therefore the necessary, means of salvation tion of extreme unction, theologians, following the
for a dying person. This happens when there is authority of Trent, are agreed that it may be validly
question of a person who is dying without the use of and lawfully repeated as often as the sick person,
reason, and whose soul is burdened with the guilt after recovery, becomes seriously ill again, or, m cases
of mortal sin for which he has only habitual attrition ; of lingering illness where no complete recovery takes
and for this and similar cases in which other means of place, as often as the probable danger of death, after
obtaining justification are certainly or even probably disappearing, returns. For verification of this latter
unavailing, there is no doubt as to the grave obliga- condition some theologians would require the lapse of
tion of procuring extreme unction for the dying. But a certain interval, say a month, during which the
theologians are not agreed as to whether or not a sick danger would seem to have passed; but there is really
person in the state of grace is per se under a grave no reason for insisting on this any more than on the
obligation of seeking this sacrament before death. It year which medieval custom in some places was wont
is evident ex kypothesi that there is no obligation axis- to require. St. Bonaventure's remark, that " it is ab-
ing from the need of salvation (necessitate medii), and surd for a sacrament to be regulated by the motion of
the great majority of theologians deny that a grave the stars" (in IV Semt., dist. xxiii, a. 2, q. iv, ad 2),
obligation per se has been imposed by Divine or eccle- applies to a month as well as to a year. Not a few
siastical law. The injunction of St. James, it is said, theologians (among recent ones De Augustinis, "De
may be understood as being merely a counsel or ex- Re Sacramentaria , II, 406) understand, by the new
hortation, not a command, and there is no convincing danger of death, proximate or imminent danger, so
evidence from tradition that the Church has under- that, once imminent danger has passed and returned,
stood a Divine command to have been given, or has the sacrament may be repeated without waiting for
ever imposed one of her own. Yet it is recognized any definite interval to elapse. The majority of tneo-
that, in the words of Trent, "contempt of so great a logians, however, deny the validity of extreme unction
sacrament cannot take place without an enormous repeated while tne danger of death remains the same,
crime and an injury to the Holy Ghost Himself" (Sess. and they assume that this is the implicit teaching
XIV, cap. iii); and it is held to depend on circum- of the Council of Trent. But among contemporary
stances whether mere neglect or express refusal of the authors, Kern, following the lead of several positive
sacrament would amount to contempt of it. The theologians eminent for their knowledge of sacra-
soundness, however, of the reasons alleged for this mental history (Mlnard, Launoi, Martene, Ju6nin,
* common teaching is open to doubt, and the strength Drouven, Pouget, Pellicia, B interim, Heinnch. — See
of the arguments advanced by so recent a theologian references in Kern, op. cit., pp. 357, 538), maintains
as Kern (pp. 364 sq.) to prove the existence of the the probable validity of extreme unction repeated, no
obligation which so many have denied is calculated to matter how often, during the same danger of death;
weaken one's confidence in the received opinion. . and it will be found easier to ignore, than to meet and
IX. Repetition. — The Council of Trent teaches answer, the argument by which he supports his view,
that " if the sick recover after receiving this unction, He furnishes, m the first place, abundant evidence of
doubts were entertained by some ecclesiastics on this seven days, or indefinitely while the sickness lasted;
subject, as we learn from the correspondence between and he is afcle to claim the authority of Oriental theo-
Abbot (later Cardinal) Godfried and St. Yves, Bishop logians for explaining the modern practice in the
of Chartres (d. 1117). Godfried considered the cus- Eastern Church of a sevenfold anointing by seven
torn in vogue in the Benedictine monasteries, of repeat- priests as being due to a more ancient practice of re*
ing extreme unction, reprehensible on the ground that peating the unction for seven days — a practice to
" no sacrament ought to be repeated " (P. L., CLVII, which the Coptic Liturgy bears witness. By admit-
1
BXUOONTIANS
730
BXULTET
ting the validity of each repeated unction we are able
to give a much more reasonable explanation of the
medieval Western and modern Eastern practice than
can possibly be given by those who deny its validity.
The latter are bound to maintain either that the re-
peated rite is merely a sacramental — though clearly
intended to be a sacrament — or that the repeated unc-
tions coalesce to form one sacrament — an explanation
which is open to several serious objections. In the
next place, since extreme unction does not imprint a
permanent "character", there is no reason why its
proper sacramental effect may not be increased by
repetition, as happens in Penance and Holy Commu-
nion—that is, with an increase of sanctifying grace,
the right to spiritual invigoration may be increased,
and more abundant actual graces become due. Ana
this, on internal grounds, would suffice to justify
repetition, although the effect of the previous admin-
istration remains. Finally, in reply to the principal
dogmatic reason urged against his view — viz., the teach-
ing of the Council of Trent — Kern fairly maintains
that the intention of the council was merely positive,
and not exclusive, i. e., it wished to define, in opposition
to more restrictive views that had beeen held, the
validity of extreme unction repeated in the circum-
stances it mentions, but without meaning to deny its
validity if repeated in other circumstances not men-
tioned. The exhaustive examination of tradition
which is supposed to precede a definition had not, so
far as this particular point is concerned, been carried
out at the time of Trent: and the point itself was not
ripe for definition. Modern discipline in the Western
Church can be explained on other than dogmatic
grounds • and if it be urged as dogmatically decisive,
this will imply a very sweeping condemnation of
medieval Western and modern Eastern practice,
which the prudent theologian will be slow to pro-
nounce.
X. Rbviviscence. — The question of reviviscence
arises when any sacrament is validly administered, but
is hindered at the time from producing its effect, owing
to the want of due dispositions in the recipient. Thus,
in regard to extreme unction, the subject may be un-
conscious and incapable of spiritual invigoration in so
far as this requires co-operation with actual grace.
Or he may, for want of the necessary attrition, be in-
disposed to receive remission of sins, or indisposed in
case of mortal sin for the infusion of sanctifying grace.
And the want of disposition — the obstacle to the effi-
cacy of the sacrament — may be inculpable or gravely
culpable; in the latter case the reception of the sacra-
ment will be sacrilegious. Now the question is, does
extreme unction revive, that is, does it afterwards
(during the same serious illness) produce such effects
as are hindered at the time of reception, if the obstacle
is afterwards removed or the requisite disposition ex-
cited? And theologians all teach that it certainly
does revive in this way; that for its reviviscence, if no
sacrilege has been committed in its reception, nor any
grave sin in the interval, all that is needed is that the
impeding defect should be removed, that conscious-
ness, for instance, should be recovered, or habitual
attrition excited; but that, when a grave sin has been
committed at or since the reception, this sin must be
remitted, and sanctifying grace obtained by other
means (e. g. penance or penect contrition) before ex-
treme unction can take effect. From this doctrine of
reviviscence — which is not, however, defined as a dog-
ma— there follows an important practical rule in re-
gard to the administration of extreme unction, viz.,
that, notwithstanding doubts about the dispositions of
a certainly valid subject, the sacrament should always
be conferred absolutely, never conditionally, since a
condition making its validity dependent on the actual
dispositions of the recipient would exclude the possi-
bility of reviviscence. The conditional form {si capax
es) should be used only when it is doubtful whether
the person it a valid subject for the sacrament, e. gn
whether he is not already dead, whether he has been
baptized, has attained the use of reason, or has the
implicit habitual intention of dying in a Christian
manner.
From among, and in addition to, sources mentioned in the
course of this article see Rssn, De Sacramento Bxtremat Unc-
tionis Tractatua Doomaticua (Ratisbon, 1907)— the beat recent
treatise on the subject; Schmitx, De Effechbua Bxtremat Unc-
tionia Dissert. Hiat.-Dogmatica (Freiburg, 1893) ; Launoi. De
Sacr. Unctionia Infirmorutn (Paris, 1073), in Opp.% vol. I, pt. I;
de Saixte-Bbuve, Tractatua de Sacr. Unctumie htftrmorum
Extr. (1686). in Mionb, Thevl. Cureue, XXIV; the respective
sections in Persons, Pbbch, Tanquerey, and other standard
courses of dogma, and in Gust, Lshmkuhl, and other standard
moralists; among writers in German: Pohls, Lehrbuch der
Dogmatik (3d ed., Paderborn, 1908), III, pp. 623-548; among
Eastern Orthodox theologians: Maltsew, Die Sakramente der
Orthodox-katholiachen Kirche (Berlin, 1892), and others men-
tioned by Kern, op. tit., 379: among non-Catholics: Blunt.
The Sacrament* (London, 186$); Morgan Dix. The Sacramental
System (New York. 1893); Puller, The Anointing of the Sick m
Scripture and Tradition (London, 1904).
P. J. Toner.
Exucontians. See Arianism.
Exul Hibernicu8, the name given to an Irish
stranger on the Continent of Europe in the time of
Charles the Great, who wrote poems in Latin, several
of which are addressed to the emperor. He is some-
times identified with Dungal (see Dung ax). The
designation exul is one which the Irish wanderers on
the Continent frequently adopted. The poems of this
exile show that he was not only a poet but a gram-
marian and dialectician as well. They also reveal his
status as that of a teacher, probably in the palace
school. Of more than ordinary interest are the verses
which describe the attitude of the ninth-century
teacher towards his pupils. His metrical poem on the
seven liberal arts devotes twelve lines to each of the
branches, grammar, rhetoric, dialectic, etc., showing
the origin, scope, and utility of each in succession.
Like the lines on the same subject by Theodulf of Or-
leans, they may have been intended to accompany a
set of pictures in which the seven liberal arts were rep-
resented. The style of these poems, while much in-
ferior to that of the classical period, is free from many
of the artificialities which characterize much of the
versification of the early Middle Ages.
DOmmles, Poetcs JEvi Carolini (Berlin, 1881), I, 408 sqq.;
Neuee Archiv der OeaeUach. f. deutacne Oeachichtakunde, IV, 142,
254, 66; Traubb, O Roma Nobilis in Publication* of Academy
of Munich, I class, six (2),332-37.
William Turner.
Exultet, the hymn in praise of the paschal candle
sung by the deacon, in the liturgy of Holy Saturday.
In the missal the title of the hymn is " Praeconium ", as
appears from the formula used at the blessing of the
deacon: "ut digne et competenter annunties suum
Paschale prsecomum ". Outside Rome, the use of the
paschal candle appears to have been very ancient in
Italy, Gaul, Spain, and perhaps, from the reference by
St. Augustine (De Civ. Dei, Xv, xxii), in Africa. The
" Liber Pontificalis " attributes its introduction in the
local Roman Church to Pope Zosimus. The formula •
used for the "Pneconium'' was not always the "Ex-
ultet", though it is perhaps true to say that this for-
mula has survived, where other contemporary formu-
la have disappeared. In the "Liber Ordinum", for
instance, the formula is of the nature of a benediction,
and the Gelasian Sacramentary has the prayer " Deus
mundi conditor", not found elsewhere, but containing
the remarkable "praise of the bee" — possibly a Ver-
gilian reminiscence — which is found with more or less
modification in all the texts of the "Pneconium"
down to the present day. The regularity of the metri-
cal cursus of the " Exultet" would lead us to place the
date of its composition perhaps as early as the fifth
century, and not later than the seventh. The earliest
MSS. in which it appears are those of the three Galli-
can Sacramentaries: — the Bobbio Missal (seventh
EXUPERItJS
731
century), the Missale Gothicum and the Missale Galli-
canum Vetus (both of the eighth century). The earli-
est MS. of the Gregorian Sacramentary (Vat. Reg.
337) does not contain the " Exultet ", but it was added
in the supplement to what has been loosely called the
Sacramentary of Adrian, and probably drawn up
Under the direction of Alcuin.
As it stands in the liturgy, it may be compared with
two other forms, the Blessing of Palms, andf the Bless-
ing of the Baptismal Font. The order is? briefly: —
(1) An invitation to those present to jom with the
deacon in the invocation of the blessing of God, that
the praises of the candle may be worthfly celebrated.
This invitation, wanting in the two blessings just
mentioned, may be likened to an amplified ''Orate
fratres", and its antiquity is attested by its presence
in the Ambrosian form, which otherwise differs from
the Roman. This section closes with the " Per omnia
specula steculorum", leading into: — (2) "Dominus vo-
biscum" etc., "Sursum corda" etc., "Gratias aga-
mus" etc. This section serves as the introduction to
the body of the " Praeconium", cast in the Eucharistic
form to emphasize its solemnity. (3) The " Prae-
conium" proper, which is of the nature of a Preface,
or, as it is called in the Missale Gallicanum Vetus, a
conte&tatio. First, a parallel is drawn between the
Passover of the Old and the New Covenants, the can-
dle being here a type of the Pillar of Fire. And here
the language of the liturgy rises into heights to which
it is hard to find a parallel in Christian literature. We
are drawn out of cold dogmatic statement into the
warmth of the deepest mysticism, to the region where,
in the light of paradise, even the sin of Adam may be
regarded as "truly necessary" and "a happy fault '\
Secondly, the candle itself is offered as a burnt-sacri-
fice, a type of Christ, marked by the grains of incense
as with the five glorious wounds of His Passion. And,
lastly, the " Praeconium" ends with a general interces-
sion for those present, for the clergy, for the pope, and
for the Christian rulers. For these last the text as it
stands cannot now be used. The head of the Holy
Roman Empire alone could be prayed for in this for-
mula, and the resignation (1804) of the prerogatives of
that august position, by the Emperor Francis II of Aus-
tria, has left that position unfilled to the present day.
It remains to notice three accessaries of the "Ex-
ultet": the ceremonial carried on during its perform-
ance ; the music to which it has been sung ; and the so-
called "Exultet-rolls" on which it was sometimes
written. The deacon is vested in a white dalmatic,
the rest of the sacred ministers are vested in purple.
The affixing of five grains of incense at the words tn-
cengi huju8 sacrificium has probably arisen from a
misconception of the meaning of the text. The light-
ing of the candle is followed by the lighting of all the
lamps and candles of the church, extinguished since
the close of Matins. The chant is usually an elaborate
form of the well-known recitative of the Preface. In
some uses a long bravura was introduced upon the
word accendit, to fill in the pause, which must other-
wise occur during the lighting of the candle. An elab-
orate analysis of the chant, as found in early MSS., has
been published in " Paleographie Musicale ", IV, viii,
171. Dom Latil has published the text, and part of
the highly ornate chant, of an "Exultet" at Salerno.
The text is almost identical with one previously pub-
lished by Duchesne from a roll at Ban. In Italy the
"Prseconium" was sung from long strips of parch-
ment, gradually unrolled as the deacon proceeded.
These "Exultet-rolls" were decorated with illumina-
tions and with portraits of contemporary reigning
sovereigns, whose names were mentioned in the course
of the Prseconium ". The use of these rolls, as far as
is known at present, was confined to Italy. The best
examples date from the tenth and eleventh centuries.
Duchesne, Christian Worship, 2d ed. (London, 1004);
Gueranqer, Liturgical Year, tr. (Stanbrook, 1901), VI; Fiamt,
Holy Wee% Ceremonial (London, 1897); PaUographie Musicale
(Solesmes, 1894), IV; Gavanti-Mbrati, Thesaurus Sacr. Rit.
(Venice, 1823), IV; Latil, Rassegna Qregoriana (Rome. 1908);
P£rat& in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 2 per.. 1888. XXXIV, 346.
For the texts, Bee Miqne, P. L., LXXII, LXXVIII; Mura-
tori, Lit. Rom. Vet. (ed. 1772); Pa melius (Cologne, 1571);
Codex Bergomensis (Solesmes, 1900); and the reprints of Mis-
sals of English uses by Henderson and the Henry Bradshaw
Society.
Charlton Benedict Walker.
Exuperius (Exsuperius), Saint, Bishop of Tou-
louse in the beginning of the fifth century; place and
date of birth unascertained; d. after 410. Succeeding
St. Silvius as bishop, he completed the basilica of St.
Saturninus, begun by his predecessor. St. Jerome
praises him for nis munificence towards the monks of
Palestine, Egypt, and Libya, and for his charity to the
people of his own diocese, who were then suffering
from the depredations of the Vandals, Alans, ana
Suevi. Of gp-'eat austerity and simplicity of life, he
sought not his own, but gave what he had to the poor.
For their sake he even sold the altar vessels ana was
compelled in conseauence to carry the Sacred Host in
an osier basket and the Precious Blood in a vessel of
glass. In esteem for his virtues and in gratitude for
his gifts, St. "Jerome dedicated to him his " Commen-
tary on Zacharias ". Exuperius is best known in con-
nexion with the Canon of the Sacred Scriptures. He
had written to Innocent I for instructions concerning
the Canon and several points of ecclesiastical disci-
pline. In reply, the pope honoured him with the let-
ter " Consulenti tibi ", dated February, 405, which con-
tained a list of the canonical Scriptures as we have
them to-day, including the deuterocanonical books of
the Catholic Canon. The assertion of non-Catholic
writers that the Canon of Innocent I excluded the
Apocrypha is not true, if they mean to extend the
term Apocrypha to the deuterocanonical books.
The opinion of Baronius, that the bishop Exuperius
was identical with the rhetor of the same name, is
quite generally rejected, as the rhetor was a teacher of
Hanmbalianus and Dalmatius, nephews of Constan-
tino the Great, over half a century before the period of
the bishop. From St. Jerome's letter to Furia* of
Rome, in 394, and from the epistle of St. Paulinus to
Amandus of Bordeaux, in 397, it seems probable that
Exuperius was a priest at Rome, and later at Bor-
deaux, before he was raised to the episcopate, though
it is possible that in both of these letters reference is
made to a different person. Just when he became
bishop is unknown. That he occupied the See of Tou-
louse in February, 405, is evident from the letter of
Innocent I mentioned above; and from a statement of
St. Jerome in a letter to Rusticus it is certain that he
was still living in 411. It is sometimes said that St.
Jerome reproved him, in a letter to Riparius, a priest
of Spain, for tolerating the heretic Vigilantius; but, as
Vigiiantius did not belong to the Diocese of Toulouse,
St. Jerome was probably speaking of another bishop.
Exuperius was early venerated as a saint. Even m
the time of St. Gregory of Tours he was held in equal
veneration with St. Saturninus. His feast occurs on
28 September. The first martyrologist to assign it to
this date was Usuard, who wrote towards the end of
the ninth century.
Ada SS., Sept., VII, 623-30; St. Jerome, Epp. iv, x, xi, liv.
xcv, cxxv; Idem, Comm. in Zachariam, preface to Books I ana
II; Gregory op Tours, Hist. Francorum, II, xiii; Baronius,
Ann. Ecd., ad. an. 406; Denzinoer, Enchiridion (Freiburg,
1908), no. 06 (old no. 50).
Leo A. Kelly.
Eyb, Albrecht von, one of the earliest German
humanists, b. in 1420 near Ansbach in Franconia; d.
in 1475. After preliminary studies at Erfurt he went
to Italy and devoted himself to humanistic study at
the Universities of Pavia and Bologna. He returned
to Germany in 1451, having in the meantime been
appointed canon at Eichstatt and Bamberg. From
1452 to 1459 he was again a student at Bologna, win-
_
BTOK 732 BTOK
ning the degree of doctor of canon and civil law. He central portion is preserved in St-Bavons at Ghent,
was also honoured by an appointment as chamberlain while the wings have found their way to the Museums
to Pius II. After his return to Germany he resided of Berlin and of Brussels. It is one of the enigmas of
chiefly at Eichstatt. In 1462 he became archdeacon art. All the questions bearing on it may, however, be
of Wurzburg, not, however, without encountering vio- reduced to two: Who was its author? and, What was
lent opposition from the Bishop of Wurzburg, who its origin? As to its authorship, all we know depends
hated Eyb as a partisan of the Honenzollern Margrave, on an inscription obscure enough, which is to be read
Albrecht Achilles. Little is known of his last years. on the edge of its frame : —
Eyb's best known and most important work is his Pictor Hubert us e Eyck major quo nemo repertus
"Ehebuchlein" (Book on Marriage), in which he dis- Incepit pondus: quod Johannes arte1 secunaus
cusses the question whether a man should take a law- Suscepit letus, Judoci Vyd prece fret us
ful wife or not. It was published in 1472. In 1460 Vers-V seXta Ma-I: Vos CoLLoCat a-Cta tVerl.
he had written on the same theme in Latin "An viro The faulty Latin of this cryptic inscription means:
sapienti uxor sit ducenda ' \ The German work treats " Hubert van Eyck, the greatest painter that ever lived,
of the joys and sorrows of married life and general began this work [pondus! which John, his brother,
maxims of a moral or philosophical character are second only to him in skill, had the happiness to con-
added. A decision is finally rendered in favour of the tinue at the request of Jodocus (Josse) Vydt. Bv this
married state. The popularity of the book Is attested line, on the 6th of May, you learn when the work was
by the fact that between 1472 and 1540 no less than completed, i. e., MCCOCXXXII." That it is their
twelve reprints were issued. Another work of Eyb is joint work is certain, but it is impossible to distin-
the "Margarita poetica" (Nuremberg, 1472), a text- guish whjch portion belongs to each brother. Very
book of humanistic rhetoric, consisting of a collection soon Jan began to get all the credit for it. DQrer men-
of passage^ in prose and verse from Latin authors, to tions only Jan in nis "Journal" of 1521. But the
which are added specimens of humanistic eloquence, inscription clearly states that Hubert began the work
In 1474 Eyb finished his "Spiegel der Sitten" (Mirror and asserts that he was the greater artist, his brother
of Morals), a lengthy work of ethical and moral con- being called in only at his death, and in order to com-
tent, probably based on some Latin original. The pleteit. But how far had Hubert progressed with it?
book did not meet with the favour shown to the How far back had he been commissioned to paint it?
"Ehebuchlein" and was not printed until 1511. Ap- In 1426 were portions of it finished, or was it merely
pended to it are German translations of two of Plau- a sketch, a general outline when Jan took charge? Who
tus's comedies, the " Menaechmi " and the " Bacchides" suggested the subject? Who planned its treatment?
as well as of Ugolini's " Philogenia". Eyb's writings Can we believe that a painter of any school living in a
have been edited by K. Mailer (Sondershausen, 1879); fifteenth century atmosphere could have elaborated
the best edition is that of M. Herrmann, "Deutsche by himself from a few texts of the Apocalypse (v, 6-14)
Schriften des Albrecht von Eyb" (Berlin, 1895). ' such a wealth of detail, such symphony or symbolism
Herrmann, Albrecht von Eyb und die Frilhteit dea deutaehen and imagery? Who was the theologian who inspired
Humaniamua (Berlin, 1893). this mighty poem as others had inspired the learned
Arthur *. J. Kemy. aii«^ J~T Zf *k^ nun~>\ ~# *u« g~„~;„~i„ «_j ^*v_
Eyck, Hubert and Jan van, brothers, Flemish
allegories of the Chapel of the Spaniards, and of the
Hall of the Segnatura? And again, in the history of
painting from the miniatures of the Irish Apocalypses
illuminators and painters, founders of the school of (eleventh century) to the Angers tapestries, what
Braces and consequently of all the schools of painting were the artistic sources of this great work?
in the North of Europe. Hubert was born at Maes- This moral encyclopedia of tne Middle Ages, if we
eyck (i. e. Eyck on the Meuse)in the Diocese of Liege, may call it such, treats of all things in heaven and on
about 1366, and his brother Jan about twenty years earth (there was a predella to it depicting hell, but it
later, 1385. They had a sister named Margaret who disappeared in the sixteenth century) ; it portrays
won fame as a miniaturist. God and man in all their historical and mystical rela-
A document of 1413 makes the earliest mention we tions; it tells us of the heavenly and the earthly para-
have of a painting by " Master Hubert". In 1424 he dise, of the ages that have followed one another in the
Was living at Ghent, and he died there on the 18th of flight of time, of the Dogma of the Fall, and that of
September, 1426. We have no further definite knowl- the Redemption, of Adam and Eve, and of the first
edge concerning the elder of the brothers. Of the sacrifices; of the death of Abel (type of Christ) ; of the
younger we know that in 1420 he presented a Madon- years of expectation of the patriarchs and just men of
na's head to the Guild of Antwerp, that in 1422 he the. Old Law; of the mystery of the Incarnation; of the
decorated a paschal candle for the cathedral of Cam- Trinity; of tne world subject to the law of Christ: of
brai, and that in 1425 he was at The Hague in the the life of the Church in her saints, her hermits, her
service of Jean Sans Merci. Afterwards he went to virgins, her martyrs, her pontiffs, her confessors, her
Bruges and to Lille to the court of Philip the Good, warrior princes; of ail Christendom in a landscape filled
Duke of Burgundy, as peintre et varlet de chambrc. with cathedral spires (Rome, Jerusalem. Utrecht, etc.).
He was already a man of some influence at court, and And can we in reason be asked to believe that this
he travelled in the embassy charged to ask the hand of wonderful pictorial epic reaching out from the begin-
Isabella of Portugal for Philip, and it was his privilege ning to the consummation of the world and ending in
to paint her portrait "true to life", thereby fixing a glimpse of the eternal life to come as full in concep-
Philip's choice. This journey lasted from the 18th of tion and as orderly in arrangement as the " Divina
October, 1428, to the end of December, 1429. In 1431 Commedia" itself; summing up the Old aa well as
he went to Hesdin to superintend, for the Duke, the the New Testament, drawing its inspiration from St.
work going on at the castle there; and afterwards he Augustine's "Ci vitas Dei ". and Vincent of Beauvais'
returned to Bruges, which he seldom left again. He "Speculum Ma jus", as well as Jacobus de Voragine's
married, and a child of his was baptized in 1434. In "Legenda A urea", and Dante's "De Monarch iS"; a
1436 we learn once more that he received 720 livres on compendium of politics, history, and theology, and
account of " certain secret matter "t doubtless in con- which crowns the representation of man's life on earth
nexion with some new mission or journey. He died by a glimpse of the Infinite, can we in reason be asked
towards the end of June, 1441. to believe that this lofty expression of the ideals of
The most important work of the brothers Van Christendom in the Europe of the Middle Ages sprang
Eyck, and the one that places their names among the Minerva-like, fully formed from the brain of a single
great masters of painting for ever, is the famous altar- artist?
piece, "The Adoration of the Lamb", of which the No one can adopt this supposition except for the
KYOX
733
EYOi
purpose of ascribing all the honour of having con-
ceived this painting to the elder of the brothers. As
an assumption, however, it is altogether gratuitous.
There is not one of the scenes that can be attributed
to Hubert with any degree of certainty; and no work
the brothers Van Eyck have left us (with the exception
of the "Fount of Salvation" in the Prado Museum,
Madrid, and this is the work of a school) shows a
similar dogmatic and theological character, a Hke
power of design and richness of thought that this
" Lamb ' ' does. Taken as a whole the work of the Van
Eycks has a totally different tendency. # It is frankly
naturalistic in fact, as well as in intention. So that
when Hubert is labelled a thinker, it is for no other
reason than the wish to differentiate him, and to
separate him from Jan. How futile this distinction is,
is made clear if we look into the results obtained by
applying it as a criterion to the work of the two broth-
ers. On not a single disputed painting has agreement
been reached ; and every painting that lias been attrib-
uted to Hubert by one connoisseur, has been adjudged
by others for equally good reasons to Jan.
The catalogue of their work has been reconstructed
more than twenty times. The altar-piece of the
"Lamb" has been divided in a hundred different
ways, and each in turn has been given to first one
brother and then to the other over and over again.
Each year sees a new theory proposed . After Waagen
came James Weale; after Hymans, Dvorak, and after
Stoerck, Wurzbach ; and we are as far from the solution
as ever. The masterpiece keeps its secret, and will
probably never give it up. In any case, seeing that
the whole painting was retouched at least twice during
the sixteenth century, all evidence of individual tech-
nic must have been buried beneath these restora-
tions; and in all likelihood the little points and pecu-
liarities attributed to Hubert or to Jan, are really the
work of Michael Coxie. But there is a larger and a
wider question at issue than such idle wranglings that
can never be settled, the question as to the effect and
the nature of the artistic revolution to which the
brothers Van Eyck have given their name.
What constitutes the altar-piece of the " Lamb " a
unique monument in the history of art, and gives it its
supreme interest in our eyes, is the fact that it unites in
itself the styles and the genius of two opposing epochs.
Whereas its general plan belongs to the Middle Ages,
its execution, its manner of seeing things and putting
them on canvas, are truly modern. The masterpiece
has a double nature, so to speak. The genius of the
Renaissance for what was concrete and realistic is
wedded to the majesty of the Gothic and its love of
the abstract. It shows us the wondrous blending of
two principles that would seem necessarily to exclude
each other, like the past and the future, and that we
never meet with again save in opposition. It is this
that constitutes the supreme interest of the work, that
it contains the noblest expression of the old mystical
genius together with the most powerful example of
modern naturalism. In the sincerity, breadth, and
daring of their naturalism, no one at any time nor of
any school has excelled the Van Eycks. Nature,
which, prior to their day, men had looked at as through
a veil of formulae and symbols, they seem suddenly to
have unveiled. They invented, so to speak, the world
of realities. The happenings of all sorts in the world
of nature, the sylva rerum, with which they have en-
dowed the art of painting, are always true to life.
Landscapes, atmosphere, types, physiognomies, a
wealth of studies and sketches of all sorts, rich mate-
rials, cloths, cimars (robes), copes, brilliancy of pre-
cious stones and works of the goldsmith's art; all are
copied to perf ection^and the deftness of the work is
beyond compare. The masterpiece inaugurates a
new era in painting. If the object of the painter's art
is to depict the visible world, if his aim ought to be not
so much the expression of a thought as to hold up the
mirror to life, then for the first time in its history
painting entered into its birthright in this altar-piece,
and gave proof of its legitimacy in this first attempt.
Life under all its sensible forms and aspects sweeps
through this mighty scene like a motif, life with all its
myriad changes and variety of moods, brushing aside
the dry as dust ideograms and crumbling* hieroglyphics
of the Middle Ages.
The absolute is abandoned, and the relative
brought into fashion. The eye is turned away from
the vision of the ideal, but the feet are more firmly
planted on the real. The word nature undergoes a
change of meaning. Once it had been a vague Pla-
tonic idea, a something like the nominals and univer-
sals of the schools, which are understood by the in-
telligence rather than perceived by the senses. In
that lofty plane of thought in which art in the thir-
teenth century loved to move, the universe existed
really in the intellect. Henceforth, however, nature
changes her aspect for the painter; he refrains from
expressing any opinion as to the essence of things,
but delights m all their accidental qualities. The
actual, the fact, whether it be positive, complex, capri-
cious, or odd, becomes of more importance than the
abstract and immutable law. The absolute cause of
all things is neglected in favour of the rich and glowing
vegetation of nature; principles have less value than
their consequences, less importance is given to types
than individuals. The vast harvest of phenomena
from the ever teeming field of reality and experience is
henceforth open to art. A painting becomes what the
'painter has actually seen; what he has found in na-
ture; the story of his feelings in the midst of things.
In this a new kind of idealism replaces the old. And
art, thus freed from the academism of the Gothic tradi-
tion, was not to slavishly copy nature, but to serve as a
vehicle for the expression of the painter's personality,
and to act as the safest confidante of his emotional ex-
periences.
The altar-piece at Ghent marks the triumph of this
basic artistic revolution from which all modern art has
sprung. Never was a richer shrine of nature and of
life got together by a painter. In two hundred figures
of every sue, sex, race, and costume we behold a re-
sume* of the human race. We see before us all the
beauty of the physical world, the woods, the fields, the
rocks, the desert places, a geography of earth with
its climates and its flora, palms, cacti, and aloes
(which foolishly has led some to believe that Hubert
must have travelled in the East) . And the world of art
is not forgotten; styles of architecture, towers, cupo-
las, statues, bas-reliefs, are all brought in. In a word,
life out-of-doors and within doors, with all its social
activities and moral colouring, is portrayed. There
are interiors, such as the room of the Blessed Virgin,
a voung Flemish maiden, with its prie-Dieu, its nicely
tiled floor, its washstand and basin, and its open win-
dow looking out on to the pointed roofs of a row of
brick houses. There are portraits of a marvellous
realism, such as those of the donor and his wife; epic
figures, such as God the Father under the guise of
Charlemagne crowned with a triple tiara, type of the
pontiff-king; and there are figures full of charm and
poetry, such as the singing angels (Berlin museum),
symbolizing the harmonies of paradise, under the form
of entrancing minstrelsy, or of the chanting of choir
boys. Other figures are fearful in their naturalism,
such as the figures of our first parents (Brussels mu-
seum) which would suffice alone to immortalize their
creator, because of their audacious nudity, their stiff
and awkward manner, and their eloquent ugliness.
Such a transformation, of course, exceeds tne powers
of any one man, or even of two brothers. And like all
great works, the altar-piece of Ghent is but the result of
the labours of more than one jgeneration. It was not
a local movement; its influences were at work up and
down throughout Christendom.
BTOX
734
BTOX
In Italy the work of Jacopo della Quercia, of Ghi-
berti, the frescoes of Masolino and of Masaccio (1428),
are contemporary with the labours of the Van Eycks,
and bear traces of similar tendencies. But the birth-
place of the movement was not on Italian soil. It is
in France we find the earliest evidences of it, about the
beginning of the fourteenth century. A few statues,
like the Visitation group in the great doorway at
Reims (1310), the tombs of St. Denis, the portraits of
King Charles V and his wife Eleanor (in the Louvre),
mark the last stages in the victorious progress. The
same school which a century earlier had developed the
Gothic ideal, was about to produce by a natural evolu-
tion the new principles and the new methods. An
important factor in this evolution was the creation of
the Duchies of Berry and of Burgundy, and the alli-
ance of Flanders and Burgundy by marriage (1384).
At the Court of the Valois, the most brilliant in the
world, famous for its voluptuousness, its elegance, and
its worship of all the arts of life, and under tne patron-
age of its princes, no less famous for their dissolute
lives than for their artistic taste and love of luxury,
there rapidly grew up a school of painters, sculptors,
goldsmiths, and miniaturists, cosmopolitans by birth,
but Parisian by education, who were the nucleus of
the Renaissance.
The larger part of the paintings, frescoes, and stained
glass of this epoch have perished; but the miniatures
supply all the proof we need. Especially in the manu-
scripts made at the time for the Due de Berry do we
find the links of this glorious history. Many of the
books collected by this incomparable Maecenas have *
come down to us; some of them illustrated by Andre*
Beauneveu, Jacquemart of Hesdin, or Jacques Cohn
of Antwerp. But the most important of all is the
seignorial MS.— one of the treasures of Chantilly —
known as the " Book of Hours of the Due de Berry".
This wonderful book was adorned from 1413 to 1416
by three artists; "the three Uluminator-brothers''
spoken of by Guillebert of Metz, the brothers de Lim-
bourg or simply the Limbourgs. Nearly all the poetic
fancy of the Van Eycks is already outlined in this
" Book of Hours", especially on their landscape side;
and whereas the Limbourgs kept to the country
around Liege, the Van Eycks followed the same route,
and doubtless experienced the same influences. But
there is something more. Another MS., "The Hours
of Turin", which was unfortunately destroyed in the
fire at the library of that town, 20 January, 1904, be-
longed successively to the Due de Berry (d. 1416) and
to Duke William Iv of Bavaria-Hainault. And it has
been proved that Hubert van Eyck spent some time
in the latter's service. Paul Durrieu has given very
weighty reasons for attributing the MS. to him, and
for believing that he began it for the Due de Berry.
Thus the art of the Van Eycks would be but the cul-
minating point of the great Renaissance movement in-
augurated at the Court of the Valois in France, and
which reached its apogee in 1400. Perhaps this was
what the Italian Bishop Facius meant to imply when
in 1456 he spoke of Jan van Eyck as Johannes Gal-
licus.
This is a partial solution of the enigma of the altar-
piece . Hubert and Jan van Eyck are but cont inuators,
masters indeed, of an art that began before them and
without them. But what was it they added that
caused the new style in art to date only from their work?
If we are to credit Vasari, Van Mander, and all the
historical writers, their great discovery was the art of
painting with oils. Painting with ou had been dis-
covered long before; the monk Theophilus gives a
recipe for it in the eleventh century. And as we have
seen, the new sBstheticism had been already formu-
lated in the miniatures of the Limbourgs and of the Van
Eycks themselves. Whatever importance in art its
material and mechanical methods may have, it would
be too humiliating to make it depend entirely on the
particular fluid, water, gum, or albumen used in mix-
ing the colours. Moreover, on canvases 500 years
old from which all moisture nas long since dried up he
would be a daring critic who would venture to assert
the proportion of oil or distemper used by the artist.
To build one's criticism on such a doubtful principle is
like seeking the scent of the ' ' Roses of Sadi . The real
merit of the Van Eycks is elsewhere. By a chain of
circumstances (The Battle of Agincourt, the madness
of Charles VI, and the minority of Charles VII),
France was brought to the edge of ruin, and suddenly
lost control of the movement that it had begun.
Comfort, art, luxury began to cluster around the
new fortunes of the Duchy of Burgundy, as the home
of wealth in the North. Ghent, Bruges, Brussels,
Antwerp became the centres of the new school. In
these new towns of little culture and traditional re-
finement, and lacking in reserve (Taine, " Philosophic
de l'Art aux Pays-Bas" — description of the festivals
known as the Vaeu du faisan), Naturalism, freed from
the restraints French taste would have imposed on it,
was enabled to grow at its ease and spread without
restriction. The Germanic element which had already
shown itself in such men as Beauneveu, Malouel, the
Limbourgs, burst out, and carried everything before
it in the work of the Van Eycks. For the first time
the genius of the North shook off all those cosmopoli-
tan influences which had hitherto refined it, and gave
itself free scope.
It paused not to think of what had gone before, and
it was not concerned with such things as taste, nobility,
or beauty. Such preoccupations as these,, as the
antique began to have an influence, became more and
more the distinguishing characteristics and limitation
of Italian naturalism. It is enough to compare the
ugly yet touching figures of Adam and Eve by Jan van
Eyck, with those by Masaccio in the Brancacci Chapel
to be convinced of this. On the one side there is real-
ism, but the painter has scruples, reserves, a sense of
modesty; on the other there is absolute crudity, what
we might call naturalism pure and simple. What
does this mean, but that painting, which had hitherto
been a universal, international art, is beginning to
localize itself; and that what had - hitherto been a
European, or better still, Western, colour-language is
about to split up into many dialects and national
modes of speech? It is the real glory of the Van Eycks,
that they emancipated the genius of the races of the
North and gave it its first full expression. During a
whole century (1430-1530) the school they founded at
Bruges was always producing new works and renew-
ing its own strength. During a century, painters from
Flanders, from Holland, and Germany — Petrus
Cristus, Gerard de St-Jean, Ouwater, Hugo van der
Goes, Roger van der Weyden, MemlindL Gerard
David, Martin Schongauer, Durer, Lucas of Ley den —
never ceased to draw their inspiration more or less
directly from their work. In 1445 the Catalonian
Luis Dalmau made a copy of the altar-piece of Ghent.
In France, Jean Fouquet, Nicolas Froment, on the
banks of the Loire and of the Rhone, were disciples
of Jan van Eyck. Even Italy did not escape their
sovereign influence. As early as the middle of the
fifteenth century paintings by Jan van Eyck were
being treasured at Naples and at Urbino.
Antonello of Messina went to study art in Flanders.
Ghirlandajo imitated the famous Portinari altar-
piece by H. van der Goes, and whenever an Italian
painter relaxed a moment his straining after art to
snatch a breath of gayetv or a lesson in realism, it was
always to the Flemish school he turned ; always, until
the triumph of the antique was assured, and Raphael
and Michelangelo, by the constraining revelation of
its beauty, had restored for a time the reign of the
ideal. Their triumph was, however, short-lived; the
pagan and aristocratic ideal of art and life, with all its
loftiness and rigidity, began to give way from the
EYCKEN
735
EYMERIO
beginning of the seventeenth century, with its new
schools at Antwero and Amsterdam, before the
naturalism of the North, before the more homely,
hearty, and winning genius of the Van Eycks. It is
therefore impossible to exaggerate the importance of
their work, which, besides occupying a unique posi-
tion throughout the fifteenth century, led the way in
the evolution which two centuries later produced such
painters as Rubens and Rembrandt.
The following is a list of the signed and dated works
of Jan van Eyck: The "Consecration of St. Thomas
Becket " (1421— Chatsworth); "The Madonna" (1432
— Ince Hall); portraits of two men (1432-1433—
National Gallery); " Arnolfini and his Wife" (1434—
National Gallery) ; " Portrait of Jan de Leewe " (1436
— Vienna); "The Virgin", with kneeling figure of
Canon van der Paele (1436— Bruges); "St. Barbara"
(1437— Antwerp); "Head of Christ" (1438— Berlin) ;
"The Artist's Wife" (1439— Bruges); "The Virgin"
(1439— Antwerp). The principal works without date
or signature that can be certainly attributed to the
brothers Van Eyck are "Portrait of an Old Man"
(Vienna); "The Man with the Pinks" (Berlin); "The
Madonna of Lucca" (Frankfort); "The Madonna"
executed for Chancellor Rolin (Louvre) ; " The Vir-
gin" (Burleigh House, Exeter); "The Virgin" (Paris,
Rothschild); triptych ^ not completed (Van Hellen-
pu te' collection , Mechlin) .
F actus, De viria illustrious (1456, published at Florence,
1745); Morelli, Anonimo in the Notizie tfopcre di diaegno
(Bassano, 1800); Vasari, Le Vite (Florence, 15.50) (preface and
life of Antonello of Messina); van Mandbr, Het Schilder Bock
i Amsterdam, 1604); Waaobn, H. und J. Van Eyck (Breslau,
862); We ale, Notes on Jan van Eyck (Bruges, 1864): Idem,
The dale of Jan van Eyck's Death in The Burlington Magazine
(London, 1904); de Laborde, Lee dues de Bourgogne (Paris,
1849); V. Leclerc and Ernest Renan. Diecoure eur Vital
dee arte au XIV' siede (Paris, 1865) ; Crowe and Cavalcaselle,
The Early Flemish Painters (London, 1857); Taine, Philosophic
de Vart (Paris, 1872); Froicentin, Les maitres a" autrefois
(Paris, 1876); Knackfuss, Hubert und Jan van Eyck (Biele-
feld, 1897); Courajod, Lecons professies a VecoU du Louvre
(Paris, 189971903); Durrieu, Lee dibuts dee Van Eyck (Gazette
des Beaux Arts (1902); Les Heures de Turin, phototype repro-
duction (Paris, 1903); Huun, L' exposition des Primitifs
Flamands,a.n arranged catalogue (Bruges, 1902); Dvorak, Das
Rated der Bruder Van Eyck (Berlin. 1906): Wurzbach, Nieder-
landisches KilnstlerUxikon (Leipzig, 1906).
Louis Gillet.
Eycken, Jean Baptists Van, painter, b. at Brus-
sels, Belgium, 16 September, 1809 ; d. at Schaerbeek,
19 December, 1853. He was the son of Corneille van
Eycken and Elise Cordemans, and as a boy was em-
ployed in commercial pursuits, but from 1829, when
nis father died, he gave himself oyer entirely to the
study of art. In 1830 he became a member of the
Academy of Belgium, in 1835 gained an important
prize with high distinctions, and four years afterwards
was appointed professor of drawing and painting. In
1838 he went to Italy, returning in 1839 and resuming
his professorship. In that year he exhibited his great
picture of "Divine Pity", which was warmly received
and brought him a gold medal and a high position in
the Soc&te* des Beaux Arts de France. He married in
1840 Julie No6l, who died 11 February, 1843. Two of
his most important pictures were those representing
"Captive Christians" and "St. Boniface , for the
church of La Chapelle; but for the same building he
carried out no less than fourteen pictures representing
the Passion of Christ and these were exhibited in 1847
and gained for him the Order of Leopold. His best-
known picture perhaps is entitled "L'Abondance", a
replica of which the artist was employed to make for
the Prince Consort of England, according to the in-
structions of Louise Marie, Queen of the Belgians.
He was intensely interested in the subject of mural
decoration, and studied every variety of it very closely,
preparing a long essay on the subject and a series of
paintings representing the Beatitudes, in order to
exemplify his ideas in this direction. He also gave
some attention to sculpture and to designing medal-
lions. He was a very devout man, true to his faith
and to his friends, and very much respected by all
who knew him. His pictures are marked by coii-
siderable religious feeling, grace, tenderness, and deli-
cacy. (For further details, see a life of the artist
published privately in Brussels by Emile van Aren-
Dergh, no aate.)
George Charles Williamson.
Eymard, Pierre-Julien, Venerable, founder of
the Society of the Blessed Sacrament, and of the Serv-
ants of the Blessed Sacrament, b. at La Mure d'Isere,
Diocese of Grenoble, France, 4 Feb., 1811; d. there
1 Aug., 1868. From early childhood he gave evidence
of great holiness and most tender devotion to the
Blessed Sacrament. In 1829, he entered the novitiate
of the Oblates of Mary, but illness compelled him to
return home. At the age of twenty he entered the
grand seminary of Grenoble, and was ordained priest
20 July, 1834. He returned to the Marist novitiate in
1839. In 1845 he was appointed Provincial of the
Oblates of Mary. His entire spiritual life was centred
round the Eucharist. It was the subject of his sermons
and exhortations, the object of his worship and
prayers. Those who fell under his spiritual direction
were taught by his counsel to fix their attention on the
Blessed Sacrament.
In January of 1851 Pere Eymard made a pil-
grimage to the shrine of Our Lady of Fourvieres, and
there promised Mary to devote his life to founding a
congregation of priests whose principal duty should
be to honour the Blessed Sacrament. Having ob-
tained the necessary ecclesiastical permission, he pro-
cured a small house in Paris, in which he and his single
companion took up their abode. Here, on 6 Jan., 1857,
the Blessed Sacrament was exposed, and the nascent
community of two members commenced the adora-
tion of the Blessed Sacrament as prescribed by their
rule. Their founder received his first encouragement
for the work in a laudatory Brief, blessing the work
and its author, and signed by Pius IX, in 1857. Five
years after, in 1862, Pere Eymard had enough spiritual
sons to open a regular novitiate. From this date the
congregation spread rapidly, until now its houses may
be found in Rome, Belgium, Holland, Spain, Canada,
the United States, and South America. The Serv-
ants of the Blessed Sacrament, a congregation of
cloistered women who carry on perpetual adoration
in their convents, were also founded by him in 1858.
The Priests' Eucharistic League and the Archcon-
fraternity of the Blessed Sacrament are evidences of
his zeal among priests and the faithful. Pere Eymard 's
writings have been collected, and form four volumes:
"The Real Presence", which has been translated into
English; "Retreat at the Feet of Jesus Eucharistic",
" La Sainte Communion ", and " L'Eucharistie et la
Perfection Chr6tienne ' \ These writings have received
the approbation of the Holy See. The author was
declared Venerable, 11 August, 1908, and the process
for Pere Eymard's beatification is now in progress.
Herbert, The Priest of the Eucharist (London. 1808);
Teraillon, Le Reverend Pere Pierre Julien Eymard: Docu-
ments eur sa vie et see vertus (Rome, 1899); TesniIsre, Le
Pritre de V Eucharistic.
A. Letellier.
Eymeric, Nicolas, theologian and inquisitor, b. at
Gerona, in Catalonia, Spain, c. 1320; d. there 4 Jan.,
1399. He entered the Dominican Order at an early
age, receiving the habit 4 Aug., 1334, from the hands
of Prior Petrus Carpi, and soon won a reputation for
theological knowledge. His earliest writings, which
date from 1351, were of a philosophical character.
Nicola Roselli, the grand inquisitor of Aragon, having
been raised to the rank of a cardinal (1356), Eymeric
was appointed his successor in the Inquisition early in
1357. The zeal he displayed in his new office roused
much opposition and even open enmity. In spite of
EYRE
736
ETSTON
the support of Cardinal Legate Guido, Eymeric, in the
interest of peace, was removed from office at the gen-
eral chapter of the Dominican Order held at Perpignan
in 1360. Two years later, at the general chapter held
at Ferrara, he was chosen vicar of the Dominican prov-
ince of Aragon. Shortly afterwards, when a provin-
cial was to be elected for the same province, there was
a hopeless division among the Dominicans, one party
supporting Eymeric, the other Father Bernardo Er-
mengaudi. Pope Urban V confirmed neither, but ap-
pointed a third, Jacopo Dominici.
Meanwhile Evmeric showed great activity as a
preacher, as well as a writer on theological subjects.
Some years later he was again made inquisitor general
of Aragon; we find him in this office in 1366, and
several tractates on dogmatic subjects date from the
years immediately following. He combated in par-
ticular Raymond Lully, in whose writings he found
^numerous errors. He influenced Gregory XI to for-
bid the faithful to read certain writings of Lully's and
to condemn by a special decree (26 Jan., 1376) several
theses extracted from his works. Eymeric was in
high esteem with King Pedro IV of Aragon, as well as
with Gregory XI. In 1376 he visited the papal court
at Avignon, and accompanied the pope on his return
to Rome. He was still there at the election of Urban
VI and the nomination of the antipope Clement VII,
whose claims he vigorously championed against those
of the Roman pope. Towards the end of 1378 he re-
turned to Aragon, but in the interests of his office as
grand inquisitor often went to the court of Clement
VII at Avignon. Eymeric continued his campaign
against the Lullists by word as well as by pen. In
his "Tractatus contra doctrinam Raymundi Lulli",
dedicated to Clement VII, he indicates 135 heresies,
38 errors, and many misleading statements of Lully.
He also composed a "Dialogus contra Lullistas" and
other treatises. Lully's partisans, however, won over
to their side, soon after his accession, King John I of
Aragon. Eymeric was banished and went to the papal
court of Avignon, where he was welcomed both by
Clement VII and later by Benedict XIII. He wrote
numerous theological works and also special tractates
defending the legitimacy of the Avignon popes, e.g.
his "Tractatus de potestate papalir' (1383), which
he composed for Clement VII, and two tractates for
Benedict XIII. Notwithstanding his sentence of
banishment, he still retained his post of grand inquisi-
tor of Aragon. As early as 1376 ne had compiled, as a
guide for inquisitors, his " Directorium inauisitorum",
the only one of his more extensive works that was
afterwards printed (Barcelona, 1503; Rome, 1578, ed.
Francesco Pegna, with a copious commentary; reis-
sued several times). Towards the end of 1397 Ey-
meric returned to his native land and his monastery of
Gerona, where he died. His epitaph describes him as
prcedicator veridicus, inquisitor intrepidus, doctor egre-
gius.
Qutnr and Echard, Scrivt. ord.prad, (Paris, 1719), I, 709-
17, with the titles of thirty-five of Eymeric's works, contained
in eleven MSS. volumes; Hurter, Nomendator (Innsbruck,
1906), 710-12: Ehrle in Archiv fur Literatur- und Kirchen-
gesch. de* M. A., I, 43 sqq.
J. P. KlRSCH.
Eyre, Thomas, first president of Ushaw College : b.
at Glossop, Derbyshire, in 1748 ;-d. at Ushaw. 8 May.
1810. He was the fourth son of Nathaniel Eyre and
Jane Broomhead. On 24 June, 1758, he, with his
brothers Edward and John, arrived at Esquerchin,
near Douai, the preparatory school for the English
college. Having passed through school and college
alike with credit, he remained after his ordination as
general prefect and master of the classes known as
rhetoric and poetry. In 1775 Mr. Eyre returned to
England to take charge of the Stella mission near
Newcastle, on the invitation of his kinsman, Thomas
Eyre. While here he brought out & new edition of the
works of Gother and also made a collection of mate-
rials (now in the Ushaw archives) with the intention
of continuing Dodd's " Church History ". His scheme
for a new edition of Bishop Challoner's Bible was given
up at the request of Bishop Thomas Talbot. In 1792
he removed from Stella Hall to Wooler and thence to
Pontop Hall in Durham. In 1794 Bishop Gibson de-
sired him to take charge of the Northern students who
had been expelled from Douai, and who were then
temporarily at Tudhoe under Lingard, the famous
historian, who had not yet been ordained priest. Mr.
Eyre removed these students first to Pontop Hall and
in October, 1794, to Crook Hall, where he became
president of the new college. Though he was willing
to resign this post in favour of Mr. Daniel, president of
Douai i this suggested arrangement came to nothing
and Mr. Eyre remained president. In 1803 an estate
called Ushaw was bought by the bishop, and here,
early in 1804, the new college was begun, and in July,
1808, Mr. Eyre began to remove his community
thither. On 2 August he himself entered and the
transfer of St. Cutnbert's College from Crook Hall
to Ushaw was complete. Mr. Eyre died at Ushaw,
leaving a considerable sum to the college for profes-
sorships and burses. Besides the edition of Gother's
works he brought out, in separate form, Gother's "In-
structions for Confirmation" (Newcastle, 1783), and
Gobinet's "Instruction of Youth in Christian Piety".
Kirk, Memoirs of Eighteenth Century Catholic* (London,
1908); Gillow, Bibl. Diet. Eng. Cath. (London, 1886). II. 199-
202; Cooker in Diet. Nat. Biog. (London, 1889). XVIII. 102;
Lainq, Ushaw College Centenary Memorial (Newcastle, 1895),
with portrait.
Edwin Burton.
Eyston, Charles, antiquary, b. 1667; d. 5 Nov.,
1721; he was a member of tne ancient family of
Eyston, then and still of East Hendred, their house
being one of the few places in England where the
Blessed Sacrament has always been preserved. He
was eldest son of George Eyston and ot Ann, daughter
oi Robert Dormer of Peterley. On the death of his
father in 1691 he succeeded to the family estates, and
in 1692 married Winefrid Dorothy, daughter of Basil
Fitzherbert of Swinnerton, Staffordshire, by whom he
had a large family. He was a good scholar and it was
in his antiquarian researches that he became a friend
of Thomas Hearne, who wrote of him: "He was a
Roman Catholick and so charitable to the poor that he
is lamented by all who knew anything of him. . . .
He was a man of a sweet temper and was an excellent
scholar and so modest that he did not care to have it at
any time mentioned." (Relia. Hearnianse, cit. inf.)
On his death he was succeeded by his son, Charles. It
is generally stated that another of his sons joined the
Jesuits, but though his son, William George, entered
the Society in 1736, he left it almost at once. Several
of his daughters became nuns. He wrote: "A little
Monument to The Once Famous Abbey and Borough
of Glastonbury ", published by Hearne in his " History
and Antiquities of Glastonbury" (Oxford, 1722); re-
printed by the Rev. R. Warner in his "History of the
Abbey of Glaston and the town of Glastonbury"
(Bath, 1826). There is in the library at Hendred an
unpublished MS. entitled "A Poor Little Monument
to All the Old Pious Dissolved Foundations of Eng-
land : or a Short History of Abbeys, all sorts of Monas-
teries, Colleges, Chapels, Chantries, etc.1' Another
MS. mentioned under his name by Gillow was merely
his property and not his work; and the same writer
corrects Charles Butler's error in ascribing to Eyston a
"History of the Reformation", published in 1685.
Hearne, Reliquia Hearnianm (London. I860), II. Ill; Kirk,
Memoirs of Eighteenth Century Catholics (London. 1908):
Burke, History of the Commoners of Great Britain and Ireland
(London, 1834). I. 12; Idem, Landed Gentry (London. 1886), ].
601; Gillow, Bibl. Diet. Eng. Cath.- (London, 1886), II, 904;
Ooopbr in Di*. Nat. Biog., XVIII, 105.
Edwin Buhton.
n
EZECHIAS
737
Ezechias (Heb. wpm, or liTp?rr="The Lord
strengthened" ; Sept. 'E{%«Jar; in the cuneiform in-
scriptions Hct-zorql-ya-hu), King of Juda, son and
successor of Achaz. We learn from IV Kings, xviii,
that he began his reign in the third year of Osee, King
of Israel, that he was then twenty-five years of age,
that his reign lasted twenty-nine years, and that his
mother was Abi, daughter of Zacharias. The account
of his reign is beset with unsolved chronological diffi-
culties, and there exists a difference of opinion among
scholars as to the year in which he ascended the
throne. The commonly received computation reck-
ons his reign from 726 to 697 b. c. In character and
policy, Ezechias was pious and agreeable to God. He
was a strenuous civil and religious reformer, and on
this account the sacred writer compares him to King
David. The events of his reign are related in the
Fourth Book of Kings, and also m the parallel account
in the Second Book of Paralipomenon, but in the lat-
ter, as might be expected, stress is laid chiefly on the
religious reforms which he carried out, whereas the
earlier account mentions these briefly, and dwells at
greater length on the civil and political aspects of his
reign.
Among the religious reforms are mentioned the
purification of the Temple, which had been closed by
Achaz, the irreligious predecessor of Ezechias (II Par.,
xxviii-xxix), the resumption and proper celebration of
the feast of the Passover which had been neglected
(II Par., xxx), and in general the extirpation of idola-
try, and the reorganization of the Hebrew worship
(IV K., xviii, II Par., xxxi). In a title prefixed to
the twenty-fifth chapter of Proverbs, it is stated that
the sayings contained in the following collection (xxv-
xxix) were copied out by the "men of Ezechias'1.
This would seem to indicate, on the part of the king,
some literary interest and activity, and in the Talmu-
dic tradition these "men of Ezechias1' are credited
with the composition of several books of the Old Tes-
tament. Soon after his accession to the throne Ez-
echias threw off the yoke of the Assyrians, to whom
his father had become a vassal (IV K., xviii). Other
notable events of his reign are his sickness and mirac-
ulous cure, the embassy of Berodach Baladan, and the
invasion of Sennacherib. The story of the sickness of
Ezechias is narrated in IV K., xx, and in Is., xxxviii.
The king having been stricken with some mortal
disease, the prophet Isaias comes in the name of Yah-
weh to warn him to put his affairs in order, for he is
about to die. But Ezechias prays to the Lord, Who
sends the prophet back to announce to him that he
will recover, and that fifteen years are to be added to
his life. As a sign of the fulfilment of this promise,
Isaias causes the shadow to recede a distance of ten
lines on the sundial. Connected with this event is
the sending of an embassy by Berodach Baladan,
King of Babylon, who having heard of the illness of
Ezechias, sent messengers to him with presents. The
motive of this action on the part of the Babylonian
king was probably to enlist the services of Ezechias in
a league against Sennacherib, King of Assyria. Ez-
echias received the envoys with great honour, and ex-
hibited to them his various treasures and armaments
of war. This spirit of ostentation was displeasing to
the Lord, and Isaias was sent to announce that the
treasures, in which the king seemed to place his confi-
dence, would be all carried off as plunder to Babylon.
Not long after (according to the cuneiform inscrip-
tions, in the year 701), Sennacherib undertook a great
campaign against Syria and Egypt. The story of
this expedition is told, from the Assyrian standpoint, in
the official cuneiform inscription known as the Taylor
prism. The plan of Sennacherib was, first, to van-?
quish the kings of Ascalon, Sidon and Juda who had
formed a coalition against him, and then to turn his .
attention to the land of the Pharaohs.
After subduing Ascalon and Accaron, the Assyrian
V.— 47
invader captured and plundered all the fortified towns
of Juda, and carried their inhabitants into exile.
Then he besieged Jerusalem, and Ezechias, finding
himself shut up "like a bird in a cage", resolved to
come to terms with his enemy. Sennacherib demanded
thirty talents of gold and three hundred talents of sil-
ver, and, in order to supply it, Ezechias was obliged to
vield up not only the contents of the royal treasury,
but also the silver belonging to the Temple, and the
plates of gold which were on the doors thereof (IV K.
xviii) . But when in addition to this, the Assyrian de-
manded the surrender of Jerusalem with a view to
carrying its inhabitants into exile, the courage of
Ezechias was revived, and he prepared himself for a
vigorous resistance. Haughty demands of surrender
were repulsed, and the king taking counsel with the
prophet Isaias turned in supplication to Yah wen; he
received the assurance that the enemy would soon
abandon the siege without doing any harm to the city.
This prophecy was shortly verified when the angel of
the Lord having slain in the night 185,000 of the be-
sieging forces, the remainder fled with Sennacherib, and
returned to Assyria. Ezechias survived this deliver-
ance only a few years, and he was buried with great
pomp in the tomb of the sons of David (IV K. xx, 21 ;
II Par. xxxii, 33).
Mangknot in Via., Did. de la Bible, s. v.; La Bible etleaDS-
couvertes Moderne*, 6th ed. (1896), t. IV, pp. 12, 14-28; Hast-
ings, Dictionary of the Bible, s. v. nezekiah.
James F. Driscoll.
Ezechiel, whose name, Yehezq'el 6mdNV) signi-
fies "strong is God1', or "whom God makes strong"
(Ezech., i, 3 ; iii, 8), was the son of Buzi, and was one of
the priests who, in the year 598 b. c, had been de-
ported together with Joachim as prisoners from Jeru-
salem (IV Kings, xxiv, 12-16; cf. Ezech v xxxiii, 21,
xl, 1). With the other exiles he settled in Tell-Abib
near the Chobar (Ezech., i, 1 ; iii, 15) in Babylonia, and
seems to have spent the rest of his life there. In the
fifth year after the captivity of Joachim, and accord-
ing to some, the thirtieth year of his life, Ezechiel re-
ceived his call as a prophet (Ezech. i, 2, 4 etc.) in the
vision which he describes in the beginning of his
prophecy (Ezech. i, 4; iii, 15). From Ezech. xxix, 17
it appears that he prophesied during at least twenty-
two years.
Ezechiel was called to foretell God's faithfulness in
the midst of trials, as well as in the fulfilment of His
promises. During the first period of his career, he
foretold the complete destruction of the kingdom of
Juda, and the annihilation of the city and temple.
After the fulfilment of these predictions, he was com-
manded to announce the future return from exile, the
re-establishment of the people in their own country
and, especially, the redemption within the Kingdom of
the Messiah, the second David, so that the people
would not abandon themselves to despair and perish
as a nation, through contact with the Gentiles, whose
gods had apparently triumphed over the God of Israel.
This is the principal burden of Ezechiel 's prophecy,
which is divided into three parts. After the intro-
duction, the vision of the calling of the prophet
(Ezech., i-iii, 21), the first part contains the prophe-
cies against Juda before the fall of Jerusalem (Ezech.,
iii, 22-xxiv). In this part the prophet declares the
hope of saving the city, the kingdom, and the temple
to De vain, and announces the approaching judgment
of God upon Juda. This part may be subdivided into
five group of prophecies.
(1) After a second revelation, in which God discloses
to the prophet His course of action (iii, 22-27), the
prophet foretells by symbolic acts (iv, v) and in words
(vi-vii), the siege and capture of , Jerusalem, and the
banishment of Juda. (2) In a prophetic vision, in the
presence of the elders of Israel, God reveals to him the
cause of these punishments. In spirit he witnesses
the idolatry practised in and near the temple (viii);
God commands that the guilty be punished and the
faithful be spared (is.); God's majesty departs from
the temple (x), and also, after the announcement of
guilt and punishment, from the city. With this the
judgment which the prophet communicates to the
exiles ends (si).
(3) In the third group (xii-xix) many different pro-
phecies are brought together, whose sole connexion is
the relation they bear to the guilt and punishment of
Jerusalem and Juda. Eiechiel prophesies by sym-
bolic actions the exile of the people, the flight of Se-
decias, and the devastation of the land (xii, 1-20).
Then follow Divine revelations regarding belief in
false prophecies, and disbelief in the very presence of
takes, first of all, the neighbouring peoples! who had
been exalted through the downfall of Juda, and who
had humiliated Israel. The fate of four of these, the
Ammonites, the Moabites, the Edomites, and the
Philistines, is condensed in chapter xxv. He treats
more at length of Tyre and its king (xxvi-xxviii, 19),
after which he casta a glance at Sidon (xxviii, 20-26).
Six prophecies against Egypt follow, dating from dif-
ferent years (xxix-xxxii). The third part (txiiii-
xlviii), is occupied with the Divine utterances on the
subject of Israel's restoration. Aa introduction, we
have a dissertation from the prophet, in his capacity
of authorized champion of the mercy and justice of
God, after which he addresses himself to those re-
maining in Juda, and to the perverse exiles (xxxiii).
The manner in which God will restore His people it
only indicated in a general way. The Lord will cause
the evil shepherds to perish ; He will gather in, guide,
and feed the sheep by means of the second David, the
U(jO
IV).
MichetaassJo Buo
Though Mount Seir shall remain a waste, Israel
shall return unto its own. There God will purify His
people, animate the nation with a new spirit, and re-
establish it in its former splendour for the glory of His
name (xxxv-xxxvi). Israel, though dead, shall rise
again, and the dry bones shall be covered with flesh
and endowed with life before the eyes of the prophet.
Ephraim and Juda shall, under the second David, be
united into one kingdom, and the Lord shall dwell in
their midst (xxxvii). The invincibleness and inde-
structibility of the restored kingdom are then sym-
bolically presented in the war upon Gog, his inglorious
defeat, and the annihilation of his armies (xxxviii-
sssis). In the last prophetic vision, God shows the
new temple (xl-xlii), the new worship (xliii-xlvi), the
return to their own land, and the new division thereof
among the twelve tribes (xlvii-xlviii), as a figure of
His foundation of a kingdom where He shall dwell
among His people, and where He shall be served in
His tabernacle according to strict rules, by priests of
His choice, and by the prince of the house of David.
From this review of the contents of the prophecy, it
is evident that the prophetic vision, the symbolic ac-
tions and examples, comprise a considerable portion
of the book. The completeness of the description of
the vision, actions and similes, is one of the manr
causes of the obscurity of the book of Ezechiel. It a
often difficult to distinguish between what is essential
to the matter represented, and what serves merely to
make the image more vivid. On this account it hap-
e of the causes of the P™* that, in the circumstantial descriptio:
nant of the inhabitants of Jerusalem (xiv, 13-23).
The prophet likens Jerusalem to the dead wood of the
vine, which is destined for the fire (xv); in an elabor-
ate denunciation he represents Juda as a shameless
harlot, who surpasses Samaria and Sodom in malice
(xvi), and in a new simile, he condemns King Se-
decias (xvii). After a discourse on the justice of God
(xviii), there follows a further lamentation over the
princes and the people of Juda (xix). (4) In the pres-
ence of the elders the prophet denounces the whole
people of Israel for the abominations they practised in
Egypt, in the Wilderness, and in Canaan (xx). For
these Juda shall be consumed by fire, and Jerusalem
shall be exterminated by the sword (xxi). Abomin-
able is the immorality of Jerusalem (xxii), but Juda
is more guilty than Israel has ever been (xxiii).
(5) On the day on which the siege of Jerusalem began,
the prophet represents, under the figure of the rusty
pot, what was to befall the inhabitants of the city.
On the occasion of the death of his wife, God forbids
him to mourn openly, in order to teach the exiles that
they should be willing to lose that which is dearest to
them without grieving over it (xxiv).
In the second part (xxv-xxxii), are gathered to-
gether the prophecies concerning the Gentiles. He
this obscurity, a number of copyist mistakes have
crept into the text, and that at an early date, since the
Septuagint has some of them in common with the
earliest Hebrew text we have. The Greek verskm,
however, includes several readings which help to fix
the meaning. The genuineness of the book of Esechiel
is generally conceded. Some few consider chapters
xl-xlviii to be apocryphal, because the plan there de-
scribed in the building of the temple was not followed,
but they overlook the fact that Esechiel here gives
a symbolic representation of the temple, that was to
find spiritual realisation in God's new kingdom. The
Divine character of the prophecies was recognised u
early as the time of Jesus the son of Sirach (Becks,
xlix, 10, 11). In the New Testament, there are no
verbatim references, but allusions to the prophecy and
figures taken from it are frequent. Compare St. John,
x, 10 etc. with Esech., xxxiv, 11 etc.; St. Matthew,
xiii, 32 with Esech., xvii, 23. In particular St. John,
in the Apocalypse, has often followed Esechiel. Com-
pare A poo., xvui-xxi with Exech., zxvii, xxxviii etc.,
CmuuT, Ettkiti (London. 1SS2) ; Odihw, Etdcitl surf Dmtid
'■"- -"-'- '""■"- " — Tit B-1 -■■ " ■ "
CZXONQIBKR
739
EZZO
nal of Sen*. Language*, XIX-); Douglas, EtekieVs Virion of the
Tempi* in Expository Time*. XIV; Lb wis. By the River Chebar
(London, 1903); Babclat, The New Jerusalem (London, 1905);
Bbvan, Eeekiei xxviii in Journal of Theol. Studies, iv; Pilchbb,
Ex. i in Proceedings of 8oc. of Bwl. Arch., xxz, 45; Knabin-
baubr, Comment, in cm. (Pans, 1890); Meionan, Quatre nicies
e
de lutte contre Vidoldtrie (Paris, 1892) : Corn ill, Das Buch Em.
Leipsig, 1886): Tbochon, EsSehiel (Paris, 1897); Bbbtholet,
><u Buch He*. (Freiburg, 1897); Kbabtsbchmab, Das BuchEt.
(Gottingen, 1900); 8chmalil, Das Buch Et. (Vienna, lt.01);
MOllxh, Etechid Studien in Bibl Studien (Vienna. 1904);
Jahn, Das Buch Em. auf Orund der Septuaj. heraestellt (Leipzig*
r, Em. Vtrfasser ds* B. Job in Zettschrift f. Rath.
1905); JoOon.
Theol. (1903), 583; Begbich,
Theol., XLVII, 433.
de* Em. in Zeilschr. /. wit,
JOS. SCHET8.
Bftiongaber. See Asionqaber.
Eznik, a writer of the fifth century, b. at Golp, in
the province of Taikh, a tributary valley of the
Chorokh, in Northern Armenia. He was a pupil of
Isaac, the catholicos, and of Mesrop. At their re-
quest he went first to Edessa, then to Constantinople
to perfect himself in the various sciences and to col-
lect or copy Syriac and Greek manuscripts of the
Bible, and the writings of the Fathers of the Church.
He returned to Armenia after the Council of Ephesus
(431), and is probably identical with Eznik, Bishop
of Bagrevand, who took part in the Synod of Artashat
in 449. In addition to nis labours in connexion with
the new version of the Bible (see Versions of the
Bible) and various translations, he composed several
works, the principal of which is his remarkable treatise
"Against the Sects". It was written between 441
ana 449, and contains four books or chapters. In the
first, against the heathens, Eznik combats the eter-
nity of matter and the substantial existence of evil . In
the second he refutes the chief doctrines of Parseeism.
The third is directed against the Greek philosophers
(Pythagoreans, Platonists, Peripatetics, Stoics, and
Epicureans), the writer taking his arguments from the
Bible rather than from reason. The fourth book is an
exposition and refutation of Marcionism. In the
work Eznik displays much acumen and an extensive
erudition. He was evidently as familiar with Persian
as with Greek literature. His Armenian diction is of
the choicest classical type, although the nature of his
subject-matter forced nun to use quite a number of
Greek words. The work "Against the Sects" was
first published at Smyrna in 1762; again, much more
correctly and from several manuscripts, by the Mechi-
tarists at Venice in 1826 and in I860. An indifferent
French translation was made by LeVaillant de Flori-
val, "Refutation des differentes sectes", etc. (Paris,
1853). A good German translation is that by J. M.
Schmid, "Eznik von Kolb, Wider die Sekten'' (Leip-
zig, 1900). Langlois published a general introduction
to the whole treatise and a translation of part of book
II (section 5, 1-11, containing Magism) m his "Col-
lection des historiens anciens et modernes de l'Ar-
menie", II, pp. 371 sq. Eznik is also the author of a
short collection of moral precepts, printed with his
more important treatise.
Neumann, Versuch einer Oeschichle der armenischen Literatur,
nach den Werken der Mekhitaristen frei gearbeitet (Leipsig,
1836), 42 sqq.; Fxnck, Oeschichle der armenischen LiUeratur in
Oeschichle der chrisUtchen Litteraluren des Orients (Leipsig,
1907), 85 sqq.: Bardenhewbb, Pairolooy, tr. Shahan (Frei-
burg im Br., St. Louis. 1908), 593; Webbb, Die Katholische
Kirche in Armenian (Freiburg im Br., 1903), 50.
H. Hyvernat.
Ezso, a priest of Bamberg in the eleventh century,
author of a famous poem known as the " Song of the
Miracles of Christ" (Cantilena de miracuUe Christi), or
the "Anegenge" or " Beginning". The poem was
found by Barack in a Strasburg MS. of the eleventh
century, but only a few strophes are given. The
whole song, thirty-four strophes, is preserved, though
in a later version, in the Vorau MS. The "Vita Alt-
manni" relates that in 1065, when rumours of the
approaching end of the world were rife, many people
started on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem under the leader-
ship of Bishop Guntner of Bamberg, and that fizzo
composed the poem on this occasion. The opening
strophe of the Vorau MS. does not mention tne pil-
grimage, but simply states that the bishop ordered
Ezzo to write the song. The effect, we are told, was
such that everybody hastened to take monastic vows.
The poem is written in the East Franconian dialect :
it relates in earnest language the Creation, Fall, and
Redemption of mankind. It was edited by P. Piper
(op. cit. infra) and Steinmayer (in Mullenhoff and
Scnerer "Denkmalerdeutscher Poesie und Prosa aus
dem VIII-XII Jahrhundert", Berlin, 1892).
Piper, Die geistliche Diehtung des M. A. in Kcbschneb,
Deutsche Nat.-Ltt., I, 37 seq.; Kellb, Die Quelle von Etxoe G*~
sang von den Wundern Christi (Vienna, 1893).
Arthur F. J. Rkmt.
Faa di Bruno, Francesco, an Italian mathema-
tician and priest, b. at Alessandria, 7 March, 1825; d. at
Turin, 26 March, 1888. He was of noble birth, and
held, at one time, the rank of captain-of-staff in the
Sardinian Army. Coming to Paris, he resigned his
commission, studied under Cauchy, an admirable type
of the true Catholic savant, and Leverrier, who shared
in the discovery of the planet Neptune, and he be-
came intimate with Abbe" Moigno and Hermite. On
his return to Turin, he was ordained, but the re-
mainder of his life was spent as Professor of Mathe-
matics at the University. In recognition of his
achievements as a mathematician, the degree of Doctor
of Science was conferred on him by the Universities of
Paris and Turin. In addition to some ascetical writ-
ings, the composition of some sacred melodies, and
the invention of some scientific apparatus, Faa di
Bruno made numerous and important contribu-
tions to mathematics. These include about forty
original articles published in the " Journal de Mathi-
matiques" (LiouvUle), Crelle's "Journal", "American
Journal of Mathematics" (Johns Hopkins University),
" Annali di Tortolini", "Les Mondes", "Comptes ren-
dus de l'Acad6mie des sciences", etc; the first half of
an exhaustive treatise on the theory and applications
of elliptic functions which he planned to complete in
three volumes; "Throne gSnlrale de l'elimination "
(Paris, 1859); "Calcolo degli errori" (Turin, 1867),
translated into French under the title of " Traite* e'le'-
mentaire du calcul des erreurs" (Paris, 1869); and
most important of all, "The'orie des formes binaires"
(Paris, 1876), translated into German (Leipzig, 1881).
For a list of the memoirs of Faa di Bruno, see the
"Catalogue of Scientific Papers of the Royal Society"
(London, 1868, 1877, 1891), t. II, vii, and ix.
Paul H. Linehan.
Faa di Bruno, Joseph. See Pious Society of
Missions.
Faber, Felix, German writer, b. about 1441 at
Zurich, of a famous family commonly known as
Quktik and Echard. Scrtptorea Ord. Prwd., 1, 871: Haem
Lin. Dissert, giatens vitam, itinera et scripta Fr. F. Fabrt (GAttm-
gen. 1742); cf. also preface to the Stuttgart ed. of the Evaga-
Abthur L. McMahon.
Faber, Frederick William, Oratorian and devo-
tional writer; b. 28 June, 1814, at Calverley, York-
shire, England; d. in London, 26 Sept., 1863. After
five years at Harrow School he matriculated at Bal-
liol in 1832, became a scholar at University College in
1834, and a fellow of that College in 1837. Of Hugue-
not descent Faber
was divided in his
university days be-
tween a tendency
to Calvinism, .in
the form of indi-
vidual pietism, and
the Church theory
then being advo-
cated by Newman.
Eventually the lat-
ter triumphed, and
Faber threw him-
self unreservedly
into the Tractarian
movement and co-
operated in the
translation of the
works of the Fath-
ers then in prog-
ress. He received
Anglican ordina-
tion in 1839, and
took work as a tutor, till, in 1843, he was appointed
Rector of Elton, Northamptonshire. During the years
1839-1843 Faber made two continental tours, and his
letters give strikingly poetic descriptions of the scenes
he visited; they glow with enthusiasm for Catholic
rites and devotion. On his return to Elton in 1844,
he established the practice of confession, preached
Frederick' William Fa
Schmid; d. in 1502 at Ulm, Germany. He made his Catholic doctrine, and wrote the life of St. Wilfrid,
early studies under the Dominicans at Basle and Ulm, openly advocating the claims and supremacy of Rome,
where he spent the greater part of his life. He be- In October 1845, Newman was received into the
came a master of sacred theology, was head preacher Church at Littlemore: in November, Faber was abo
at Ulm during 1477-78, became provincial of the Ger- received by Bishop Waring, at Northampton. In
man province in 1486, attended two general chapters
of his order in 1480, and made a pilgrimage to Pales-
tine and Syria in 1483-4. He wrote two accounts of
his travels, one in German (Ulm, 1556) ; the other in
Latin. The former is rather brief; the other is very
complete and accurate in its descriptions of the places
visited, and is of great value to students of Palestinian
topography, who recognize Faber as the most distin-
guished ana learned writer of the fifteenth century.
This work was republished by the Stuttgart Literary
Society in three octavo volumes (1843-49) under the
title, " Fr. Felicia Fabri Evagatorium in Terra Sanctse,
Arabue et jEeypti peregrinationem". He was also
the author of a versified pilgrim's book, edited by
Birlinger (Munich, 1864). In 1489 Faber completed
a history of the Swiss (Historia Suevorum) down to
that year. Goldast, in his preface to the Frankfort
edition of 1604 (later ed., Ulm, 1727), says of him that
he was praised by few but copied by many. Faber
translated a life of Blessed Henry Suso from the Latin.
Some of his manuscripts are still unpublished.
1846, Faber established a religious community, the
"Brothers of the Will of God* or " Wilfridiana," as
they were called from St. Wilfrid, their patron", at
Cotton Hall, near Cheadle, Staffordshire, the gift of
the Earl of Shrewsbury. In 1847 Faber was ordained
priest and with his zealous community, now forty in
number, converted the whole parish, except " the par-
son, the pew-opener, and two drunken men." In
1848, Newman arrived from Rome with his new con-
gregation of the Oratory of St. Philip Neri, and estab-
lished himself at Old Oscott, Birmingham, then re-
named Maryvale. With singular disinterestedness,
Faber placed himself under Newman as a simple nov-
ice, taking with him all his community who were will-
ing to follow his example. In 1849 he was sent by
Newman to found the Oratory at King William Street,
London, and was appointed its superior. In the poor
chapel there, once a tavern, Faber laid the foundation
of his future works. Poor schools, nightly services,
and sermons with hymns and processions of the Bles-
sed Sacrament, till then unknown, formed its chief
740
PABEB
741
FABER
characteristics. Faber's hymns, composed especially
for these services, display a combination of accu-
rate theological doctrine, fervent devotion, musical
rhythm, and true poetic talent. As a preacher he
was remarkable for his delivery, choice of expression,
absence of gesticulation, and personal exhortations of
surprising force.
In 1847 Faber began the publication of " Lives of
Modern Saints/1 not as biographies, but as showing
the growth of sanctity under the operation of grace
and the supernatural perfection attained. The series
of forty-nine Lives supplied a great want of the time
and, after some opposition, met with full approbation.
His knowledge of the spiritual life and the extent of
his theological and ascetic reading were seen in the
eight works that now came from his pen: "All for
Jesus". 1853; "Growth in Holiness", 1854; "The
Blessed Sacrament", 1855; "The Creator and the
Creature", 1858; "The Foot of the Cross", 1858;
" Spiritual Conferences ", 1859; " The Precious Blood ",
1860; " Bethlehem", 1860. The many foreign transla-
tions of these works, their circulation now maintained
for more than fifty years, their constant quotation by
spiritual writers, have raised their author to the rank
of a master in mystical theology. He wrote also two
volumes of "Notes on Doctrinal Subjects" (1866),
giving the skeleton of various sermons and of two
projected works, "Calvary" and "The Holy Ghost."
A volume of poems, various essays, and other minor
works are also from his pen. The fascination and
grace of his presence rendered him personally attrac-
tive, while as confessor his sympathy with souls in
trouble, his spiritual insight, and nis supernatural un-
worldliness, gave to his counsel a lifelong point and
force.
The Oratory removed to South Kensington in 1854,
and there Faber spent the remaining nine years of his
life, occupied primarily in establishing his community
on the strict observance of St. Philip's Institute, being
convinced that fidelity to its Roman model was its
one vital principle. The sacraments, prayer, including
the reverent performance of the ecclesiastical func-
tions, and the daily Word of God were St. Philip's
weapons, and Faber would never engage in other ex-
ternal works, however good. Unswerving loyalty to
the Holy See was his watchword, and devotion to the
Mother of God was for him the safeguard of faith and
the source and support of true piety.
Bowdsn, The Life and Letters of Frederick William Faber, 2nd
ed. (London, 1888); Faber. A Brief Sketch of the Early Life of
F. W. Faber (London, 1800); Civilth Cattdica (Rome, 3 and 13
Aug., 1872), tr. (London, 1872); Catholic World, X, 145; III,
287; Gillow, Bibl. Diet, of Eng. Cath., II, 207-210.
Henry S. Bowden.
Faber, Johann, theologian, b. at Leutkirch, in
Swabia, 1478; d. in Vienna, 21 May, 1541. He stud-
ied theology and canon law at Tubingen and Freiburg
in the Breisgau; was made doctor of sacred theology
in Freiburg; became in succession minister of Lin-
dau, Leutkirch; Vicar-General of Constance, 1518;
chaplain and confessor to King Ferdinand I of Austria,
1524; was appointed Bishop of Vienna, 1530. While
a canon of the cathedral of Basle he formed a friend-
ship with Erasmus that lasted throughout their lives;
Erasmus persuaded Faber to take up the study of the
Fathers. Like others of his time Faber was at first
friendly with the Reformers, Melanchthon, Zwingli,
and CEcolampadius, sympathizing with their efforts at
reform and opposing certain abuses himself; but when
he realized that neither dogma nor the Church herself
was spared by the Reformers, he broke with them and
became their most consistent opponent. He wrote
his first polemic against Luther, "Opus ad versus nova
quaedam dogmata Martini Lutheri ' ' ( 1 552) . This was
soon followed by his " Malleus Hssreticorum, sex libris
ad Hadrianum VI summum Pontificem" (Cologne,
1 524 ; Rome, 1 569) . From this latter work he is some-
times called the " hammer of heretics". He entered
into public debate with Zwingli at Zurich ; was promi-
nent in all the diets held to restore peace to the
Church ; and was one of the committee appointed to
draw up a refutation of the Confession of Augsburg.
On some points, e. g. the celibacy of the clergy, he was
willing to recognize certain unfortunate conditions if
an agreement could be reached to prevent similar con-
ditions in the future, but no agreement was possible.
He was sent by Ferdinand to Spain and then to Henry
VIII in England to seek aid against the invading
Turks ; Ferdinand also had him enlist the services of
the University of Vienna to combat the spread of the
doctrines of Luther in Austria. As bishop his zeal
was unbounded; he protected his flock by frequent
preaching and numerous writings, and he held regu-
lar conferences with his clergy. He founded twelve
scholarships for boys who wished to become priests
but did not have the means to realize their ambition.
His works (German and Latin) are homiletical and
polemical in character. Besides those already men-
tioned he wrote treatises on faith and good works, on
the Sacrifice of the Mass; an instruction and answer to
Luther's work against the King of England ; a treatise
against the more recent tenets of Luther; a compari-
son of the writings of Hue and Luther; the power of
the pope in the case of Luther ; an answer to six articles
of Zwingli; defence of Catholic belief against the chief
Anabaptist, Balthasar of Friedberg; a book on the
religion of the Russians ; sermons on the misery of life,
ana on the Blessed Sacrament ; sermons of consolation
and courage while the Turks were besieging Vienna.
His works in three folio volumes (Cologne, 1537-40) do
not contain his polemical writings; these are found in
" Opuscula quffidam Joannis Fabri, Episcopi Viennen-
sis'y (Leipzig, 1539).
QufcnF and Echabd, Scriptores Ord. Prod. (Paris, 1721), torn.
II; Dolen, Scriptore8 Universitatis Viennenais, pare II (Vtenne,
1741); Kkttnbr, De Joannis Fabri vitd et scriptis (Leipzig,
1736); Janssen, History of the German People (Freiburg, 1903).
V; Roth in Kirchenl. IV. 172-175.
M. Schumacher.
Faber, Johann, of Heilbronn, controversialist and
preacher; b. 1504, at Heilbronn in Wittenberg; d. at
Augsburg, 27 Feb., 1558. At the age of sixteen he
entered the Dominican Order and made his ecclesias-
tical studies in the convent at Wimpfen. Of his ear-
liest missionary labours little is known. In 1534 he
was charged with the duty of preaching in the cathe-
dral of Augsburg, but owing to the Lutheran heresies
and the bitter attitude of the heretics towards the
Church, in consequence of which the Catholic clergy
were forbidden topreach, his usefulness there was of
short duration. Thence he went to the University of
Cologne, where he devoted himself for several years to
the higher clerical studies. Here he published in 1535
and 1536 several unedited works of the English mys-
tic, Richard Rolle. Returning to Wimpfen he engaged
in the work of preaching and refuting the errors of the
Reformers, which had already taken deep root among a
large portion of the people. His unwearied zeal, how-
ever, m upholding the ancient Faith and the marvellous
results attending it, caused his enemies to turn against
him with such bitterness that he was forced to leave the
city. In 1539, at the solicitation of the citizens of
Colmar, he proceeded to that city, where the new doc-
trines had by this time gained considerable ground.
On 2 Sept. of the same year he matriculated at the
University of Freiburg as " Concionator Colmarensis",
and it was at this time, in all probability, that he re-
ceived the baccalaureate. In 1545 he was elected
prior of the convent in Schlettstadt, but he had served
only two years in this capacity when he was again ap-
pointed to take charge of the pulpit in the cathedral of
Augsburg. Being compelled to abandon it once more
in 1552, be proceeded to the University of Ingolstadt,
where he received the degree of Doctor of Theology
FABER
742
FABIAH
tinder the presidency of Peter Canisius, who succeeded
him later in the pulpit of Augsburg. In the following
year he returned again to Augsburg, where he died.
Faber was a man of vast theological erudition. His
seal to stem the tide of heresy and the invincible cour-
age he evinced in exposing the prevailing errors
brought him into conflict with many nereticaileaders.
He is the author of a number of excellent works, in-
cluding the following: (1) " Quod fides esse possit sine
caritate, expositio pia et catholica' ' (Augsburg, 1548) ;
(2) "Testimonium Scriptures et Patrum B. Petrum
apostolum Rome fuisse" (Antwerp, 1553); (3)
"Grundliche und christliche Anzeigungen aus der
heiligen Schrift und heiligen Kirchenlehrern was die
evaneelische Messe sei" (Dillingen, 1558); (4) "En-
chiridion Bibliorum concionaton in popularibus decla-
mationibus utile" (Cologne, 1568); (5) "Precationes
Christianas ex Bacris litteris et D. Augustino singulario
studio concinnat® et select®" (Cologne, 1586).
Qufcnr and Echard, Scriptorts Ord, Prod., II, 161; Hurtkr,
Nomendator, 3d ed.. II, 1431 ; Paulus, Die deutschen Domini-
kaner im Kampfegegen Luther (Freiburg, 1903), 232-266.
Joseph Schroeder.
Faber, Johann Augustanus, theologian, b. at Fri-
bourg, Switzerland, c. 1470; d. about 1 531 . He entered
the Dominican Order, probably at Augsburg, Ger-
many, where he passed the greater part of nis re-
ligious life, whence his name Augustanus. He ob-
tained the degrees of Master and Doctor of Divinity,
was made (151 1) Vicar General of the Dominican Con-
gregation of Upper Germany, and for twenty years
filled the office of prior in the Augsburg Convent.
He rebuilt (1512-1515) the Dominican church in that
city, for which some of the funds were obtained
through the preaching of a jubilee permitted by Leo X
and also, after a prohibition, by the Emperor Maxi-
milian I. Maximilian made him court preacher and
royal counsellor. On the recommendation of Eras-
mus, with whom he was very friendly, he was again
appointed to these offices by Maximilian's successor,
Charles V. Sympathizing with the Lutherans in
their revival of classical learning, he advocated a plan
for the treatment of Luther and his followers that the
ecclesiastical superiors could not accept. When he
withdrew this, and broke away from trie humanists,
he received the abuse of Luther, and also of his former
supporter Erasmus, who had already been provoked
by his censure, published anonymously, for adhering
to the new errors. The accusation made by Erasmus,
that Faber had calumniated him to Cardinal Cajetan
has not been proved.
QutnF and Echabd, Script. Ord. Prmd., II, 80; Paulub, Die
deuhchen Dominikaner in Kampjegegen Luther (Freiburg, 1903),
292-313.
Arthur L. McMahon.
Faber, Matthias, writer and preacher, b. at Alto-
munster, Germany, 24 Feb.. 1586; d. at Tyrnau, 26
April, 1653. He embraced the ecclesiastical state, be-
came cure* of the parish of St. Maurice at Ingoldstadt,
and was a professor at the University of that city.
His sermons had already won for him a reputation as a
sacred orator when he entered the Society of Jesus at
Vienna. He was then fifty years old. The sermons
which he has left are remarkable for soundness of doc-
trine, and learning. He is even more a controver-
sialist than an orator in the ordinary sense of the
word. His object in preaching was, before every-
thing, either to convert heretics, or to safeguard
Catholics from the false doctrines of the Reformation.
According to the custom of the times he made exces-
sive use of Scriptural texts, which crowd his instruc-
tive sermons and render the reading of them difficult.
They are all written in Latin, and have been published
in many editions.
Bonus hvogbl, Bxbl. de la c. de J. (Brussels, 1891), III;
Fasbb, Concionum Opus, preface.
Louis Lalande.
Faber, Peter. See Peter Faber, Saint.
Faber (Fabri), Philip, theologian, philosopher,
and noted commentator of Duns Scot us; b. in 1564.
at Spinata di Brisighella, district of Faenaa, Italy, and
d. at Padua, 28 Aug., 1630. In 1582 he entered the
Order of St. Francis (Conventuals), at Cremona.
After completing his studies, he taught in various
monastic schools till he was appointed professor of
philosophy in 1603, and in 1606 professor of theology,
at the University of Padua, where he was highly suc-
cessful as a lecturer. In 1625 he was elected pro-
vincial of the order , and he again took up his work as
professor, expounding the teachings of Duns Scotus
with ability and judgment, and abandoning the super-
lative style of other commentators. His most im-
portant works are: "Philosophia naturalis Scoti in
theoremata distributa" (Parma, 1601, revised at
Venice, 1606, 1616, 1622, and at Paris, 1622). " Com-
mentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum Duns Scoti"
(Venice, 1613; 3rd ed. Paris, 1622); "De Pnedestina-
tione" (Venice, 1623), a complement to the first book
of the " Sentences " ; " De restitutione, et extrema unc-
tione" (Venice, 1624), an addition to the fourth book
of the Sentences; " A treatise ' de Sacramento Ordinis,
poenis et censuris ecclesiasticis ' " (Venice, 1628) . His
work, "De Primatu Petri et Romani Pontificis" and
his "Commentaries on the Metaphysics of Aristotle"
were published, after Faber's death, bv his friend
Matthew Ferchius, O.F.M., who prefaced the "Com-
mentaries", with a biography of the author.
Fbanchxni, Bibliosofla e memorie letterarie di Serittori Fran-
eeecani Conventuali (Modena, 1098), 204-218; Wadding, Scrip.
OnL Min. (Rome, 1906), 196; Sbabaxjba, Suppiementum ad
Seriptores (Rome, 1806), p. 617.
MlCHAEL BlHX.
Faber StapulensiB. See Lefebvrk d'Etaples,
Jacques.
Fabian (Fabianus), Saint, Pops, 236-^250, the ex-
traordinary circumstances of whose election is related
by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., VI, 29). After the death of
Anterus he had come to Rome, with some others, from
his farm and was in the city when the new election
began. While the names of several illustrious and
noble persons were being considered, a dove suddenly
descended upon the head of Fabian, of whom no one
had even thought. To the assembled brethren the
sight recalled the Gospel scene of the descent of the
Holy Spirit upon the Saviour of mankind, and so,
divinely inspired, as it were, they chose Fabian with
1'oyous unanimity and placed him in the Chair of
'eter. During his reign of fourteen years there was a
lull in the storm of persecution. Little is known of
his pontificate. The " Liber Pontificalia " says that he
divided Rome into seven districts, each supervised by
a deacon, and appointed seven subdeacons, to collect,
in conjunction with other notaries, the "acta" of the
martyrs, i. e. the reports of the court-proceedings on
the occasion of their trials (cf. Eus., VI, 43). There is
a tradition that he instituted the four minor orders.
Under him considerable work was done in the cata-
combs. He caused the body of Pope St. Pontianus
to be exhumed, in Sardinia, and transferred to the
catacomb of St. Callistus at Rome. Later accounts,
more or less trustworthy, attribute to him the con-
secration (245) of seven bishops as missionaries to
Gaul, among them St. Denys of Paris (Greg, of Tours,
Hist. Francor., 1, 28, 31). St. Cyprian mentions (Ep.,
59) the condemnation by Fabian for heresy of a cer-
tain Privatus (Bishop of Lamb&sa) in Africa. The
famous Origen did not hesitate to defend, before Fa-
bian, the orthodoxy of his teaching (Eus. Hist. Eccl.,
VI, 34). Fabian died a martyr (20 Jan., 250) at the
beginning of the Decian persecution, and was buried
in the Crypt of the Popes in the catacomb of St. Callis-
tus, where in recent times (1850) De Rossi discovered
his Greek epitaph (Roma Sotterranea II, 59) : " Fabian,
1
FABIOLA
743
FABftl
bishop and martyr." The decretals ascribed to him
in Pseudo-Isidore are apocryphal.
Ducbiski ted.). Liber Pontificalia (Paris, 1886) I. 148-49;
Acta S3. Jan. II, 252-66: Barmbt, in Diet, at Christian Biogr.
a. v.; Tillbmont, Memoxrea, III, 362-66, 719-20; jArrft, Reg.
RR. Pont. 1, 15-17; II, 690.
P. Gabriel Meier.
Fablola, Saint, a Roman matron of rank, d. 27
December, 399 pr 400. She was one of the company
of noble Roman women who, under the influence of
St. Jerome, gave up all earthly pleasures and devoted
themselves to the practice of Christian asceticism and
to charitable work At the time of St. Jerome's stay
at Rome (382-84), Fabiola was not one of the ascetic
circle which gathered around him. It was not until a
later date that, upon the death of her second consort,
she took the decisive step of entering upon a life of
renunciation and labour for others. Fabiola belonged
to the patrician Roman family of the Fabia. She had
been married to a man who led so vicious a life that to
live with him was impossible. She obtained a divorce
from him according to Roman law, and, contrary to
the ordinances of the Church, she entered upon a sec-
ond union before the death of her first husband. On
the day before Easter, following the death of her sec-
ond consort, she appeared before the gates of the Lat-
eran basilica, dressed in penitential garb, and did pen-
ance in public for her sin; an act which made a great
impression upon the Christian population of Rome.
The pope received her formally again into full com-
munion with the Church.
Fabiola now renounced all that the world had to
offer her, and devoted her immense wealth to the
needs of the poor and the sick. She erected a fine
hospital at Rome, and waited on the inmates herself,
not even shunning those afflicted with repulsive
wounds and sores. Besides this she gave large sums
to the churches and religious communities at Rome,
and at other places in Italy. All her interests were
centred on the needs of the Church and the care of
the poor and suffering. In 395, she went to Bethle-
hem, where she lived m the hospice of the convent di-
rected by Paula and applied herself, under the direc-
tion of St. Jerome, with the greatest zeal to the study
and contemplation of the Scriptures, and to ascetic
exercises. An incursion of the Huns into the eastern
provinces of the empire, and the quarrel which broke
out between Jerome and Bishop John of Jerusalem
respecting the teachings of Origen, made residence in
Bethlehem unpleasant for her, and she returned to
Rome. She remained, however, in correspondence
with St. Jerome, who at her request wrote a treatise
on the priesthood of Aaron and the priestly dress.
At Rome, Fabiola united with the former senator
Pammachius in carrying out a great charitable under-
taking; together they erected at Porto a large hospice
for pilgrims coming to Rome. Fabiola also continued
her usual personal labours in aid of the poor and sick
until her death. Her funeral was a wonderful mani-
festation of the gratitude and veneration with which
she was regarded by the Roman populace. St. Jer-
ome wrote a eulogistic memoir of Fabiola in a letter to
her relative Oceanus.
St. Jbboms, Ep. Ixxvii, of. Epp. h. Ixiv, Ixxviii. in P. L.
XXII; Idem, Contra Rufinwn, III, 14; Frbmantlb in Diet, of
Christ. Biog., 8. v. Fabiola; GrOtsmachbr, Hieronymu* (Ber-
lin, 1906), II, 183 8<jq. ; Thiirhy, St. Jerome, la sociHi chrHxenne
& Rome et Vemigratton romaine en Terre Sainte (Paris, 1876), II.
J. P. KlRSCH.
Fabre, Joseph, second Superior General of the Ob-
lates of Mary Immaculate, b. 14 November, 1824, at
Cuges, Bouches-du-Rhdne, France; d. at Royaumont
near Paris, 26 October, 1892. He first studied at the
Lvcee of Marseilles, then entered the Grand Seminaire
of the same city, and made his novitiate in the Con-
gregation of the Oblates, pronouncing his final vows
17 February, 1845. After teaching philosophy for
some time, he was ordained priest, 29 May, 1847. He
was Director of the Grand Seminaire of Marseilles
when, in 1850, a general chapter elected him procura-
tor oi the whole Institute. The Bishop of Marseilles,
who was also the superior and founder of the Oblates,
made him his trusted confidant; and when that prel-
ate died Father Fabre was unanimously chosen to
succeed him (5 Dec., 1861) as Superior tieneral of his
congregation, in which capacity he from time to time
addressed to the members of his congregation, ency-
clical letters which have remained models of spiritual
direction. He instituted collective retreats for the
superiors, and others for the simple religious, and in-
sisted on the observance of charity and humility,
which Bishop De Mazenod had made the cardinal vir-
tues of his Institute.
He introduced his missionaries into Italy, Spain,
and Holland; established new houses in France, Great
Britain, and Canada, and, in 1883, canonically erected
into a separate province the houses already existing in
the United States. Their activities in the missions of
Ceylon, South Africa, and the extreme North, as well
as the far West, of America, were no less remarkable
during his tenure of office. *
At the time of his death, when he had been superior
for thirty-one years, the roll of members had more
than doubled in numbers, and the Oblates counted in
their ranks ten bishops who were at the head of as
many vicariates Apostolic. If Bishop De Mazenod had
founded and consolidated the congregation, the last
touches to the good work were given oy his immedi-
ate successor. In addition to being their superior
general, Father Fabre was the Director-General of the
Association of the Holy Family, a religious institute
composed of seven congregations of nuns founded at
Bordeaux in the first half of the nineteenth century.
Notices nicrologiquee dee Oblats de Marie ImmaeuUe (Bar-Ie-
Duc, 1890); Bsnoit, Vie de Mar. Tache (Montreal, 1004).
A. G. Morice.
Fabii (Lefevre), Honore, Jesuit, theologian, b.
about 1607 in the Department of Ain, France* d. at
Rome, 8 March, 1688. He entered the Society of
Jesus at Avignon, in 1626, and distinguished himself
by a life of continuous mental work. He excelled
especially in mathematics and physics, but he was
also a formidable controversialist. For eight years
he taught philosophy and for six years mathematics
in the Jesuit college at Lyons, attractingmany pupils
by the fame of his learning. Called to Rome, he be-
came the theologian of the court of the papal peniten-
tiary in the Vatican Basilica, a position ne neld for
thirty years. His duties did not prevent him from
writing a number of learned works on various subjects
in keeping with the needs of his time. Sommervogel
mentions thirty-one titles of published works in con-
nexion with Fabri's name; besides, there are fourteen
of his productions in MS., now kept in the Library of
Lyons.
The following are the more important of his publi-
cations: " Pithahophilus. seu dialogue vel opusculum
de opinione probabili, etc. (Rome, 1659). This
work was attacked by Stephanus Gradius, Prefect of
the Vatican Library, in his "Disputatio de opinione
probabili" (Rome, 1678; Mechlin, 1679). "Honor-
ati Fabri, Societatis Jesu, apologeticus doctrinse mo-
ralis ejusdem Societatis" (Lyons, 1670; Cologne,
1672). This treats, in eleven dialogues, of probabil-
ism, explaining its true nature, and refuting the
charges of its opponents. The Cologne edition was
considerably enlarged but did not meet with ecclesias-
tical approbation; it was placed on the Index of for-
bidden books soon after its appearance. " Una fides
unius Ecclesiffi Romans contra indifferentes hujus
sfieculi tribus libris facili methodo asserta" (Dillingen,
1657). "Summula theologica in qua cjusestiones
omnes alicujus momenti, qua a Scholasticis agitari
OFABRIANO
744
FABRICA
solent, breviter discutiuntur ac definiuntur" (Lyons,
1669). The principles on which this work constructs
its theological conclusions are far different from those
of Aristotle. " Euphiander seu vir ingeniosus ' ', a little
book, which may be useful to the student of litera-
ture (Lyons, 1669; Vienna, 1731; Budapest, 1749;
Of en, 1763). Most of Fabri's other works deal with
philosophy, mathematics, physics, astronomy, and
even zoology. In his treatise on man he claims to
have discovered the circulation of the blood, prior to
Harvey; but, after investigating this question, Father
Bellynk arrives at the conclusion that, at best, Father
Fabri may have made the discovery independently of
Harvey (cf. Bellynk, Cours de Zoologie, 1864, p. 23).
SomiBBvoosL, BM. delaC.de J. (Brussels and Paris, 1892),
III, 511-521: Hurtbr, NomenclcUor Literarius (Innsbruck,
1883), torn. II, 508-600.
A. J. Maas.
Fabriano and Matelica, Diocese of (Fabrianen-
sis et Mathelicensis) . Fabriano, a city in the province
of Macerata, Central Italy, is noted for its paper
manufactories and its trade in salted fish. It is said
to have been founded in the ninth century b. c. by
refugees from the ancient Attidium (the modern Atti-
gio) ; even as late as 1254 the baptismal font of Fab-
riano was in the church of San Giovanni Battista in
Attigio. The history of Fabriano is closely connected
with that of the Marches. In the church of San Bene-
detto, of the Silvestrine monks, is the tomb of Blessed
Giovanni Bonelli, a Silvestrine (d. 1290). St. Silves-
tro Guzzoli, the founder of this order, is buried at
Monte Fano, not far from Fabriano, where Blessed
Giuseppe dei Conti Atti and Blessed Ugo Laico, both
Silvestrines, are also buried. The relics of St. Rom-
uald were transferred to the church of SS. Biagio and
Romoaldo in 1480. The city was under the jurisdic-
tion of Camerino until 1785, when Pius II re-estab-
lished the see of Matelica and united it ceque princi-
paliter with Fabriano.
The town of Matelica possesses some ancient in-
scriptions. A Roman colony was established there in
89 b. c. In 487, Bishop Equitius of Matelica was at
Rome; and in 551, Bishop Florentius accompanied
Pope Vigiliue to Constantinople. No other bishops of
the ancient see are known. Until 1785 Matelica was
under the Jurisdiction of Camerino. Mention may be
made of Blessed Gentile da Matelica, a Franciscan^
martyred in Egypt in 1351, and buried in Venice (ai
Fran), and of Blersed Mattea Lazano. a Benedictine
nun, also of Matelica, buried in the cnurch of Santa
Maria Maddalena. The diocese is immediately sub-
ject to the Holy See, and has 32,000 inhabitants, 42
parishes, 1 male and 2 female educational institutions,
6 religious houses of men and 4 of women. The
painter, Gentile da Fabriano (q. v.), is one of the most
famous of the natives of Fabriano. He worked at
Foggia and Ban, and later in the palace of the doges
at Venice, in the Strozzi chapel at Florence, and
finally at Rome.
Cappslletti, Le Chieee d' Italia (Venice. 1844), VII; Ca-
millo Acqdacotta, Memorie di Matelica (Ancona, 1838).
U. Benigni.
Fabrica Ecclesia, a Latin term, meaning, ety-
mologically, the construction of a cnurch, but in a
broader sense the funds necessary for such construc-
tion. This expression may also be used to desig-
nate the repairing and maintenance of churches, the
daily expenses of worship, and to the amount requisite
for covering these expenses. In this particular con-
nexion, the expression is first met with in the letter of
Pope Simplicius to Gaudentius, Bishop of Aufina (19
Nov., 475) ; however, even then it was not new, being
borrowed from profane usage.
During the first Christian centuries the temporal-
ities intended to meet the expenses incurred by tne re-
ligious services carried on throughout a diocese be-
longed entirely to the cathedral church, and constitu-
ted a common fund which the bishop used, at his op-
tion, in defraying the expenses of religion, supporting
its ministers, and caring for the poor. But in the fifth
century, particularly in Italy, this common fund was
divided into four parts, one of which was set aside
for the fabrica ecclenat. In Sicily, however, in 494, no
Sjrtion was especially reserved for the fabric, and in
aul, such an allotment seems to have Jteen unknown.
In Spain, a third of the ecclesiastical revenues was as-
signed to the luminare (lights), a term synonymous
with fabrica. The increase of Christianity in the rural
districts brought with it a chance of discipline, ac-
cording to which each church obtained a separate
patrimony. In fact, benefactors no longer bestowed
their gifts on the entire diocese, but on one particular
church, frequently in honour of some saint specially
venerated there. The common fund itself was divided
among the churches of the diocese. Some writers
maintain this division was owing to the establishment
of ecclesiastical benefices; others claim that it fol-
lowed the canonical recognition of the private owner-
ship of churches. After vainly endeavouring to re-
strict the exercise of public worship to churches whose
ownership had been completely renounced by the
founders, the canon law eventually permitted public
worship in churches that remained tne private prop-
erty of an individual, a monastery or even the epis-
copal mensa, or estate. The owner, however, was
obliged to set apart a special fund for the needs of the
church (pro sartis tectis, or for the luminare). Hence-
forth, when a bishop established a new parish, he was
bound to provide for its needs by a specified income
to be deducted from the common diocesan estate or
fund— of course, if no benefactor had otherwise en-
dowed the parish. Some hold that in consequence of
the principles governing feudal society all medieval
churches and their revenues became private property,
and that the conflict of Gregory VII and his succes-
sors against lay investitures was in reality an effort to
restore its lost possessions to the ecclesiastical domain.
The result of so much strife was the transformation of
former proprietary rights into the right of patronage
(Jus patronatue).
While ecclesiastical ownership was going through
these phases, the canon law decided who must con-
tribute to the maintenance of a particular church, i. e.
its owner, and all recipients of its revenues (Synod of
Frankfort, 794); under pain, therefore, of forfeiting
his right of patronage, tne patron of a church must
share the burden of its maintenance ; so too the incum-
bent of the ecclesiastical benefice and those to whom
the tithes have been granted (decimatores). Finally,
when the resources'of the church were insufficient, the
faithful themselves were bound to contribute to the
expenses of Divine worship. These provisions were
sanctioned by the Decretals of Gregory IX (cc. i and
ivde ecclesiis cedificandis, III, 48), and by the Council of
Trent (Sess. XXI, de ref. c. vii) ; they represent in this
matter the common ecclesiastical law (see Buildings,
Ecclesiastical) . The fabrica eccUsice means also the
persons charged with tne administration of church
Sroperty, usually laymen. The origin and historical
evelopment of this institution have not yet been
studied very closely. Their organization, moreover,
has differed from one country to another, nor have
they been uniformly organised in the same country.
Churches subject to the right of patronage and those
incorporated, even for temporal administration, with
monasteries, were more closely affected than other
churches by this condition of dependency. In such
churches the patron occasionally appointed an offi-
cer to administer the temporalities. It is commonly
believed, however, that "church fabrics" do not
antedate the thirteenth century. In the first ages of
the Church the bishop administered church property
with the aid of deacons and priests, but during the
FABRICIUS
745
FAqADE
fourth century there appeared in the Orient and in
certain countries of the west, bursars (ceamomi), who,
subject to the direction of the bishop, managed the
temporal affairs of churches; in other countries the
bishop continued to administer the church property
with the assistance of some trustworthy man of his
choice. When each church came to have its own par-
ticular patrimony, the bishop was naturally obliged to
turn over the administration of such property to the
local clergy, reserving nevertheless a right of control.
During the long Investitures conflict this right, it
may be. was completely annihilated; when peace was
restored the clergy were often obliged to appeal to the
inhabitants of the parish to defray the expenses of re-
ligion. In France and England especially, the assem-
bled parishoners established the portion of expenses
that ought to be borne by the community; naturally,
therefore, this assembly was henceforth consulted m
regard to the most important acts connected with the
aoministration of the parish temporalities. For that
purpose it selected lay delegates who participated in
the ordinary administration of the ecclesiastical prop-
erty set aside for parochial uses. They were called
vestrymen, churchwardens, procurators (procuratorea),
mambours (jnamburni), luminiers, gagers, provisores,
vitrici, operarii, altirmanni, etc.
In the councils of the thirteenth century frequent
mention is made of laymen, chosen by their fellow
laymen to participate m the administration of tem-
poral affairs; at the same time the rights of the parish
priest and of ecclesiastical authority were maintained.
A reaction is visible in the councils of the fourteenth,
fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries which undertake to
check the tendency towards an exclusively lay ad-
ministration of the parochial property. Eventually
the Council of Trent (Sess.XXH de ref. c. ix) admitted
participation in the administration of ecclesiastical
property, but demanded that at all times and in all
places the lay administrators render an annual ac-
count to the bishop or to his delegate. As no general
law has determined either the competency or the com-
position of fabric committees (conseils de fabrique)
there has been in this respect very great variations.
In modern times secular power has frequently inter-
fered in the administration of ecclesiastical property
set apart for purposes of worship, and in the organiza-
tion of church fabrics. Even now, in most European
countries, the State regulates the administration of
ecclesiastical property, and the proceedings of church
fabrics. (See under Buildings, Ecclesiastical, an
outline of the regulations actually in force.)
Thomaminus, Vetue et nova Bcdeeia disciplina circa bencficia
(Paris, 1601), Pars III, lib. I, II: 8<enenb, Dee fabriquee tfegliee
(Louvain, 1862); Stutb, Oeechtchte dee kirehlichen Beneficial-
voeeene (Berlin, 1805), I: Idem, Die Eigenkirche ale Element dee
miUeUdtedich-germanischen Kirchenrechte (Berlin, 1805); Bon-
dboit, De capacitate poeeidendi Bocleeim (Louvain, 1000), I;
Roth, Oeechichte dee Beneficialweeene (Erlangen, 1850) ; Gross,
Dae Recht an der PfrUnde (Grats, 188/): Imbart ds la Tour,
Lea paroieeee ruralee du IV au XI' eiecle (Paris, 1000) ; Kunstlu,
Die deuteche Pfarrei und ihr Recht tu Auegang dee MittelaUere
(Stuttgart, 1005); von Poschinoer, Dae Eigenthum am Kirch-
envermogen (Munich, 1871); Lesetrb, La paroieee (Paris, 1006);
Clement, Recherchee eur lee paroieeee et lee fabriquee au com-
mencement du XIII* eiecle in MHanges aVarchtologve et d1 hist aire
de VEcole francaiee de Rome (Paris, 1805). XV. 387; Frooer, De
V organisation et de V administration dee fabriquee avant 1789, au
diocese du Mane in Revue dee questions hietonquee (Paris, 1800),
LXIII, 406-436, and Vacant-Manobnot, Dictionnaire de
theologie catholique, s. v. Biene eccleeiaetiquee (Paris, 1005), II,
844-878.
A. Van Hove.
Fabricius, Andrew. See Lefevre, Family of.
Fabridus, Hieronymus (surnamed Ab Aquapen-
dente), a distinguished Italian anatomist and surgeon,
b. in the little town of Aoquapendente (Aquae-Taur-
inse), twelve miles from Orvieto, in 1537; d. at Padua,
21 May, 1619. He is known by the name of his birth-
place to distinguish him from his contemporary, the
great German surgeon, Fabricius Hildanus. In Eng-
lish medical literature Fabricius is best known as the
teacher of Harvey, who gives him the entire credit for
the discovery of tne valves in the veins which meant
so much for Harvey's own discovery of the circulation
of the blood. Some valves in the veins, however, had
been seen and described by investigators before this,
probably even by Erasistratus in ancient times. It
was Fabricius' merit that he recognized the existence
of a system of valves.
Sent by his parents to the University of Padua,
Fabricius succeeded admirably in Greek, Latin, and
philosophy. When he took up medicine he became
the favourite pupil of Fallopius. being his demonstra-
tor in anatomy at Padua when scarcely twenty.
Though he was only twenty-five when Fallopius died,
Fabricius was chosen his successor and a little later
became professor of surgery, occupying both chairs
for nearly half a century (1562-1609). His abilities
were properly appreciated by the Senate of Venice,
which built for nun at Padua a spacious anatomical
theatre bearing his name. He was created a Knight
of St. Mark, and his annual salary was a thousand
crowns, which was continued for ten years after his
resignation. A statue was erected to his memory in
Padua after his death. Fabricius was indifferent to
money, refused regular fees, and accepted only such
presents as wealthy patients forced on him. His
work on anatomy (500 fol. pp.) is illustrated by hun-
dreds of figures on sixty-one full-page plates, some of
the best ever made. A monograph on the speech of
brutes and a study of the comparative anatomy of the
appendix are suggestive even for modern readers.
His work on surgery is scarcely less valuable than that
on anatomy and has gone through twenty editions
in many languages. His principal works are: "De
visione, voce, audita" (Venice, 1600); "De bru-
torum loquela" (Padua, 1603); "De format© fcetu"
(Venice, 1600); "De locutione" (Venice, 1627);
"Tractatus anatomicus triplex" (Frankfort, 1614).
All his other works were reprinted at Frankfort
shortly after this time, and all his works at Leipzig in
1687.
Fisher in Annate of Anatomy and Surgery (Brooklyn, 1880);
Foster, History of Physiology (New York, 1001); Thuliub,
Funue Hieronymi Fabricii (Padua, 1610); Romiti, II merito
anatomico di Fabrizi in Lo Sperimentale (1883), April; De
Renei, Storia delta Medicina in Italia (Naples, 1845-49).
James J. Walsh.
Fabyan, Robert, English chronicler, d. 28 Feb.,
1513. He was a London clothier, a member of the
Drapers' Company, and an alderman. He held sev-
eral responsible positions, but resigned his alderman-
ship in 1502, probably to escape the financial burdens
of the mayoralty. Fabyan belongs to the class of City
chroniclers, men interested mainly in municipal life,
but he is the first to take a wider view and to attempt
to combine his London history with that of the coun-
try. He was not very successful. His " Concordance
of Histories " begins with Brutus and goes down to the
death of Richard III, but his effort to harmonize dif-
ferent chroniclers is made without art or historical
judgment. The work is of value mainly for'its refer-
ence to London. The second edition (1533) contains
a number of pithy scattered notes on municipal history
under Henry VII. Dr. Busch considers that these
must be an abridgment of a lost chronicle of that
reign. The best edition of Fabyan is that published
by Ellis in 1811.
Creiqhton in Diet. Nat. Biog., XVIII. 113; Bubch, England
under the Tudore tr. (London, 1805), I, 403-415.
F. F. Urquhart.
Facade, the face or front of any building. In ec-
clesiastical architecture the term is generally used to
designate the west front; sometimes the transept
fronts. For ritualistic reasons, the church architect
was everywhere compelled to treat the end wall of the
nave as the grand facade.
Early Christian Period. The facades of the
FAgADE
746
PAgADE
churches of the early period were generally built on
the model of the old Roman basilicas, and were con-
structed according to Roman methods, and largely
formed of columns and other features taken from
Pagan buildings. Their interest is principally from
an archaeological point of view. The facades of the
early Roman basilicas were exceedingly simple in their
upper surfaces. There were but two types; the cen-
tral gable, following usually the outline of the struc-
ture behind it, and the screen facade, usually made to
overhang for purposes of protection, and formed by a
gradual projection of the courses of brick both for-
ward ana sideways. In the more important churches
the entire surface was concealed by a mosaic composi-
tion extending from summit to portico. Such were
St. John Lateran's, St. Peter's, St. Paul's, St. Mary
Major's, etc. This converted the facade above the
£>rch into a blaze of colour. Toward the close of the
iddle Ages more windows were sometimes opened in
the facade. At St. Peter's, in the thirteenth century,
beside the wheel window in the gable, there were two
rows of three tall mullioned windows, the lower row
being flanked by two more. The lower part of the
facade was always covered by a projecting portico,
consisting either of one side of the quadrangular
atrium, or of an independent arcade or colonnade. The
wall space underneath was usually broken by as many
doors as there were aisles to the church, normally
three, sometimes five. In the minor basilicas there
was but a single door, and in exceptional cases, as at
St. Peter's, there was a supplementary door for special
occasions.
Byzantine facades as a rule were left comparatively
plain, partly, no doubt, on account of their location
and surroundings. - A Byzantine church usually stood
apart in a close, and when possible trees were planted
about to give shade. In towns, the church, its
runds, etc., were generally surrounded with walls,
was entered through a cloistered forecourt or
atrium, in the centre of which stood the phiale, or
fountain, where the required ablutions were made.
Across the lower portion of the front of the church
stretched the narthex or vestibule, which sometimes
had a porch or portico in front of it. Many churches
had a double vestibule, the outer one being called the
eso-narthex, generally appointed for women. The
narthex communicated with the church by means of
three doors; that in the centre being large and often
richly ornamented. The two others, situated one on
each side, were small and not remarkable. The cen-
tral door was called the Beautiful Gate, sometimes the
royal or basilican gate.
In the larger churches, above the narthex there was
often an enclosed upper gallery for the accommoda-
tion of women, called the gynsconitis. This gallery
was enclosed partly by the outside wall or walls and
partly by grilles, and was reached by a staircase for the
use of women only. From the outside it was lighted
by a series of narrow windows, generally covered by
round arches, or one or more double windows were
formed by the interposition of a pillar. As a rule the
windows are small and grouped together, or else they
are of considerable width, and divided into three
lights bv columns or bv thin strips of unmoulded mar-
ble. The lower portion of the windows was often
filled with thin slaps of translucent marble, sculptured
on the outside, which allowed the light to shine through
to a certain extent. Especially in the Neo-Byzantine
style, there are occasionally porches, balconies and
machicolations, which give relief to the general flatness.
These features are well marked with the grace peculiar
to the East. Examples at Constantinople, Sts. Ser-
gius and Bacchus (527-532), and Sancta Sophia (532-
537). The church of the Virgin at Misitra and the
Catholicon, at Athens (both uncertain, 11th to 13th
century), and St. Mark's, Venice (1100-1350). Ex-
amples of Italian Byzantine are the cathedrals at Pa- '
lermo and Cefalu. The present facade of St. Mark's,
Venice, is a later casing upon the original Byzantine
facade, and stands alone as regards its style, although
generally classed as Byzantine. The first appearance
of the Byzantine in Italy was the church of San Vi-
tale, at Ravenna. In Russia, tfee cathedrals of Mos-
cow, Kiev, and Novgorod, are among the best known
examples.
Lombardic (sometimes called Lombard Roman-
esque) facades were the most unfortunate part of Lom-
bard churches. The designing of facades to the basili-
can plan and section save much trouble to many
different schools of architecture, but bv none was it
treated with such signal failure as by the Lombards.
In declining to attach the campaniles to the church,
the Italians rejected what apparently was the only
possible solution. The continuous shape of the gable
was used by the Pavians, even in churches where the
aisle roofs were much lower than those of the nave.
"False" facades, like that of San Michele Maggiore,
resulted in designs that obviously belied the basilican
section. Even before this, it had been the custom,
where the three aisles had been expressed, to raise the
walls of the facade much above the actual roof of the
church, perhaps with a view to make the church ap-
pear externally larger than it really was. This fraud
continued to be practised in the churches of Verona,
and indeed throughout all Italy, so that it finally be-
came characteristic of Italian church architecture.
On the false facade thus obtained, ornament, utterly
irrelevant for the most part, was spread with a more or
less lavish hand. The facade of S. Ambrogio, Milan,
with its great open arches is, perhaps, the most suc-
cessful one the Lombards ever erected.
Romanesque facades. Their characteristics, as a
whole, may be summed up as follows: Buttresses
formed as pilaster strips of slight projection, con-
nected at the top by horizontal mouldings, or by a
row of semicircular arches resting on a corbel-table
projecting from the wall. Semicircular arches, resting
on rudely formed capitals, also occur. Door and win-
dow openings are very characteristic. The principal,
upon which the jambs were formed, was in receding
planes, or rectangular recesses, known as " orders'' in
which were placed circular columns or shafts. The
arches followed the same method, being built in con-
centric rings. A continuous abacus often occurs over
these columns, and the profile of the jamb is carried
round the semicircular portion of the arch. The char-
acteristic rose (or wheel) window occurs over the prin-
cipal doorway of the facade. Mouldings were often
elaborately carved. The carving and ornaments are
derived from many types of the vegetable and animal
kingdom, and treated in a conventional way. Local
influences were instrumental in producing different
local characteristics.
In Central Italian Romanesque, beauty in detail
was more sought after than completeness of style.
Byzantine influence was strong, especially in Venice,
Ravenna, and Pisa, the latter possessing a distinct
style of its own, sometimes called Tuscan. San Mini-
ato's, in Florence, is interesting as marking the period
of transition, in tne eleventh century, from the Basili-
can to the Romanesque type. In Northern Italian
Romanesque, arcades are restricted to the tops of ga-
bles. The general character is less refined, owing to
the use of stone and brick instead of marble. Details
show a breaking away from Classic precedent. In
sculpture, hunting and other scenes reflecting the life
of the northern invaders are frequent, and in these a
grotesque element is prevalent. S. Antonio's, in Pia-
cenza, is an example.
Southern Italian Romanesque shows Byzantine and
Mohammedan influence, as instanced in MonreaJe
Cathedral, and the Martorana Church, in Palermo. The
detail of these buildings is always refined and graceful,
which may be due to some extent to the Greek descent
I. ST. PAUL'S, LONDO;
3. THE CATHEDRAL, (
)
FAOOIOLATI 747 FAOOIOLATI
of the inhabitants of this part of Italy. Southern Europe does not pervade the Italian examples, to any-
French Romanesque is remarkable for its rich decor- thing like the same extent. From the absence of ver-
ative facades. Buttresses are generally mere strips, of tical features and shadows in the facade, flatness is the
slight projection, and the facades were arranged in stor- predominating characteristic. There was a general
ies, with window lights in pairs or groups. Imposing absence of pinnacles. Stone or marble of different
western entrances are characteristic of this period, colours, earned in systematic band-courses or patterns
The west fronts of the churches of the Charente District, throughout the design, gives a special character, as at
in Aquitania, were elaborately treated with carved orna- Siena, Orvieto, Verona, etc. A large central circular
ment representing foliage or figures of men and animals, window was a general feature. Windows are often
On the ground story the capitals so treated were often semicircular-headed, and have shafts with square capi-
continued as a rich, broad frieze. German Romanesque tals of Corinthian type, often twisted and inlaid with
bears a strong resemblance to that of North Italy. In mosaic known as " cosmatesque ".
the facades the most richly ornamented parts are the Spanish Gothic facades exhibit a variety of treat-
doorways and capitals; there is also a wealth of circu- ment; but in very few cases is the French form closely
lar and octagonal turrets and arcaded galleries. Ex- followed. The front of the early church of San Pedro
amplest The church of the Apostles, at Cologne, the of Avila is an entirely logical design of simple charac-
catnedrals of Worms, Mains, Trier, and Spires. ter. The facade of Burgos is composed in the French
Gothic facades. — The first in point of dignity is un- manner. Toledo is a mixture of Gothic and Renais-
doubtedly that of Notre-Dame de Paris: m richness, sance, and the west front of Leon dates from the thir-
those of Amiens and Reims. The facade of Amiens, teenth century, the later work being characterised
of which only the three lower stories are of the thir- by extreme, ana even wild, ornamentation. Traeeried
teenth century, would doubtless have been the noblest open-work spires, as in Germany, were favoured, those
of all Gothic facades, had it been finished according to at Burgos being worthy of attention,
the original design. The great French Gothic facades Renaissance facades agree essentially in arcbitec-
are often criticized on the ground that they somewhat tural treatment, growing out of a close contact with
disguise the true character of the edifice which they ancient monuments, though with no strict conformity
enclose; and it is, perhaps, true that an entirely satis- to them. Examples in Italy: S. Lorenzo and Santo
factory design for a western facade was hardly ever Spirito, in Florence; Santa Maria della Pace, S. An-
realized in a large Gothic church. As a rule, the facade drea's, The Gesu. S. Peter's, St. John Lateran's, in
rarely wholly expresses the form of the building which Rome; S. Maria dei Miraco^ S. Zaccaria and S. Maria
it encloses, except in buildings of a very simple char- della Salute, in Venice; Milan cathedral; and the
acter. In the facades of smaller churches where the Certosa of Pa via. French Renaissance: St. Eus-
towers are omitted, as at Nesle, Auvers, Heronville, tache, St. Etienne du Mont, the church of the Sor-
and Champagne, the whole structural form of the bonne, the Pantheon and the Madeleine^ at Paris,
building is expressed as fully as it can be. The west German Renaissance: St. Michael's at Mumch and the
fronts of Senlis, Paris, Amiens, and Reims sufficiently Frauenkirche at Dresden. Spanish Renaissance:
illustrate the development and the characteristics of Santo Domingo at Salamanca; the cathedrals of
the French Gothic western facade. Granada, Valladolid, Santiago, Malaga, and Carmona.
In England, the Anglo-Norman western facade was, English Renaissance: St. Paul's, London,
as a rule, both inappropriate as a termination to the Thomas H. Poole.
1E&1 H^™"*Trtw"^rlinteiCnL^ Fwdotatl, Jacopo, lexicographer and philologist,
tectural design. Very few early fa^es remain. b t Torregb' near PaduaVTtaly, 4 Jan., 1682; d. at
The most important extant fronts of the thirteenth £L5„. o«t!._ iwo i^rL««24.,-J*Zi \ :Z *kl -«Jj
century are those of Lincoln, Salisbury, Wells, and Padua 26 Aug., 1769 He was educated in the semi-
PeteSbrough. The facade of LmcohVexhibits four **? at Padu?<; and later was made professor .of logic
different styles of architecture-the work of as many l^ffi' t^?fh™^^ C,t£
of Peterborough is entirely At£ to the bu& JggJ ^^'SffiS.' Cal^to.^In InS
which it encloses. As a rule, the west front m England „"Xw««^L «+;««« ^-Tk„ ££ ^,t™*i t?^Lii:«:
;«. a^t~;a ** rfcfu;„ «u«-«*+«l.. u,.* »mM«» «_~«~*:~~„ :„ work r acciolati was assisted by his pupil, rorcellini.
u i devoid of Gothic character; but among exceptions is ^^ , ^ ^ „ Calepini „ convinced them of
the western facade of Ripon cathedral. In the early r.~ ~ /"r", " ♦"♦„«;,. „™To*itT i.^™, nVr-^-
pointed architecture ofEngland, western towers, *ne need of a totaUy new Latin lexicon. Therefore,
when they occur, are less imposing than those of the P""?* ***** f U ?*« "***• ih«%?™*°$,ok th,e com'
Gothic churches of France. ^* P,ltt*,on. of a le»con whi^^ou!<, J* *•» ™S* fTl
The western Gothic facades in Germany call for no P^Z^S S£l*v ™ ^Tfth ™,™
extended remarks. ThVfacade of the Eorenskirche eYe.r bee? ,5,ade: , *?' %*? ^ear85 ??d!Li T*"
fait£p aSftaSar ifis* *>** -s-a i^t sapless
we^^nfb^^ve^^^te^^6 -Sk bonX A "™us SZ&fiJSEft
S?J2SLS5P^£S?S^ ^M^^Jlt 1SX ™s published in four volumes, at Padua in 1771, after
f^^Z?m»lHonto*n§^ «« death of both the editors. This monumental
waU ibovilnd^all odS «S^TSntSftK ooen! work' on which aU Lrtfa lexicoM now m «" "* ba8ed'
^oftheseTonX^ »ve8 every **** word' with ite Italian <ald Greek
^flTttal^olTnaTtt equivalents and conious citations illustrating the
instead of being at the west end. Towers with spires va"ous m°™*&: Subsequent editions are the i Eng-
were much us&, open-work tracery in the spires is ^/Tn' v£%mS T«« m™ (£°ndon- *8?8 >• a,£
very characteristic. The typical examples of <5erman **J* De ^f^VJP8^- Facc,°latl <**> Pub^
Gothic are Strasburg, Freiburg, Ratisbon, Cologne, ^ a,.new «£lt,?n, °f the 2"??? c^TOta^
and Vienna cathedrals ' 6 ' of Nizohus. He left a number of letters, remarkable
Italian Gothic facades show the influence of Roman f?lSeir flg6^* LAtMty> 7hich were afterwards pub-
tradiUon in their classic forms of construction and ^^^^S'fjLui (P^u.. 1799); GEk»a„.
decoration, which was so great that the vertically vita di Jacopo FaccioUui (Padua, 1818).
which marks the Gothic architecture in the north of Edmund Burke.
PAOULTDBS
748
FACULTIES
Faculties, Canonical (Lat. Facilitates). — In law, a
faculty is the authority, privilege, or permission, to
perform an act or function. In a broad sense, a fac-
ulty is a certain power, whether based on one's own
right, or received as a favour from another, of validly
or lawfully doing some action. In a more restricted
sense, it means the conferring on a subordinate, by a
superior who enjoys jurisdiction in the external forum,
of certain ecclesiastical rights which are denied him
by common law; to act, namely, in the external or in-
ternal forum validly or lawfully, or at least safely.
Faculties, then, will be classified, first of all, by reason
of the object to which they relate, inasmuch as (1)
jurisdiction is granted to absolve from sins and eccle-
siastical censures, to dispense in vows, in irregularities
relating to the reception of orders, in matrimonial im-
pediments; (2) permission or licence is given to do
something which would be otherwise forbidden, as the
reading of prohibited books, saying two Masses on the
same day; ordaining clerics under the prescribed age;
(3) to avoid worry and qualms of conscience a pre-
cautionary dispensation or permission is granted to
proceed m certain cases in relation to which the
opinions of theologians may not appear sufficiently
well founded, as for instance, a matrimonial dispen-
sation may be conceded as a precaution, when it is
not certain that an impediment exists, or permis-
sion to anticipate at 2 p. m. the recitation of the Di-
vine Office is granted to a person who is unwilling to
accept the opinion that anticipation at that hour is
lawful.
Secondly, faculties, by reason of their source, are
Apostolic, episcopal, or regular. Faculties are styled
Apostolic or papal when tney proceed from the pope
directly, or through the ordinary channels of the
Sacred Roman Congregations. They are episcopal,
if the power or privilege conferred proceeds from a
diocesan bishop, oy virtue of his own power or ordi-
nary jurisdiction, as for instance, the faculties of the
diocese, to hear confessions, say Mass. preach, etc.,
gran tea to priests who labour in the diocese for the
salvation of souls. Faculties are regular when they
proceed from superiors of the regular clergy by reason
of their ordinary jurisdiction, or by virtue of extraor-
dinary powers or privileges conceded to them by the
Holy See. Lastly, faculties are general or particular:
general, when granted for indeterminate persons,
though they may be limited by time; particular, when
granted to designated persons or for particular cases.
General faculties conceded to bishops and other ordi-
naries are also called indults.
The distance of dioceses from Rome, together with
peculiar local conditions, render the granting of these
general faculties a matter of necessity, and in 1637
certain new grants or lists of faculties were drawn
up by the Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office,
and since then have been communicated by the
Holy See, through the Congregation of the Propa-
fition of the Faith, to bishops, vicars and prefects
postolic throughput the world, according to their
various needs. These indults are given for a defi-
nite period, e. g. five years (facilitates quinquennalcs) I,
or for a definite number of cases, and are ordi-
nary and extraordinary; the former being issued in
forms or grants under Roman numerals (Formula I,
II, III .... X), some of the latter under capital
letters (Formula A, B, C, etc.), others under small let-
ters (Formula a, b, c,), while others, finally, without
special designation, begin: " In an audience with His
Holiness". Formulae V, VII, VIII, IX are no longer
in use. It has been the practice to communicate to
the United States grants I, C, D, and E. Of late, how-
ever^, D, and E, with certain modifications, are com-
bined in form T. Favours and privileges are granted
likewise by the congregations in keeping with the
Constitution "Sapienti Consilio" (1908), and are clas-
sified consequently in accordance with the Congrega-
tion from which they proceed. The authority of the
Propaganda is not so ample in this matter as formerly,
and this too in relation to countries still subject to
it. Questions pertaining to the Pauline Privilege
fall in every case under the sole competency of the
Holy Office, while in matrimonial dispensations, for
the portions of the Western Church under its jurisdic-
tion, the Propaganda is obliged to confer with the Con-
gregation of the Sacraments (Cong, of the Consistory,
7 Jan., 1909) . Especially through the Sacred Pceniten-
tiaria does the pope communicate faculties for the in-
ternal forum to bishops and others, including certain
confessors, in definite forms or leaflets (pageuce).
Graces thus received from the Holy See do not re-
strict the prerogatives which the one favoured may
already enjoy by virtue of ordinary jurisdiction or
other title (gratia non nocet gratia). The purpose of
the Holy See is to make a concession, not to lessen
one's authority. Hence, for example, a bishop is au-
thorized by the Council of Trent to dispense his sub-
jects from the observance of the intervals prescribed in
the reception of orders; consequently he is not obliged
to observe the condition laid down in Form I, art.
xxix, which forbids him to use this faculty in favour
of a cleric actually outside the bishop's territory.
While the recent legislation of the Church has sought
to prevent conflict of authority between the various
Roman Congregations, tribunals and offices, yet it will
happen at tunes that two or more of these bodies will
have jurisdiction in the same case.
A petition which has been rejected by one of the
congregations may not be presented lawfully to an-
other; a favour granted by another congregation,
the previous refusal of the grant being concealed,
is null and void. A petition in writing is not re-
quired for validity, but is usually exacted; the same
may be said of application by telegraph or telephone.
The form of the supplication is not prescribed except
in so far as requisite data must be expressed. Peti-
tions addressed to the Propaganda (the same is true
of most of the congregations, at least to expedite mat-
ters), should be in Latin, Italian, or French. The
Sacred Poenitentiaria will accept communications
in any modern tongue. The supplication is made
out in the name of the petitioner, but the rescript is
sent to the ordinary. The diocesan chancery of-
fice usually deals directly with the rector of the par-
ties concerned.
Faculties can only be used in favour of members of
the Church who are not disqualified by ecclesiastical
penalties or censures. Hence in marriage cases where
one of the contracting parties is a non-Catholic, the
dispensation is given directly to the Catholic. Hence
also in Apostolic rescripts absolution from penalties
and censures, as far as necessary for the rescript to be
effective, is first given. Apostolic faculties granted to
a bishop, which imply an act of jurisdiction in using
them, can be communicated and applied only to the
subjects of the bishop, and to such determinate per-
sons as are capable of receiving the favour given by
means of this faculty. Ordinarily faculties may be
exercised in behalf of a subject, while both he and the
bishop, or other person making the concession, are out-
side their own territory. When the use of faculties is
restricted to the diocese, as in Forms I and C, it means
that the subject, not the bishop, must be in the diocese
when the indult is made use of in his behalf. In the
United States any matrimonial dispensation may be
conceded to one actually outside his own diocese, if he
has not acquired at least a quasi-domicile elsewhere
(Holy Oftice per Propaganda, 20 Dec. , 1894) . To dis-
pense validly and lawfully by virtue of an indult, a just
cause existing at the time of the dispensation is re-
quired. He who possesses general delegated power may
apply it to himself, e. g. dispensing himself from fasting.
There is an obligation, especially in dispensations, to
be measured by the greater or less urgency of the case,
FACULTIES
749
FACULTIES
of using faculties possessed. It might be noted that
the Apostolic Delegate at Washington, in common
with tne bishops of the United States, has possessed
the Propaganda Forms I, C, D, and £. together with
some others, applicable of course throughout the
United States. His Excellency, aside from territorial
extension, possesses no greater powers in regard to
matrimonial dispensations than these diocesan bishops.
A bishop cannot dispense without a special faculty,
when two or more matrimonial impediments, diriment
or otherwise, exist in the same case, or affect the same
persons, though by reason of indults he can dispense
separately in each of the impediments involved. This
restriction, however, holds good only when the impedi-
ments in question are generically different, e. g. con-
sanguinity and affinity, or where thepower to dis-
pense is given in different indults. The special fac-
ulty covering the cumulation of matrimonial impedi-
ments is usually granted with the renewal of faculties
and is effective during the duration of the same. The
form of this special faculty is not always identical,
greater or more restricted powers being contained
therein. Moreover, a bishop cannot employ this fac-
ulty when he is granting by virtue of an indult a retro-
active dispensation to render a marriage valid (sana-
tio in raaice). This question of cumulation affects
dispensations only, not absolutions: a dispensation in-
flicts a wound on the law, not so an absolution. It is
necessary for validity that the concession of a favour
be made known to the one benefited; and it ought to
be applied in such manner that its execution may be
established. As faculties depend upon the will of the
grantor, the terms of the indult must be carefully
studied, and obscure passages rightly interpreted. In
this matter the general rules for the interpretation of
law are to be observed with some additional ones.
Henoe in the use of faculties it must be noted whether
power to dispense is granted for matrimonial alliances
already contracted, or, not yet contracted, or for both.
A faculty granted for the internal forum only, par-
ticularly if j urisdictional cannot be used in the external
forum, and vice versa. Faculties are not to be extended
to persons or cases not included in the same. The ex-
isting practice, especially of the Roman Curia (stylus
curia Romano), will serve as a guide in this matter.
Faculties expire by the death of the grantor, his re-
moval from office or loss of jurisdiction (certain dis-
tinctions, however, are to be Dome in mind, as below) ;
by the death of the privileged one; by lapse of time,
when they are granted for a definite period; when they
have been usedf or the number of cases specified in the
grant; by revocation; by renunciation duly accepted;
by the completion of the business for which one has
received special authorisation; by cessation of the
formal cause on which the favour was based. Facul-
ties granted absolutely (not revocable at will) by one
possessing ordinary jurisdiction, and gratia facta (i. e.,
the delegate is a necessary executor), do not expire at
the death of the grantor; gratia facxenda (i. e. the dele-
gate is a voluntary executor, viz. commissioned to act,
if he judge it expedient) cease at the death of the
grantor, when no steps have as yet been taken leading
to the concession requested (re adhuc inteard); other-
wise they do not cease. Faculties granted, by one en-
joying delegated power cease at the death of the one
delegating, unless the Holy See expressly provides for
their continuance, or unless the matter in question has
already been begun (re non integral . The power given
Sersonally to a delegate, or subdelegate, expires at his
eath, which is not the case if he is chosen by reason
of his dignity or office. When it is stated that facul-
ties are '"revocable at our will or judgment", they ex-
pire with the death of the grantor; when given in the
name of the Holy See, a diocese, etc.. they continue in
force after the death of the pope, bishop, etc. In-
dults consequently found in the Propaganda forms or
other general grants as above, since they are gratia
facta, do not become ineffective at the death of the
pope: the same is true of the faculties conceded by the
Sacred Poenitentiaria, when the prefect of that tribunal
loses his jurisdiction through death or other cause.
Jurisdiction granted by a bishop to hear the confes-
sion of an individual ceases, re adhuc integrd, when the
bishop dies, is transferred, or resigns: the contrary is
true, when jurisdiction is given to hear confessions in
general. Notwithstanding the revocation of facul-
ties, a case already begun may be completed j and by a
general revocation of faculties special faculties do not
expire. Neglect to use a favour does not destroy its
force, as for example, a person dispensed from fasting
or the recitation of the Holy Office does not lose the
grace, if he meanwhile fast or recite the Office, even
for a considerable time.
All special faculties granted habitually (habituatiter),
by the Holy See to bishops and others enjoying ordi-
nary jurisdiction within definite territorial limits, re-
main in force notwithstanding the loss of jurisdiction
through death or other cause of the individual to whom
they are granted (Cong. Holy Office, 24 Nov., 1897),
but pass on to his successor in the same office. They
are considered not personal but real favours, granted
to the ordinary of tne diocese or place, and by the or-
dinary are understood bishops, their vicars-general,
vicars Apostolic, prelates or prefects Apostolic ruling
over territory not subject to a bishop, vicars capitular
or other legitimate administrators of vacant sees (Cong.
Holy Office, 20 Feb., 1888). It is to be noted that since
these indults are granted to the ordinary, under which
appellation is included the vicar-general of a diocese,
said vicar-general uses these faculties, grants dispensa-
tions and other graces contained therein, by virtue of
authority received directly from Rome, equivalent to
that extended to the bishop himself. The Dishop may
forbid the exercise of these powers, but notwithstand-
ing the prohibition, the vicar-general would act validly,
were he to use said faculties, provided nothing else
were wanting to render his action invalid. (See Juris-
diction; Delegation; Rescripts; Executor, Apos-
tolic; Dispensation.)
Taunton, The Law of the Church (London, 1906); Koninos-
Putor, Cammentarium in Facultatea Apoetdieoa (New York,
1900). Andrew B. Meehan.
Faculties of the Soul. — I. Meaning. — Whatever
doctrine one may hold concerning the nature of the
human soul and its relations to the organism, the four
following points are beyond the possibility of doubt.
(1) Consciousness is the scene of incessant change ; its
processes appear, now in one sequence; now in another;
and, normally, the duration of each is brief. (2) All
do not present the same general features, nor affect
consciousness in the same manner. They differ on
account both of their characters as manifested in con-
sciousness, and of the organ, either external or inter-
nal, on which their appearance depends. Yet the
features they have in common under this twofold
aspect, together with their differences, make it possi-
ble and necessary to group mental states in certain
more or less comprehensive classes. (3) There is
more in the mind than is actually manifested in con-
sciousness • there are latent images, ideas, and feelings,
which under given conditions emerge and are recog-
nized even after a considerable interval of time. By
reason of their innate or acquired aptitudes, minds
differ in capacity or power. Hence, even if it were
possible for two minds to experience processes per-
fectly similar, they would nevertheless differ greatly
because one is capable of experiences impossible to the
other. (4) Notwithstanding their variety and their in-
termittent character, these processes belong to one
and the same conscious subject; they are all referred
naturally and spontaneously to the self or me.
These facts are the psychological basis for admitting '
faculties (from facere, to do), capacities (capax, from
capere, to hold), or powers (from posse, to be able;
PAOULTDBS
760
PAOULTDBS
the Scholastics generally use the corresponding Latin
term potentia).
Any attempt, however, to define with greater pre-
cision the meaning of faculties, is sure to call forth
vigorous protest . In fact, few psychological questions
of similar importance have been the object of so many
animated discussions, and, it may be added, of so
many misunderstandings. One extreme view looks
upon faculties as real, though secondary agents, exer-
cising an active influence on one another, and as being
scientific explanations of psychological facts. Why
does man see and reason? Because he has the facul-
ties of vision and reasoning. The will acts, is free;
there is an interaction of the intellect, the will, the
senses, the feelings, etc. Sometimes, however, such
expressions are used with the understanding that they
are metaphors, and with the explicit or implicit warn-
ing that they must not be taken literally.
At the other extreme are found psychologists — and
they are numerous to-day — who refuse to concede any
kind of reality whatsoever to faculties. Processes
alone are real ; faculties are simply general terms used
to label certain groups of processes. Like all abstrac-
tions they should never be looked upon as having any
reality outside of the mind, which uses them as logical
substitutes to facilitate tne classification of mental
facts.
That the faculty theory has no essential connexion
with Catholic dogma is sufficiently evidenced by the
fact that it has found, and still finds, opponents as
well as advocates among Catholic theologians and
philosophers.
Judging, therefore, the question on its own merits,
it may be said that tne doctrine of St. Thomas avoids
both extremes mentioned above, and is at least free
from the absurdities with which modern psychologists
so frequently charge the faculty theory. His expres-
sions, taken apart from their context, and translated
without a sufficient acquaintance with Scholastic ter-
minology, might easily be given a wrong interpreta-
tion. For as the knowledge of the nature of the soul
and its faculties, according to St. Thomas, is partly
negative, and, in its positive aspect, analogical, it is
necessary to use expressions taken from things which
are known more directly. But we are given some prin-
ciples which must always be kept in mind ; for instance,
"the faculties act only by the energy of the soul";
they have no energy of their own, for " they are not
the agents". Coming to more special applications,
" it is not the intellect that understands, but the soul
through the intellect" (Qusest. Disp., De Veritate, x,
9, ad 3). Again, the question is not asked whether
the will is free, but whether man is free (Summa, I, Q.
lxxxiii;,I-II, xiii; De Veritate, xxiv; De Malo, vi).
This shows that when a real distinction is admitted
between the soul and its faculties, or between the facul-
ties themselves, the meaning is not that of a distinction
between substances or agents. In Scholastic termin-
ology, distinction does not always mean separation
nor even the possibility of separation. And the dis-
tinction between a substance and its qualities, at-
tributes or modes, was called a real distinction.
If the soul can originate or experience states which,
as everybody- admits, may be widely different, it is
because these are in the mind various modes of energy
or faculties. , Since minds differ not only by the actual
contents of consciousness, but also, and chiefly, by the
power whico they have of experiencing different pro-
cesses, it is clear that if this constitutes a real differ-
ence, it must itself be something real. So unavoid-
able is this conclusion, that some of the strongest oppo-
nents of faculties are at the same time the strongest
defenders • of the theory of psychical dispositions,
which they postulate in order to explain the facts of
memory, mental habit, and in general, the utilization,
conscious or unconscious, of past experience. And
yet, what, is a psychical disposition but an acquired
power or faculty? Stuart Mill's "background of pos-
sibilities" or Taine's "permanent possibility" are cer-
tainly less clear and more objectionable than faculties,
for the faculty is not a mere possibility, but a real
power of an agent, a potentia (see Actus et potentia).
Psychical dispositions are no more explanations of
facts than are faculties, if by explanation is meant the
assigning of an* antecedent better known than, or
known independently of, the facts to be explained. In
both cases, the whole knowledge of the faculty, or the
disposition, is derived from the processes themselves,
for neither can fall under direct observation. The
possibility of an experience or action, if known, is
always known by direct inference or by analogy from
past experiences or actions. Yet without being a
scientific explanation and without substituting itself
for scientific explanations, the faculty, like the disposi-
tion, trace, subconscious activity, etc., is a legitimate
postulate.
II. Classification. — Plato admits three parts,
forms, or powers of the soul, perhaps even three dis-
tinct souls: the intellect (roQs), the nobler affections
(0vft6t), and the appetites or passions (ArifvpvrurfeV
For Aristotle, the soul is one, but endowed with
five groups of faculties (Svvdfms); the "vegeta-
tive" faculty (0pcTTitc6r), concerned with the main-
tenance and development of organic life : the appetite
(6peKTiK6w), or the tendency to any cooa; the faculty
of sense perception (aUrfhjrucdr) ; the "locomotive
faculty (Kirrrruc6r)f which presides over the various
bodily movements; and reason (diarorjrucSr). The
Scholastics generally follow Aristotle's classification.
For them body and soul are united in one complete
substance. The soul is the forma substantialis, the
vital principle, the source of all activities. Hence
their science of the soul deals with functions which
nowadays belong to the provinces of biology and
physiology. In more recent times, however, espe-
cially under the influence of Descartes, the mind has
been separated, and even estranged, from the organ-
ism. Psychology deals only with the inner world,
that is, the world of consciousness and its conditions.
The nature of the mind and its relations to the organ-
ism are questions that belong to philosophy or meta-
physics. As a consequence, also, modern psychology
tails to distinguish between the spiritual faculties of
the soul, i. e. those which the soul exercises itself with-
out the intrinsic co-operation of the organism, and the
faculties of the composituml i. e. the soul and organism
united in one complete principle of action, or of one
special animated organ. This distinction was also an
essential point in the Aristotelean and Scholastic
psychology.
Finally, the Scholastics reduced affective life to the
general faculty of appetitus, whereas to-day, espe-
cially since Kant, a tripartite division is more com*
monly accepted, namely into cognitive, affective, and
conative faculties. Some, however, still hold a bipar-
tite division. Others, finally, reject both as unsatis-
factory, and follow the order of development, or base
their classification both on objective conditions and
subjective characteristics. Without entering into the
discussion, it may be said that, however useful and
justifiable the tripartite classification may prove in
psychology, the Scholastic reduction of feelings to
''appetite*' seems to be deeper and mdre philosophi-
cal. For feelings and emotions, pleasurable or pain-
ful, result from an agreement or conflict between cer-
tain experiences and the mind's tendency.
St. Thomas, Summa Theologica, I, q. lxxvii aqq.; QucnL
Disp, De anima, esp. art. xi sqq.; De spirUualibus creaturt*. art.
xi; Mahbr, Psychology (New York, 1000); Mbrcixr, Psvckdoois
(Louvain, 1903); Idbm, OntoloaU (Louvain, 1005); Dubrat,
The Theory of Psychical Disposition* (New York, 1005); Gab-
nix r, TrattS des facultes de Vdme (Paris, 1872); Hamtltoh,
Lecture* on Metaphysics (Boa ton, 1850). Lect. xx; Text-booka
of Psychology* esp. by Sully and Stout; Eislbr, W&rterbueh
der phiiosophischen Begriffe (Berlin, 1004), a. v. SeeUnvrmdym.
C. A. Dubrat.
i_i
TMUndu of Hermluw, a sixth-century Christian
author, Bishop of Hermiane in Africa, about whose
which he offered to the condemnation (by the edict of
Justinian in 543 or 544) of the "Three Chapters".
At the instance of Theodore Ascidas, and with the
ostensible purpose of reuniting to the Church the
Acephali, a sect of Monophyaites, Justinian was in-
duced to censure the "Three Chapters" (q. v.). By
this act certain writings of the fifth-century Theodore
of Hopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrus, and Ibas of Edessa
were condemned. Facuudus was in Constantinople
when this censure was pronounced, and shortly after
its publication he and several other western bishops
refused to subscribe to the decree, alleging that it was
an attack on the Council of Chalcedon, which' had ac-
cepted at least the letter of Ibas to the Persian Maris.
This document was especially aimed at in the decree
of the emperor. Facundus also drew up a memorial
in protest, but was prevented from presenting it by
the arrival of Pope Vigilius. The weak and vacillat-
ing conduct of this pontiff and his acquiescence in the
condemnation of the " Three Chapters ' ' spurred
Facundus to complete this work, which he entitled
"Pro Defensione Trium Capitulorum". It is not
known when the work was completed nor when it was
presented to the emperor, so that nothing can be said
of its immediate effect on the controversy. After its
publication Facundus was compelled to fly from Con-
stantinople and find safety in concealment. Because
of the attitude of Vigilius in acceding to the emperor's
insistence that he subscribe to the censure of the Three
Chapters", Facundus and many African bishops cut
themselves off from communion with him. This
schism lasted for many years, and during that time
Facundus wrote two other works at the request of his
fellow-bishops, in response to reproaches of insubordi-
nation (" Liber contra Mocianum Scholasticum" and
" Epistola Fidei Catholiwe in defensione trium capitu-
lorum "). The works of Facundus are in P. L., LXVII,
527-878 ; see Hefele, " History of the Church Councils",
tr., IV, 229-286.
Leclibcu. L-Afrvrui ChrHienne (Pirii, 1904) II. 203; Bab-
dinhewih Patralogu. tr. 8m*ham (Freiburg im Br,; St. Louis.
1K0S}. MS; DoBROKtonaiJi. Tht Work oj Faamdut, bUhop of
Htrmvmt: Pro defensor* tnum capiluWum, Raitiin (Moboow,
1880); Davids ia Diet, o! Chriit. Biog.. ». v.
Patrick J. Healt.
b, Diocbsb of (Faventina), in the province
of Ravenna (Central Italy), suffragan of Ravenna.
The earliest mention of this city is in the report of the
victory of Sulla (82 0. c.) over the consul Cneius
Papinus Carbo, who was compelled to flee from Italy.
In a. d. 728 it was seised by the Lombard king, Liut-
prand. who later restored it to the exarchate. But the
same king again attacked it, while the people were
assembled in the church of Santa Maria Foris Portam
for the services of Holy Saturday; the bishop him-
self was among the slain. With the exarchate Fa-
ensa passed under the authority of the Holy See.
About 1000 it was made a commune and from 1100
>1 TAQNJJTJ
ista. On the death of Caesar Borgia, Francesco Man-
fred!, a brother of Astorgio and Evangelists, at-
tempted to return to Faenia, but was compelled to
flee by the Venetians. In 1509 Julius II brought the
city under the direct rule of the Holy Bee. During
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries Faenia was
renowned for its pottery (whence the French
faience). The celebrated physicist, Torricelli, was a
native of Faenia. Domitia Lucilla, a martyr, the
widow of Antoninus Pius, is also said to have been
born there. The first historically certain bishop is
Constantius, present at a council in Rome (313), at
Taa Cathxhkal, F;
which St. Savinus was referred to aa his predecessor.
Another Constantius was a contemporary of St. Am-
brose. Also noteworthy are : Giovanni II, who died
in 1190, as a crusader before Acre; the two distin-
guished theologians, Giovanni del Terma (1455), a
Servite, and Pietro Andrea Gambario (1528); Ri-
dolfo Pio of the princes of Carpi (1528), a patron of
scholars and himself a learned archeeologist; Gio-
vanni Antoniode'Grassi (1568), a profound student of
Cicero and of Plato's philosophy. A large part of the
cathedral was built by Giuliano da Maiano between
1474 and 1486; Bramante also worked there, The
body of St. Peter Damian is buried in the cathedral.
Faenia has (1908) 114 parishes, 347 secular and 13
regular priests, 103,962 inhabitants, 2 male and 6
female educational institutions, 6 religious houses of
men and 7 of women, and a weekly Catholic paper.
Ca»pkj.ctti, Le CAir.tr £ Italia (Venr- "■■■'■ "■"
Annali drila ciUa rfi Forma (Funn, 1:
Serum favtntinarum Scriptant (Venice, :
i-41); Mitt a us li j
71).
U. Benign! .
Frederick II against the popes, the city
belongecTto the Guelph league; in 1241 the emperor
took possession of it after a siege of eight months.
During the thirteenth century different families, the
Accansi, the Manfredi, the Lambertaisi, the Nor-
digli, and others, disputed the possession of Faenia.
From 1294 it was governed by the Manfredi. Several
times the Avignon popes nata to summon these lords
to render service as vassals-fas in 1328 through Car-
dinal Bertrando Poggetto and in 1356 through Car-
dinal Gil d'Albornoi. In 1378 the city Was de-
stroyed by the famous English condoliiere, Sir John
Hawk wood. In 1501 Cesar Borgia put to death the
Manfredi brothers, Astorgio and Giovanni Evanget-
Fagnani, Prospero, canonist, b. in Italy, place and
date of birth uncertain ;d. in 1878. Some writers place
hisbirthinl598,othersinl587orinl5S8. It is certain
that he studied at Perugia. At the age of twenty he
was a doctor of civil and canon law; at twenty-two,
secretary of the Congregation of the Council. He
held this office for fifteen years. He fulfilled the same
functions in several other Roman Congregations. It
is not certain that he ever lectured on canon law at
the Roman University (Sapienza). He became blind
at the age of forty-four. This affliction did not prevent
him from devoting himself to canonical studies and
from writing a commentary on the Decretals of Greg-
ory IX, which gained for him the title of "Doctor
Csbcus Oculatissimus", i. e. the blind yet most far-
sighted doctor. This commentary includes interpre-
tations of the texts of the most difficult of the Decretals
of Gregory IS. It is distinguished by the clearness
with which the most complex and disputed questions
of canon law are explained. The work is also of
great value for the purpose of ascertaining the prac-
FAONAKO 752 FAITH
tice of the Roman Congregations, especially that of Mother d' Youville. and of Jeanne Le Ber. His chief
the Congregation of the Council, of which the author works relating to Old France are his life of Monsieur
quotes numerous decisions. Benedict XI AJ gave this Olier and "Monuments ineclits sur l'apostolat de
work the highest praise, and its authority is still con- Sainte Marie-Madeleine en Provence". He has been
tinually appealed to in the Roman Congregations. It repeatedly criticized for his partiality towards his
is divided, like the Decretals of Gregory IX, into five society and towards Montreal. Most historians censure
books. The first edition was published at Rome, in his appreciation of Bishop Laval and of the Jesuits.
1661, under the title of " Jus canonicum seu commen- On the other hand, he is credited for giving prominence
taria absolutissima in quinque libros Decretalium". to persons and events of Villemarie, less elaborately
It has been reprinted several times. Fagnani is re- treated by the Jesuit "Relations" and later histories.
proached with excessive rigour in his commentary on Bebtrand, Hialoire litUraire de la Composite de Saint-Sul-
the chapter of the Decretals "Ne innitaris" (Book I, e«* (P»n». >90<^^™,SMONTM*t P* J******* la Nouvdlt-
Dp flnnfltitutinnihiifll in whinh h* mmhnt* *h« HnntrinA ™«<* (Pans, 1896); Mohoan, Bibitotheca Canadensis (Ottawa,
ue consxwuuomDus;, in wnicn ne combats me doctrine 1867). j M Lmuoim in fv«n«. of Roy. Soc. of Canada (1882).
of probabilism. St. Alphonsus calls him "magnus T T
rigoristarum princeps", the great prince of the rigor- .Lionel ljndsat.
ists (Homo apostolicus, Tract. I, no. 63; Theologia _,,.." . „ , v * ~*
Moralis, IV, no. 669). Tilth (nflDK, vlvru, fides).— I. The Meaning of
Schui/te, QetchichU der Qudltn u. Liieratur dee canonischen THE WORD. — In the Old Testament, nJIDfeC means essen-
Aeeto (Stuttgart, 1875-80), HI, 486; vok Schxrbr in Kirchen- tially steadfastness, cf. Exod., xvii, 12, where it is used
lex., IV, 1204 eq. to describe the strengthening of MoseV hands ; hence
A. van JIove. fo ^jjjjgg to mean faithfulness, whether of God towards
man (Deut., xxxii, 4) or of man towards God (Pa.
Fagnano, Giulio Carlo de' Toschi di, mathema- cxviii, 30). As signifying man's attitude towards God,
tician, b. at Sinigaglia, Italy, 26 September, 1682; it means trustfulness or fiducia. It would, however,
d. there 18 May, 1766. He made his higher studies at be illogical to conclude that the word cannot, and does
the Collegio Clementino in Rome and there won great not, mean "belief " or "faith" in the Old Testament,
distinction, except m the one subject which has made for it is dear that we cannot put trust in a person's
him famous; in fact his aversion to mathematics was promises without previously assenting to or believing
extreme, and it was only after his college course that m that person's claim to such confidence. Hence,
l>e took up the study of this branch, but then he did even if it could be proved that the word fUTOK does
so with such earnestness and ability that, without the not 5n itself contain the notion of belief, it must neces-
help of any teacher, he mastered it from its founda- ^^ presuppose it. But that the word does itself
turns. Most of his important .researches were published contain the notion of belief is clear from the use of the
m the cu^t numbers of the Giornale de Letterati ^^ ^ which m tne causative conjugation, or
Turves CBpeciallyThe lemniscate: thl« seems also to £«fc VtS^SfifiSBZ^ZSa
have been in his own estimation his most, important That the noun S of ten meaiis'^th'' or ''belief",
work, since he had tht ..figure of the lemniscate with fc d f R b « 4 h th ^ demands ft
the inscription: ' Multifanamdivisa ataue dimensa ThewitlM^of the Septuagint is decisive; they render
^'TSSSjSmlS&^^tt^^ ** verb, hrr^ ^thenounby ' ,Jtt; and
ftu^i-^f^rSlSS^. w2 S™k rLtS^J,?; G«ek «*"*» was used to signify "believe", is clear
ti«d piety which character** ft «*•'« "- &£\2? SZSff SST^IS'^'^
JESS 5 &E£XE£lX2?JSi i^iiS^^PJfrJ^fe
deacon of the cathedral of Sinigaglia. and another a ™^LTT£ corned tt. fori; Mhristt
Benedictme nun. As a writer he is praised by his con- —..j, rUrra frequently meanii "trust" hut aim
temporaries for his great mUdness in controversy, as Sffif '' (rf Ma^arioT^n Actsit is u£do£
well as for his clearness and accuracy of thought and JgA, of ihe ta££ o'f tL Chri^ brtbdta
CtaSLu Memcri, amctmrnli a Mard^e Giulio torto *' &»>• ™£*^'_ ^"C ^^i .8I5 ^L ?* J -XE*i»
Toschi di Fagnano, republished from the Vatican Codex in the
BulleUino Bonoompagni (Rome, Jan., 1870). Ill, with an im-
18). In Romans, xiv, 23, it has the meaning of " con-
~_~~.,~ *,„,«*,„.,—,,.. x*~.~„, •--., »«.w/.# — , „.„.. — — science" — "all that is not of faith is sin" — but the
S^LThL^^rd^r^i^^fSS^S 5 Apostle repeatedly uses it in the sense of "belief " (cf.
his life; Oantob. VorUeungen Hber Geechichte der Mathematik Rom., IV, and Gal., Ul). How necessary it IS to point
(Leipsig, 1898), ill, 465-472. this out will be evident to all who are familiar with mod-
Edward C. Phillips. ern theological literature; thus, when a writer in the
" Hibbert Journal ", Oct., 1907. savs, " From one end
Faillon. Etienne-Michel, historian, b. at Taras- of the Scripture to the other, faith is trust and only
con, France, 3 Jan., 1800; d. at Paris, 25 Oct., 1870. trust1', it is hard to see how he would explain I Cor.
ascetic and biographical works and collected materials their treatment of faith. In the article just referred
for future publications. In 1848, during an official to we read: "Trust in God is faith, faith is belief, be-
visitation in Montreal, he conceived the plan of his lief may mean creed, but creed is not equivalent to
"Hiatoirede la Colonic francaise au Canada". Of the trust in God." A similar vagueness was especially
twelve intended volumes of this work, destined to em- noticeable in the u Do we believe?11 controversy; one
brace the entire French domination (1534-1759), only correspondent says: "We unbelievers, if we have lost
three were published, the narrative closing with the faith, cling more closely to hope and — the greatest of
year 1675. Two subsequent voyages to Canada en- these — charity" ("Do we believe?'^ p. 180, ed. W. L.
abled him to write several important biographies, Courtney, 1905). Non-Catholic writers have repudi-
those of Sister Marguerite Bourgeoys, of Jeanne Mance ated all idea of faith as an intellectual assent, and con*
(with the history of the Hdtel-Dieu, Villemarie), of sequently they fail to realise that faith must
FAITH 753 FAITH
fly result in a body of dogmatic beliefs. " How and by from the fact of Divine revelation. For revelation
what influence ", asks Harnack, " was the living faith means that the Supreme Truth has spoken to man and
transformed into the creed to be believed, the sur- revealed to him truths which are not in themselves
render to Christ into a philosophical Christology?" evident to the human mind. We must, then, either
(quoted in Hibbert Journal, loc. cit.). reject revelation altogether, or accept it by faith; that
II. Faith mat be considered both Objectively is, we must submit our intellect to truths which we
and Subjectively. — Objectively, it stands for the sum cannot understand, but which come to us on Divine
of truths revealed by God in Scripture and tradition, authority.
and which the Church (see Faith, Rule of) presents (e) We shall arrive at a better understanding of the
to us in a brief form in her creeds; subjectively, faith habit or virtue of faith if we have previously analysed
stands for the habit or virtue by which we assent to an act of faith; and this analysis will be facilitated by
those truths. It is with this subjective aspect of faith examining an act of ocular vision and an act of rea-
that we are here primarily concerned. Before we pro- soned knowledge. In ocular vision we distinguish
ceed to analyse the term faith, certain preliminary three things: the eye, or visual faculty, the coloured
notions must be made clear. object, and the light which serves as the medium be-
ta) The twofold order of knowledge. — "TheCatho- tween the eve and the object. It is usual to term
lie Church", says the Vatican Council, III, iv, "has colour the formal object (objectum formale quod) of
always held that there is a twofold order of knowledge, vision, since it is that which precisely and alone makes
and that these two orders are distinguished from one a thing the object of vision j the individual object seen
another not only in their principle but in their object; may be termed the material object, e. g. this apple,
in one we know by natural reason, in the other by that man, etc. Similarly, the light which serves as
Divine faith; the object of the one is truth attainable the medium between the eye and the object is termed
by natural reason, the object of the other is mysteries the formal reason (objectum formale quo) of our actual
hidden in God, but which we have to believe and vision. In the same way, when we analyse an act of
which can only be known to us by Divine revelation." intellectual assent to any given truth, we must distin-
(b) Now intellectual knowledge may be denned in a guish the intellectual facultv which elicits the act,
general way as the union between the intellect and an the intelligible object towards which the intellect is
intelligible object. a But a truth is intelligible to us directed, and the evidence whether intrinsic to that
only in so far as it is evident to us, and evidence is of object or extrinsic to it, which moves us to assent to
different kinds; hence, according to the varying char- it. None of these factors can be omitted, each co-
acter of the evidence, we shall have varying lands of operates in bringing about the act, whether of ocular
knowledge. Thus a truth may be self-evident — e. g., vision or of intellectual assent.
the whole is greater than its part — in which case we (f) Hence, for an act of faith we shall need a faculty
are safd to have intuitive knowledge of it; or the capable of eliciting the act, an object commensurate
truth may not be self-evident, but deducible from with that faculty, and evidence — not intrinsic but ex-
premises m which it is contained — such knowledge is trinsic to that object — which shall serve as the link
termed reasoned knowledge; or again a truth may be between faculty and object. We will commence our
neither self-evident nor deducible from premises in analysis with the object: —
which it is contained, yet the intellect may be obliged III. Analysis of the Object or Term in an Act
to assent to it because it would else have to reject some of Divine Faith. — (a) For a truth to be the object of
other universally accepted truth; lastly, the intellect an act of Divine faith, it must be itself Divine, and
may be induced to assent to a truth for none of the this not merely as coming from God, but as being
foregoing reasons, but solely because, though not evi- itself concerned with God. Just as in ocular vision
dent in itself, this truth rests on grave authority — for the formal object must necessarily be something col-
example, we accept the statement that the sun is oured, so in Divine faith the formal object must be
90,000,000 miles distant from the earth because com- something Divine — in theological language, the objec-
petent, veracious authorities vouch for the fact. This turn formale quod of Divine faith is the First Truth in
last kind of knowledge is termed faith, and is clearly Being, Prima Veritas in essendo — we could not make an
necessary in daily life. If the authority upon which act of Divine faith in the existence of India,
we base our assent is human and therefore fallible, we (b) Again, the evidence upon which we assent to
have human and fallible faith ; if the authority is this Divine truth must also be itself Divine, and there
Divine, we have Divine and infallible faith. If to this must be as close a relation between that truth and the
be added the medium by which the Divine authority evidence upon which it comes to us as there is between
for certain statements is iput before us, yis. the Catho- the coloured object and the light; the former is a
lie Church, we have Divine-Catholic Faith (see Faith, necessary condition for the exercise of our visual f ac-
Rule of). a ^ ulty, the latter is the cause of our actual vision. But
(c) Again, evidence, whatever its source, may be of no one but God can reveal God; in other words, God
various degrees and so cause greater or less firmness of is His own evidence. Hence, just as the formal object
adhesion on the part of the mind which assents to a of Divine faith is the First Truth Itself, so the evidence
truth. Thus arguments or authorities for and against of that First Truth is the First Truth declaring Itself.
a truth may be either wanting or evenly balanced; in To use scholastic language once more, the objectum
this case the intellect does not give in its adherence to formale quod, or the motive, or the evidence, of Divine
the truth, but remains in a state of doubt or absolute faith is the Prima Veritas in dicendo.
suspension of judgment; or the arguments on one side (c) There is a controversy whether the same truth
may predominate; though not to the exclusion of can be an object both of faith and of knowledge. In
those on the other side; in this case we have not com- other words, can we believe a thing both because we
plete adhesion of the intellect to the truth in question, are told it on good authority and because we ourselves
but only opinion. Lastly, the arguments or authori- perceive it to be true? St. Thomas, Scotus. and others
ties brought forward may be so convincing that the bold that once a thing is seen to be true, the adhesion
mind gives its unqualified assent to the statement pro- of the mind is in no wise strengthened by the authority
posed and has no fear whatever lest it should not be of one who states that it is so; but the majority of
true; this state of mind is termed certitude, and is the theologians maintain, with De Lugo, that there may
perfection of knowledge. Divine faith, then, is that be a knowledge which does not entirely satisfy the
form of knowledge which is derived from Divine au- mind, and that authori tymay then find a place, to com-
thority, and which consequently begets absolute cer- plete its satisfaction. — We may note here the absurd
titude m the mind of the recipient. expression Credo quia impossibtlet which has provoked
(d) That such Divine faith is necessary, follows many sneers. It is not an axiom of the Scholastics, as was
V.— 48
FAITH 754 FAITH
stated in the "Revue de M&aphysique et de Morale" asserted are revealed truths. In other words, the
(March, 1896, p. 169), and as was suggested more than credibility of the statements made is correlative with
once in the "Do we believe?" correspondence. The and proportionate to the credentials of the authority
expression is due to Tertullian, whose exact words are: who makes them. Now the credentials of God are
"Nat us est Dei Films; non pudet, quia pudendum indubitable, for the very idea of God involves that of
est: et mortuus est Dei Films; prorsus credibile est, omniscience and of the Supreme Truth. Hence, what
quia ineptum est: et sepultus, resurrexit; oertum est, God says is supremely credible, though not necessarily
quia impossibile ' (De Came Christi, cap. v). This supremely intelligible for us. Here, nowever, the real
treatise dates from Tertullian 's Montanist days, when question is not as to the credentials of God or the credi-
he was carried away by his love of paradox. At the bility of what He says, but as to the credibility of
same time it is clear that the writer only aims at bring- the statement that God has spoken. In other words,
ing out the wisdom of God manifested in the humilia- who or what is the authority for this statement, and
tion of the Cross; he is perhaps paraphrasing St. Paul's what credentials does this authority show? What
words in I Cor., i, 25. are the motives of credibility of the statement that
(d) Let us now take some concrete act of faith, e. g., God has revealed this or that?
"I believe in the Mo3t Holy Trinity." This mystery (b) These motives of credibility may be briefly
is the material or individual object upon which we are stated as follows: in the Old Testament, considered
now exercising our faith, the formal object is its char- not as an inspired book, but merely as a book having
acter as being a Divine truth, and this truth is clearly historical value, we find detailed the marvellous deaf
inevident as far as we are concerned ; it in no way ap- ings of God with a particular nation to whom He re-
peals to our intellect, on the contrary it rather repels peatedly reveals Himself; we read of miracles wrought
it. And yet we assent to it by faith, consequently m their favour and as proof s of the truth of the revela-
upon evidence which is extrinsic and not intrinsic to tion He makes; we find the most sublime teaching and
the truth we are accepting. But there can be no evi- the repeated announcement of God's desire to save the
dence commensurate with such a mystery save the world from sin and its consequences. And more than
Divine testimony itself, and this constitutes the mo- all we find throughout the pages of this book a series
tive for our assent to the mystery, and is, in scholastic of hints, now obscure, now clear, of some wondrous
language, the objectum formale <pw of our assent. If, person who is to come as the world's saviour: we find
then, we are asked why we believe with Divine faith it asserted at one time that he is man, at others that
any Divine truth, the only adequate answer must be, he is God Himself. m When we turn to the New Testa-
because God has revealed it. a s ment we find that it records the birth, life, and death
(e) We may point out in this connexion the falsity of One Who, while clearly man^also claimed to be God,
of the prevalent notion that faith is blind. "We be- and Who proved the truth of His claim by His whole
lieve", says the Vatican Council (III, iii), " that revela- life, miracles, teachings, and death, and finally by His
tion is true, not indeed because the intrinsic truth of triumphant resurrection. We find, moreover, that He
the mysteries is clearly seen by the natural light of founded a Church which should, so He said, continue
reason, but because of the authority of God Who re- to the end of time, which should serve as the reposi-
veals them, for He can neither deceive nor be de- tory of His teaching, and should be the means of ap-
ceived." Thus, to return to the act of faith which we plying to all men the fruits of the redemption He had
make in the Holy Trinity, we may formulate it in syl- wrought. When we come to the subsequent history
logistic fashion thus: Whatever God reveals is true; of this Church we find it speedily spreading every-
but God has revealed the mysteryof the Holy Trinity; where, and this in spite of its humble origin, its un-
therefore this mystery is true. The major premise is worldly teaching, and the cruel persecution which it
indubitable and intrinsically evident to reason ; the meets at the hands of the rulers of this world. And as
minor premise is also true because it is declared to us the centuries pass we find this Church battling against
by the infallible Church (cf . Faith, Rule of), and also heresies, schisms, and the sins of her own people—
because, as the Vatican Council says, " in addition to nay, of her own rulers — and yet continuing ever the
and prophecies, for since these latter clearly manifest she taught, gone before to prepare a home for those
God s omnipotence and infinite knowledge, they af- who while on earth should have believed in Him and
ford most certain proofs of His revelation and are fought the good fight. But if the history of the
suited to the capacity of all". Hence St. Thomas Church since New-Testament times thus wonderfully
says: "A man would not believe unless he saw the confirms the New Testament itself, and if the New
things he had to believe, either by the evidence of Testament so marvellously completes the Old Testa-
miracles or of something similar1' (II-II, Q. i, a. 4, ad ment, these books must really contain what they
1M). The saint is here speaking of the motives of claim to contain, viz. Divine revelation. And more
credibility. than all, that Person Whose life and death were so
IV. Motives of Credibility. — (a) When we say minutely foretold in the Old Testament, and Whose
that a certain statement is incredible we often mean story, as told in the New Testament, so perfectly cor-
merely that it is extraordinary, but it should be borne responds with its prophetic delineation in the Old
in mind that this is a misuse of language, for the credi- Testament, must be what He claimed to be, viz. the
bility or incredibility of a statement has nothing to Son of God. His work, therefore, must be Divine,
do with its intrinsic probability or improbability; it The Church which He founded must also be Divine
depends solely upon the credentials ox the authority and the repository and guardian of His teaching. In-
who makes the statement. Thus the credibility of the deed, we can truly say that for every truth or Chris-
statement that a secret alliance has been entered into tianity which we believe Christ Himself is our testi-
between England and America depends solely upon mony, and we believe in Him because the Divinity He
the authoritative position and the veracity of our in- claimed rests upon the concurrent testimony of His
formant. If he be a clerk in a government office it is miracles, His prophecies. His personal character, the
possible that he may have picked up some genuine nature of His doctrine, the marvellous propagation of
information, but if our informant be the Prime Min- His teaching in spite of its running counter to flesh and
ister of England, his statement has the highest degree blood, the united testimony, of thousands of martyrs,
of credibility because his credentials are of the highest, the stories of countless saints who for His sake have
When we speak of the motives of credibility of re- led heroic lives, the history of the Church herself since
vealed truth we mean the evidence that the things the Crucifixion, and, perhaps more remarkable than
FAITH 755 FAITH
any, the history of the papacy from St. Peter to Pius act of faith, but only of the grounds for faith; the
X. question of authority does not come into his argument
(c) These testimonies are unanimous; they all point (cf. McNabb, "Oxford Conferences on Faith", pp.
in one direction, they are of every age, they are clear 121-122).
and simple, and are within the grasp of the humblest V. Analysis of the Act of Faith from the Sub-
intelligence. And, as the Vatican Council has said, jecttve Standpoint. — (a) The light of faith. — An
"the Church herself, is, by her marvellous propaga- angel understands truths which are beyond man's
tion, her wondrous sanctity, her inexhaustible fruit- comprehension; if then a man were called upon to as-
fulness in good works, her Catholic unity, and her sent to a truth beyond the ken of the human intellect,
enduring stability, a great and perpetual motive of but within the grasp of the angelic intellect, he would
credibility and an irrefragable witness to her Divine require for the time being something more than his
commission" (Const. "DeiFilius"). "The Apostles", natural light of reason, he would require what we may
says St. Augustine, " saw the Head and believed in the call " the angelic light ' '. If, now, the same man were
Body; we see the Body, let us believe. in the Head" called upon to assent to a truth bevond the grasp of
rSermo ccxliii, 8 (al. cxlni), de temp., T. L., V. 1143]. both men and angels, he would clearly need a still
Every believer will echo the words of Richard of St. higher light, and this light we term "the light of
Victor, " Lord, if we are in error, by Thine own self we faith" — a light, because it enables him to assent to
have been deceived; for these things have been con- those supernatural truths, and the light of faith be-
firmed by such signs and wonders in our midst as could cause it does not so illumine those truths as to make
only have been done by Thee ! ' ' (de Trinitrate, I, cap. ii) . them no longer obscure, for faith must ever be " the
(d) But much misunderstanding exists regarding substance of things to be hoped for, the evidence of
the meaning and office of the motives of credibility, things that appear not" (Heb., xi, 1). Hence St.
In the first place, they afford us definite and certain Thomas ("De Veritate'\ xiv, 9, ad 2"*) says : " Ac-
knowledge of Divine revelation; but this knowledge though the Divinely infused light of faith is more
precedes faith ; it is not the final motive for our assent to powerful than the natural light of reason, nevertheless
the truths of faith ; as St. Thomas says, " Faith has in our present state we only imperfectly participate in
the character of a virtue, not because of the things it it ; and hence it comes to pass that it does not beget in us
believes, for faith is of things that appear not, but be- real vision of those things which it is meant to teach
cause it adheres to the testimony of one in whom us; such vision belongs to our eternal home, where
truth is infallibly found" (De Ventate, xiv, 8); this we shall perfectly participate in that light, where, in
knowledge of revealed truth which precedes faith can fine, 'in God's light we shall see light' (Ps. xxxv,
only beget human faith, it is not even the cause of 10)."
Divine faith (cf . Suarez, De Fide. disp. iii, 12), but is (b) The necessity of such light is evident from what
rather to be considered a remote disposition to it. We has been said, for faith is essentially an act of assent,
must insist upon this because in the minds of many and just as assent to a series of deductive or inductive
faith is regarded as a more or less necessary conse- reasonings, or to intuition of first principles, would be
quence of a careful study of the motives of credibility, impossible without the light of reason, so( too, assent
a view which the Vatican Council condemns expressly: to a supernatural truth would be inconceivable with-
" If anyone says that the assent of Christian faith is out a supernatural strengthening of the natural light:
not free, but that it necessarily follows from the argu- "Quid est enim fides nisi credere quod non vides?"
ments which human reason can furnish in its favour; (i. e. what is faith but belief in that which thou seest
or if anyone says that God's grace is only necessary not?) asks St. Augustine; but he also says: "Faith
for that living faith which worketh through charity, has its eyes by which it in some sort sees that to be
let him be anathema" (Sees. IV). Nor can the mo- true which it does not yet see; and by which, too, it
tives of credibility make the mysteries of faith clear in most surely sees that it does not see what it believes"
themselves, for, as St. Thomas says, "the arguments [Ep. ad Consent., ep. cxx 8 (al. ccxxii), P. L., II,
which induce us to believe, e. g. miracles, do not prove 456].
the faith itself, but only the truthfulness of him who (c) Again, it is evident that this "light of faith" is a
declares it to us, and consequently they do not supernatural gift and is not the necessary outcome of
beget knowledge of faith's mysteries, but only faith" assent to the motives of credibility. No amount of
(in Sent., Ill, xxiv, Q. i, art. 2, sol. 2, ad 4°"). On study will win it, no intellectual conviction as to the
the other hand, we must not minimize the real proba- credibility of revealed religion nor even of the claims
live force of tne motives of credibility within their of the Church to be our infallible guide in matters Of
proofof a definite truth ' ' (Leo XIII, "JSterni Pat ris") . which we. with the inspiration and assistance of God s
(e) The Church has twice condemned the view that grace, believe those things to be true which He has
faith ultimately rests on an accumulation of probabili- revealed". The same decree goes on to say that
ties. Thus the proposition, " The assent of supernat- " although the assent of faith is m no sense blind, yet
ural faith . . is consistent with merely probable no one can assent to the Gospel teaching in the way
knowledge of revelation "; was condemned by Inno- necessary for salvation without the illumination of the
cent XI m 1679 (cf. Denzinger, Enchiridion, 10th ed., Holy Spirit, Who bestows on all a sweetness in believ-
no. 1171) ; and the Syllabus " LamentabQi sane " (July, ing ana consenting to the truth". Thus, neither as re-
1907) condemns the proposition (XXV) that " the as- sards the truth believed nor as regards the motives for
sent of faith rests ultimately on an accumulation of believing, nor as regards the subjective principle by
probabilities ". But since the great name of Newman which we believe — viz. the infused light— can faith be
nas been dragged into the controversy regarding this considered blind.
last proposition, we may point out that, in the " Gram- (d) The place of the will in an act of faith. — So far
mar of Assent" (chap, x, sect. 2), Newman refers we have seen that faith is an act of the intellect assent-
solely to the proof of faith afforded by the motives of ing to a truth which is beyond its grasp, e. g. the mys-
credibility, and he rightly concludes that, since these tery of the Holy Trinity. But to many it will seem
are not demonstrative, this line of proof may be almost as futile to ask the intellect to assent to a propo-
termed "an accumulation of probabilities". But it sition which is not intrinsically evident as it would be
would be absurd to say that Newman therefore based to ask the eye to see a sound. It is clear, however,
the final assent of faith on this accumulation; as a that the intellect can be moved by the will either to
matter of fact he is not here making an analysis of an study or not to study a certain truth, though if the
FAITH
756
FAITH
truth be a self-evident one — e. g., that the whole is
greater than its part — the will cannot affect the intel-
lect's adhesion to it ; it can, however, move it to think
of something else, and thus distract it from the con-
templation of that particular truth. If, now, the will
moves the intellect to consider some debatable point —
e. g. the Copernican and Ptolemaic theories of the re-
lationship between the sun and the earth — it is clear
that the intellect can only assent to one of these views
in proportion as it is convinced that the particular
view is true. But neither view has, as far as we can
know, more than probable truth, hence of itself the
intellect can only give in its partial adherence to one
of these views, it must always be precluded from ab-
solute assent by the possibility that the other view
may be right. The fact that men hold much more
tenaciously to one of these than the arguments war-
rant can only be due to some extrinsic consideration,
e. g. that it is absurd not to hold what the vast major-
ity of men hold. And here it should be noted that, as
St. Thomas says repeatedly, the intellect only assents
to a statement for one of two reasons: either because
that statement is immediately or mediately evident in
itself — e. g. a first principle or a conclusion from
premises— or because the will moves it to do so. Ex-
trinsic evidence of course comes into play when in-
trinsic evidence is wanting, but though it would be
absurd, without weighty evidence in its support, to
assent to a truth which we do not grasp, yet no amount
of such evidence can make us assent, it could only
show that the statement in question was credible, our
ultimate actual assent could only be due to the in-
trinsic evidence which the statement itself offered, or,
failing that, due to the will. Hence it is that St . Thomas
repeatedly defines the act of faith as the assent of the
intellect determined by the will (De Veritate, xiv, 1 ;
II-II, Q. ii, a. 1, ad 3"; 2, c. ; ibid., iv, 1, c, and ad 2-).
The reason, then, why men cling to certain beliefs more
tenaciously than the arguments in their favour would
warrant, is to be sought in the will rather than in the
intellect. Authorities are to be found on both sides,
the intrinsic evidence is not convincing, but some-
thing is to be gained by assenting to one view rather
than the other, and this appeals to the will, which
therefore determines the intellect to assent to the
view which promises the most. Similarly, in Divine
faith the credentials of the authority which tells us
that God has made certain revelations are strong, but
they are always extrinsic to the proposition, " God has
revealed this or that", and consequently they cannot
compel our assent; they merely show us that this
statement is credible. When, then, we ask whether
we are to give in our free assent to any particular
statement or not, we feel that in the first place we can-
not do so unless there be strong extrinsic evidence in
its favour, for to believe a thing merely because we
wished to do so would be absurd. Secondly, the
proposition itself does not compel our assent, since it is
not intrinsically evident, but there remains the fact
that only on condition of our assent to it shall we have
what the human soul naturally yearns for, viz., the
possession of God, Who is, as both reason and author-
ity declare, our ultimate end ; " He that believeth and
is baptizea, shall be saved", and "Without faith it is
impossible to please God." St. Thomas expresses
this by saying: "The disposition of a believer is that
of one who accepts another's word for some statement,
because it seems fitting or useful to do so. In the
same way we believe Divine revelation because the
reward of eternal life is promised us for so doing. It
is the will which is moved by the prospect of this re-
ward to assent to what is said, even though the intel-
lect is not moved by something which it understands.
Hence St. Augustine says (Tract, xxvi in Joannem,
2): 'Cetera potest homo nolens, credere nonnisi vo-
lens' [i. e. other things a man can do against his will,
but to believe he must will]" (De Ver., xiv, 1).
(e) But just as the intellect needed a new and special
light in order to assent to the supernatural truths of
faith, so also the will needs a special grace from God in
order that it may tend to that supernatural good
which is eternal life. The light of faith, then{ illu-
mines the understanding, though the truth still re-
mains obscure, since it is beyond the intellect's grasp;
but supernatural grace moves the will, which, having
now a supernatural good put before it, moves the in-
tellect to assent to what it does not understand.
Hence it is that faith is described as " bringing into
captivity every understanding unto the obedience of
Christ" (II Cor., x, 5).
VI. Definition of Faith. — The foregoing analyses
will enable us to define an act of Divine supernatural
faith as " the act of the intellect assenting to a Divine
truth owing to the movement of the will, which is itself
moved by the grace of God" (St. Thomas, II-II, Q.
iv, a. 2). And just as the light of faith is a gift super-
naturally bestowed upon the understanding, so also
this Divme grace moving the will is, as its name im-
plies, an equally supernatural and an absolutely
gratuitous cut. Neither gift is due to previous study,
neither of them can be acquired by human efforts, but
"Ask and ye shall receive."
From all that has been said two most important
corollaries follow: (a) That temptations against faith
are natural and inevitable and are in no sense con-
trary to faith, "since", says St. Thomas, "the assent
of the intellect in faith is due to the will, and since the
object to which the intellect thus assents is not its own
proper object — for that is actual vision of an intelligi-
ble object— it follows that the intellect's attitude
towards that object is not one of tranquillity, on the
contrary it thinks and inquires about those things it
believes, all the while that it assents to them unhesi-
tatingly ; for as far as it itself is concerned the intellect
is not satisfied" (De Ver., xiv, 1). (b) It also follows
from the above that an act of supernatural faith is
meritorious, since it proceeds from the will moved by
Divine grace or chanty, and thus has all the essential
constituents of a meritorious act (cf . II-II, Q. ii, a. 9).
This enables us to understand St. James's words when
he says, " The devils also believe and tremble " (ii, 19).
" It is not willingly that they assent ' ' , says St. Thomas.
" but they are compelled thereto by the evidence of
those signs which prove that what believers assent to is
true, though even those proofs do not make the truths
of faith so evident as to afford what is termed vision of
them" Q)e Ver., xiv, 9, ad 4°"); nor is their faith
Divine, but merely philosophical and natural. Some
may fancy the foregoing analyses superfluous, and
may think that they savour too much of Scholasticism.
But if anyone will be at the pains to compare the
teaching of the Fathers, of the Scholastics, and of the
divines of the Anglican Church in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, with that of the non-Catholic
theologians of to-day, he will find that the Scholastics
merely put into shape what the Fathers taught, and
that the great English divines owe their solidity and
genuine worth to their vast patristic knowledge and
their strictly logical training.
Let anyone who doubts this statement compare
Bishop Butler's "Analogy of Religion", chaps, v, vi,
with the paper on "Faith" contributed to "Lux
Mundi". The writer of this latter paper tells us that
"faith is an elemental energy of the soul", "a tenta-
tive probation", that "its primary note will be
trust , and finally that "in response to the demand
for definition, it can only reiterate: 'Faith is faith.
Believing is just believing1". Nowhere is there any
analysis of terms, nowhere any distinction between
the relative parts played by the intellect and the will;
and we feel that those who read the paper must have
risen from its perusal with the feeling that they had
been wandering through — we use the writer's own
expression — "a juggling maze of words".
FAITH 757 FAITH
VII. The Habit of Faith and the Life of Faith, natural and meritorious acts — it is evident that there
—(a) We have defined the act of faith as the assent of is no longer in the will that power by which it can,
the intellect to a truth which 1b beyond its comprehen- from supernatural motives, move the intellect to as-
sion, but which it accepts under the influence of the sent to supernatural truths. The intellectual and
will moved by grace: and from the analysis we are Divinely infused habit of faith remains, however, and
now in a position to define the virtue of faith as a su- when charity returns this habit acquires anew the
pernatural habit by which we firmly believe those character of " living" and meritorious faith,
things to be true which God has revealed. Now every (c) Again, faith being a virtue, it follows that a
virtue is the perfection of some faculty, but faith re- man's promptitude in believing will make him love
suits from the combined action of two faculties, Viz., the truths he believes, and he will therefore study
the intellect which elicits the act, and the will which them, not indeed in the spirit of doubting inquiry, but
moves the intellect to do so ; consequently, the per- in order the better to grasp them as far as human rea-
fection of faith will depend upon the perfection with son will allow. Such inquiry will be meritorious and
which each of these faculties performs its allotted will render his faith more robust, because, at the same
task; the intellect must assent unhesitatingly, the time that he is brought face to face with the intellectual
will must promptly and readily move it to do so. difficulties which are involved, he will necessarily exer-
(b) The unhesitating assent of the intellect cannot cise his faith and repeatedly "bring his intellect into
be due to intellectual conviction of the reasonableness submission1'. Thus St. Augustine says, "What can
of faith, whether we regard the grounds on which it be the reward of faith, what can its very name mean,
rests or the actual truths we believe, for "faith is the if you wish to see now what you believe? You ought
evidence of things that appear not"; it must, then, be not to see in order to believe, you ought to believe in
referred to the fact that these truths come to us on order to see; you ought to believe so long as you do
Divine infallible testimony. And though faith is so not see, lest when you do see you may be put to the
essentially of "the unseen" it may be that the pecu- blush" (Sermo, xxxviii, 2, P. L., V, 236). And it is in
liar function of the light of faith, which we have seen this sense we must understand his oft-repeated words:
to be so necessary, is m some sort to afford us, not in- "Crede ut intelligas" (Believe that you may under-
deed vision, but an instinctive appreciation of the stand). Thus, commenting on the Septuagint version
truths which are declared to be revealed. St. Thomas of Isaias, vii. 9, which reads: "nisi credideritis non
seems to hint at this when he says: " As by other vir- intelligetis", ne says: " Proficit ergo noster intellectus
tuous habits a man sees what accords with those hab- ad intelligenda qu» credat, et fides proficit ad cre-
its, so by the habit of faith a man's mind is inclined to denda qua intelhgat; et eadem ipsa ut magis mag-
assent to those things which belong to the true faith isque intelligantur, in ipso intellect u proficit mens,
and not to other things" (II-II{ Q. iv, 4, ad 3"*). Sea hoc non fit propriis tanquam naturalibus viribus,
In every act of faith this unhesitating assent of the in- sed Deo donante atque adjuvante" (Enarr. in Ps.
tellect is due to the motion of the will as its efficient cxviii, Sermo xviii, 3, " Our intellect therefore is of use
cause, and the same must be said of the theological to understand whatever things it believes,, and faith
virtue of faith when we consider it as a habit or as a is of use to believe whatever it understands; and in
moral virtue, for, as St. Thomas insists (I-II, Q. lvi, order that these same things may be more and more
3), there is no virtue, properly so called, in the intel- understood, the thinking faculty [mens] is of use in the
lect except in so far as it is subject to the will. Thus * intellect. But this is not brought about as by our
the habitual promptitude of the will in moving the own natural powers, but by the gift and the aid of
intellect to assent to the truths of faith is not only the God." Cf. Sermo xliii, 3, in Is., vii, 9; P. L., V, 255).
efficient cause of the intellect's assent, but is precisely (d) Further, the habit of faith may be stronger in
what gives to this assent its virtuous, and conse- one person than in another, " whether because of the
quently meritorious, character. Lastly, this prompti- greater certitude and firmness in the faith which one
tude of the will can only come from its unswerving has more than another, or because of his greater
tendency to the Supreme Good. And at the risk of promptitude in assenting, or because of his greater
repetition we must again draw attention to the dis- devotion to the truths of faith, or because of his
tinction between faith as a purely intellectual habit, greater confidence" (II— II, Q. v, a. 4).
which as such is dry and barren, and faith resident, (e) We are sometimes asked whether we are really
indeed, in the intellect, but motived by charity or love certain of the things we believe{ and we rightly an-
of God, Who is our beginning, our ultimate end, and swer in the affirmative; but strictly speaking, certi-
our supernatural reward. " Every true motion of the tude can be looked at from two standpoints: if we
will", says St. Augustine, ''proceeds from true love" look at its cause, we have in faith the highest form of
(de Civ. Dei, XI V, ix), and, as he elsewhere beauti- certitude, for its cause is the Essential Truth ; but if
fully expresses it, "Quid est ergo credere in Eum? we look at the certitude which arises from the extent
Credendo amare, credendo diligere, credendo in Eum to which the intellect grasps a truth, then in faith we
ire, et Ejus membris incorporari. Ipsa est ergo fides have not such perfect certitude as we have of demon-
quam de nobis Deus exigit; et non invenit quod exi- strable truths, since the truths believed are beyond
gat, nisi donaverit quod invenerit." (Tract, xxix, the intellect's comprehension (II-II, Q. iv, 8; dever.,
in Joannem, 6. — " What, then, is to believe in God t — It xiv, and i, ad T"*).
is to love Him by believing, to go to Him by believing VIII. The Genesis of Faith in the Individual
and to be incorporated in His members. This, then. Soul. — (a) Many receive their faith in their infancy,
is the faith which God demands of us; and He finds to others it comes later in life, and its genesis is often
not what He may demand except where He has given misunderstood. Without encroaching upon the arti-
i a it cj »»\ t»u:~ tL*- : i a : _* i_. . _i_ t» j ?l _ At__ __ • # * «.Lt
regard faith precisely as an assent elicited by the intel- precede faith ; now we can prove by reason the exist-
lect, then this bare faith is the same habit numerically ence of God, the immortality of the soul, and the ori-
as when the informing principle of charity is added to an and destiny of man; but from these facts there
it, but it has not the true character of a moral virtue follows the necessity of religion, and true religion
and is not a source of merit. If, then, charity be dead must be the true worship of the true God not accord-
— if, in other words, a man be in mortal sin and so ing to our ideas, but according to what He Himself
without the habitual sanctifying grace of God. has revealed. But can God reveal Himself to us?
which alone gives to his will that due tendency to God And, granting that He can, where is this revelation to
as his supernatural end which is requisite for super- be found? The Bible is said to contain it; does in-
FAITH
758
FAITH
vestigation confirm the Bible's claim? We will take
but one point: the Old Testament looks forward, as
we have already seen, to One Who is to come and Who
is God; the New Testament shows us One Who
claimed to be the fulfilment of the prophecies and to
be God; this claim He confirmed by His life, death,
and resurrection, by His teaching, miracles, ana
grophecies. He further claimed to have founded a
hurch which should enshrine His revelation and
should be the infallible guide for all who wished to
carry out His will and save their souls. Which of the
numerous existing Churches is His? It must have
certain definite characteristics or "notes". It must
be One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic; it must claim
infallible teaching power. None but the Holy, Ro-
man, Catholic, and Apostolic Church can claim these
characteristics, and ner history is an irrefragable
groof of her Divine mission. If, then, she be the true
hurch, her teaching must be infallible and must be
accepted.
(b) Now what is the state of the inquirer who has
come thus far? He has proceeded by pure reason,
and. if on the grounds stated he makes his submission
to tne authority of the Catholic Church and believes
her doctrines, he has only human, reasonable, fallible,
faith. Later on he may see reason to question the
various steps in his line of argument, he may hesitate
at some truth taught by the. Gnurch, and he may with-
draw the assent he has given to her teaching authority.
In other words, he has not Divine faith at all. For
Divine faith is supernatural both in the principle
which elicits the acts and in the objects or truths upon
which it falls. The principle which elicits assent to a
truth which is beyond the grasp of the human mind
must be that same mind illumined by a light superior
to the light of reason, viz. the light of faith ; and since,
even with this light of faith, the intellect remains
human, and the truth to be believed remains still ob-
scure, the final assent of the intellect must come from
the will assisted by Divine grace, as seen above. But
both this Divine light and this Divine grace are pure
gfts of God, and are consequently only bestowed at
is good pleasure. It is here that the heroism of faith
comes in; our reason will lead us to the door of faith,
but there it leaves us; and God asks of us that earnest
wish to believe for the sake of the reward — "I am thy
reward exceeding great" — which will allow us to re-
press the misgivings of the intellect and say, "I be-
lieve, Lord, help Thou my unbelief". As St. Augus-
tine expresses it, " Ubi defecit ratio, ibi est fidei sedi-
ficatio " (Sermo ccxlvii, P. L., V, 1 157 — " Where reason
fails there faith builds up").
(c) When this act of submission has been made, the
light of faith floods the soul and is even reflected back
upon those very motives which had to be so labori-
ously studied in our search after the truth ; and even
those preliminary truths which precede all investiga-
tion, e. g. the very existence of God, become now tne
object of our faith.
IX. Faith in Relation to Works. — (a) Faith and
no works may be described as the Lutheran view.
"Esto peccator, pecca fortiter sed fortius fide" was
the heresiarch's axiom, and the Diet of Worms, in
1527, condemned the doctrine that good works are
necessary for salvation.
(b) Works and no faith may be described as the
modern view, for the modern world strives to make
the worship of humanity take the place of the worship
of the Deity ("Do we believe?" as issued by the
Rationalist Press, 1904, ch. x: "Creed and Conduct"
and ch. xv: "Rationalism and Morality". Cf. also
"Christianity and Rationalism on Trial", published
by the same press, 1904).
(c) Faith shown by works has ever been the doc-
trine of the Catholic Church and is explicitly taught
by St. James, ii, 17: "Faith, if it have not works, is
dead." The Council of Trent (Sess. VI, canons xix, xx,
xxiv, and xxvi) condemned the various aspects of the
Lutheran doctrine, and from what has been said above
on the necessity of charity for "living" faith, it will be
evident that faith does not exclude, but demands,
good works, for charity or love of God is not real unlesi
it induces us to keep the Commandments; "He that
keepeth his word, in him in very deed the charity of
God is perfected" (I John, h, 5). St. Augustine
sums up the whole auestion by saying " Laudo fruo-
tum boni operis, sea in fide agnosco radicem" — i. e.
" I praise the fruit of good works, but their root I dis-
cern in faith" (Enarr. in Ps. xxxi, P. L., IV, 259).
X. Loss of Faith. — From what has been said touch-
ing the absolutely supernatural character of the gift
of faith, it is easy to understand what is meant by the
loss of faith. God's gift is simply withdrawn. And
this withdrawal must needs be punitive, "Non enim
deseret opus suum, si ab opere suo non deseratur"
(St. Augustine, Enarr. in rs. cxlv — "He will not
desert His own work, if He be not deserted by His
own work"). And when the light of faith is with-
drawn, there inevitably follows a darkening of the
mind regarding even tne very motives of credibility
which before seemed so convincing. This may per-
haps explain why those who have had the misfortune
to apostatize from the faith are often the most viru-
lent in their attacks upon the grounds of faith ; " Vc
homini illi", says St. Augustine, "nisi et ipsius fidem
Dominus protegat ' '. i. e. Woe be to a man unless the
Lord safeguard his faith" (Enarr. in Ps. cxx, 2. P. L.,
IV, 1614).
XI. Faith is Reasonable. — (a) If we are to believe
present-day Rationalists and Agnostics^ faith, as we
define it, is unreasonable. An Agnostic declines to
accept it because he considers that tne things proposed
for his acceptance are preposterous, and because be
regards the motives assigned for our belief as wholly
inadequate. "Present me with a reasonable faith
based on reliable evidence, and I will joyfully embrace
it. Until that time I have no choice but to remain
an Agnostic" ("Medicus" in the "Do we Believe?"
Controversy, p. 214). Similarly. Francis Newman
says: "Paul was satisfied with a kind of evidence for
the resurrection of Jesus which fell exceedingly short
of the demands of modern logic; it is absurd in us
to believe, barely because they believed" ("Phases
of Faith", p. 186). Yet the supernatural truths of
faith, however they may transcend our reason, cannot
be opposed to it, for truth cannot be opposed to truth,
and tne same Deity Who bestowed on us the light of
reason by which we assent to first principles is Himself
the cause of those principles, which are but a reflection
of His own Divine truth. When He chooses to mani-
fest to us further truths concerning Himself, the fact
that these latter are beyond the grasp of the natural
light which He has bestowed upon us will not prove
them to be contrary to our reason. Even so pro-
nounced a rationalist as Sir Oliver Lodge says: "I
maintain that it is hopelessly unscientific to imag™ it
possible that man is tne highest intelligent existence"
(Hibbert Journal, Julv, 1906, p. 727).
Agnostics, again, take refuge m the unknowableness
of truths beyond reason, but their argument is falla-
cious, for surely knowledge has its degrees. I may
not fully comprehend a truth in all its bearings, but I
can know a great deal about it; I may not have
demonstrative knowledge of it, but that is no reason
why I should reject that knowledge which comes from
faith. To listen to many Agnostics one would imag-
ine that appeal to authority as a criterion was un-
scientific, though perhaps nowhere is authority ap-
pealed to so unscientifically as by modern scientists
and modern critics. But, as St. Augustine says, " If
God's providence govern human affairs we must not
despair or doubt but that He hath ordained some cer-
tain authority, upon which staying ourselves as upon
a certain ground or step, we may be lifted up to God"
FAITH
759
FAITH
(De utilitate credendi); and it is in the same spirit
that he says: ."Eeo vero Evangelio non crederem,
nisi me Catholic® Ecclesise commoveret auctoritas"
(Contra Ep. Fund.^ V, 6 — " I would not believe the
Gospel if the authority of the Catholic Church did not
oblige me to believe ).
(b) Naturalism, which is only another name for
Materialism, rejects faith because there is no place for
it in the naturalistic scheme ; yet the condemnation of
this false philosophy by St. Paul and by the author of
the Book of Wisdom is emphatic (cf. Rom., i, 18-23;
Wis., xiii, 1-19). Materialists fail to see in nature
what the greatest minds have always discovered in it,
vis., "ratio cujusdam artis, scilicet divhue, indita re-
bus, qua ipsse res moventur ad finem determinatum"
— "the manifestation of a Divine plan whereby all
things are directed towards their appointed end'' (St.
Thomas, Lect. xiv, in II Phys.). Similarly, the va-
garies of Humanism blind men to the fact of man's
essentially finite character and hence preclude all idea
of faith in the infinite and the supernatural (cf . " Nat-
uralism and Humanism " in "Hibbert Journal", Oct.,
1907).
XII. Faith is Necessary. — " He that belie veth and
is baptized", said Christ, "shall be saved, but he that
belie veth not shall be condemned" (Mark, xvi, 16);
and St. Paul sums up this solemn declaration by
saying: " Without faitn it is impossible to please God"
(Heb.. xi, 6). The absolute necessity of faith is evi-
dent from the following considerations: God is our
beginning and our end and has supreme dominion over
us; we owe Him, consequently, due service which we
express by the term religion. Now true religion is the
true worship of the true God. But it is not tor man to
fashion a worship according to his own ideals; none
but God can declare to us in what true worship con-
sists, and this declaration constitutes the body of re-
vealed truths, whether natural or supernatural. To
these, if we would attain the end for which we came
into the world, we are bound to give the assent of faith.
It is clear, moreover, that no one can profess indiffer-
ence in a matter of such vital importance. During
the Reformation period no such indifference was pro-
fessed by those who quitted the fold; for them it was
not a question of faith or unfaith, so much as of the
medium by which the true faith was to be known and
Sut into practice. The attitude of many outside the
hurch is now one of absolute indifference; faith is
regarded as an emotion, as a peculiarly subjective dis-
position which is regulated by no known psychological
Jaws. Thus Taine speaks of faith as " une source vive
qui s'est formee au plus profond de l'ame, sous la
Boussee et la chaleur des instincts immanents" — "a
ving fountain which has come into existence in the
lowest depths of the soul under the impulse and the
warmth of the immanent instincts". Indifferentism
in all its phases was condemned by Pius IX in the Syl-
labus " Quanta cura": in Prop. aV, " Any man is free
to embrace and profess whatever form of religion his
reason approves of"; XVI, " Men can find the way of
salvation and can attain to eternal salvation in any
form of religious worship"; XVII, "We can at least
have good hopes of the eternal salvation of all those
who have never been in the true Church of Christ";
XVIII, " Protestantism is only another form of the
same true Christian religion, and men can be as pleas-
ing to God in it as in the Catholic Church."
aIII. The Objective Unity and Immutability
of Faith. — Christ's prayer for the unity of His
Church, the highest form of unity conceivable, "that
they all may be one, as thou, Father, in me, and I in
Thee" (John, xvii, 21), has been brought into effect by
the unifying force of a bond of a faith such as that we
have analysed. All Christians have been taught to be
"careful to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of
peace, one body and one spirit, as you are called in one
nope of your calling; one Lord, one faith, one bap-
tism, one God and Father of all" (Eph.. iv, 3-6).
The objective unity of the Catholic Churcn becomes
readily intelligible when we reflect upon the nature of
the bond of union which faith offers us. For our
faith comes to us from the one unchanging Church,
"the pillar and ground of truth", and our assent to it
comes as a light in our minds and a motive power in
our wills from the one unchanging God Who can
neither deceive nor be deceived. Hence, for all who
possess it, this faith constitutes an absolute and un-
changing bond of union. The teachings of this faith
develop, of course, with the needs of the ages, but the
faith itself remains unchanged. Modern views are en-
tirely destructive of such unity of belief because their
root principle is the supremacy of the individual judg-
ment. Certain writers do indeed endeavour to over-
come the resulting conflict of views by upholding the
supremacy of universal human reason as a criterion of
truth; thus Mr. Campbell writes: "One cannot really
begin to appreciate the value of united Christian testi-
mony until one is able to stand apart from it, so to
speak, and ask whether it rings true to the reason and
moral sense" ("The New Theology", p. 178; cf. Car-
dinal Newman, ''Palmer on Faith and Unity" in
"Essays Critical and Historical", vol. I, also, Thomas
Harper, S.J., "Peace Through the Truth", London,
1866, 1st Series.)
I. Patristic. — The Fathers in general have never attempted
any analysis of faith, and most patristio treatises De fide consist
of expositions of the true doctrine to be held. But the reader
will have already noticed the precise teaching of St. Augustine
on the nature of faith. Besides the gems of thought which are
scattered throughout his works, we may refer to his two trea-
tises De UtUUate Credendi and De Fide Rerum qua non videntur,
in P. L.. VI, VII.
II. Scholastics. — The minute analysis of faith was worked
out by the theologians of the thirteenth century and onwards;
they followed mainly the lines laid down by St. -Augustine.
St. Thomas, Summa, II— II, QQ. i-vii; Quast. Disp., Q. xiv;
Holcot, De actibus fidei et inteUectus et de libertaU Voluntatis
(Paris, 1512); Suarbs, De fide, spe, et charitate, in Opera, ed.
Vivbs (Paris, 1878), XII; Db Luoo, De virtute fidei divines
(Venice, 1718); Joannes a S. Thoma, Comment, on the Summa,
especially on the De Fide, in Opera, ed. Vivbs (Paris, 1886),
VII; Cajbtan, De Fide et Opcribus (1532), especially his Com-
mentary on the Summa, II— II, QQ. i-vii.
III. Modern Writers. — The decrees of the Vatican Council,
a handy edition by McNabb (London, 1907): cf. also Coll.
Lacensts, VIII; Pins X, Syllabus, LametUabili Sane (1907);
Id., Encyclical, PascendiGregts (1907); Zioliara, Propadeutica
ad Sacram Theolopiam (5th ed., Rome, 1906), I, xvi, xvii; New-
man, Grammar of Assent, Essav on Development, and especially
The Ventures of Faith in Vol. IV of his Sermons, and Peace in
Believing and Faith without Demonstration, \I; Weiss, Apologie
du Christianisme, Fr. tr., V, conf. iv, La Foi, and VI, conf. xxi.
La Vie de la Foi: Bainvbl. La Foi et Vacte de Foi (Paris, 1898);
Ullathornr, The Groundwork of the Christian Virtues, ch. xiv.
The Humility of Faith; Hbdubt, The Light of Life (1689), ii;
Bowdbn, The Assent of Faith, taken mainly from Klbutqen,
Thealogie der Vorzeit, IV, and serving as an introductory chapter
to the tr. of Hbttinobr, Revealed Religion (1895); McNabb,
Oxford Conferences on Faith (London, 1905); Implicit Faith, in
The Month for April, 1869; Reality of the Sin of Unbelief, ibid.,
October, 1881; The Conceivable Dangers of Unbelief in Dublin
Review, Jan., 1902; Harbnt in Vacant and Manobnot, Dic-
tionnaire de thiologie catholique, s. v. Croyance.
IV. Against Rationalist, Positivist, and Humanist Views. —
Newman, The Introduction of Rationalistic Principles into Re-
vealed Religion, in Tracts for the Times (1835), republished in
Essays Historical and Critical as Essay ii; St. Paul on Rational'
ism in The Month for Oct.. 1877; Ward, The Clothes of Religion,
a Reply to Popular Positivism (1886) ; The Agnosticism of Faith
in Dublin Review, July, 1903.
V. The motives of faith and its relation to reason and science.
— Manning. The Grounds of Faith (1852, and often since); Faith
and Reason in Dublin Review, July, 1889; Avblino, Faith and
Science in Westminster Lectures (London, 1906); Gardeil, La
cridibilitS et Vapologitique ( Paris, 1908); Idem in Vacant and
Manobnot, Dictionnaire de thealogie catholique, s. v. Cridi-
biliU.
VI. Non-Catholic writers,— Lux Mundi, i, Faith (10th ed.,
1890); Balfour, Foundations of Belief (2nd ed., 1895); Cole-
ridge, Essay on Faith (1838), in Aids to Reflection; Mallock,
Religion as a Credible Doctrine (1903), xii.
VII. Rationalistic Works. — The Do We Believe correspond-
ence, held in the Daily Telegraph, has been published in the form
of selections (1905) under the title, A Record of a Great Corres-
pondence in the Daily Telegraph, with Introduction by Courtney.
Similar selections by the Rationalist Press (1904); 8 ant at an a,
The Life of Reason (3 vols., London, 1905-06); Faith and Belief
in Hibbert Journal, Oct. 1907. Cf. also Lodge, ibid., for Jan.,
1908, and July, 1906.
Hugh Pofb.
FAITH
760
FAITH
Faith, Protestant Confessions of. — That the
Catholic Church, which claims the prerogative of
teaching revealed truth with infallible certitude,
should have drawn up articles of faith and demanded
for them the internal assent and outward confession of
her children, was logical and consistent; but it is diffi-
cult to understand with what logic or consistency
Protestantism, which proclaimed the Bible, as inter-
preted by the private judgment of the individual, to be
the sole and sufficient rule of faith, could follow her
example. It is said that Protestants look upon their
doctrinal standards as authoritative only in so far
as they agree with the "word of God"; but each
sect so imbues its members from early childhood with
its peculiar tenets, that long before they are able to
read the Bible intelligently, their religious views are
fixed. Stray individuals may change their religion
and may be able to gather a sufficient number of fol-
lowers to form a separate communion; but the bulk of
the population remain true to the faith of their par-
ents, or of their native land. In the palmy days of
Protestantism, it was not the reading of the Bible that
held the denominations together, but their respective
Confessions of Faith, inculcated bv the preachers and
enforced under severe penalties by the civil power.
As a practical result, the "word of God1' was inter-
preted in accordance with formulae devised by men;
the Anglican read into his Bible the Thirty-Nine Arti-
cles, the Lutheran the Augsburg Confession, the " Re-
formed Churches" the Heidelberg Catechism. Each
new sect being obliged to prove its raison d'Hre by sho w-
ing j ust how far it differed from others, a very large num-
ber of Confessions appeared, varying in size from a few
articles to long theological treatises. As a rule, the later
Confessions are merely modified copies of the older ones,
altered to suit local circumstances or personal views.
Types. — Since the Protestant revolt originated al-
most independently, and simultaneously, in Germany
and in Switzerland, there has been, from the begin-
ning, a sharp distinction between the Lutheran and
the " Reformed ' ' tenets of Zwingli, afterwards merged
into Calvinism. The cleavage between Lutheranism
and Calvinism goes deeper than the divergence of
views concerning the Real Presence in the Eucharist.
Luther drifted into heresy gradually. In spite of his
hatred of the pope, he preserved a lingering reverence
for the Churcn m which he had been a monk and a
priest for so many years. He retained as much of the
ancient beliefs and liturgy as could be made to fit into
his peculiar views on sin and justification. So ad-
roitly And tentatively were the changes made in Catho-
lic phraseology and worship, that but few of the Luth-
eran common people felt tney had drifted away from
the Church of their fathers. Luther himself, in a
famous passage, boasted that the eye of the ordinary
layman could detect little or no difference between the
Lutheran service and the Catholic Mass. As to the
theological opinions, the layman was eaually deceived ;
for it was not new for him to be taught that we are
saved by the free grace of God through the merits of
Christ's Blood. That the temporal ruler was zealous
in the extirpation of "abuses" rather edified than
shocked the common man, for a certain jus refor-
mandi had always been claimed, and had frequently
been exercised, by Catholic German princes. Quite
different was tne case with Zwinglianism and Calvin-
ism. Laying no claim to identity or continuity with
the ancient Church, the " Reformed Churches" began,
generally amidst iconoclastic riots, by rooting out the
entire fabric of Catholicism. After the futile attempt
of Philip of Hesse, at the Marburg Conference (1-4
Oct., 1529), to reconcile the German and Swiss Re-
formers, these went their several ways, hating and re-
viling each other little less than they hated and re-
vilecT the Church of Rome. It is scarcely needless to
add that since the collapse of dogmatic Protestantism,
its conflicting creeds possess little more than an his-
torical interest. Even where subscription to a Con-
fession is still exacted as a condition for holding office,
the ceremony is regarded as a mere formality.
The Lutheran Confessions. — (1) The oldest and
most authoritative of the Lutheran creeds was the
Augsburg Confession. It was drafted chiefly by Me-
lanchthon, on the basis of Luther's Marburg, Schwa-
bach, and Torgau articles, and bore the signature of
seven German princes. Elector John of Saxony, his
son John Frederick, Ernest and Francis, Dukes of
Luneburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Wolfang,
Prince of Anhalt, and of the representatives of the two
imperial cities, Nuremberg and Reutlingen. On 25
June, 1530, copies of it, in Latin and German, were
presented to Charles V, at the diet of Augsburg, and
the German version was read aloud before the secular
and ecclesiastical Estates of the Empire. Charles re-
tained the Latin copy which he brought with him to
Spain, giving the other into the custody of the Arch-
bishop of Mainz. Both seem now to be irretrievably
lost. a The document ought to have retained its origi-
nal title of Apologia, for it is an artful attempt to
Esrsuade the Emperor and the Estates that in the
utheran doctrine, "there is nothing discrepant with
the Scriptures, or with the Catholic Church, or with
the Roman Church, so far as that Church is known
from its writers".
The Lutherans teach (Art. I) the Nicene belief in
God and the Trinity; (Art. II) Original Sin; (Art. Ill)
the Incarnation ; Death and Resurrection of the Son of
God; (Art. IV) Justification by Faith. By leaving
out the obnoxious word sola (alone), the article might
be glossed in a Catholic sense. They believe further-
more (Art. V) in a Divinely appointed ecclesiastical
ministry, no mention being made of Luther's univer-
sal priesthood of believers. They teach (Art. VI) that
"faith should bring forth good works, and that men
ought to do the good works commanded by God, be-
cause it is God's will, and not on any confidence of
meriting justification before God by their works", as
if any one had taught differently. In Articles VII
and VIII. "On the Church", instead of asserting the
heresy of an invisible Church, they define it to be
"the congregation of saints [the German version has
it the assembly of aU the faithful], in which the
Gospel is rightly taught and the Sacraments rightly
administered ". They condemn the Donatists and
others who held that the ministry of evil men is use-
less and inefficacious. In Article IX, " On Baptism",
they teach that it is necessary to salvation, and that
infants are to be baptized. The famous Article X
reads as follows: "Oi the Lord's Supper they teach
that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present
and are distributed to those who eat of the Lord's Sup-
Esr, and they reject the contrary teaching." Here
uther's theory of companation is sedulously slurred
over. Art. XI teaches that private absolution must
be retained, though in confession it is not necessary to
enumerate all sins committed.
Art. XII, "On Penance", teaches that those who
fall, after Baptism, may obtain the remission of sins,
whenever they repent, and that it is the duty of the
Church to absolve tne repentant. Penance, they
teach, consists of two parts, confession and faith. In
the hazy Article XIII, "On the use of the Sacra-
ments", thev "condemn those who teach that the
Sacraments justify ex opere ojyerato, without teaching
that faith in the remission of sins is requisite in the use
of the Sacraments", which statement shows how
scant was Melanchthon's acquaintance with Catholic
doctrine. Art. XIV, "On Ecclesiastical Orders",
limits itself to the harmless assertion that "no one
should publicly teach in the Church, or adminster the
Sacrament8j unless he be rightly called." Art. XV,
"On Ecclesiastical Rites", retains such rites "as may
be observed without sin", instancing "fixed holy-
days, feasts and such like", but "consciences are not
FAITH 761 FAITH
to be burdened by such things, as if necessary to sal- Melanchthon retorted with an "Apologia" which
vat ion." Art. XVI inculcates the duty of obedience Lutherans generally regard as their second symbolic
to civil rulers. Art. XVII deals with the Last Judg- book; Charles refused to accept it, because of the vio-
ment. Art. XVIII, "On Free Will", is a bold de- lent language used against the Catholic Church. Since
parture, on the part of Melanchthon, from Luther's Melanchthon looked on the " Conf essio Augustana " as
fundamental heresy of the enslaved will of fallen man. his private property, he continued ever after to com-
"They teach that man's will hath some liberty to ment on it, and revise the text to suit his wavering
work a civil righteousness, and to choose such things views. < Most notorious, and the source of endless con*
as reason can reach unto; but that it hath no power, troveraies amongst Lutherans, was the altered edition
to work the righteousness of God or a spiritual right- of 1540. issued at a time when Melanchthon was under
eousness, without the Spirit of God." This sounds the spell of Calvin. Art. X lost its Catholic tone and
Catholic enough. Art. XX repels the accusation that was made to read that " with the bread and wine the
the Lutherans "forbid good works1', and falsely ac- Body and Blood of Christ are truly exhibited to those
cuses the Catholics of relying on good works for justifi- who eat in the Lord's Supper ", a statement to which a
cation. Art. XXI teaches that we should honour the Calvinist might subscribe. We must not, however,
memory of the Saints, but not invoke their aid. throw too much blame on Melanchthon and other
They conclude the doctrinal part of the Confession preachers; the political magnates have to be considered,
with the words: "This is about the sum of our doc- The Smalcajld Articles. — Any hopes of a recon-
trine," with the protest of agreement with the Roman ciliation which were founded on the studied modera-
Church given above. "We have no dogmas", Mel- tion of the Augsburg Confession were rudely dispelled
anchthon wrote to the P&JP&l legate, 6 July, " which seven years later when the Protestant Estates, assem-
difTer from the Roman Church. Moreover, we are bled at Smalcald, spurned the pope's offer of that
ready to submit to the Roman Church, if Rome, with General Council for which, with more than dubious
the leniency she has at all times shown to all nations, sincerity, they had clamored so long, and commis-
will consent to overlook and keep silence on some sioned Luther to expound the articles in which they
slight matters which we cannot alter, even if we differed from the Roman Church. Following the
wished to do so. We reverence the authority of the general lines of the Augsburg Confession, Luther, by
Pope of Rome", etc. Meanwhile Luther was de- injecting his strongest anti-papal virus into the docu-
nouncing "the Pope and his crew" as "veritable ment, changed it from an olive-branch into an open
devils", and Melanchthon styled the pope "an Anti- declaration of war with the Catholic Church. The
Christ, under whose rule they would be like the Jews pope and the devil are identical; the Mass is the
under Pharaoh in Egypt " (Janssen, History of the dragon's tail, producing all sorts of abominations and
German People, tr. St. Louis, 1903, V, 254). The idolatries; purgatory is a Satanic delusion, etc., etc.
"slight matters , which Rome was asked to connive When asked to affix his signature to this insane effu-
at, are enumerated in seven articles in Part II of the sion, Melanchthon did so, with the proviso that " if
Confession, with such prolixity that we can scarcely the pope would admit the gospel, we might permit
blame the emperor if during the reading on a hot day hinv, for the sake of peace and the common concord of
he fell into a slumber. They are grouped under the Christendom, to exercise by human right, his present
headings of (1) Communion under both kinds; (2) jurisdiction over the bishops, who are now or may
The Marriage of Priests; (3) The Mass; (4) Compul- hereafter be under his authority." The princes, re-
sory Confession; (5) Distinction of Meats, and Tradi- senting this covert attack upon their spiritual sover-
tions; (6) Monastic Vows; and (7) The Authority of eignty, compelled the weak man to write a pamphlet
Bishops. To any one who had followed the course of denouncing the pope as anti-Christ,
the Lutheran revolution, it must have been amusing The Formula of Concord. — Scarcely were Luther's
to read the following statement: " Our churches are remains placed in the tomb than, as he had foreseen,
wrongfully accused to have abolished the Mass. For fierce contentions broke out among the preachers,
the Mass is retained still among us, and celebrated which shook the Lutheran Churches to their f ounda-
with great reverence, yea, and almost all the ceremo- tions. The earliest of these theological battles raged
nies that are in use — evidently the omission of the about the person of Melanchthon, who in his later
Canon was a slight matter — "saving that with the years departed more and more openly from the two
things sung in Latin we mingle certain things sung in most important tenets of his master; on the subject
German." a of free will in fallen man, he approached closely to
We have given this synopsis of a document often the Catholic position; regarding the Eucharist he
spoken of, but seldom read, to show the spirit in became ever more Calvinistic. He also incurred the
which it was drawn up. It has been aptly termed a reproaches of the orthodox by accepting, with modi-
political campaign document, calculated to impress fications, the "Interim Religion" of Charles V. In
the Estates that the Lutherans, themselves supremely course of time, new topics of controversy rose to di-
in tolerant towards Catholics, should be permitted to vide the theologians, until, in 1570, Jacobus Andrea)
proceed in peace in the uprooting of the ancient could write "that there were scarcely a couple of
Faith. The Conf ession was accompanied with a Pref- preachers among them who did not disagree about
ace, written by Chancellor Bruck of Saxony, in which some article or other of the Augsburg Confession "
the engagement was made that should the contro- (Janssen, op. cit., VIII, 403). Tired of their endless
versy not be settled at the Diet, the signers were wranglings, which were as destructive of moral and
" ready to compare views and defend their cause in a social as of religious order, the Elector Augustus of
general, free, and Christian Council ". What this en- Saxony proposed to cut the knot " by princely edict ".
gagement amounted to was made manifest later on He suggested to the Lutheran princes to convene an
when the council convened at Trent. The studied assembly to which each would bring his own code of
moderation, not to say disingenuousness, of the Augs- doctrine. From all these different formula they
burg Confession is said to have deceived some mem- would then, with the help of a few amicable theolo-
bers of the Diet, as to the importance of the issue at gians, construct a general code which should be
stake between Catholics and Lutherans; but it could printed, and should be considered binding on the
not deceive such veteran controversialists as Eck, whole body of preachers. This convention was held
Wimpina, Cochlaeus, and the other theologians to at Torgau, in June, 1576. In addition to twelve
whom Charles referred the document for discussion. Saxon divines, whom the Elector had cowed into
In a remarkably calm and able "Answer", after- submission, there were present, Andreas, Chemnitz,
wards called " Confutation ", they analyse the Confes- Chytraeus, Musculus and Kcerner.
won, giving praise and censure where either is due. A new "Formula of Concord", known as the "Top-
FAITH
762
FAITH
eau Book", was drawn up entirely in the spirit of
Luther, eliminating Calvinism and Philipism. This
book not being favourably received by several princes,
Augustus summoned a fresh convention in the monas-
tery of Bergen, near Magdeburg, where several altera-
tions were proposed. As finally revised, the "For-
mula of Concord " was sent to the princes to be pro-
mulgated and enforced. Augustus of Saxony, John
George of Brandenburg, and other princes, gathered
their preachers together and compelled them publicly
to subscribe their signatures, "not only with then*
hands, but with their hearts . Many of the princes
repudiated the book; the King of Denmark threw his
copy into the fire. The only Lutherans at the present
day who attach any importance to it are in Missouri.
The " Formula" is divided into two parts (1) the Epit-
ome, and (2) the Solida Declaratio. The Epitome
sums up Luther's "pure doctrine" in succinct form;
the second part goes over the same ground more at
large. Although the "Formula" begins with the
stereotype Protestant declaration that the Bible is
"the only rule and norm" of faith, yet, as Dr. Schaff
remarks, it quotes Dr. Luther " as freely, and with at
least as much deference to his authority, as Roman
Catholics quote the Fathers".
Confessions of the "Reformed" Churches. —
The so-called Reformed creeds, of which thirty or
more are extant, are based on the radical tenets of
Zwingli and Calvin. We can only notice the most im-
portant of them . The Confessio Tetrapolitana. — As the
Strasburg preachers, Bucer and Capito, inclined to the
Zwinglian view of the Eucharist, they were shunned
by. the Lutherans at the Diet of Augsburg (1530),
and were not allowed to sign the Augustana. They
therefore drew up a separate Confession, following the
general lines of the Lutheran document, a copy of
which had been given to them by Philip of Hesse.
Bucer touches upon several topics that Melanchthon
had cautiously avoided, among them "the invisible
church1', the rejection of tradition and of images.
The Mass is denounced as "an intolerable abomina-
tion". Art. 18, " On the Eucharist", is given so enig-
matically, that it is impossible to discover the real
meaning. After great trouble the Strasburgerswere
able to secure the adhesion of three Southern German
towns, Constance. Memmingen, and Lindau. From
these four cities tne Confession obtained the name of
Tetrapolitan. It was delivered to the Emperor, 9
July. Charles refused to permit it to be read at the
Diet, and commissioned tne Catholic theologians to
confute it. It was printed in the autumn of 1531 at
Strasburg, together with a " Vindication ' \ It did not
long remain m authority, for the towns subscribed to
the Augsburg Confession in order to join the Smalcald
League. Zwingli himself sent to the Diet, July 1530,
a Confession of Faith in which he openly denied the
Real Presence, and denounced purgatory as "an in-
S' rious fiction which sets Christ s merits at naught."
e also, shortly before his death, sent a Confession to
Francis I.
The First Confession of Basle, also called of Mul-
hausen because adopted by that city, was drafted in
1531 by (Ecolampadius and after his death elaborated
by his successor, Oswald Myconius. It was promul-
gated by the city authorities of Basle, 21 Jan., 1534.
It is a brief document, moderate in tone and calcu-
lated to conciliate the Lutherans. The text, as we now
S assess it, was revised in a Calvinistic sense in 1561.
f more importance is the Second Confession of Basle,
known also as the "Helvetica Prior". In the "Wit-
tenberg Concord" Luther had forced his peculiar
views, regarding the Eucharist, on Bucer and several
other mediating preachers. Tne formula was reluct-
antly accepted by the Southern German towns, whose
only protection was to be admitted into the Smalcald
League; but it was rejected by the independent Swiss.
At the same time, it was recognized that some means
should be devised of healing the dissensions among the
Protestants, now that the convening of a General
Council was in prospect. It was resolved to draft a
new Confession which should be presented to the coun-
cil as the national creed of the Protestant Cantons.
An assembly met at Basle, 30 Jan.. 1536, composed of
the most prominent Swiss preachers and delegates
from Zurich, Bern, Basle, Schaffhausen, St. Gall, Mul-
hausen, and Biel. A committee consisting of Henry
Bullinjger, Oswald Myconius and Simon Grynaeus, was
commissioned to draw up the document. It was writ-
ten in Latin, and a free German translation made by
Leo Juda was adopted by the meeting. Its tone is
decidedly Zwinglian, but on the disputed points of the
sacraments and the Lord's Supper there is an evident
effort to approach as near as possible to the Lutheran
phraseology.
A copy of the Confession was brought to Luther by
Bucer ; and it was a great surprise to tne Swiss that the
Wittenberg reformer declared himself satisfied with
it. Luther's change of attitude was due partly to the
political needs and wishes of the Smalcald princes, and
partly to the altered phraseology of the Confession on
the subject of the sacraments, aue to the growing in-
fluence of Calvin. Whereas the Zwinglian flatly de-
nied the corporal presence of Christ in the Eucharist,
Calvin preached His " spiritual presence," which really
amounts to the same thing. The "Helvetica Prior
remained for some years the national creed of the
Swiss Protestants; but it was superseded in 1566 by
the " Helvetica Posterior ' '. This latter document was
originally the private confession of Henry Bullinger of
Zurich; out it was formally accepted as a symbolic
book by nearly all the Reformed Churches of Europe.
It follows the main lines of the earlier confessions,
but is much lengthier, and more in the nature of a
theological treatise. It is the storehouse from which
later framers of Reformed Confessions have copiously
drawn. These documents of Calvin have been looked
upon as of dogmatic authority, viz. " The Catechism of
Geneva" (1541), the "Consensus of Zurich" (1549),
which in twenty-six articles expounds Calvin's views
on the sacraments, and the " Consensus of the pastors
of the Church of Geneva" (1552), which proclaims the
Calvinistic dogma of absolute predestination.
The GaUicana, for the use of the French Protestants,
was the first of the purely Calvinistic Confessions.
The original draft was made by Calvin himself. It
was revised in various synods, from the first of Paris
(1559), to the seventh National Synod at La Rochelle
(1571), from which latter town it drew its popular
name of " the Rochelle Confession ' '. Its Calvinism is
undiluted, and it offers all the peculiar doctrines of
that innovator. The Roman Church comes in for a
fair share of vituperation, for its "corruptions",
" superstitions ' ', ana " idolatries ' \ " Nevertheless ' ', it
says, " as some trace of the Church is left in the papacy
... we confess that those baptised in it do not need
a second baptism." This concession does not imply
that " idolaters ' ' are to be tolerated ; for the Author of
just government " has put the sword into the hands of
magistrates, to suppress crimes against the first as
well as against the second table of the Command-
ments of Uod." This Confession remained in author-
ity among French Protestants, until the Voltairianism
and Rationalism of the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies deprived it of all value. In the thirtieth Gen-
eral Synod of the Reformed Church of France (6 June
to 10 July, 1872). the only approach to a Confession of
Faith that could be made was the adoption by the
slender majority of sixteen votes of tne following
vague resolution:
"The Reformed Church of France, on resuming her
synodical action, which for so many years had been
interrupted, desires, before all things to offer her
thanks to God, and to testify her love to Jesus Christ,
her Divine Head, who has sustained and comforted
FAITH 763 FAITH
her during her successive trials. She declares, French about 1561, by Quy de Bray, assisted by other
through the organ of her representatives, that she re- preachers. The intentions of the authors, we are told
mains faithful to her principles of faith and freedom by one of themselves, was not to issue a new creed,
on which she was founded. With her fathers and her but to prove the truth of their belief from the canoni-
martyrs in the Confession of Rochelle, and with all the cal writings. They follow closely the Confessio Gal-
Ghurches of the Reformation in their respective creeds, licana, seeking to support their theses by texts of
she proclaims the sovereign authority of the Holy Scripture. Translations were made into Dutch and
Scriptures in matters of faith, and salvation by faith Latin, and the document was submitted to Calvin and
in Jesus Christ, the Only-begotten Son of God, who many other Reformed divines. In 1562 a copy was
died for our sins, and was raised again for our justifi- transmitted to Philip II with a letter protesting the
cation. She preserves and maintains, as the basis of innocence of the innovators from crime and rebellion,
her teaching, of her worship and her discipline, the In the opinion of Calvinists, the wrecking of churches
grand Christian facts represented in her religious and maltreatment of priests and nuns were not crimes
solemnities, and set forth in her liturgies, especially in but imperative duties. Art. 36 admonishes magis-
the Confession of sins, the Apostles' Creed, and in the trates of their obligation " to remove and prevent all
order for the administration of the Lord's Supper." idolatry and false worship; that the kingdom of anti-
The Heidelberg Catechism, published in 1563 by Christ (i. e. popery) may be destroyed?' The Con-
order of the Elector Palatine, Frederick III, was gen- fessio Belgica was revised and adopted by the suc-
erally accepted by Calvinists throughout the world as cessive synods in the Netherlands, until finally the
a faithful and authoritative exposition of the faith of Synod of Dort, in its 149th session (29 April, 1619).
the Reformed Churches. It was written by two pro- subscribed to it as the public creed of the Reformed
feasors at the Heidelberg university, Zachary Bar Churches. The Synod of Dort, the most representa-
! commonly known as Ursinus) and Caspar Olewig tive gathering of the Calvinists, was convened by the
Olevianus). It was drawn up with the twofold pur- authority and at the expense of the States-General,
pose of furnishing a manual of Christian doctrine and It opened its sessions at Dort, or Dordrecht, 13 Nov.,
serving as a public profession of faith. In 129 cjues- 1618, and concluded its labours after 144 sessions, 9
tions and answers, it treats of man's sin and misery May, 1619. In addition to the Dutch and Belgians,
(3-11), the redemption by Christ (12-85), and the there were delegates from Great Britain, the Palati-
gratitude of the redeemed (86-129) . The second part nate, Hesse, and Switzerland. The delegates chosen by
is the largest, as it gives an explanation of the Apos- the French Huguenots were forbidden by the crown
ties' Creed and the sacraments. The third part deals to leave France. The occasion of this international
with the Ten Commandments and the Lord s Prayer, gathering was the defection from pure Calvinism of
The general tone of the document is moderate, with the Remonstrants (see Akminianism). Since the
the exception of the truculent 80th question, for members of the synod were orthodox on the subject of
which the professors are not responsible; for it did predestination absolute, the condemnation -of the Re-
not appear in the first edition, and was later inserted monstrants was a foregone conclusion. The canons
by the fanatical Elector. Since it has been in no were framed in the most unbending form, and 200
small measure the source of Protestant anti-Catholic ministers who refused to subscribe were deposed,
intolerance, it is worth while to lay it before the Although the foreign delegates attached their names
reader: to the canons of Dort, yet. outside of the Netherlands,
" What difference is there between the Lord's Sup- these were never regarded as authoritative. In Eng-
r and the Popish Mass? The Lord's Supper testi- land, especially, there was fierce opposition, and from
es to us that we have full forgiveness of all our sins by rival pulpits the pros and cons of God's (or Calvin's)
the one sacrifice of Jesus Christ, which he himself has eternal decree were thundered into the ears of the be-
once accomplished on the cross; and that by the Holy wildered people.
Ghost we are engrafted into Christ, who with his true The numerous Minor Reformed Confessions, such
body is now in heaven at the right hand of the Father, as the Marchica (Brandenburg), the Hungarian, the
and is to be there worshipped. But the Mass teaches Bohemian, and the Polish, being of a local and for
that the living and the dead have not forgiveness of the most part of an ephemeral nature, need not
sins through the sufferings of Christ, unless Christ is detain us. For an account of the Thirty-nine Aiti-
still daily offered for them by the priests; and that cles of the Anglican Church the reader is referred to
Christ is bodily under the form of bread and wine, and the article Anglicanism. When the American colo-
is therefore to be worshipped in them. And thus the nies achieved their independence, the Anglicans in
Mass, at bottom, is nothing else than a denial of the America, until then subject to the Bishop of London,
one sacrifice ana passion of Jesus Christ, and an ac- formed themselves into " The Protestant Episcopal
cursed idolatry." ^ # Church in the United States of America'' and, after
Dr. Schaff doubts the " wisdom of inserting contro- lengthy debates, in a General Convention held at
versial matter into a catechism1': but strangely Trenton, New Jersey, 8-12 Sept., 1801, adopted the
enough pronounces, that "it must be allowed to re- Thiity-NmeAiticles,omittmgmArt.8theAthana8ian
main as a solemn protest against idolatrv" (Creeds Creed and making such other alterations as were de-
of Christendom, I, 536). If the central dogma of manded by the changed political conditions. They
the Catholic worship is really idolatrous, what is the retained the offensive coda to Art. 31, in which " the
harm in proclaiming it as such in a Confession of sacrifices of Masses" (i. e. the public worship of the vast
Faith? The Heidelberg Catechism was translated into majority of Christians) are denounced as "blasphemous
all the languages of Europe, and into several extra- fables and dangerous deceits''; but in later editions the
European tongues. It obtained great authority in milder statement is substituted, that Transubstantia-
Scotland and England: but during the following cen- tion "hath given occasion to many superstitions",
tury it was supplanted by the Westminster Confession. Episcopalians, also, have not yet eliminated from their
It was introduced into America by the Dutch and articles the calumny (Art. 22), that the "Romish"
German Reformed churches, and is said to be now doctrine sanctions the " Adoration, as well of Images
more highly prized by the American Reformed as of Relics".
Churches than by the Germans in the Fatherland.
The Confessio Belgica is venerated as of symbolic _ w w
authority, together with the Heidelberg Catechism, by and troops, had gained complete ascendencyT Losing
the Reformed Churches in Belgium, Holland and no time, the Protestant " Lords of the Congregation' ^
their offshoots throughout the world. This docu- convened a revolutionary Parliament of the estates of
ment, consisting of thirty-seven articles, was written in the realm, at Edinburgh, 1 Aug., whose first act was to
fie
The Scottish Confession. — By the year 1560. Protes-
tantism in Scotland, through the aid of English gold
FAITH
764
FAITH
repudiate the Catholic religion, and commission John
Knox and other preachers to compile a new creed.
Familiar with the Swiss Confessions, Knox performed
his task in four days. The document, amended by
the leaders, was submitted to Parliament and with
very little discussion and a mere handful of dissentient
votes, ratified by the estates, 17 Aug. Though repu-
diated by Queen Mary, who was at the time in France,
it was imposed upon the people as the religion of Scot-
land and the exercise of the ancient worship was for-
bidden under penalty of confiscation, exile, and death.
The "Confessio Scotica", or "Confession of the
Faith and Doctrine belevet and professit be the Pro-
testantis of Scotland ". begins with a brief preface, in
which the writers "take God to recorde in our con-
sciences, that f ra our heartis we abhorre all sectis of
heresie and all teachers of erroneous doctrine." They
do not claim to be infallible. " Gif onie man shall note
in this our Confessioun onie Artickle or sentence re-
pugnand to God's halie word" they "do promise unto
him satisfactioun fra the mouth of God, that is, fra his
haly scriptures, or else reformation of that quhilk he
sal prove to be amisse." This hypothetical admission
of fallibility,, so remarkable in a Calvinistic document,
was practically harmless; for no one ever convinced
John Knox that he was in error.
The Confession presents, in twenty-five articles, a
summary of the Christian Faith as held by the Scot-
tish Protestants. The articles follow broadly the lines
of the Apostles' Creed. They are written in a vigor-
ous, original, and, for a document proceeding from the
pen of Knox, in an extremely moderate style. The
moderation was obviously due to the necessity of se-
curing, if possible, for the sake of legality, the signa-
ture of the Catholic sovereign. ^ Although the ground
tone of the Confession is Calvinistic, yet the Calvinis-
tic tenets are not set forward with prominence. It is
only when treating of the " Kirk" and the Sacraments
that the "Papistical Kirk1' and the Catholic doctrine
of the Holy Mass are denounced and misrepresented:
"The notes, signes, and assured tokens whereby the
immaculate Spouse of Christ Jesus is knawen fra the
horrible harlot, the Kirk malignant, we affirme, are
nouther Antiquitie, Title usurpit, lineal Descence,
Place appointed, nor multitude of men approving ane
error." In addition to the usual Protestant notes of
the true Church, viz. " the trew preaching of the Word
of God" and "the right administration of the Sacra-
ments", the Confession assigns a third element pecu-
liar to the Scottish Kirk, i. e. " Ecclesiastical discipline
uprightlie ministered, as Goddis Worde prescribes,
whereby vice is repressed, and vertew nurished".
The development of Presb yterianism was a lucid com-
mentary on the new principle herein tentatively pro-
pounded. In Art. 24, " Of the Civile Magistrate", the
Confession proclaims openly the duty of suppressing
the Catholic religion. To Kings, Princes, Rulers and
Magistrates, wee affirme that most chieflie and most
principallie the conservation and purgation of the Re-
ligioun apperteinis; so that not onBe they are ap-
pointed for Civill policie, bot also for maintenance of
the trew Religioun, and for suppressing of Idolatrie
and Superstioun whatsoever."
After the forced abdication of Queen Mary in 1567,
Parliament again proclaimed the Confession as the
creed of " the only true and holy Kirk of Jesus Christ
within this realm1'; and it remained the doctrinal
standard of the Scots, until superseded by the West-
minster Confession. In the estimation of the Presby-
terian preachers, the Confession of Knox was sadly
defective; it had failed to denounce with sufficient
vigour the Roman Antichrist. This omission was
deemed particularly unfortunate about 1580, when the
young King James VI had fallen under the spell of his
French kinsman, Esme* Stuart, upon whom the king
had bestowed the earldom of Lennox, and who reigned
supreme in his councils. It was probably at the sug-
gestion of this able and unscrupulous politician, that
James commissioned the preacher John Craig to draw
up the most violent condemnation of Papistry that
ever issued from a Calvinistic pen. It is known to
historians as the King's Confession, sometimes as the
I' Scotica Secunda", later, when the religious conflicts
in Scotland turned on the question of prelacy in gen-
eral, as the "National Covenant". After endorsing
the Confession of Faith in 1560, it proceeds to "abhor
and detest all contrary Religion and Doctrine; but
chiefly all kind of Papistry in general and particular
heads", among others, "the usurped tyranny of the
Roman Antichrist upon the Scriptures of God, upon
the Kirk, the civil magistrate, ana consciences of men;
all his tyrannous laws made upon indifferent things,
against our Christian liberty; . . . his five bastard
sacraments, with all his rites, ceremonies, and false
doctrine added to the ministration of the true sacra-
ments without the Word of God; his cruel judgment
against infants departing without the sacrament; his
absolute necessity of baptism ; his blasphemous opinion
of transubstantiation: his devilish mass; his blas-
phemous priesthood; nis profane sacrifice for sins of
the dead and the quick j ... his worldly monarchy
and wicked hierarchy; his three solemn vows; his er-
roneous and bloody decrees made at Trent, with all the
subscribers and approvers of that cruel and bloody
band conjured against the Kirk of God." This " Con-
fession'1 was subscribed by James and his Court at
Edinburgh, 28 Jan., 1581 ; afterwards by the Presby-
terian Assembly and by persons of aU ranks. It re-
mained for generations the strong spiritual pabulum
which fortified the Scottish people against Papistry,
until men began to think for themselves.
The Westminster Confession. — In the Reformed
Churches of English speech, all the earlier standards
were practically supplanted by the "Westminster
Confession of Faith " and the " Longer" and " Shorter
Catechisms". These documents, together with a
" Directory of Worship ", were the fruits of the long
labours of the Westminster Assembly of Divines, con-
vened in Westminster Abbey by authority of the Long
Parliament at the opening of the Civil War. After
the abolition of prelacy in September, 1642, the re-
ligious condition of England was completely chaotic.
In order to stem the evil, Parliament by an ordinance
dated 12 June, 1642, " thought fit and necessary to call
an Assembly of learned, godly and judicious divines,
to consult and advise of such matters and things,
touching the premises, as shall be proposed unto them
by both or either of the Houses of Parliament, and to
give their advice and counsel therein to both or either
of the said Houses, when, and as often as they shall be
thereunto reouirea." Lest any of these invited "di-
vines'1 should be tempted to dispute the omnipotence
of Parliament, they are admonished that " this ordi-
nance, or anything therein contained shall not give
unto the persons aforesaid, or any of them, nor snail
they in this Assembly assume to exercise, any juris-
diction, power, or authority ecclesiastical whatsoever,
or any other power, than is herein particularly ex-
Eressed ". The ordinance provides that forty mem-
ers shall constitute a quorum; "that William
Twisse, Doctor in Divinity shall sit in the chair."
Should he die. or be " letted, Parliament shall appoint
his successor." Furthermore, " in case any difference
of opinion shall happen amongst the said persons so
assembled, touching any of the matters that shall be
proposed to them, as aforesaid, that they shall repre-
sent the same, together with the reasons thereof, to
both or either the said Houses respectively, to the end
such further directions may be given therein as shall
be requisite in that behalf. The ordinance mentions
by name one hundred and twenty-one "divines";
but, as if these were not sufficiently muzxled, it adds
ten lords and twenty commoners as "lay assessors".
On 22 June, King Charles, from Oxford, issued a de-
FAITH
765
FAITH
cree condemning the proposed assembly, annulling
beforehand all its proceedings, andprohibiting his
subjects from taking any part m it. This had the con-
sequence of keeping nearly all the Episcopalians away,
thus placing the Puritans in supreme control. The
assembly was formally opened in King Henry VII 's
chapel in the historic abbey; but since no matter for
discussion was submitted to the divines by the Parlia-
ment, and they were inhibited from taking the initia-
tive, an adjournment was taken until the following
week, when, as its first task, the assembly was ordered
to revise the Anglican "Thirty-nine Articles", "for
the purpose of simplifying, clearing, and vindicating
the doctrines therein contained". Ten weeks were
devoted to this work; the divines had remodelled the
first fifteen, when they were ordered to lay aside the
"Articles" and engage in matters of more pressing
importance to the Parliament. The war with King
Charles was proceeding with disastrous results to the
Parliamentary party. Success seemed possible only
through the aid of the Scots.
Now the Scots demanded, as an indispensable condi-
tion of alliance, "the reformation of religion in the
kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, wor-
ship, discipline and government, according to the
Word of God, and the example of the best reformed
Churches ". In other words, they insisted upon the
adoption by the English of Presbyterianism in its in-
tegrity, a system repugnant to the national instincts
and traditions of Englishmen. But there was no
alternative, except the collapse of the rebellion. A
" Solemn League and Covenant ", framed by the Pres-
byterian preacher, Henderson, was sworn and sub-
scribed by the Scottish and English Parliaments, by
the General Assembly of Scotland, and by the West-
minster divines, and afterwards by the lords and com-
mons of both nations. To aid the inexperienced Eng-
lish divines in drawing up Presbyterian formularies,
six Scottish commissioners, four preachers and two
laymen, were sent to Westminster, with authority to
take part in the discussions, but without votes. On
12 Oct., 1643, the Assembly received an order from
the Lords and Commons to forthwith confer and treat
among themselves, of such a discipline and govern-
ment as may be most agreeable to God's Holy Word,
and most apt to procure and preserve the peace of the
Church at home, and nearer agreement with the
Church of Scotland and other Reformed Churches ".
Also, "touching and concerning the Directory of
Worship, or Liturgy, hereafter to be in the Church ".
This order was the signal for protracted and at times
bitter disputes between the Presbyterian majority and
the Scottish commissioners on the one side, who advo-
cated the adoption of the full Presbyterian machinery
of Church government, and on the other the Inde-
pendents and the Erastians, the former of whom
argued for the complete independence of each separate
congregation (see Congregationalism) while the lat-
ter opposed any kind of jurisdiction independent of
the civil power. Although the Independent members
numbered scarcely a dozen, and the Erastians were
fewer still, their influence was vastly in excess of their
numerical strength; for the Independents were in
close touch with Cromwell's army, and the Erastians
could count on the sympathies of an Erastian parlia-
ment. Into the details of this debate, we need not
enter. While it was still raging, an order was sent
down to the Assembly " to frame a Confession of Faith
for the three kingdoms, according to the Solemn
League and Covenant ". This task presented no ex-
traordinary difficulties; all the Puritan factions were,
as regarded matters of doctrine, more or less strictly
Calvinistic, and there was not one Arminian in the as-
sembly. Moreover, the Westminster divines had co-
pious material to work upon in the numerous Re-
formed symbols already in existence. The Confession
occupied their attention from 20 Aug., 1644, until 25
Sept., 1646, when the first nineteen chapters were sent
to the Commons, and a few days later a duplicate copy
was presented to the House of Lords. The Lords
gave their assent to "The Humble Advice of the As-
sembly of Divines ", so the title ran ; but the Commons
refused to take definite action until they had the com-
plete Confession before them. This took place on 4
Dec.. 1646. A limited number of copies was printed
for tne use of the Parliament and the assembly; but
the House of Commons, probably to gain time, de-
manded that each assertion should be supported by
Scriptural texts. This was promptly done by the
divines (29 April, 1647): whereupon the Commons
ordered 600 copies, "ana no more", to be printed.
This edition was received as authoritative by tne Scot-
tish Church and Parliament, and was regarded by
Presbyterians generally as their authentic Confession
of Faith. But in the eyes of the Erastian Parliament
of England, it was simply " The Humble Advice of the
Assembly of Divines ", convoked by its authority, and
valueless without its sanction. After intermittent
discussions, which extended above a year, the Parlia-
ment, 20 June, 1648, ordered an expurgated edition to
be printed by its authority, in which every reference
to the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church is carefully
eliminated.
As to its contents, the Westminster Confession of
Faith, is the most elaborate, as it is the latest of the
Reformed creeds. In thirty-two chapters, divided
into sections, it labours to give a full and logical ex-
position of Christian doctrine as understood by the
Reformed Churches. Chap, i, "Of the^ Holy Scrip-
ture" gives a list of the inspired books, including, the
deutero-canonical books of the New Testament and
rejecting the "Apocrypha" of the Old. "The au-
thority of the Holy Scripture, for which it ought to be
believed and obeyed, dependeth not upon the author-
ity of any man or church, but wholly upon God ".
"The Supreme Judge by which all controversies of
religion are to be determined, and all decrees of coun-
cils, opinions of ancient writers, doctrines of menrand
private spirits, are to be examined, and in Whose sen-
tence we are to rest, can be no other but the Holy
Ghost speaking in the Scripture." Chap, ii repeats
the ancient doctrine " Of God and of the Holy Trinity ".
Chap, iii, "Of God's Eternal Decree", teaches that
" God from all eternity did, by the most wise and holy
counsel of His own will, freely and unchangeably or-
dain whatsoever comes to pass ". The divines strive
to ward off the obvious objection to this fatalistic
tenet by denying that it makes " God the author of
sin ", or that violence is offered to the will of the crea-
ture. Yet, in the same breath, they insist, that " He
hath not decreed anything because He foresaw it as
future ", and that "by decree of God, for the manifes-
tation of His glory t some men and angels are predes-
tined unto everlasting life, and others foreordained to
everlasting death ". The elect, who fell in Adam, are
redeemed by Christ, effectually called and eventually
saved; but "neither are any other redeemed by
Christ, effectually called, justified, adopted, sanctified
and saved, but the elect only. The rest of mankind
God was pleased, according to the unsearchable coun-
sel of His own will, whereby He extendeth or with-
holdeth mercy as He pleaseth, for the glory of His
sovereign power over His creatures, to pass by: and
ordain them to dishonour and wrath for their sin, to
the praise of His glorious justice." The " Confession "
judiciously warns the preachers that "the doctrine of
this high mystery of predestination is to be handled
with special prudence and care "» In Chap, v, " Of
Providence ", we find the unintelligible utterance, evi-
dently having in view the Supralapsarians, that God's
providence " extendeth itself even to the first fall, and
all other sins of angels and men, and that not by a bare
permission, but such as hath joined with it a most wise
and powerful bounding". Chap, x, "Of Effectual
FAITH
766
FAITH
ft
Calling ", teaches that " all those whom God hath pre-
destined unto life, and those only" are effectually
called and saved. "Others, not elected, although
they may be called by the ministry of the Word, and
may have some common operations of the Spirit, yet
they never truly come unto Christ, and therefore can-
not be saved." Chapter xxi, "Of Religious Worship
and the Sabbath Day ", differs from the Continental
creeds by adding the mj unction that the Sabbath is to
be kept holy by observing "a holy rest all the day
from their own works, words, and thoughts about
their worldly employments and recreations , and that
a man be " taken up the whole time in the public and
private exercises of his worship, and in the duties of
necessity and mercy ". Chap, xxii, " Of Lawful Oaths
and Vows", gives the divines an opportunity for de-
nouncing "popish monastical vows as "superstitious
and sinful snares ". Chap, xxiii, " Of the Civil Magis-
trate" (one of the chapters expunged by the Parlia-
ment), states that "the civil magistrate may not as-
sume to himself the administration of the Word and
the Sacraments or the power of the keys of the king-
dom of heaven; yet he hath authority, and it is his
dutv to take order, that unity and peace be preserved
in the Church, that the truth of God be kept pure and
entire, that all blasphemies and heresies be sup-
pressed". In the American revision, this is made to
read that "as nursing fathers, it is the duty of civil
magistrates to protect the Church of our common
Lord, without giving the preference to any denomina-
tion of Christians above the rest ' ' etc. In Chap, xxiv,
" Of Marriage and Divorce ", " such as profess the true
reformed religion" are admonished that they "should
not marry with infidels, Papists, or other idolaters".
Divorce is permitted on grounds of "adultery, or such
wilful desertion as can no way be remedied by the
Church or civil magistrate". Chap, xxv, "Of the
Church ", speaks in no complimentary terms of the
'< Pope of Rome ", who is denounced as " that Anti-
christ, that man of sin and son of perdition, that ex-
alteth himself in the Church against Christ, and all
that is called God ". The doctrine of the Sacraments
differs in nothing from the earlier Calvinistic creeds.
Chap. xxix. "Of the Lord's Supper", proclaims that
" the Popish Sacrifice of the mass ", as they call it, " is
most abominably injurious to Christ's one only sacri-
fice", whilst the doctrine of transubstantiation "is
repugnant, not to Scripture alone, but even to com-
mon sense and reason : overthrowing the nature of the
sacrament ; and hath been and is the cause of manifold
superstitions, yea. of gross idolatries". These are the
main features of the "Westminster Confession of
Faith ' ' which are of interest to a Catholic. For many
generations, the "Westminster Standards", viz., the
Confession and the Catechisms, leavened the religious
thought and controlled the conduct of the Presby-
terians of Scotland, Ulster, and America. They were
also accepted, with modifications of various sorts, by
the Congregationalists, the Regular Baptists, and other
newer sects.
Schait, The Creeds of Christendom (5th ed.. New York, 1890) ;
Butlsr. An Historical and Literary Account of the Formularies,
Confessions of Faith, or Symbolic Books of the R. C, Greek and
principal Protestant Churches (London, 1816); Nismcycr. Col-
lectio Confessionum in Eccl. Ref. publicalarum (Leipsig, 1840);
Winer, A Comparative View of the Doctrines and Confessions
. . . tr. Pops (Edinburgh, 1873); Auousti, Corpus librorum
symbolicorum (Leipsig, 1846); Gusrickb, AUgemeine Christ-
liche Symbolik (Leipsig, 1861); MCllbr, Die Bekenntnis-
schriften d. ref. Kirche (Erl&ngen, 1903); Mobhlbb, Symbolism,
tr. (New York, 1844, 1894).
J. F. LOUGHLIN.
Faith, Hope and Charity, Saints, the names of
two groups of Roman martyrs around whom a con-
siderable amount of legendary lore has gathered:
though the extent of sound historical data possessed
concerning them is so slight, that until very recent
times the most eminent scholars failed to distinguish
between them. H owe vex, the extent and antiquity of
their cult and the universality with which their name*
are found not only in the various early martyrologies
of the Western Cnurch, but also in tne Menaia and
Menologies of the Greeks, render the fact of their ex-
istence and martyrdom unquestionable. Setting
aside the purely legendary accounts that have come
down to us (see Mime, P. G. CXV. 497 ; Mombritius,
Vitae Sanctorum, II, 204), we fina that in the reign
of Hadrian, a Roman matron Sophia (Wisdom), with
her three youthful daughters, Pistis, Elpis, and Agape
(Faith, Hope and Chanty), underwent martyrdom for
the Faith and were interred on the Aurelian Way,
where their tomb in a crypt beneath the church after-
wards erected to St. Pancratius was long a place of
resort for pilgrims, as we learn from various indubi-
table documents of the seventh century, such as an
Itinerarium (or guide to the holy places of Rome com-
Eiled for the use of pilgrims) still preserved at Sals-
urg, the list, preserved in the cathedral archives of
Monza, of the oils gathered from the tombs of the
martyrs and sent to Queen Theodelinda in the time of
Gregory the Great, etc.
Later surely than the reign of Hadrian, but at what
time is uncertain, another band of martyrs, Sapientia
(Wisdom) and her three companions, Spes, Fides and
Caritas (Hope, Faith and Charity), suffered death and
were buried near the tomb of St. Cecilia in the ceme-
tery of St. Callistus on the Appian Way. Despite the
meagreness of these authentic details, the explicit
references in the documents cited to a band of martyrs,
mother and daughters, whose names are always given
in Greek, and who are buried on the Aurelian Way,
and to another band of four martyrs, interred on the
Via Appia, whose relationship is not indicated and
whose names, though the same as those of the martvrs
of the Aurelian Way, are yet always given in Latin,
certainly point to distinct groups. Nor is the coin-
cidence in names remarkable, seeing that the early
Christians so often (according to De Rossi) took in
baptism mystical names indicative of Christian vir-
tues, etc. Thus Sophia, Sapientia, Fides and the like
are common names m early Christian inscriptions and
martyrologies. The Roman martyrology names, on
1 Aug., "tne holy virgins, Faith, Hope and Charity,
who won the crown of martyrdom under the Emperor
Hadrian'' and, on 30 Sept.{ "St. Sophia, widow,
mother of the holy virgins, Faith, Hope and Charity".
In some places, on 1 Aug., St. Sapientia is also vener-
ated; but generally, owing to the confusion of the two
groups, none of the second group receives special
recognition. In the Eastern Cnurch the feast is kept
on 17 Sept.
Acta S., XXXV, 16; db Rossi, Roma Solierranea, I, 182; II,
171 (Rome, 1864); Allabd, Histoire dm persecutions pendant
les deux premiers sihcles (Paris, 1885), 221.
Jno. F. X. Murphy.
Faith, The Rule op. — The word rule (Lat. reguia,
Gr. KavAv) means a standard by which something can
be tested, and the rule of faith means something ex-
trinsic to our faith, and serving as its norm or measure.
Since faith is Divine and infallible, the rule of faith
must be also Divine and infallible; and since faith m
supernatural assent to Divine truths upon Divine au-
thority, the ultimate or remote rule of faith must be
the truthfulness of God in revealing Himself. But
since Divine revelation is contained in the written
books and unwritten traditions (Vatican Council, I, ii),
the Bible and Divine tradition must be the rule of our
faith; since, however, these are only silent witnesses
and cannot interpret themselves, they are commonly
termed "proximate but inanimate rules of faith .
Unless, then, the Bible and tradition are to be profit-
less, we must look for some proximate rule which
shall be animate or living.
I. Private Judgment as the Rule of Faith.—
The Reformed Churches were unanimous in declaring
the Bible to be the sole rule of faith. "We believe
FAITH
767
FAITH
that the only rule and standard by which all dogmas
and all doctors are to be weighed and judged, is noth-
ing else but the prophetic and apostolic writings of
the Old and New Testaments" (Form. Concordiae,
1577). But men had already perceived that the
Bible could not be left to interpret itself, and in 1571
Convocation had put forward what was, perhaps un-
wittingly, a double rule of faith ; " preachers", they say,
"shall see that they never teach anything . . . ex-
cept what is agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and
New Testament, and what the Catholic Fathers and
ancient Bishops have collected out of that very doc-
trine" (Wilkins, "Concilia", IV, 267). Convocation
thus not only laid down that the Bible was the rule
of faith,, but insisted upon its inanimate character as
a witness to the Faith, for they declared the early
Church to be its acknowledged interpreter; moreover,
they were themselves exercising church authority.
A somewhat different doctrine appeared in the West-
minster Confession of Faith (1643-7), which de-
clared that the "Books of the Old and New Testa-
ments are . . . given by inspiration of God, to be
the rule of faith and life1' (art. ii), but that the "au-
thority of the Holy Scripture . . . dependeth
not upon the testimony of any man or church" (art.
iv) . They add : " We may be moved by the testimony
of the Church to an high and reverent esteem of the
Holy Scripture . . • yet our full persuasion of
the infallible truth and divine authority thereof is
from the inward work of the Holy Spirit, bearing wit-
ness by and with the word in our hearts" (art. v).
This is a clear enunciation of the principle that the
judgment of each individual, moved by the assistance
of the Holy Spirit, is the proximate living rule of
faith. # But apart from its solvent effect upon any
true view of the Church, it is easy to see that such a
rule could never serve as an infallible interpreter of
the inanimate rule, vis., the Bible. For where does the
Bible ever testify to the inspiration of certain books?
And what limits does it assign to the canon? More-
over, the inward work of the Holy Spirit, being purely
subjective, can never be a decisive and universal test
of doctrinal divergences or critical views; thus Luther
himself termed St. James's Epistle an "epistle of straw".
The fruits of this principle are everywhere apparent
in Protestant Biblical criticism. "The Reformation
theologians treated Paul as if he were one of them-
selves. More recent writers do the same. In Nean-
der and Godet Paul is a pectoral theologian, in Ruckert
apioussupernaturalist, inBaura Hegelian, in Luthardt
orthodox, in Ritschl a genuine Ritschlian" (Exposi-
tory Times, 1004, p. 304). In practice, however, the
Reformed Churches have never acted up to the principle
of private judgment, but have, in one form or another,
urged the authority of the Church in deciding the con-
tents of the Bible, its inspiration, and its meaning.
II. The Church as the Rule of FAiTH.—This
follows necessarily from any adequate view* of the
Church as a Divinely constituted body, to whose keep-
ing is entrusted the deposit of faith, but the grounds
for this doctrine may be briefly stated as follows: —
(1) New Testament. — Christ gave His disciples no
command to write, but only to teach : " going therefore,
teach ye all nations, . . . teaching tnem to observe
all things whatsoever I have commanded you" (Matt.,
xxviii, 19-20). "As the Father hath sent me, I also
send you" (John, xx, 21). And in accordance with
this, the Church is everywhere presented to us as a
living and undying society composed of the teachers
and the taught. Christ is in the Church, and is its
Head; and fie promised that the Holy Spirit should
be with it and abide in it. "He will teach you all
things, and bring all things to your mind, whatsoever
I shall have said to you" (John, xiv, 26). Hence
St. Paul calls the Church "the pillar and ground
of the truth" (I Tim., iii, 15; cf. Mark, xvi, 16; Rom.,
x, 17; Acts, xv, 28).
•v.
(2) Tradition. — The same doctrine appears m the
writings of the Fathers of every age; thus St.
Ignatius (ad Trail., vii). "Keep yourselves from
heretics. You will be able to do this if you are not
puffed up with pride, and (so) separated from(our)
God, Jesus Christ, and from the* bishop, and from the
precepts of the Apostles. He who is within the altar
is clean, he who is without is not clean; that is, he
who acts any way without the bishop, the priestly
body, and the deacons, is not clean m conscience.
Ana St. Irenseus (" Adv. H«r.", Ill, ii) says, of heretics,
that " not one of them but feels no shame in preaching
himself, and thus depraving the rule of faith" (rbw
rfy dXirfcfof fcarira) ; and agam (III, iv)t "it is not right
to seek from others that truth which it is easy to get
from the Church, since the Apostles poured into it in
fullest measure, as into a rich treasury, all that be-
longs to the truth, so that whosoever desires may
drink thence the draught of life". A little further on,
he speaks (V, xx) of the "true and sound preaching
of the Church, which offers to the whole world one
and the same way of salvation". Such testimonies
are countless; here we can only refer to the full and
explicit teaching which is to be found in Tertullian's
treatises againstMarcion. and in his " De pnescriptioni-
bus Hffireticorum", ana in St. Vincent of Lerins'
famous "Commonitorium". Indeed St. Augustine's
well-known words may serve as an epitome of patristic
teaching on the authority of the Church. " I would not
believe the Gospels unless the authority of the Catholic
Church moved me thereto" (Contra Ep. Fund., V).
It should be noted that the Fathers, especially Ter-
tullian and St. Irexueus, use the term tradition not
merely passively, viz.{ of orally bestowed Divine
teaching, but in the active sense of ecclesiastical inter-
pretation. And this is undoubtedly St. Paul's mean-
ing when he tells Timothy to uphold "the form of
sound words which thou hast heard from me ' ' (II Tim.,
i, 13). It is in this sense that the various formula of
faith, of which we have the earliest sample in I Cor.,
xv, 3-4, became the rule of faith.
(3) Theologians. — The teaching of the Church's Doc-
tors on this point has ever been the same, and it will
suffice if we quote two passages from St. Thomas, who,
however, has no set treatise on a question which he
took for granted. "The formal object of faith", he
says, " is the First Truth as manifested in Holy Scrip-
ture and in the Church's teaching. Hence if anyone
does no.t adhere as to an infallible and Divine rule to
the Church's teaching, which proceeds from the
Church's truth manifested in Holy Scripture, such an
one has not the habit of faith, but holds the truths
of faith not by faith but by some other principle"
(II-II, Q; v, a. 3). And still more explicitly when
(Quodl., ix, art. 16) he asks whether canonized saints
are necessarily in heaven, he says, " it is certain that
the judgment of the universal Church cannot possibly
err m matters pertaining to the faith; hence we must
stand rather by the decisions which the pope judicially
pronounces than by the opinions of men, however
learned they may be in Holy Scripture."
(4) Reason. — If faith is necessary for all men at
all times and in all places, and if a true saving faith
demands a clear knowledge of what we have to be-
lieve, it is clear that an infallible teaching Church
is an absolute necessity. Such a Church alone can
Steak to men of all classes and at all times* it
one can, by reason of its perpetuity and ageless
character, meet every new difficulty by a decla-
ration of the sound form of doctrine which is to be
held. If the teaching of Christ and His Apostles is
distorted, none but the Church can say "This is its
true meaning, and not that; I know that it is as I say
because the Spirit which assists me is One with the
Spirit which rested on Him and on them"; the Church
alone can say, " Christ truly rose from the tomb, and
I know it, because I was there, and saw the stone
FAITH
768
FAITH
rolled back". The Church alone can tell us how we
are to interpret the words "This is My Body", for
she alone can say, " He Who spoke those words speaks
through me, He promised to be with me all days, He
pledged Himself to safeguard me from error at all
times".
III. In what Sense is the Church the Rule of
Faith? — (1) All non-Catholic systems have felt the
need of some such authoritative rule as that sketched
out above, and the history of Anglicanism practically
resolves itself into a series of attempts to formulate a
theory which shall, while avoiding the Scylla of Rome,
enable the Church of England to escape the Charybdis
of dissolution. This has never been more painfully
evident than at the present time, when an apparently
destructive Biblical criticism has compelled men to
look for some firmer standing ground than the Bible
alone. But in formulating their various theories, non-
Catholic theologians have never seemed to realize the
absolutely vital character of the question at issue,
and have contented themselves with illogical views,
which have done more to alienate thinking men than
the direct and unveiled assaults of infidels and ag-
nostics. At the Reformation the only authority de-
serving of the title was overthrown, and since then
men have been seeking, at all costs, to replace it by
some form other than that of the Apostolic Church,
from which they cut themselves adrift. All the
sects are seeking an active rule of faith; the High
Church in the testimony of the primitive Church ; the
Low Church in what we may term the spiritual intui-
tions of the illuminated soul ; the Broad Church does
the same, but refuses to be bound by any dogmatic
formulae, and regards the Bible as no more than
the best of all inspired books; and lastly the Ritual-
ists appeal to the testimony of the Living Church,
but naively confess that such testimony is not to be
found at the present time, owing to "our unhappy
divisions" which preclude the assembling of a truly
representative council. The Low Church and the
Broad Church content themselves with a purely sub-
jective criterion of truth; the High Churcn with one
which itself needs interpreting; and the Ritualist looks
to " the Church of the future , he clings to the illusory
" branch theory ' ', but forgets that none of the Churches
he calls "branches" accepts the designation.
(2) Modernism. — There has of late years arisen,
within the pale of the Church, a school of theologians
who make appeal to the conscience of the invisible
Church rather than to any conciliar gathering; and ap-
pear to neglect entirely what theologians term the
quotidianum magisterium of the Church. Thus, the
Rev. G. Tyrrell writes: "It is all important to dis-
tinguish the pre-constitutional formless church from
the governmental form, which it has now elaborated
for its own apostolic needs" (Scylla and Charybdis,
49). He would even make this formless church the
rule of faith. "Authority is something inherent in,
and inalienable from, that multitude itself; it is the
moral coerciveness of the Divine Spirit of Truth and
Righteousness immanent in the whole, dominant over
its several parts and members; it is the imperative-
ness of the collective conscience ' ' (op . cit . , 370) . Such
doctrine inevitably leads to the individual soul as the
ultimate criterion of religious truth, as is forcibly
pointed out in the Encyclical "Pascendi". But the
most remarkable feature of Modernism is its return to
the old Protestant rule of faith, for Modernists insist,
not only on the pre-eminence of the Bible, but on
the independence of Biblical critics. In the Syllabus,
"Lamentabili Sane", Pius X has condemned such
views as that the opinions of Biblical exegetes are be-
yond the jurisdiction of the Church (props, i-iii, and
Ixi); that the teaching office of the Church does not
extend to a determination of the sense of Holy Scrip-
ture (prop, iv) ; that the office of the Church is merely
to ratify the conclusions arrived at by the Church at
large (prop/ vi); and that the Church's dogmas are
often in conflict with the plain teaching of tne Bible
(props, xxiii-xxiv, and lxi).
(3) The Catholic Doctrine Touching the Church as the
Rule of Faith. — The term Church, in this connexion,
can only denote the teaching Church, as is clear from
the passages already quoted from the New Testament
and the Fathers. But the teaching Church may be
regarded either as the whole body of the episcopate,
whether scattered throughout the world or collected
in an oecumenical council, or it may be synonymous
with the successor of St. Peter, the Vicar of Christ.
Now the teaching Church is the Apostolic body con-
tinuing to the end of time (Matt., xxviii, 19-20) ; but
only one of the bishops, viz., the Bishop of Rome, is
the successor of St. Peter; he alone can be regarded as
the living Apostle and Vicar of Christ, and it is only
by union witn him that the rest of the episcopate can
be said to possess the Apostolic character (Vatican
Council, Sess. IV, Procemium). Hence, unless they be
united with the Vicar of Christ, it is futile to appeal to
the episcopate in general as the rule of faith. At the
same time, it is clear that the Church may derive
from the conflicting views of the Doctors a clearer
knowledge of the Deposit of Faith committed to her,
for as St. Augustine pointedly asked, when treating of
the re-baptism question, "how could a question which
had become so obscured by the dust raised in this con-
troversy, have been brought to the clear light and
decision of a plenary council, unless it had first been dis-
cussed throughout the world in disputations and con-
ferences helcfby the bishops?" (De Baptismo, ii, 5).
Thus the appeal of the Ritualist to a future council,
that of the Modernist to the conscience of the uni-
versal Church, and that of the High-Churchman to the
primitive Church, are, besides being mutually exclu-
sive, destructive of the true idea of the Churcn as the
" pillar and ground of truth ' \ If the Church is to ex-
ercise her prerogative, she must be able to decide
promptly and infallibly any question touching faith
or morals. Her conciliar utterances are rare, and
though they are weighty with the majesty of oecu-
menical testimony, the Church's teaching is by no
means confined to them. s The Vicar of Christ can,
whenever necessary, exercise the plenitude of his au-
thority, and when he does so we are not at liberty to
say, with the Jansenists, that he has not done justice
to the views of those he condemns (cf. Alex. VII.
"Ad Sacram", 1656); nor can we take refuge, as did
the later Jansenists, and as the Modernists appear to
do, in obseauious silence, as opposed to heartfelt sub-
mission ana mental acceptance of such pronounce-
ments by the supreme pastor of souls. (Cf . Clement XI.
"Vineam Domini", 1705; and Pius X, "Lamentabili
Sane ",1907. prop, vii.) When Newman was re-
ceived into tne Church, he penned those famous lines
which form the conclusion of the " Essay on Develop-
ment"* "Put not from you what you have here
found; regard it not as mere matter of present con-
troversy; set not out resolved to refute it, and looking
out for the best way of doing so; seduce not yourself
by the imagination that it comes of disappointment, or
disgust, or restlessness, or wounded feeling, or undue
sensibility, or other weakness. Wrap not yourself
round in the associations of years past, nor determine
that to be truth which you wish to be so, nor make
an idol of cherished anticipations. Time is short,
eternity is long."
Patristic Writers. — Irenjeus, Adversu* Hart*., ed. Mignb.
P. (7., VII: Tertuluan, De prwecriptionibua Hccreticorum, ed.
Hurtbr (Utrecht, 1870); Ctril of Jerusalem, CcUecheses, ed.
Mionb, P. Q.f XXXIII; Ctril of Alexandria, Second Letter!*
Neatoriua, styled by Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon * 'the
Rule of Faith" (iwieroXJi Karorurij); VlNCBNTOF Lrrins, CotR-
monitoriuin, ed. Hurter. See also Schani, Apologia tr. (New
York, 1892): Harnack, History of Dopma, tr.
Writers of the Scholastic period. — Melchior Canxjr, De loci*
tkeologicis (Rome, 1800); Suarez. Defeneio Fidei Catholic* d
ApoetoHow, ed. Vives (Paris, 1878); Bellarmine, Dwpvto-
tionee de controvereiis fidei (Ingolstadt, 1580).
FAITHFUL
769
FAITHFUL
tholic Writers of the Reformation Period in England. —
•ian. Decern Ration* etc.; Bbibtow, Motive* (Antwerp,
): Huddlbbtone, A ehort and plain way to the Faith and
eh (1688), reprinted by Dolman (1844).
►dern Writers. — Milnbr, The End of Relicious Controversy
I: reprinted Shrewsbury, 1831); Wiseman, Lecture* on the
die Church; Idem, The Rule of Faith; Sweeney, The Nature,
rounds, and the Home of Faith (1867) ; Wilhelm and Scan-
, Manual of Dogmatic Theology (London, 1898); Humphbbt,
Bible and Belief (London, 1886).
glican Writers in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centu-
-Thorndike, On the Principles of Christian Truth, ed.
jdr (Oxford, 1845); Pi arson* Exposition of the Creed
\)\ Bull, Works, eo. Burton (Oxford, 1827), 6 vols.;
IB (said to have died a Catholic), Analogy of Religion, II.
ig the Nineteenth Century. — Newman, The Via Media of
nolican Church (revised edition, 1877); W. G. Ward, The
of a Christian Church (1844); R. L Wilbbjutorcb, An
iry into the Principles of Church Authority (1854); Pu&BY,
Hrenicon (Oxford, 1865), I; Manning. The Rule of Faith
rmon at Chichester, 1838); Lux Muna\ art. 9, The Church
i ed., 1890); Staley, The Catholic Religion for Members of
nglican Church; Gore, The Incarnation of the Son of Qod
\mpton Lectures (1891). See also references under Faith.
Hugh Pope.
lithful (Lat. fideles, from fides, faith), The, those
have bound themselves to a' religious association,
se doctrine they accept, and into whose rites they
) been initiated. Among Christians the term is
ied to those who have been fully initiated by bap-
and, regularly speaking, by confirmation. Such
j engaged themselves to profess faith in Jesus
st, from Whom they received it as a gift; hence-
i they will proclaim His teachings, and live ac-
ing to His law. Hence the term so frequent in
il documents, Christifideles, "the faithful of Jesus
st". The distinction between Christians and
iul is now very Blight, not only because adult bap-
has become the exception, but also because lit-
sally the rite of the catechumenate and that of
ism have merged into one another. On the other
1, in the Latin Church at least, confirmation and
Communion have been separated from the bap-
al initiation. In the primitive Church it was
rwise; initiation into tne Christian society con-
d in two distinct acts, often accomplished years
t from one another. First, one became a cate-
nen by the imposition of hands and the sign of
;ross; this was a kind of preliminary profession of
stian faith — "eos qui ad primam fidem credulita-
ccedunt,, (Council of Elvira, about 300, can.xlii),
:h authorized the catechumen to call himself a
stian. Only by the second act of initiation, i. e.
aptism itself, was he authorized to call himself one
le faithful, and to participate immediately in all
Christian mysteries, including the Eucharist,
rictly speaking, therefore, the term faithful is op-
d to catechumen ; hence, it is not met in the wnt-
of those early Christian Fathers who flourished
re the organization of the catechumenate. It is
found in St. Justin nor in St. Irenseus of Lyons;
ullian, however, uses it, and reproaches the nere-
for obliterating all distinction between catechu-
s and the faithful: qui* catechumenus, quit fidelis
ium est (De praescr., c. xli; P. L., II, 56). Hence-
i, in the patristic writings and the canons of coun-
we meet quite frequently the antithesis of cate-
aens and baptized Christians, Christians and
iful. Thus St. Augustine (Tract, in Joannem,
2; P. L., XXXV, 1714): "Ask a man: are you a
stian? If he be a pagan or a Jew, he will reply:
not a Christian. But if he say: I am a Christian,
him again: are you a catechumen, or one of the
iul?" Similarly the Council of Elvira considers
*ase of a "faithful" Christian baptizing a catechu-
in case of necessity (can. xxxvui) ; again, of sick
us asking for the imposition of hands of the cate-
aenate, and thus becoming Christians (can. xxxix) ;
irticipation in an idolatrous sacrifice on the part
Christian, and again by one of the faithful (can.
of betrayal to the pagan magistrate (ddatio), to
h a difference of guilt is attached according as the
V.— 49
crime was perpetrated by one of the faithful or by a
catechumen (can. lxxiii).
The title fidelis was often carved on epitaphs in
the early Christian period, sometimes in opposition to
the title of catechumen. Thus, at Florence, a master
(patronus) dedicates to his catechumen servant {alum-
no) the following inscription: "Sozomeneti Alumna
audienti patronus fidelis ", i. e. " her master, one of the
faithful, to Sozomenes, his servant and a hearer'', by
which term he means one of the well-known degrees of
the catechumenate (Martigny, Diet, des antiq. chr£t.,
Paris, 1877). Even now tne baptismal rite provides
for voluntary request of baptism on the part of an in-
fidelis, i. e. a non-Christian (see Infidel) ; it exhibits
venerable vestiges of the primitive samtinium or pre-
liminary examination, the guarantors (sponaores) or
god-father and god-mother, the rites of the catechumen-
ate. the communication of the Creed (traditio symboli)
ana the Our Father, the renunciation of Satan and
evil, the adhesion to Jesus Christ, and the triple profes-
sion of faith. The candidate for baptism is still asked
at the entrance to the baptismal font: " Wilt thou be
baptized?" It was voluntarily, therefore, and is so
yet, that one entered the ranks of the faithful through
the principal initiatory rite of baptism.
Naturally enough, even in Christian antiquity, at-
tention was drawn to the analogous ceremonies of cir-
cumcision (the sign, if not the rite, of the admission of
proselytes to the profession of Judaism) and of the
moody bath of the taurobclium, by which the faith-
ful of Mithra were initiated (Cumont, Les Mysteres de
Mithra, Paris, 1902). The obligations of the faithful
Christian are indicated by the preparatory rites of his
reception and by his actual baptism. He begins by
asking for faith (in Jesus Christ) and, through that
faith, for eternal life. The Creed is then delivered to
him, and he returns it (redditio symboli), i.e. repeats it
aloud. At the baptismal font he recites solemnly the
profession of faith. From all this it is clear that his
first duty is to believe (see Faith). His second duty
is to regulate his life or conduct with his new Christian
faith, i. e. having renounced Satan and evil, he must
avoid all sin. " So behave ' ', was it said to him, " that
henceforth thou mayest be the temple of God." St.
Gregory I says (Horn, in Evang. xxix, 3; P. L.,
LXXVT, 1215): "Then only are we truly the faithful
when by our acts we realize the promises made with
our lips. On the day of our baptism, indeed, we prom-
ised to renounce all the works and all the pomps of the
ancient enemy."
Finally, since the faithful have voluntarily sought
membership in the Christian society they are bound
to submit to its authority and obey its rulers. As to
the rights of the faithful, they consist chiefly in the
fullest participation in all the Christian mysteries, so
long as one does not become unworthy of the same.
Thus the faithful Christian is entitled to take part in
the Holy Sacrifice, to remain in the assembly after the
deacon has sent away the catechumens, to offer up
with the priest the oratio fidelium or prayer of the
faithful, to receive there the Body and Blood of
Christ, and to receive the other rites and sacraments.
He may also aspire to a position among the clergy.
In a word, he is a full member of the Christian society,
and is such, regularly speaking, in perpetuity. If by
reason of his own misdeeds he deserves to be expelled
from said society, repentance and the reparatory peni-
tential rite; a second baptism, as it were, permit his
return. Finally, if he persist in the observance of his
baptismal promises, he will obtain eternal life, i. e. his
original petition at the moment of baptism. See
Baptism; Catechumen.
A. Boudinhon.
Faithful Companions of Jesus, Society of the,
a religious institute of women founded by the Vis-
countess de Bonnault d'Houet in '1820 at Aroiens,
<1
FALOO 7i
France. It was solemnly approved by Gregory XVI,
6 Aug., 1837.
The Faithful Companions of Jesus are devoted to
the education of all classes, adapting themselves to the
r' ial educational needs of each country. In 1003
society possessed forty-one convents in France,
Italy, Switzerland, England, Ireland, Scotland, Aus-
tralia, Canada, and the United States. The religious
persecution in France, with the consequent closing of
the French houses, has been the cause of new founda-
tions in Belgium (at Brussels, Gratv, and Namur), also
m the Isle of Guernsey) and at Fribourg, Switzerland.
The society is governed bv a superior general who, up
to the time of the religious persecution in France,
resided at the mother-house in Paris: the home of the
superior general is at present in Namur, Belgium.
The society numbers about 1200 religious, woo in
England, Ireland, Scotland, and Australia conduct
about 60 grammar and high schools, technical schools,
science and art schools. The new training college for
teachers at Sedgley, near Manchester, England, has
met with great success. In the United States the sisters
have charge of about one thousand children attending
St. Joseph's parochial school at Fitchburg, Mass.
They also have an academy where high school
branches are taught. A small foundation has re-
cently been made at Gilbertville, Mass. In the
United States there are 46 sisters, 4 novices, 2 schools,
and 1 high school. The society now possesses thirty-
two convents. The novitiates are at Namur, Bel-
e'lim, Upton Hall, near Liverpool, England, Limerick,
eland, and Fitchburg, Mass.
SlBTEB MABY PHILOMENA.
artists to start and maintain a school of design, gathi
ing about him various youthful artists and insisting
upon their working in charcoal in order to obtain free-
dom of draughtsmanship. He was a brill iantsketcher
and in his journeys through his native country made
some clever and humorous pencil drawings of scenes
which took place on the road. Falco is almost the only
Spanish artist of whom it can be said that he had a
keen sense of humour, but he is further described by
his contemporaries as "the most amiable of men,
humble, modest, a model of virtue, and altogether of
the stuff whereof angels aramade". Two of his most
important works were those executed for the church
of San Salvador in Valencia; others are the " Immacu-
late Conception", painted for the Franciscans in the
same city, the frescoes in the church of San Juan, and
the two altar-pieces of the Cistercian monastery of
Valdigna. The close of his life was full of sadness.
He was suddenly struck with palsy and became a con-
firmed cripple. Soon after that he lost his sight and
died completely blind.
De Cuthot WtiiUtco, 111 MwtoPictorico yEteala (Madrid.
17241; QtriLLiiT, Ptrinlra EipamoU (Paris, 1816); Besuddi
Diccionario Hittoricn dt lot Bdlat Arttt en Eipalia (Sevill
1800); 8t» "
Faldistorium (Faldestoijtjii). See Faldstool.
Faldstool (Fiat, laidistoritm; also facUlorium, fatt-
detlchu, laudfxtola), a movable folding chair used
in pontifical functions by the bishop outside of his
cathedral, or within it if he is not at his throne or
cathedra. Other prelates enjoying the privilege of
full pontificals also use it. The rubrics prescribe it
as a seat in the conferring of baptism and Holy orders,
in the consecration of oils on Maundy Thursday, at the
ceremonies of Good Friday, etc. It is prescribed as a
0 FALXHXR
genufUzorium at the door of the church at the solemn
reception of a bishop, at the altar of the Blessed Sacra-
ment, and before the high altar. Red, green, and vio-
let cloths are ordered as a covering to correspond to
the season or the rank of the prelate. It may have
once been something like a campatool and it accom-
panied the bishop in
his journeys. Materials,
even the most costly, i
were employed in its 1
wrought of gold and
jewelled was presented
to Pope Clement IV by
Charles, King of Naples,
Some were made of sil-
ver, of gilt metal, of
ebony, or of wood. They
were sometimes elabor-
ately carved, ending in
clawlike feet, the four
corners at the top repre- t
senting the neck and
head of animals. Cloths
of silk of a rich texture with gold and silver served
to cover them. A faldstool is prescribed by the old
English Ritual in the consecration of a bishop. Of
Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham (d. 1195), we an
told that on taking the cross for the holy war he had
made among other things to carry along with him a
magnificent silver chair.
Rocs, C/iurrA of oar FaUuri (London. 1901). II. 209-S11
Bchmid in K.reWo.. a. v. Faldittorivm; HuTbii, D. mn-
Quit Ecderia nttinu. I. 813.
FbANCIS MCBHHIUN.
Falerii, Diocese or. See CivrrA Castellan*,
Orte, and Gallesb.
Falkenberg, JpHN or. See John of Falkbm-
apothecary, and obtained his education a
Chester grammar school. Later on, having studied
medicine under the well-known Dr. Richard Head, ha
became a surgeon and practised at his native place.
His own health being delicate, he was advised to take
a sea-voyage, and being acquainted with a ship chap-
lain on board the "Assiento", a vessel trading with
Guinea and carrying slaves thence to Buenos Aires,
he accepted an invitation to accompany the vessel »
surgeon. This was in or about 1731. On reaching
Buenos Aires he was so ill that the captain was com-
pelled to leave him there in the care of Father Mahoney,
the superior of the Jesuit College. Here he not only
recovered his health, but was received into the Church,
and on IS Hay, 1732, entered the Society of Jesus, be-
coming a member of the Paraguay province. Having
spent some time at the Jesuit College of Cordoba de
Tucuman, he went as a missionary to the Puelchea.
near Rio Legundo. His knowledge of medicine and
mechanics procured for him considerable influence
among the Indians, and in 1740 or soon after he wat
sent to assist Father Strobel in his successful mission
to the Patagonian Indiana at Cape San Antonio. For
more than thirty years he laboured among the Pata-
gonians until 1768 when the Jesuits were expelled from
South America. He then returned to England where,
in 1771 or 1772, he joined the English province of the
Society. He was appointed chaplain to Mr. Berkeley
of Spetchley, and here, in addition to his priestly
labours, he wrote an account of his Patagonian experi-
ences, which was published at Hereford in 1774 under
the title " A Description of Patagonia and the adjoin-
FALL
771
FALL
his original work, but a compilation by William
Combe, who used Falkner's papers. Kirk (see below)
quotes a remark by Rev. Joseph Berington: "Mr.
Falkner was a man of a vigorous mind, well exer-
cised in various points of science, and had he been
allowed to tell his story in his own way, stored as his
mind was with anecdotes and incidents, on which he
delighted to dwell, we should have had from him an
amusing and interesting performance. But his papers
were put into the hands of the late Mr. Robert Berke-
ley of Spetchley, who extracted from them the whole
Stirit of the original. He made them what they are. ' '
ut though Mr. Berkeley wrote the preface, the re-
sponsibility for the taming process must rest with
Combe. Even in its emasculated form the book was
successful, and was translated into German, French,
and Spanish. Another account of the Patagonians
due to Father Falkner is found in the works of Thomas
Pennant, who described his essay as " formed from the
relation of ,Fr. Falkner, a Jesuit, who had resided
among them thirty-eight years". On leaving Spetch-
ley, he became chaplain to Mr. Berington of Winsley
in Herefordshire, and afterwards to the Plowdens of
Plowden Hall in Shropshire. After his death, which
occurred at the latter place, the Spanish Jesuits, who
had known him in South America, were very anxious
to obtain his unpublished works, which included treat-
ises on the botanical and mineral products of America,
and "American distempers as cured by American
drugs1'. It is stated by Fr. Caballero, S. J., that he
haa also edited " Volumina duo de anatomia corporis
humani ".
Kirk, Biographies of Eighteenth Century Catholics (London,
1908); Caballero, Supvlementa Bvbl. Script. S. J. (Rome,
1815); Foley, Records Eng. Prov. 8. J. (London, 1878), IV,
£63; (London, 1882), VII, 243; Mulhall, English in South
America (London, 1878), 79 sgq.; Gillow, Bvbl. Diet. Eng.
Cath. (London, 1886), II; The Month (June, 1888), No. 288, pp.
220-221; Sutton in Diet. Nat. Biog. (London, 1889). XVIIL
Edwin Burton.
Fall, The. See Sin.
Fall River, Diocese op (Riverormensis), U. S. A.,
a suffragan see of the province of Boston, comprises the
counties of Bristol, Barnstable, Dukes, and Nantucket,
with the towns of Marion, Mattapoisett and Wareham
in Plymouth county, Massachusetts, an area of 1194
square miles. It was created 12 March, 1904, by a
division of the Diocese of Providence, which had in-
cluded the entire State of Rhode Island and a portion
of south-eastern Massachusetts, and has the distinc-
tion of being the first diocese erected by Pope Pius X.
The total population of the diocese is 309,438, of
which 151,633 are Catholics. Among the latter are
Americans, Irish, French-Canadians, Portuguese,
Poles, and Italians, with some few Greeks and Syrians.
The heavy immigration in years past of the Irish
and French-Canadian people has caused them to far
outnumber the Catholics of other nationalities; but
this immigration is now at a standstill, while that of
Portuguese and Poles is steadily on the increase. The
diocese, by reason of recent creation, has no history of
its own, its records being included in the history of the
Dioceses of Boston, Hartford, and Providence (q. v.),
in each of which its territory has successively been
included.
William Stang, the first bishop, was born in 1854
in Langenbrucken, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, Ger-
many. His early education was received in the gym-
nasia of his native land and the petit sSminaire at
Saint-Nicolas, Belgium. In October, 1875, he began
the study of theology at the American College, Louvain,
Belgium, where he was ordained priest in 1878. In
September of the same year he emigrated to America,
to labour in the Diocese of Providence, where his first
assignment was to the cathedral. In 1884 he assumed
charge of St. Ann's parish, Cranston, Rhode Island.
Shortly after he was named rector of the cathedral
and chancellor of the diocese, positions which he ably
filled until 1895. In April of that year he went to Lou-
vain to become vice-rector of the American College.
Georgetown University, in 1887, had conferred upon
him the degree of doctor of theology ; but a neater rec-
ognition awaited him. In August, 1898, the Belgian
bishops as the governing board of the University of
Louvain, to which the American College is affiliated,
named him professor of fundamental moral theoldgy
in the schola minor of the university. In April, 1899,
he returned to Providence, to become head of the dio-
cesan Apostolate Band. While still head of the latter,
in 1901, he was made pastor of St. Edward's church,
Providence, and on 12 March, 1904, he was appointed '
bishop of the newly erected See of Fall River. His con-
secration took place in the cathedral, Providence,
1 May, 1904. In the short space of two years and nine ,
months he proved himself to be a zealous, indefati-
rble worker, and charitable to an extreme. He died
February, 1907, in St. Mary's Hospital, Rochester,
Minnesota. Bishop Stang was the author of a number
of works, notably: "Pastoral Theology" (1896);
"Historiographia Ecclesiastica" (1897); "Business
Guide for Priests" (1899); "Pepper and Salt" (1901);
"Socialism and Christianity" (1905); "Medulla Fun-
damental Theologian Moralis" (1906). He also left
many pamphlets and essays and contributed fre-
quently to the "American Ecclesiastical Review".
Daniel Francis Feehan, the second incumbent of
the see, wasb. in 1855. at Athol, Massachusetts. His
classical and philosophical studies were pursued in St.
Mary's College, Montreal, Canada, from which he was
graduated in June, 1876. During the three following
years he studied theology at St. Joseph's Seminary,
Troy, New York, where he was ordained priest 20
December, 1879. Parish work in West Brighton and
Fitchburg in the Diocese of Springfield engaged his
energies until 1889, when he was made permanent
rector of St. Bernard's, Fitchburg. He was in charge
there when, on 2 July, 1907, he was appointed second
Bishop of Fall River, and consecrated 19 September
following.
The diocese has a well-equipped educational system.
There are 28 parochial schools with a staff of 191
teachers and an enrolment of 10,451 pupils, 4464 boys
and 5987 girls. There are three convent boarding
schools conducted by the Religious of the Holy Union
of the Sacred Hearts, the Sisters of St. Dominic, and the
Sisters of Jesus and Mary, respectively. A boarding
college for boys and young men pursuing classical ana
commercial courses is under the guidance of the Fa-
thers of the Sacred Heart. The Christian Brothers
have a well-established commercial day school with a
register of 363 pupils. An industrial school for girls is
conducted by the Franciscan Missionary Sisters of
Mary.
Charity is also well organized. A large hospital, St.
Ann's, at Fall River, is presided over by the Domin-
ican Sisters of Charity of the Presentation. Three
orphan asylums directed by the Sisters of Mercy, the
Sisters of Charity (Grey Nuns), and the Sisters of St.
Francis, respectively, shelter 600 orphans. In con-
nexion with one of these asylums is maintained a home
for the aged. Admirable work has also been done by
the St. Vincent de Paul Society.
There are 108 secular and 20 regular priests
labouring in the diocese. Of the secular clergy 57 are
English-speaking, 30 French-speaking, 15 Portuguese,
5 roles, and 1 Italian. The Dominican Fathers of
the Sacred Hearts, and the Christian Brothers have
communities, as also have the Sisters of Charity (Grey
Nuns), Dominican Sisters of Charity of the Presenta- •
tion, Sisters of St. Dominic, Felician Sisters, Francis-
can Missionaries of Mary, Sisters of the Holy Ghost,
Sisters of Holy Cross and Seven Dolors, Religious of
the Holy Union of the Sacred Hearts, Sisters of Jesus
and Mary, Sisters of Mercy, Sisters of St, Joseph (Le
Puy), and Sisters of St. Francis.
_.. ■; CalKotie Directory (Milwaukee, 1008);
j CaVwlicim (Rom*. 1007): American Colitoe Bulletin
, .._» '-'« ^wn (NewBwUord. Feb..
(Louvaio). April. 1907; CoAolic
Edward J, Cium.
Fallopio, Gabriello, anatomist, "one of the moat
important of the many-sided physicians of the sixteenth
century" (Haeser); b. at Modena, Italy, 1523; d. 9
October, 1562, at Padua. Some writers have placed
his birth as early as 1490. but contemporary authority
is for the date mentioned. His family was noble but
very poor and it was only by a hard struggle he suc-
ceeded in obtaining an education. He studied medi-
cine at Ferrara, at that time one of the beet medical
schools in Europe. After taking his degree he worked
at various medical schools and then became professor
of anatomy at Ferrara, in 1548. He was called the
next year to Pisa, then the most important university
in Italy.. In 1551 Fallopio was invited by Cosmo I,
Grand Duke of Tuscany, to occupy the chair of anat-
omy and surgery at Padua. He held also the profes-
sorship of botany and was superintendent of the
botanical gardens. Though he died when less than
forty, he had made his mark on anatomy for all time.
This was the golden age of anatomy and Fallopio's
contemporaries included such great anatomists as
Vesalius, Eustachius, and Columbus. It has some-
times been asserted that he was jealous of certain of
the great discoverers in anatomy and that this is the
reason for his frequent criticisms and corrections of
their work. Haeser, whose authority in medical history
is very high, declares that Fallopio was noted for his
modesty and deference to his fellow-workers and espe-
cially to Vesalius. His purpose in suggesting correc-
tions was the advance of the science ofanatomy. Fal-
lopio's own work dealt mainly with the anatomy of
the head. He added much to what was known before
about the internal ear and described in detail the
tympanum and its relations to the osseous ring in
which it is situated. He also described minutely the
circular and oval windows (fenestra) and their com-
munication with the vestibule and cochlea. He was
the first to point out the connexion between the mas-
toid cells and the middle ear. His description of the
lachrymal passages in the eye was a marked advance
on those of his predecessors and he also gave a detailed
account of the ethmoid bone and its cells in the nose.
His contributions to the anatomy of the bones and
muscles were very valuable. It was in myology par-
ticularly that he corrected Vesalius. He studied the
organs of generation in both sexes', and his description
of the canal or tube which leads from the ovary to the
uterus attached his name to the structure. Another
structure, the little canal through which the facial
nerve passes after leaving the auditory, is also called
after him the aqucedudus Fallopii. He was much
more than a discoverer in anatomy. His contribu-
tions to practical medicine were important. He was
the first to use an aural speculum for the diagnosis and
treatment of diseases of the ear. His writings on
surgical subjects are still of interest. He published
two treatises on ulcers and tumors ; a treatise on sur-
gery; and a commentary on Hippocrates's book on
wounds of the head. His treatise on syphilis is won-
derful in its anticipation of what is sometimes thought
most modern in this subject. Fallopio was also inter-
estedineveryformof therapeutics. He wrote a treatise
on baths and thermal waters, another on simple pur-
gatives, a third on the composition of drugs. None of
these works, except bis anatomy (Venice, 1561), was
published during his lifetime. As we have them they
are from the manuscripts of his lectures and notes of
his students. They were published by Koyter (N Wein-
berg, 1575).
Opera Omnia (Vwloe. ISM); Tiribosc-ki, BiblinUca deoli
SeriUori Modeneri; Fluuut. AnnaU ei the Anatomical and Sur-
gical Soeielu (Brooklyn. 1880).
James J. Walsh.
'2 FALLOUX
Falloux da Ooudray, FRfcnfcmc Altred Pierre,
Vicomte de, b. at Angers, 7 March, 1811; d. there 6
Jan., 1885. Two persons are largely responsible for
the moulding of his character, his mother, who was at
the court of Louis XVI, and Madame Swetehine,
whose "Life and Letters" he later published. The
first works by which he drew attention to himself re-
vealed the future statesman as a man of unyielding
Principles. His "Histoire de Louis XVI" (Paris,
S40) exhibits him as a staunch monarchist; in it he
maintains that
forms could have
been accomplish-
ed by the mon-
archy without the
Revolution. His
" HUto ire de Saint
Pie V" (Paris,
1844) ably sus-
tains the tradi-
tional thesis that
the Church may
vent the spread
of heresy. Never-
theless, in less
than ten years this
partisan of mon-
archy took office
under President
Louii ~
Da Falloux
garte; this defender of the coercive authority of Um
hurch was ranked among " Liberal Catholics". To
take advantage of opportunities was henceforth de
Failoux's maxim as a practical statesman.
Under the monarchy de Falloux was elected (1846)
deputy for Segre on a legitimist platform; in 1848 he
was chosen a member of the Constitutional Assembly
to represent Maine et Loire, on a platform which sup-
ported the social aspirations of the time as compatible
with Christian ideas. It was at his suggestion that
the Catholic members helped to elect Buchei presi-
dent of the assembly. To de Falloux, as mouthpiece
of the committee charged with the question of investi-
gating the "national workshops", was assigned the
perilous duty of proposing their abolition; this meas-
ure was followed by the bloody insurrection of June.
Those who blame him for this action overlook the fact
that he was neither the first nor the only one to insist
on this inevitable measure and unjustly attribute to
him a Machiavellian scheme by which, in the interest
of his religious policy, he sought to goad the advanced
parties to compromise their cause by disorder and
rioting. As a matter of fact the sight of these ex-
cesses brought home to Thiers the necessity of moral
restraint as a part of education, and thus led him to
collaborate with de Falloux in promoting the educa-
tional projects of the latter. Minister of Education
from December, 1848, until 31 October, 1849, de Fal-
loux immediately determined to push vigorously
rinat the educational monopoly of the university
campaign which Montalembert had begun during
the last years of the July monarchy. As early as
4 Jan., 1849, de Falloux appointed an extra parliamen-
tary commission to further this scheme in the legisla-
ture and in June, 1849, while the advanced parties
were still smarting under the sense of defeat, he
strongly advocatecT the passage of a law establishing
liberty of education. The assembly, however, voted
against it, since the bill had not the approval of the
Council of State. It was only during the ministry of
1850, in which de Falloux had not a seat, that on 15
March hia successor Parieu, with the help of Thiers
and Dupanloup, and despite the opposition of Victor
Hugo, succeeded in having the law passed. Though
de Falloux could not take part in the proceedings on
FALSE 773 FALSI
account of ill-health, the law beam his name, and cover not only the papal letters forged by Isidore, and
rightly, for it was his work. # contained in his collection, but the whole collection.
The aim of this law was twofold. It dealt with although it contains other documents, authentic or
both primary and secondary education. In the first apocryphal, written before Isidore's time.
case, to conduct a primary school, a Frenchman had The Collection of Isidore falls under three headings:
to be at least twenty-one years of age, with three (1) A list of sixty apocryphal letters or decrees attri-
years' experience in an elementary school, or a certifi- buted to the popes from St. Clement (88-97) to Mel-
cate from a commission appointed by the Minister of chiades (311-314) inclusive. Of these sixty letters
Education. For members of religious congregations fifty-eight are forgeries; they begin with a letter from
in girls' schools the lettres d'obtdience took the place of Aurelius of Carthage requesting Pope Damasus (366-
this certificate. In the second case the law reouired the 384) to send him the letters of his predecessors in the
candidate to be twenty-five years of age, to nave had chair of the Apostles; and this is followed by a reply
five years of experience, and a degree of Bachelor of in which Damasus assures Aurelius that the desired
Letters, or a diploma from a ministerial commission, letters were being sent. This correspondence was
The new council of the university represented the meant to give an air of truth to the false decretals, and
leading philosophical opinions of France; besides a was the work of Isidore. (2) A treatise on the Primi-
commission composed of university men proper it in- tive Church and on the Council of Nicsea, written by
eluded 3 bishops, 1 rabbi, 1 Protestant minister, 3 Isidore, and followed by the authentic canons of fifty-
councillors of the high court of appeals (cour de caaea- four councils. It should be remarked, however, that
tion). 3 councillors of state, 3 members of the insti- among the canons of the second Council of Seville
Parliament is now (1908) preparing to abrogate, that 731). Of these about thirty letters are forgeries, while
dates the development of the Catholic teaching orders all the others are authentic. This is but a very rough
in France. In a consistorial address (20 May, 1850) description of their contents and touches only on the
Pius IX praised it as a measure of progress. Those more salient points of a most intricate literary ques-
Catholics who opposed, as a matter of principle, all tion.
State education were disappointed at the. passage of Their Apocryphal Character. — Nowadays every
the law, and their views found an ardent exponent in one agrees that these so-called papal letters are for-
Louis Veuillot. In the Constituent and in the Legis- geries. These documents, to tne number of about
lative Assembly, as minister and as deputy, de Falloux one hundred, appeared suddenly in the ninth century
always maintained that France was obliged to protect and are nowhere mentioned before that time. The
Pius IX as a temporal ruler; he was one of the prime most ancient MSS. of them that we have are from the
movers of the expedition de Rome. During the Second ninth century, and their method of composition, of
Empire, he withdrew from public life. In 1856 he which we shall treat later, shows that they were made
was elected to the French Academy. In the discus- up of passages and quotations of which we know the
sions which took place in royalist circles during the sources; and we are thus in a position to prove that
early years of the Third Republic, de Falloux in van- the Pseudo-Isidore makes use of documents written
ably declared in favour of the national flag (the tri- long after the times of the popes to whom he attri-
color) and in an article in the "Correspondant" (1873) butes them. Thus it happens that popes of the first
he insisted that neither as a policy nor as a party cry three centuries are made to quote documents that did
should the monarchists put forth the idea of a coun- not appear until the fourth or fifth century; and later
ter-revolution. Spuller, however, declared that be- popes up to Gregory I (590-604) are found employing
cause of his conspicuous ability as a statesman de documents dating from the sixth, seventh, ana eighth
Falloux was one of the most dangerous opponents the centuries, and the early part of the ninth. Then again
Revolutionary party had to encounter during the there are endless anachronisms. The Middle Ages
nineteenth century. It was on the basis of liberty were deceived by this huge forgery, but during tne
that de Falloux desired to combat the false principles Renaissance men of learning and the canonists gen-
of the Revolution. He believed that politics should erally began to recognize the fraud. Two cardinals,
take into consideration not only the "thesis " or prin- John of Torquemada (1468) and Nicholas of Cusa
ciple, but also the "hypothesis or actual conditions, (1464]), declared the earlier documents to be forgeries,
and that certain too extreme formulas or too exacting especiallythose purporting to be by Clement and Ana-
claims were sure to prejudice rather than help t^e cletus. Then suspicion began to grow. Erasmus (d.
cause of the Church and the monarchy. The posthu- 1536) and canonists who had joined the Reformation,
mous publication of his "Memoirs11 in 1888 revived such as Charles du Moulin (d. 1568), or Catholic canon-
earlier controversies between the "Correspondant" ists like Antoine le Conte (d. 1586), and after them the
and the " Univers" and provoked a sharp reply from Centuriators of Magdeburg, in 1559, put the question
Eugene Veuillot. squarely before the learned world. Nevertheless the
D« Falloux. Mbnoire* fun royalUte (Paris, 1888); d» Ma- official edition of the "Corpus Juris", in 1580, upheld
jade, Uappoaition rouaiuu: Berryer, YMtk, £<$?** <?•"■• the genuineness of the false decretals, many frag-
V22&2Z u'^-h^^i^^^'^V' "?«ta of which » to be found in the "Decretum" of
Georges Gotau. Gratian. As a partial explanation of this it is enough
to recall the case of Antonio Agustin (d. 1586), the
greatest canonist of that period. Agustin seriously
Falsa Decretals, or The Decretals of the doubted the genuineness of the documents, but he
Pseudo-Isidore, is a name jgiven to certain apoc- never formally repudiated them. He felt he had not
ryphal papal letters contained m a collection of canon sufficient proof at hand, so he simply shirked the diffi-
laws composed about the middle of the ninth century culty. And it is also to be remembered that, owing to
by an author who uses the pseudonym of Isidore Mer- the irritating controversies of the time, anything Tike
cator, in the opening preface to the collection. For an impartial and methodical discussion of such a sub-
the student of this collection, the best, indeed the only ject was an utter impossibility. In 1628 the Protest-
useful edition, is that of Hinschius, "Decretales ant Blondel published his decisive study, "Pscudo-
Pseudo-IsidoriansB" (Leipzig, 1863). The figures in Isidorus et Turrianus vapulantes". Since then the
parenthesis occurring during the course of this article apocryphal nature of the aecretals of Isidore has been
refer the reader to the edition of Hinschius. The an established historical fact. The last of the false de-
name "False Decretals" is sometimes extended to cretals that had escaped the keen criticism of Blondel
r
FALSI
774
PALS!
were pointed out by two Catholic priests, the brothers
Bailerini, in the eighteenth century.
How (jie Forgery was done. — Isidore was too clever
to invent these documents in toto out of his own head.
For the most part he plagiarized them in substance,
and often in form. For the background he made use
of certain data such as the "Liber Pontificalis", a
chronicle of the popes from St. Peter onward, which
was begun at Rome during the first twenty years of
the sixth century. For instance, in the " Liber " it is
recorded that such a pope issued such a decree that
had been lost or mislaid, or perhaps had never existed
at all. Isidore seized the opportunity to supply a
pontifical letter suitable for the occasion, attributing
it to the pope whose name was mentioned in the
"Liber". Thus his work had a shadow of historical
sanction to back it up. But it was especially in the
form of the letters that the forger played the plagiar-
ist. His work is a regular mosaic of phrases stolen
from various works written either by clerics or lay-
men. This network of quotations is computed to
number more than 10,000 borrowed phrases, and Isi-
dore succeeded in stringing them together by that
loose, easy style of his, in such a way that the many
forgeries perpetrated either by him or his assistants
have an undeniable family resemblance. Without
doubt he was one of the most learned men of his day.
From Blondel in the seventeenth century to Hin-
schius in the nineteenth, even up to auite recently,
efforts have been made to discover all the texts made
use of in the False Decretals. They make up quite a
library. It is clear that the forger could not nave had
at hand the entire text from which he drew. He must
have been content with extracts, selections, florilegia.
But thereon we can only fall back on conjecture.
Isidore might have united the hundred documents
he had forced in one single homogeneous collection,
which would have been exclusively nis work, and then
secured its circulation, but, clever man that he was,
he chose a different plan. To baffle suspicion he in-
serted or interpolated all his forgeries in an already
existing collection. There was a genuine canonical
collection which had been drawn up in Spain about
633, and was known as the " Hispana ', or Spanish. It
contained (cf . Migne, P. L., LXXXI V, 93-848) first of
all the texts of the councils from that of Nicaea; sec-
ondly the decretals of the popes from Damasus (366-
384). Isidore took the volume and prefixed to it the
first sixty of his forged decretals from Clement to Mil-
tiades inclusive; these now became the first part of
the collection of Isidore. As part II of his collection
he retained part I of the Hispana collection, i. e. the
genuine collection of councils since Nicsea (325). And
as part III of his new volume added part II of the
old Hispana, i. e. the genuine pontifical letters since
Pope Damasus, but he inserted here and there among
them the letters he had forged under the names of the
various popes between Damasus and Gregory I (590-
604). He was not yet safe, however. So, in order to
give a more imposing appearance to the work, he in-
serted other documents not forged by him, but bor-
rowed bodily from other collections of canon laws.
Besides all this he interpolated many additions to au-
thentic documents and added several prefaces to
bolster up the fraud. To simplify this description it
has been assumed that the forger made use of the un-
adulterated text of the Hispana. But as a matter of
fact he used a French edition, and a very incorrect one
at that, of the Hispana, and which was known on that
account as the " Hispana Gallica", or French Hispana.
which has never been edited, and which is to be found
in the MS. 411 of the Latin Documents in the Library
of Vienna. Furthermorer the forger tampered with
the text of this French Hispana, so that his copy be-
comes, so to speak, a third edition or revision of the old
Hispana. This is known as the "Hispana Gallica
Augustodunensis", or "of Autun", so called because
the Latin MS., 1341, of the Vatican, which contains it,
came from Autun. This collection likewise has re-
mained unedited.
The Isidorian collection was published between 847
and 852. On the one- hand it must have been pub-
lished before 852, because Hincmar quotes the false
decretal of Stephen I (p. 183) among the statutes of a
council (Migne. P. L., CXXV, 775), and on the other
hand it cannot nave been published before 847, because
it makes use of the false capitularies of Benedict Levi-
tas, which were not concluded until after 21 April,
847. As to the place where the Decretals were forged,
critics are all agreed that it was somewhere in France.
The documents used by the forger, and especially
those relating more nearly to his own epoch, are nearly
all of French origin. And, as we have already pointed
out, the frame chosen for the forgeries was the French
edition of the Hispana. He also makes use of the
"Dionysio-Hadriana" collection, which was the code
of the Prankish Church, and of the Quesnel collection,
which had a French origin. Moreover, he refers to
the Councils of Meaux and of Aachen of 836, and to
that of Paris of 829, etc. On legal matters he quotes
the "Breviarium" of Alaric. When he refers to civil
affairs it is those of France he illustrates by. Lastly, it
was in France that his work was first quoted, and
there it had its greatest vogue. But while critics are
all agreed that the forgery was done in France, they
differ very widely when it comes to fixing the locality.
Some are in favour of Le Mans and the province of
Tours; others incline towards the province of Reims.
We shall have occasion to refer to these differences
later on; for the present we may be satisfied that the
false decretals were forged in the North of France
between 847 and 852.
Now, what was the condition of the Church in
France at that time? It was but a few brief years after
the Treaty of Verdun (843), which had put a definitive
close to the Cariovingian empire by founding three
distinct kingdoms. Christendom was a prey to the
onslaught of Normans and Saracens ; but on the whole
the era of civil strife was over. In ecclesiastical cir-
cles Church reform was still spoken of. but hardly
hoped for. It was especially after tne death of
Charlemagne (814) that reform began to be considered,
but the abuses to be corrected dated from long before
Charlemagne's time, and went back to the very be-
ginnings of the Frankish church under the Merovin-
gians. The persona] government of the king or
emperor had many serious drawbacks on religious
grounds. In the mind of the bishops reform ana ec-
clesiastical liberty were identical, and this liberty they
required for then- persons as well as for the Church.
Doubtless Charlemagne's government had been ad-
vantageous to the Church, but it was none the less
an oppressive protection and dearly bought. The
Church was frankly subject to the State. Initiatives
which ought to have been the proper function of the
spiritual power were usurped by Charlemagne. He
summoned synods and confirmed their decisions. He
disposed largely of all church benefices. And in mat-
ters of importance ecclesiastical tribunals were pre-
sided over by him. While the great emperor lived
these inconveniences had their compensating advan-
tages and were tolerated. The Church had a mighty
supporter at her back. But as soon as he died the
Cariovingian dynasty began to show signs of ever-
increasing debility, and the Church, bound up with,
and subordinate to, the political power, was dragged
into the ensuing civil strife and disunion. Church
property excited the cupidity of the various factions,
each of them wished to use the bishops as tools, and
when defeat came the bishops on the vanquished side
were exposed to the vengeance of their adversaries.
There were charges brought against them, and sen-
tences passed on them, and not canon law, but political
exigencies, ruled in the synods. It was the triumph of
o
FALSI
77S
FALSI
the lay element in the Church. Success, even when it
came, had its drawbacks. In order to devote them-
selves to political questions the bishops had to neglect
their spiritual duties. They were to be seen more
often on the embassies than on visitations. As sup-
plies in their dioceses they had to call in auxiliaries
known as chorepiscopi. What wonder, then , that these
abuses gave rise to complaints? Especially after 829
the bishops were clamouring for ecclesiastical liberty,
for legal guarantees, for immunity of church property,
for regularity of church administration, for the de-
crease of the number of chorepiscopi and of their privi-
leges. But all in vain ; the uarlovingian nobles, who
profited by these abuses, were opposed to reform.
Powerless to better itself, could the Frankish Church
count on Rome? At this very time the situation of
the papacy was by no means inspiring; the Church at
Rome was largely subject to the lay power in the
hands of the imperial missi. Sergius II (844-847) has
not escaped the reproach of Simony. Leo IV (847-855)
had to defend his person just like any simple Frank-
ish bishop. In the face of such a wretched situation
the juridical prescriptions of Isidore are ideal.
Canon Law According to the False Decretals.
— We are not here concerned with the whole collection,
but only with the laws contained in the forged docu-
ments. At the outset, let it be noted that Isidore's
prescriptions have to do with a very limited number of
cases and recur over and over again under slightly
varying forms. Yet the forger's legal system is far
from having any perfect cohesion. Inconsistencies,
and even contradictions, are to be met within it. In
the following synopsis, which is necessarily short, no
notice is taken of these legal stumblings of Isidore; we
are content to simply sum up the teachings of the false
decretals, under their principal headings.
In matters concerning the relations of the political
and ecclesiastical powers, Isidore sets forth the ordi-
nary ideas of his time as to the supremacy of the spiri-
tual over the temporal authority. Of his own author-
ity alone, the ruler cannot assemble a regular synod;
he must have pontifical authorization to do so (p.
228). That is a hew requirement. A bishop may be
neither accused nor condemned before a secular tri-
bunal (pp. 98, 485). The Theodosian Code, from
which the forger borrows in this matter, granted the
privitegium fori only for minor faults. In such mat-
ters the Frankish law was not very explicit and was
open to various interpretations. What is novel in
Isidore is the general character of the law withdraw-
ing bishops from the secular courts. Then again he
recognizes in bishops a certain jurisdiction in secular
matters. Roman law had already recognized this.
He goes on to deal with the immunity of church prop-
erty, which cannot be diverted from its original pur-
pose without sacrilege. The evangelization of Chris-
tendom is a complex story which modern criticism has
retold for us, by showing the slow onward march of
the Faith. But Isidore's ideas thereon were those of
his time, and therefore for the most part legendary.
According to him, the organization of parishes was
laid down by Clement of Rome, as early as the close of
the first century, and was to be modelled on the eccle-
siastical divisions of Rome and of the catacombs.
This meant that dioceses were also a primitive institu-
tion, and that metropolitan divisions also existed in
primitive times. The Apostles were thought to have
accepted the territorial divisions of the Roman Em-
pire, which had been handed down since then as eccle-
siastical provinces. There is not much historical basis
for such an explanation. It stands to reason that in
Isidore we must clearly distinguish between this fan-
tastic view of history and his explanation of hier-
archical organization. On all essential points the
forcer reproduces the current ideas of his time. But
he deserves attention when he speaks of chorepiscopi,
or those auxiliary bishops we have already referred to.
According to him they are usurpers ; so far as power of
order goes, they have priestly orders and nothing
more. Every episcopal function exercised by them is
null ; all their sacramental acts ought to be reiterated.
As a matter of fact, Isidore was wrong; chorepiscopi
had full power of order and might validly administer
both confirmation and ordination. Isidore forged
theology as well as letters. He strongly affirms the
authority of the bishops. That is his great concern.
With him nothing else counts (pp. 77, 117, 145, 243).
The bishop is monarch in his own diocese, but he does
not stand alone; bonds unite him to his neighbours,
and thus we have the metropolitan idea. The capital
of each ecclesiastical province has a juridical right or
title to be a centre of assembly for the bishops ; this
right is derived from the primitive division made by
the popes. The province is to be governed by the
Srovmcial council, presided over by the metropolitan,
►n the prerogatives of this dignitary Isidore repro-
duces the prescriptions of the ancient law prior to the
eighth century. After the middle of the eighth cen-
tury the metropolitans had increased their preroga-
tives, and Isidore tries to ignore this de facto situation;
for him nothing counts hut canonical texts; the
metropolitan is primus inter pares, and he can do
nothing without the consent of his colleagues. The
forger goes on to mention higher jurisdictions, those
of primates and of patriarchs. But on these matters
he shows but a slight knowledge of church govern-
ment in Africa and m the East, and we have one of the
most glaring examples of his incoherence.
The Authority of the Pope.— In the many texts
where the pope is in question Isidore is true to his task
of plagiarizing. Very often he copies passages bor-
rowed from ancient sources. This fact alone helps in
a great measure to explain his insistence on the rights
of the papacy. In many cases Isidore is but the
mouthpiece repeating the sayings of the earlier popes,
and we know how clear and uncompromising those
early popes were on the question of their prerogatives.
For example, call to mind the popes between Innocent
I (401-417) and Hormisdas (514-523) and the series
of their declarations. All that was well known in the
ninth century, at least in theory. And it was all em-
bodied by Isidore. But on the relations between
pope and bishops he shows a certain inconsistency.
Following the traditional teaching, he declares that
the Apostolate and the episcopate were directly insti-
tuted by Jesus Christ. Yet at times he seems tor be
on the point of denying the potestas ordinaria of the
bishops. He makes Pope Vigilius (p. 712) say: " Ipsa
namque ecclesia quae prima est ita reliquls ecclesiis
vices suas credidit largiendas ut in partem sint vocatae
sollicitudinis non in plenitudinem potestatis."
Taking this passage strictly and by itself, it would
seem to deny the potestas ordinaria of the bishops.
But nevertheless tne sentence is not an intentional
forgery; it is merely another case where Isidore is a
plagiarist. He had got hold of a famous text by St.
Leo (Mime, P. L.? LIV, 671), addressed to the
Bishop of Thessalonica. From the end of the fourth
century this bishop had been named by the popes as
their representative in the province of Illyricum.
Hence the Bishop of Thessalonica exercised by delega-
tion certain rights belonging to the popes in these
countries by reason of their title of Patriarch of the
West. About 446, St. Leo had to find fault with the
Bishop of Thessalonica, not in his character of bishop,
but as legate, or vicar, of the Holy See. And on that
occasion the pope pointed out to his vicar in Illyricum
that he had received merely a partial delegation, not a
plenitude of power. It is clear, then, that the text in
question referred to a peculiar relation between the
S}pe and a special bishop. Addressed to the vicar of
lyricum, St. Leo's words are quite accurate; but, ap-
plied to all bishops, they cease to be so, and might
easily create much confusion. Isidore further Be-
FALSE
776
FALSE
mands that provincial councils be held at regular in-
tervals. He asserts for the pope the right to authorize
the calling of all councils and to approve their de-
cisions. Laid down in this general and imperative
manner, these claims were something new. Nothing
like it had been of obligation for the holding of pro-
vincial councils; as for approving of the decrees of
councils, it was a common occurrence in antiquity.
When matters of serious importance were in question
the popes claimed the right of approval, but there
was no formal or general precept asserting such right.
And in any case Isidore s legislation thereon never
became the practice.
Ecclesiastical Trials, — The procedure to be followed
in the trial of ecclesiastics is of special interest to Isi-
dore. According to him, the judging of clerics of all
ranks up to and including the priesthood belongs as a
last resource to the provincial councils and the pri-
mates. He says nothing about priests appealing to
Rome, and in this he agrees with the fourteenth canon
of the Council of Sardica. Apropos of the trials of
bishops he shows some inconsistency in his legisla-
tion. On the one hand, he upholds the law as it ex-
isted prior to his time, and on the Ather hand, he lays
down a new law. Hence we find two series of texts
which it is not easy to reconcile. The first series
agrees with the existing law. A provincial council is
the ordinary judge of bishops. The pope interferes
only on appeal made to him by one of the interested
parties. However, in the case where the impartiality
of the judge is seriously doubtful, the bishop need not
wait for the council to pass sentence, but may take his
case straight to Rome. Stated in this general way,
the latter provision is new. But as it is based en the
idea of plam justice, it is not altogether foreign to the
ancient ecclesiastical law. It was expressly men-
tioned in Roman law, from which Isidore borrowed it.
How may the pope set about hearing an appeal ? The
ancient law did not exclude, but did not make pro-
vision for, sentence being passed at Rome itself. It
recognized the pope's right to appoint a court of ap-
peal composed of bishops from the neighbourhood of
the accused; furthermore, he had the right to be repre-
sented there by a legate, who would naturally have a
preponderating role at the trial. Such were the rul-
ings of the Council of Sardica. But as a matter of
fact, from the fifth century we have cases where the
pope summoned episcopal appeals to be heard in
Rome itself. So it is not a great surprise that Isidore
should leave the pope free to decide where the final
trial should take place. _ But, as we pointed out, aide
by side with this nrst series of decisions along the lines
of the ancient law, we find another series which lays
down a new law. Therein it is said that in the trial of
bishops, the function of the provincial council is lim-
ited to hearing both sides of tne case and referring it to
the pope for judgment. Sentence can only be passed
with his approbation. This is new legislatiop. But
once more Isidore is not really inventing; he is merely
giving clear and direct expression to the tendencies of
his day. In face of the dangers created for the
bishops by political disturbances, by the fear of being
condemned for party feeling or through motives of
revenge, the bishops themselves were eager that
charges against them should not be decided without
the approval of the pope.
One of the most characteristic peculiarities of the
false decretals is the procedure laid down for the trial
of bishops. Isidore declares over and over that it was
the will of the Apostles that there be as few charges as
possible made against bishops, and that, when there
are any, their trial should be made as difficult as pos-
sible. This is a point worth remembering. The ac-
cusation of bishops will be a difficult thing, their de-
fence an easy matter. Isidore's legislation on this
head, when systematized, so efficaciously hindered
any judicial action against a bishop that the reader is
almost inclined to treat it as a joke. However, we
must be just; it was not all an invention on Isidore's
part. His procedure in the main reproduces the
req uirements of Roman law ; it draws on the decisions
of the Roman apocrypha of the time of Symmachus
(498-^14), and it levies tribute from the laws of the
Barbarian kingdoms. In a case of this kind, any-
thing like a careful and thorough criticism requires that
great attention be paid to the question of the sources
employed. Isidore piles up obstacles against the
accusation of bishops, but the obstacles are not all of
Isidore's own devising. Any bishop dispossessed of
his see by violence, ana who is summoned to the courts,
has a right to raise the plea of actio spolii, i. e. to fall
back on the fact of dispossession in order to avoid
trial, until he has been provisionally restored to his
possessions and dignities. This appeal before trial is
one of the main points in the Isidorian procedure.
The only one who is competent to bring a charge
against a bishop is the council of his*province. For-
eign tribunals are excluded, and the provincial council
must have a full quorum. The charge must be made
in the presence of accused and accusers. If one of the
interested parties absconds, the whole judicial ma-
chine comes to a standstill.
The following are the rules governing accusations.
A layman can bring no charge against a bishop. This
rule, which occurs also in the Roman apocrypha of the
time of Symmachus, may be explained dv the different
judicial status of clerics and laymen at tne time of Isi-
dore. Clerics were judged according to Roman law,
whereas many laymen were subject to Germanic law,
and the procedure under these two laws was different
and even hostile. Moreover; at times laymen would
not recognize clerics as having the rights to accuse
them in the courts; and thus the clerics might well
declare laymen incompetent in their courts. Then,
too, it must not be lost sight of that Isidore's principle
was never observed in practice: a modus agendi was
always found. Isidore s second principle was that a
cleric could never bring a charse against his superior.
It is evident that thus the number of possible accusers
became very restricted. The accusation must be
made not in writing, but by word of mouth. Only
those might bring charges who fulfilled exceptional con-
ditions in respect to rank and standing. In this way
it was easy to get rid of a troublesome accuser. The
witnesses must be of equal merit with the accuser, and
it took seventy-two witnesses to condemn a bishop.
This again is not an invention of Isidore's. It was an
old custom that a bishop might only be condemned by
a council of seventy or seventy-two bishops. The
numbers are an allusion either to the seventy elders of
the Jewish people or to the Seventy-Two Disciples.
But Isidore managed to complicate the situation by
applying the number to the witnesses; though even
if it were applied to the judges, the difficulty would
not be lessened in practice. It was no easy matter to
get together so numerous a tribunal. In the ninth
century Photius declared that these two traditional
numbers were not necessary; in any case Isidore's
legislation was never enforced. The hearing of the
charge follows Roman law, and minute regulations
were drawn up to secure all the necessary scope and
impartiality to the arguments for and against. Any
admission of guilt had to be absolutely spontaneous,
and no signature obtained by force was valid.
In his preface Isidore declares the purpose of his
work. His aim is to build up a collection of canons
more complete than any other by uniting together all
the canons dispersed among the various existing col-
lections. What must we think of this declaration?
There is some truth in it, but his collection takes on a
character all its own by the fact that it includes a hun-
dred documents forged in Isidore's workshop. He
might easily have made that more complete collection,
without having recourse to forging documents for it.
rt
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777
FALSI
And, as a matter of fact, is his collection more com-
plete than any other? Even a summary examination
soon shows that there are many lacunae in this collec-
tion of canon law. It omits all mention of many
important matters, governing of rural parishes, eccle-
siastical benefices, tithes, simony, the monastic life,
questions concerning the matrimonial laws, privileges
and dispensations, and the pallium. The governing of
parishes and the question of benefices were of vital
interest when Isidore lived. « Though not quite so
acute as during the tenth and eleventh centuries, these
points of law became occasions of conflict between the
Church and the feudal society in progress of forma-
tion. They were already preoccupying men's minds,
and as Isidore does not refer to them he can hardly
claim to have wished to supply a complete ecclesiasti-
cal code. So we are driven to conclude that he had a
very special object in view in composing his partial
code. How are we to discover what this object was?
Evidently by examining the documents he forged.
There, if at all, are to be found his dominant ideas.
And such an examination is by no means difficult after
what we have just said concerning the legal side of the
false decretals. Isidore's object is so clearly defined
that it requires no very laboured analysis to discover
it. His chief aim is to assure the dignity and fruitf ill-
ness of the episcopal office. In his view the diocese is
the life-giving centre of the whole ecclesiastical organ-
ism, and the vitality of this centre is his chief concern.
All his legislation has this same object. But perhaps
it may be argued that, while he is indeed concerned to
safeguard the authority of the bishops, he is even
more careful to increase that of the pope. This was a
view long in favour among both Galileans and Protes-
tants, but it is no longer the fashion. In our day
critics are, on the whole, agreed that the immediate
object of Isidore was to win respect for the episcopal
authority. If he touches on the prerogatives of the
pope, it is never in the interests of Rome, but always
in those of the bishops. It was for this that he tried
to facilitate appeals to Rome. But in his idea the role
to be played by the pope would not restrict the rights
of the bishops. It has been observed that Isidore
does not mention the temporal power of the popes, and
that he never thinks of turning to profit Constantine's
pretended donation to the Church of Rome, nor does
he seem to aim at increasing the French protectorate
at Rome. Yet if his object had been to favour the
Holy See, how differently would he have gone to work.
Now, if we compare these aims of Isidore with the
actual situation of the Frankish Church when the
forger was at work, between the years 847 and 852, it
will be evident that false decretals are directly op-
posed to the chief abuses of which the bishops were
the victims at that time: condemnations of a political
character, neglect of the episcopal office, and the estab-
lishment of chorepiscopi. This explains the lacunae
in Isidore's ecclesiastical code. He was fighting
against urgent and glaring abuses. s A contemporary
is always at a disadvantage in forming a clear opinion
of his age, of those deep causes of which the slow but
measured action must inevitably transform society.
And hence it was that Isidore confined himself to
things that were more or less on the surface in the
everyday life around him. If he foresaw other dan-
gers in the path of the Church, he certainly made no
attempt to provide against them. ^
It remains true, however, that Isidore was a forger.
But there are forgers and forgers. Let us not forget
that the false decretals are from the same workshop
that forced the capitularies of Angibramne (Angil-
ram) ana the false capitularies of Benedictus Levita.
When the capitularies had been forged it was but a
natural step to the forging of pontifical letters. For
this new work Isidore owed much to the " Liber Pon-
tificalis,\ or chronicle of the popes. Thus when the
Liber tells us that such a pope issued such a decree
long since lost, the forger noted the fact and set to
work to invent a decree for his collection along the
lines hinted at by the " Liber ' \ This is a method well
known in diplomatic work, ana one that has left us the
acta rescripta, of which we have many specimens in
ancient charters. These acta rescripta are documents
which, at a date long subsequent to that they bear,
and because the originals or ancient copies of them had
been damaged or lost, were drawn up by the aid of the
remnants of the originals, or from extracts therefrom,
or analyses of them, or at times from mere tradition
concerning their contents (cf . Giry, " Manuel de diplo-
matique", Paris, 1894, pp. 12, 867, etc.). In Isidore's
opinion many of the false decretals were merely such
acta rescripta. It was not a very honest proceeding,
and Isidore was far from being scrupulous. With a
faint modification it might be said of him as of an-
other forger in the seventeenth century, the crafty
Father Jerome Vignier. " He was the greatest liar in
Paris." But men of tne ninth century must not be
nidged according to modern ideas of literary morality.
Neither can the False decretals be looked at as a purely
literary work. They are a landmark in the evolution
of law. In every society law develops or evolves it-
self like other things, but under conditions' of its own,
and step by step with the social life it regulates, and
which it must keep pace with in order to regulate.
The state of society, the ensemble of its customs,
change more or less according to time and place, and
are never stationary. And slight changes, when mul-
tiplied to any degree, end by causing a chasm between
former legislation and the newly born needs of a
changed society. The written laws no longer meet
the requirements of the social state they ought to regu-
late, and a readjustment of legal provisions becomes
necessary. History shows us that this may take
place in many ways, according to the nature. of the
desired change ana the surroundings in which it takes
place. It may be effected by the gradual substitution
of new laws for those that have grown antiquated or,
less courageously, by what is known as a creative in-
terpretation of existing laws, of which we have many
examples in Roman Taw* and again, in desperate
cases, the change may be Drought about by forgeries,
when no other means seems practicable. Now, m the
middle of the ninth century, the rules of canonical
legislation did not seem to be the best possible to meet
the existing state of ecclesiastical affairs. The reform
councils of the ninth century had tried to bring about
the new laws demanded by the situation, but the lay
power had blocked the way. And thus the evolution
of law, finding an obstacle to its growth on one side,
was constrained to seek freedom on another. Unable
to advance in normal fashion, a canonist whose inten-
tions were more commendable than his acts bethought
him of calling in the aid of the forger. It is impossible
to condone such forgeries, but the history of the case
puts us in a better position to judge them, and even to
discover extenuating circumstances in their favour,
by emphasizing the powerful forces at work in the
society of the period, and which were acting with
what one may call historical fatalism. Moreover, the
false decretals are the work of private enterprise and
have no official character. The theory that they were
planned in Italy has been long since abandoned.
They are of purely Gallican origin, and if they de-
ceived the Church, the Church accepted them in good
faith and without any complicity.
The Spread. — We saw above, in the case of Hinc-
mar, that Isidore's forgeries were known among the
Franks as early as 852. In Germany we hear of them
a little later. We find traces of them in the Acts of the
councils of Germany dating from that of Worms in
868, but in Spain we find no reference to them, and
they seem to have been hardly known there. They
found their way into England towards the close of the
eleventh century, probably through Lanfranc, Arch-
a
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778
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bishop of Canterbury. Their reception in Italy is of
greater importance. It occurred probably during the
pontificate of Nicholas I (858-867). It seems certain
that he knew of the decretals, and it is possible that he
may have even possessed a copy of them, and showed
proof of this on the occasion of the appeal to Rome
made by Bishop Rothade of Soissons, who had got
into difficulties with his metropolitan, Hincmar of
Reims. Rothade reached Rome about the middle of
864. He had already caused his appeal to be pre-
sented to the pope, but he now explained his case in
detail. It was to his interest to quote the authority
of the false decretals, and he did not fail to do so.
This is proved by a letter written by Nicholas I on 22
January, 865, dealing with Rothade's appeal. Pope
Adrian II (867-872) was acquainted with them, and
in a letter dated 26 December, 871, he approves
of the translation of Actard, Bishop of Nantes,
to the metropolitan See of Tours, and quotes apro-
pos one of the false decretals. Quotations made by
Stephen V (885-891) are not conclusive proof that
he directly used Isidore's text; and the same may
be said of occasional references to it d urine the
tenth century, which occur in the letters of the
popes or of the papal legates. However, other au-
thors in Italy snow less reserve in using the false
decretals. Thus, at the end of the ninth and the be-
ginning of the tenth century they are quoted by Auxi-
fius in the treatises he wrote in defence of the ordina-
tions performed by Pope Formosus (891-896). It is
true that Auxilius was born among the Franks, as was
also Rathier, Bishop of Verona, who likewise quotes
Isidore. Attone of Yercelli, however, was an Italian,
and he quotes him. At the end of the ninth century
and during the tenth, extracts from the false decretals
begin to be included in canon law collections — in the
collection dedicated to Bishop Anselm of Milan, in the
Reginon collection about 906, among the decrees of
Burchard, Bishop of Worms. Nevertheless, until the
middle of the eleventh century the false decretals did
not obtain an official footing in ecclesiastical legisla-
tion. They were nothing more than a collection made
in Gaul, and it was only under Leo IX (1048-1054)
that they took firm hold at Rome. When the Bishop
of Toul became pope and began the reform of the
Church by reforming the Roman Curia, he carried
with him to Rome the apocryphal ^collection. An-
selm of Lucca, the friend and adviser of Gregory VII,
composed an extensive collection of canons among
which those of Isidore figure largely. The same thing
happened in the case of Cardinal Deusdedit's collec-
tion made about the same time. And finally, when in
1140 Gratian wrote his " Decree" he borrowed exten-
sively from Isidore's collection. In such manner it
gained an important place in schools of law and juris-
prudence. It is true that the Gratian collection had
never the sanction of being the official text of ecclesi-
astical law, but it became the textbook of the schools
of the twelfth century, and, even with the false decre-
tals added to it, it retained a place of honour with
the faculty of canon law. It was it that supplied the
text of the "everyday" instructor on the things most
essential to be known. And the faculty of law styled
itself faculty of the Decree; which shows how impor-
tant a place in the schools was given to the Isidorian
texts inserted in the decretals.
Influence. — For a long time the Galileans and the
Protestants dwelt on the innovation contained in
these apocrypha and on the rights, altogether novel,
which they conferred on the popes and which would
never have come to pass had it not been for these for-
geries. Nowadays Isidore's aim is understood to have
been quite different. His chief concern was to defend
the bishops; and if the papacy profited by what he
did, it can be shown that it was a necessary conse-
quence of the pope's being made the champion of the
bishop. And even though it must be admitted that
the popes benefited by the forgeries, their good faith
is beyond question. . Isidore wrote a lone way off
from Rome; he deceived his own neighbours in
France, and among them the learned Hincmar of
Reims. What wonder, then, that he deceived the
popes also, when his work was carried to Rome bv
Rothade of Soissons about the summer of 864? It is
true that some have hinted that Nicholas I erred
against truthfulness; that he pretended that the Isi-
dorian texts were contained m the, archives of the
Roman Church, an assertion not only inexact but un-
truthful (Migne, P. L., CXIX, 901). But as a mat-
ter of fact his words do not necessarily mean that at
all. What he does say refers equally to the authentic
decretals not included in the Dionysio-Hadriana col-
lection. On the dubious interpretation of an obscure
text it is not fair to bring a charge of untruthfulness
against a man of character like Nicholas I. And if an
unfavourable interpretation be accepted as the real
one, the blame falls on the draftsman of the pontifical
letters, the famous Anastasius the Librarian. An-
other reason for not impugning the honesty of Niche-
las I under the circumstances is that he was under no
necessity; he had no interest in approving of Isidore's
letters. Indeed, he is much more reserved in his
treatment of them than the Frankish bishops were at
that very time. In that very letter of 22 January,
865, he points out to them their inconsistency, how,
when it is to their own interest, they quote the letters
of the early popes (i. e. Isidore's forgeries), and when
the letters are unfavourable to them, they repudiate
them. We saw above that according to Isidore's judi-
cial system a bishop dispossessed of His see by violence
and then haled to the courts had the right to plead the
fact of dispossession in order to escape appearing be-
fore the courts, and that he must first be provisionally
restored to his possessions and honours so as to arrange
properly for his defence. No doubt Isidore had not
invented all this. Roman law and canon law supplied
him with precedents and even laws for it. But he
made such procedure an essential factor in canon law.
And it is an undoubted fact that from the year 864, in
cases such as the one we refer to, Isidore's ideas and
expressions exercised a marked influence on the con-
duct and decisions of Nicholas I. There is nothing
calling for adverse criticism in all this as far as Nicho-
las is concerned. As a piece of legislation it was alto-
gether in favour of the bishops. From another point
of view it is important to consider whether, in the
appeals of bishops to Rome{ the conduct of Nicholas I
was really influenced bv Isidore's forgeries.
What we have already said concerning the forger's
objects and aims limits the bearing of this question to
a great extent. As a piece of general hard and fast
legislation, Isidore's method of procedure was quite
new. But the practice of the popes and the custom
of the ecclesiastical courts supplied precedents which
more or less bore out the principles laid down by Isi-
dore. Hence we see that if Nicholas I made use of the
apocrypha to justify his teaching on appeals to Rome,
we must necessarily admit that he relied on a forged
document; but even then we should not be obliged to
admit that he was influenced by teaching altogether •
foreign to ecclesiastical antiquity, but only that by
means of Isidore he was put in touch with teaching
closely resembling that of St. Leo and of Gelasius I,
two popes of the fifth century. And, as a matter of
fact, did Nicholas I gain his teaching concerning ap-
peals from these apocrypha? We have no proof
whatever that he dia. His firm and solid conviction
of the rights of the Holy See had nothing to learn from
the weak inventions of a forcer among the Franks ; he
had learned those rights in the school of Roman tradi-
tions dating from the fifth and sixth centuries. We
can admit that, while the pope's contention is justi-
fied, the arguments with which he supports it are at
times open to attack. Thus, to a letter addressed to the
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779
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Council of Soissons in 863, he wishes to assert his right
to intervene in the trials of bishops, even when there
was no question of an appeal to Rome. This amounted
to an assertion of the absolute power of the Holy See,
a claim he might have supported by many solid argu-
ments; yet what is our surprise to find him claiming
in support thereof the canons of the Council of Sar-
dica. which say nothing of the sort. The Council of
Sardica (343) intended very particularly to safe-
guard the legal rights of bishops who were being
persecuted; that was its main object, and it by no
means intended to define the rights of Rome in mat-
ters of the kind. These canons mark one of the early
steps in the question of church discipline.
The claim of Nicholas I ought to have been sup-
ported by texts from the fifth and sixth centuries ; and
m the case in question his object was much more credit-
able than the reasons he gave in support of it. On
the whole, then, from the beginning of his pontificate,
and before he knew of the Isidorian texts, Nicholas I
was in full sympathy with the ideas expressed therein.
Acquaintance with those texts did not seriously affect
him. Yet, in his letter to the Frankish bishops, dated
' 22 January, 865, apropos of Rothade, he puts the the-
ory on appeals much alter the manner in which Isidore
had put it; so much so, that one writer speaks of the
parfum isidorien that letter exhales (Fournier). If
the letters of the early popes (i. e. the decretals of Isi-
dore) are not explicitly quoted, they are at least al-
luded to. But from all that has been said we must
conclude that Nicholas I took none of his essential
ideas from Isidore, and that any influence he did exer-
cise on that pope was too insignificant to be taken into
account in a pontificate so filled with enterprises of
daring and of moment. And this conclusion in
Nicholas's case gives us more or less the answer to the
further question as to how far the apocrypha influence
the subsequent history of the Church. As we have
seen, even without Isidore, Nicholas I would have
brought about the same mode of government. And it
has been well said that the principles of Nicholas I
were those of Gregory VII and of the great pones of
the Middle Ages; that is to say, Isidqre or no Isidore.
Gregory VII and Innocent III would not have acted
otherwise than they did. As a matter of history, such
a conclusion is quite justifiable, and as far as apolo-
getics go it is quite sufficient answer. In the domain
of theology and canon law, Isidore's forgeries never
had any serious consequences.
Having said this, we are free to confess frankly that
in lesser spheres than those of theology and law, the
false decretals have not always exercised a fortunate
influence. On history, for instance, their influence
was baneful. No doubt they do not bear all the
blame for the distorted and legendary view the Mid-
dle Ages had of ecclesiastical antiquity. During the
Middle Ages it was almost an impossibility to consult
all the sources of information, and it was difficult to
check and control those at hand. It was not easy to
distinguish genuine documents from apocryphal ones.
And this difficulty, which was the great stumbling-
block of medieval culture, would have been always an
obstacle to the progress of historical study. It must
be admitted that Isidore's forgeries increased the diffi-
culty till it became almost insurmountable. The for-
geries blurred the whole historical perspective. Cus-
toms and methods proper to the ninth century stood
out in relief side by side with the discipline of the first
centuries of the Church. And, as a consequence, the
Middle Ages knew very little concerning the historical
growth of the rights of the papacy during those first
centuries. Its view of antiquity was a very simple
one, and perhaps it was just as well for the systematiz-
ing of theology. In the main, it was no easy matter to
develop a historical sense during the Middle Ages.
The absence of such a sense is all the more remarkable
when we consider what civilization owes the Middle
Ages in the realms of philosophy, theology, and archi-
tecture.
Place op Origin. — We have purposely reserved
this question for the end. In the first place, it is of
lesser importance than the others; and in the second,
whereas critics are for the most part in agreement con-
cerning the questions we have been treating, they are
divided into two parties on this final question. For a
time the decretals were thought to have been forged at
Mainz, but that theory has been altogether aban-
doned, and now the disputed honour Ties between
Reims and Le Mans in the province of Tours. Here
are the arguments put forth on both sides. The ma-
jority of German critics and a section of those in
France favour Reims as the place where the decretals
originated. According to them, Isidore's legislation
concerning the trial of bishops was intended to sup-
port the cause of Ebbon, Archbishop of Reims, and to
facilitate the retrial of that dignitary. Ebbon had
been deposed in 835 for political reasons. He was re-
instated at Reims in 840; he had to leave his see in
845 and ended his career in 851 as Bishop of Hildes-
heim. According to the critics, a comparison between
his case and Isidore's procedure at trials shows such
agreement that it must have been intentional; thus,
for instance, the provisional restoration of the accused
and dispossessed bishop, the arrest of the bishop, the
possibility of a translation from one see to another
(from Reims to Hildesheim). Besides this, it was in
the province of Reims the forgeries first appeared, and
from there they were carried to Rome by Rothade of
Soissons; then, too, it was in this same diocese* that,
ever since Ebbon's time, the struggle against chore-
pisoopi was most intense. Isidore's opposition to
archiepiscopal authority is also very marked; and,
according to the critics, the province of Reims was the
birthplace of that opposition during the years that in-
tervened between Ebbon 's deposition (838-841) and
Hincmar's nomination (845); hence the conclusion
that the forgeries were committed between 847 and
852 by partisans of Ebbon, and probably by clerics
ordained by him in 841, and against whose ordination
Hincmar, Ebbon's successor, raised objections soon
after his election. This cumulative mass of argument
is impressive ; but to be really conclusive it would be
necessary to prove that Isidore's legislation was in-
voked by these clerics against their archbishop, before
his death in 851 or at least before 853, when the Coun-
cil of Soissons was held, in which the ordinations held
by Ebbon at Reims in 841 after his restoration were
declared invalid. No such proof is forthcoming.
The documents in favour of Ebbon in which is discov-
ered a similarity to the teaching of the apocrypha are
later than 853. At that time Isidore's work had be-
gun to spread. That it was known and used at
Reims after 853 is not at all surprising and is no proof
of its having been composed in the Province of Reims.
Furthermore, if these apocrypha had been composed
in favour of Ebbon and of the clerics he ordained, then
the question of the validity of ordinations performed
bv a deposed bishop ought to have been treated of.
Yet not a word is said concerning it; though, on the
other hand, Isidore submits all questions concerning
clerics up to and including priests to the metropolitan
council and to the primates. No mention is made of
an appeal by priests to Rome, an omission that is in-
explicable if the documents were written in favour of
the clerics ordained by Ebbon, and who are supposed
to have been the actual writers. Add to this that the
period 847-852, when the forgery was committed, was
for the clerics of Reims, Ebbon's partisans, a period
pending appeal and a time of entente with Hincmar.
For the moment, they had no reason to need such a
weapon against the archbishop. Lastly, P. Fournier
points out that the theory which makes Reims the
scene of the forgery in opposition to Hincmar is at
variance with what we know of Hincmar's attitude.
FALSE 780 FALSE
If Hincmar had the faintest suspicion that the decre- ment belongs to the years between 842 and 846. We
tals were aimed at him, he would have treated them are still at Le Mans and about the period when the
differently. Though he had a suspicion that one or decretals appeared. Moreover, it is a fact that there
Other document had been forged in part, he offered no were chorepiscopi at Le Mans at this time. Now,
objection to the collection as a whole. But it is cer- what are we to think of these arguments? They are
tarn that he would have spared no pains to discredit a not without value, but not all their assumptions are
code intended as a weapon against him. On the beyond question. Thus, we have no proof that the
whole, then, this theory is an attractive one ; but while forged Bull of Gregory IV was written during the life-
no solid proof can be brought in its favour, many time of Aldric. Tne present writer is of the opinion
solid arguments can be brought against it. that it was after his tune and as a support to Robert
There is another set of critics who fix on the prov- of Le Mans, successor to Aldric, in his quarrel with the
ince of Tours and the neighbourhood of Le Mans as the monks of St-Calais. But the question as to the date
scene of the forgery. The principal among these of the Bull is merely a secondary one. The most im-
critics are Langen, Dttllinger, M. M. Simson, Viollet, portant argument is the existence at Le Mans, about
J. Havet, P. Fournier and L. Duchesne. According the very time when the decretals were forged, not of a
to them, the forged legislation on the trial of bishops document, but of two documents concocted in the
and the organization of dioceses and ecclesiastical very style of the forger Isidore. And there seems
provinces aim at a state of things existing in Brittany reason to believe that Le Mans has most claim to being
after 845, when Nominee1, Duke of Brittany, gained a the scene of the forgery of the decretals. In the inter-
victory over Charles the Bald. At that time Brittany ests of fairness we must, however, say one thing. As
was eager for independence, in the ecclesiastical as we have seen, the knowledge of the decretals shown by
well as m the civil order. The bishoprics in Brittany Pope Nicholas I dates from the visit to Rothade to
were subject to the metropolitan of Tours, and the Rome in 864. It is a matter, for us, of some surprise,
Carlovingian sovereigns clung to this ecclesiastical since in the previous year the same pope had to deal
subjection as a pledge of political subordination. On with the appeal of Bishop Robert of Le Mans, succes-
the other hand, the Duke of Brittany was anxious to. sor of Aldric. If the false decretals were forced at Le
get rid of four bishops whom he suspected of favouring Mans, how comes it that Bishop Robert did not use
the Franks. He gave them a quick trial and expelled them exactly as Bishop Rothade of Soissons did one
them from his domains. The affair was earned to year later? It is true that in his letter of 22 January,
Rome, and about 847 Leo II wrote a letter to the 865. Nicholas I declares that the Frankish bishops ap-
Duke of Brittany reminding him of the claims of peal to the decrees of the early popes (i.e. the decre-
canon law. The whole thing caused much commo- tals of Isidore). And it may be that Bishop Robert
tion among the Franks and at Rome. As it was a of Le Mans is included in this generalization,
matter of public knowledge, and more or less contem- Manuscripts and Editions. — The MSS. of the
porary with the appearance of the decretals, nearly false decretals belong to many classes, but we shall
all the critics are agreed that Isidore had this affair in mention onlv three, which serve to show us how the
his mind when he wrote, and that many of his laws work spread. The first class comprises twenty-five
presupposed some such state of affairs as existed in the MSS. Although all of them are incomplete, vet we
province of Tours and the Church of Brittany. These are able to restore the full text from them, i. e. the text
are only appearances, however, and we want precise of the canonical collection described above, and re-
Le Mans and the decretals of Isidore. The first of the collection, i. e. the apocryphal decretals up to
these is the apocryphal Bull of Pope Gregory IV (827- Melchiades, but omit Part II, and give only a portion
844) in favour of Aldric, Bishop of Le Mans. In this of Part III. These MSS. cease at page 508 of the edi-
letter (Migne, P. L., CVI, 853) the pope recognizes tion of Hinschius. Everything leads to the belief
the right of the Bishop of Le Mans to talce his case to that the MSS. of this second class are merely extracts
Rome whenever a charge is brought against him. The from the first. A third class of MSS. is represented
letter is supposed to have been written on 8 July, 833. only by number 1341 of the Latin MSS. in the Vatican .
It is quite after Isidore's own heart; and its style is Library. This MS. contains the "Collectio Hispana
wonderfully similar to that of the forger. The forged Gallica Augustodunensis", of which we have already
Bull of Gregory IV is a mosaic of authentic texts, and spoken. Tnis collection may be looked on as a first
very often they are texts which Isidore used over and edition, a trial edition of the false decretals. It does
over again. not contain Part I, i. e. the apocryphal decretals from
The critics are all agreed that this forged Bull and Clement to Melchiades, but only those parts which cor-
the decretals are independent documents; that is, that respond to the genuine Hispana, namely the councils
neither makes use of the other. But the critics we are ana the decretals of the popes from Damasus. In
now considering maintain that both come from the this latter part the forger has interpolated some of his
same workshop; that they are alike in materials and apocrypha which later found their way into the corn-
methods of composition. And they further point out pleted edition of the false decretals. The principal of
the closeness of their dates. The forged Bull was cer- these apocrypha are to be found on pages 501-508 and
tainly drawn up at Le Mans, they say, about 850, 509-515 of the edition of Hinschius. It should be re-
when Le Mans was in the hands of the Duke of Brit- membered that the Hinschius edition, is a critical edi-
tany . The bishop, who favoured the Franks, was in a tion ; i. e. one edited after a thorough study of the
sorry plight ; and to protect him the Bull of Gregory manuscripts of the forged texts. The text of the
IV was forged. We are certainly very near now to genuine documents has not been subjected to any
the date of the decretals, and the family likeness be- criticism, the editor contenting himself with repro-
tween the documents would be explained by the iden- ducing it iust as he found it m already extant col-
tity of their origin. The same critics argue in the lections, that is to say, existing previous to Isidore's
same way in the case of a memoir or story or a dispute treatment of them.
that took place in 838 between Aldric, Bishop of Le f An endless number of books have been written on this sub-
Mans and the Abbey of St-Calais (Mipje P. L CXV, i^^ft^S^ ^J^^^e^^n^B^
81-82). During the course of the trial the authonty emus; Sbckel, Pseudoitidor in Realencyck^fiir prot. ThecL v*d
of the canons is quoted after the manner of Isidore, Kirche; Fouamaa. Etudm turfo /au»«« <""***« ' * ?3E
i. e. in mosaic-fasnion made up of those fragmentary ffiOgp Viiuilmf^id-^ PP" ^~^'
passages Isidore was so fond of using. And this docu- ' ' Louia Saltet.
FALSITY
781
FAMILIARS
Falsity (Lat. Falsitas), a perversion of truth origi-
nating in the deceitfulness of one party, and culmi-
nating in the damage of another party. Counterfeit-
ing money, or attempting to coin genuine legal tender
without due authorization ; tampering with wills, codi-
cils, or such-like legal instruments; prying into the
correspondence of others to their prejudice; using
false weights and measures; adulterating merchandise,
so as to render saleable what purchasers would other-
wise never buy, or so as to derive larger profits from
goods otherwise marketable only at lower figures;
bribing judges; suborning witnesses; advancing fajse
testimony; manufacturing spurious seals; forging sig-
natures; padding accounts; interpolating the texts of
legal enactments; and sharing in the pretended birth
of supposititious offspring are among the chief forms
which this crime assumes. The punishment deter-
mined by the laws of former times for those convicted
of it could scarcely savour of greater severity, or
awaken a deeper horror of the crime itself. In the
first place, the Roman law inflicted the death penalty
on such evil-doers as were found guilty of falsifying
imperial rescripts. Traces of this Kind of legislation
are still to be found in the Bull of Pius IX, " Apos-
tolic® Sedis", wherein the Holy See promulgates the
sentence of excommunication specially reserved to the
sovereign pontiff against all who dare to forge or in-
terpolate Bulls, Briefs, and Rescripts of all kinds for-
mulated in the name of the Holy Father, and signed
either by the pope personally, by his vice-chancellor
personally, or by his vice-chancellor's proxy, or by
some other individual specially commissioned there-
unto by the sovereign pontiff himself.
Moreover, whosoever are guilty of publishing sur-
reptitious or supposititious papal Bulls, Briefs, or
Rescripts, of the kind already specified, render them-
selves amenable to the same ecclesiastical penalty.
This sentence of excommunication takes effect as soon
as the work of falsification becomes an accomplished
fact, even though the false letters never pass into ac-
tual use. At the same time it must be noted, in
passing, that as often as there is question of forging
Apostolic Letters, the censure is not incurred prior to
the actual publication of such letters. Those who are
guilty, not of falsifying Apostolic Letters, but of de-
liberately using such as are already forged or interpo-
lated, or of co-operating in such traffic, incur the cen-
sure of excommunication reserved to the ordinary of
the diocese. According to D'Annibale (Commentary
on the Constitution "Apostolic® Sedis", n. 81) those
who retain forged or interpolated Apostolic Letters in
their possession, those who order the production of
such letters, their advisers, abettors, or co-operators,
are not liable to the sentence of excommunication.
In cases other than those here outlined, the enor-
mity of the crime was emphasized by the civil law in
confiscating the property of culprits and condemning
them to perpetual exile. # Though time has by no
means lessened the intrinsic heinousness of the crime
itself, it has witnessed considerable mitigation in the
penalty thereunto attached; the discretion of the
judge hearing the case is now the chief factor in de-
termining the nature and the extent of punishment.
While vicissitudes of time and place may suggest the
expediency of modifications in the exigencies of posi-
tive law, there still remains an obligation which con-
science always imposes on those guilty of this crime,
an obligation founded in justice, and therefore quite
independent of changes occurring in time or place.
For this reason it is right to claim that as soon as the
actual perpetration of this disorder begets injury to
another party, the perpetrator of such damage is
strictly bound in conscience to make good all such
losses caused, or occasioned, by his fraud or deceit.
This teaching meets with the unstinted approbation of
moralists, notwithstanding the plausibility of a theory
purporting to inculpate those who advance false testi-
mony, but lifting from their shoulders the burden of
repairing damages due to such false evidence. (See
Forgery.)
Taunton, Law of the Church (London, 1906); D'Annibale,
Commentarium in Constitutions Apostoliccs Sedis; Ojbtti, Syn-
opsis Rerum Moralium et Juris PonHficii (Prato, 1904); Bal-
lerini, Opus Theologicum Morale (Prato, 1901); Lehmkuhl,
Theoloaia Moralis (Freiburg. 1898); Lombardi, Juris Canonici
Privatx Institutionm (Rome, 1901); Latmann, Theoloaia Mo-
ralis (Padua, 1733); Spobbr, Theoloaia Moralis (Venice, 1716).
J. D. O'Neill.
Faltonia Proba. See Proba Faltonia.
Famagusta, a titular see in the Island of Cyprus.
The name appears to be derived from the Greek &wrf>-
xwtfrot (a sandy point) rather than from Fama Au-
gusti, the traditional etymology. The history of the
city cannot be traced beyond the eighth century of
our era. It is not certain, Lequien to the contrary
notwithstanding (II, 1065), that it occupies the site of
Arsinoe. Famaguata prospered through the destruc-
tion of the neighbouring Salamis, the former capital of
the island. By the twelfth century its importance
was such that Guy de Lusignan chose to be crowned
there (1191) King of Jerusalem and Cyprus. The
French princes fortified the town, and in tne thirteenth
century built the beautiful Cathedral of St. Nicholas,
transformed since then into a mosque. Famagusta
was the seat of a Latin diocese from the twelfth cen-
tury and had residential bishops till the end of the
sixteenth. The list is given by Lequien, III, 1219-
24; Ducange, "Les families d' outre-mer", 861-864;
Eubel, I, 253-64, II, 168; Hackett, "History of the
Orthodox Church of Cyprus", London, 1901, 577-87.
The prosperity of Famagusta was not affected by
the fall of Acre. In 1342, a German writer described
it as one of the richest and most beautiful cities of the
world, its wealth surpassing that of Constantinople
and Venice. (See Mas- Lathe, L'tle de Chypre, Paris,
1879, 236-40.) St. Bridget of Sweden, in her revela-
tions, compares it to Sodom and Gomorrha. Cap-
tured by the Genoese in 1374, it fell, in 1389, into the
hands of the Venetians, who retained it till 1571.
Finally, after a siege of ten months, which cost the
enemy 50,000 men, the city surrendered to the Turks,
who, despite their treaty, massacred the garrison,
burned alive the brave governor, Bragadino, and
completely sacked the city. Famagusta, which for-
merly numbered 70,000 inhabitants, was reduced to a
mere village. It is known to-day as Mankosta (1000
inhabitants) and is the chief town of one of the six
departments of the island. Its harbour is choked
with sand : its palaces, dwellings, highways, ramparts,
and churches are all in ruins.
S. VAILH6.
Fame. See Reputation.
Familiars, strictly speaking, seculars subject to a
master's authority and maintained at his expense. In
this sense the idea embodies service rendered to mas-
ters, as well as wages, board, and lodging provided by
the masters. In canon law the term usually signifies
seculars residing in monasteries and other religious
houses, actually employed therein as servants andsub-
ject to the authority of the regular prelate to the same
extent as servants are subject to their masters. Many
of the privileges and exemptions granted to religious
are accorded their familiars. For this reason famil-
iars validly receive absolution from a confessor ap-
proved by the regular prelate, or from one approved
by the ordinary of the place where the house is located.
In like manner, familiars actually dwelling in a mon-
astery may receive their Easter Communion in the
church or chapel of the monastery. Extreme unction
and Viaticum may also be administered to them in the
monastery. Boys boarding in colleges or academies
supervised by religious or by diocesan clergy, and girls
boarding in convents conducted by sisterhoods, prac-
tically enj oy the same privileges aa familiars. Accord-
G
FAMILY
782
FAMILY
ing to the Council of Trent (Seas. XXIII, cap. ix, De
Reformatione). " a bishop may not ordain one of his
own household who is not his subject unless he has
lived with him for the space of three years, and he shall
really and without fraud of any kind, straightway
confer on him a benefice, notwithstanding any con-
trary custom even immemorial".
Taunton, Law of the Church (London, 1906); Smith, Ele-
ment* of Ecclesiastical Law (New York, 1887); Bachofbn,
Compendium Juris Reoularium (New York, 1903); Lombardi,
Juris Canonici Privati Institutions (Rome, 1901); Icard,
Pradectiones Juris Canonici (Paris, 1880); Bouix, Tractatus de
Jure Reoularium (Paris, 1886); Noldin, De Sacramentis (Inns-
bruck, 1903); Lshmkuhl, Theolooia Moralis (Freiburg, 1898);
Mulubr, Theolooia Moralis (Vienna, 1902).
J. D. O'Neill.
Family, a term derived from the Latin, famulus,
servant, and familia, household servants, or the house-
hold (cf. Oscan farnd, servant). In the classical Ro-
man period the Jamilia rarely included the parents or
the children. Its English derivative was frequently
used in former times to describe all the persons of
the domestic circle, parents, children, and servants.
Present usage, however, commonly excludes servants,
and restricts the word family to that fundamental
social group formed by the more or less permanent
union of one man with one woman, or of one or more
men with one or more women, and their children* If
the heads of the group comprise only one man and one
woman we have the monogamous family, as distin-
guished from those domestic societies which live in
conditions of polygamy, polyandry, or promiscuity.
Certain anthropological writers of the last half of
the nineteenth century, as Bachofen (Das Mutter-
recht, Stuttgart, 1861), Morgan (Ancient Society,
London, 1877), Mc'Lennan (The Patriarchal Theory,
London, 1885). Lang (Custom and Myth, London,
1885) , and Lubbock (The Origin of Civilization and the
Primitive Condition of Man, London, 1889), created
and developed the theory that the original form of the
family was one in which all the women of a group,
horde, or tribe, belonged promiscuously to all the men
of the community. Following the lead of Engels
(The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the
State, tr. from the German, Chicago, 1902), many
Socialist writers have adopted this theory as quite in
harmony with their materialistic interpretation of
history. The chief considerations advanced in its
favour are: the assumption that in primitive times all
property was common, and that this condition natur-
ally led to community of women; certain historical
statements by ancient writers like Strabo, Herodotus,
and Pliny; the practice of promiscuity, at a compara-
tively late date, by some uncivilized peoples, such as
the Indians of California and a few aboriginal tribes
of India; the system of tracing descent and kinship
through the mother, which prevailed among some
primitive peoples; and certain abnormal customs of
ancient races, such as religious prostitution, the so-
called jus prima noctis, the lending of wives to visitors,
cohabitation of the sexes before marriage, etc.
At no time has this theory obtained general accept-
ance, even among non-Christian writers, and it is ab-
solutely rejected by some of the best authorities of
to-day, e. g., Westermarck (The History of Human
Marriage, London, 1901) and Letourneau (The Evolu-
tion of Marriage, tr. from the French, New York, 1888).
In reply to the arguments just stated, Westermarck
and others point out that the hypothesis of primitive
communism has by no means been proved, at least in
its extreme form; that common property in goods
does not necessarily lead to community of wives, since
family ana marriage relations are subject to other
motives as well as to those of a purely economic char-
acter; that the testimonies of classical historians in
the matter are inconclusive, vague, and fragmentary,
and refer to only a few instances; that the modern
of promiscuity are isolated and exceptional, and
may be attributed to degeneracy rather than to primi-
tive survivals; that the practice of tracing kinship
through the mother finds ample explanation in other
facts besides the assumed uncertainty of paternity,
and that it was never universal; that the abnormal
sexual relations cited above are more obviously, as
well as more satisfactorily, explained by other circum-
stances, religious, political, and social, than by the
hypothesis of primitive promiscuity; and, finally,
that evolution, which, superficially viewed, seems to
support this hypothesis, is in reality against it. inas-
much as the unions between the male and the female
of many of the higher species of animals exhibit a de-
gree of stability and exclusiveness which bears some
resemblance to that of the monogamous family.
The utmost concession which Letourneau will make
to the theory under discussion is that "promiscuity
may have been adopted by certain small groups, more
probably by certain associations or brotherhoods"
(op. cit~ p. 44). Westermarck does not hesitate to
say: "The hypothesis of promiscuity, instead of be-
longing, as Professor Giraud-Teulon thinks, to the
class of hypotheses which are scientifically permissi-
ble, has no real foundation, and is essentially unscien-
tific" (op. cit., p. 133). The theory that the original
form of the family was either polygamy or polyandry
is even less' worthy of credence or consideration. In
the main, the verdict of scientific writers is in harmony
with the Scriptural doctrine concerning the origin and
the normal form of the family: "Wherefore a man
shall leave father and mother, and shall cleave to his
wife: and they shall be two in one flesh" (Gen., ii, 24).
"Therefore now they are not two, but one flesh.
What therefore God hath joined together, let no man
put asunder" (Matt., xix, 6). From the beginning,
therefore, the family supposed the union of one man
with one woman.
While monogamy was the prevailing form of the
family before Christ, it was limited in various degrees
among many peoples by the practice of polygamy.
This practice was on the whole more common among
the Semitic races than amongthe Aryans. It was more
frequent among the Jews, the Egyptians, and the Medes,
than among the people of India, the Greeks, or the
Romans. It existed to a greater extent among the un-
civilised races, although some of these were free from
it. Moreover, even those nations which practised
polygamy, whether civilised or uncivilized, usually
restricted it to a small minority of the population, as
the kings, the chiefs, the nobles, and the rich. Poly-
andry was likewise practised, but with considerably
less frequency. According to Westermarck, monog-
amy was by far the most common form of marriage
" among the ancient peoples of whom we have any di-
rect knowledge " (op. cit. , p. 459) . On the other hand,
divorce was in vogue among practically all peoples, and
to a much greater extent than polygamy.
The ease with which husband and wife could dis-
solve their union constitutes one of the greatest blots
upon the civilisation of classic Rome. Generally
speaking, the position of woman was very low among
all the nations, civilized and uncivilized, before the
coming of Christ. Among the barbarians she very
frequently became a wife through capture or pur-
chase; among even the most advanced peoples the
wife was generally her husband's property, his chat-
tel, his labourer. Nowhere was tne husband bound
by the same law of marital fidelity as the wife, and in
very few places was he compelled to concede to her
equal rights in the matter of divorce. Infanticide
was practically universal, and the patria potestas of
the Roman father gave him the right of life and death
over even his grown-up children. In a word, the
weaker members of the family were everywhere inade-
quately protected against the stronger.
Tub Christian Family. — Christ not only restored
the family to its original type as something holy, per-
**
FAMILY 783 FAMILY
manent. and monogamous, but raised the contract pels each to seek the welfare of the other. As the in-
from which it springs to the dignity of a sacrament, timate and long association of husband and wife
and thus placed the family itself upon the plane of the necessarily brings" to the surface their less noble and
supernatural. The family is holy inasmuch as it is to lovable qualities, and as the rearing of children in-
co-operate with God by procreating children who are volves great trials, the need of disinterested love, the
destined to be the adopted children of God, and by in- ability to sacrifice self, is obviously grave,
structing them for His kingdom. The union between The obligations of mutual fidelity have, been suffi-
husband and wife is to last, until death (Matt., xix, 6 ciently stated above. The particular functions of
sq.; Luke, xvi, 18; Mark, x, 11; I Cor., vii, 10; see husband and wife in the family are determined by their
Marriage, Divorce). That this is the highest form different natures, and by their relation to the primary
of the conjugal union, and the best arrangement for end of the family, namely, the procreation of children,
the welfare both of the family and of society, will ap- Being the provider of the family, and the superior of
pear to anyone who compares dispassionately its the wife both in physical strength and in those mental
moral and material effects with those flowing from the and moral qualities which are appropriate to the exer-
practice of divorce. Although divorce has obtained to cise of authority, the husband is naturally the family's
a greater or less extent among the majority of peoples head, even " the head of the wife", in the language of
from the beginning until now, " there is abundant evi- St. Paul. This does not mean that the wife is the
dence that marriage has, upon the whole, become more husband's slave, his servant, or his subject. She is his
durable in proportion as the human race has risen to equal, both as a human being and as member of the
higher degrees of cultivation" (Westermarck, op. cit., conjugal society, save only that when a disagreement
. p. 535). arises in matters pertaining to domestic government,
While the attempts that have been made to show she is, as a rule, to yield. To claim for her com-
that divorce is in every case forbidden by the moral pletely equal authority with the husband is to treat
law of nature have not been convincing on their own woman as man's equal m a matter in which nature has
merits, to say nothing of certain facts of Old Testa- made them unequal. On the other hand the care and
ment history, the absolute indissolubility of marriage management of the details of the household belong
is nevertheless the ideal to which the natural law naturally to the wife, because she is better fitted for
points, and consequently is to be expected in an order these tasks than the husband,
that is supernatural. In the family, as re-established Since the primary end of the family is the procrea-
by Christ, there is likewise no such thing as polygamy tion of children, the husband or wife who shirks this
(see the references already given in this paragraph, duty from any but spiritual or moral motives re-
and Polygamy). This condition, too, is in accord duces the family to an unnatural and unchristian
with nature's ideal. Polygamy is not, indeed, con- level. This is emphatically true when the absence of
demned in every instance by the natural law, but it is offspring has been effected by any of the artificial and
generally inconsistent with the reasonable welfare of immoral devices so much in vogue at present. When
the wife and children, and the proper moral develop- the conjugal union has been blessed with children, both
ment of the husband. Because of these qualities of parents are charged, according to their respective
permanence and unity, the Christian family implies a functions, with the duty of sustaining and educating
real and definite equality of husband and wife. They those undeveloped members of the family. Their
have equal rights m the matter of the primary con- moral and religious formation is for the most part the
jugal relation, equal claims upon mutual fidelity, and work of the mother, while the task of providing for
equal obligations to make this fidelity real. They are their physical and intellectual wants falls chiefly upon
equally guilty when they violate these obligations, and the father. The extent to which the different wants
equally deserving of pardon when they repent. of the children are to be supplied will vary with the
The wife is neither the slave nor the property of her ability and resources of the parents. Finally, the
husband, but his consort and companion. The Chris- children are bound, generally speaking, to render to
tian family is supernatural, inasmuch as it originates in the parents implicit love, reverence, and obedience,
a sacrament. Through the sacrament of matrimony until they reach their majority or marry, and love,
husband and wife obtain an increase of sanctifying reverence, and a reasonable degree of support ana
grace, and a claim upon those actual graces which are obedience afterward.
necessary to the proper fulfilment of all the duties of The most important external relations of the family
family life, and all the relations between husband and are, of course, those existing between it and the State,
wife, parents and children, are supernaturalized and According to the Christian conception, the family,
sanctified. The end and the ideal of the Christian rather than the individual, is the social unit and the
family are likewise supernatural, namely, the salva- basis of civil society. To say that the family is the
* tion of parents and children, and the union between social unit is not to imply that it is the end to which
Christ and His Church. " Husbands, love your wives, the individual is a means; for the welfare of the indi-
as Christ also loved the church, and delivered himself vidual is the end both of the family and of the State,
up for it", says St. Paul (Eph., y. 25). And the inti- as well as of every other social organization. The
macy of the marital union, the identification, almost, meaning is that the State is formally concerned with
of husband and wife, is seen in the injunction: "So the family as such, and not merely with the individual,
also ought men to love their wives as their own bodies. This distinction is of great practical importance; for
He that loveth his wife, loveth himself" (Eph., v, where the State ignores or neglects the family, keeping
28). in view only the welfare of the individual, the result is
From these general facts of the Christian family, the a strong tendency towards the disintegration of the
particular relations existing among its members can be former. The family is the basis of civil society, inas-
readily deduced. Since the average man and woman much as the great majority of persons ought to spend
are not normally complete as individuals, but are practically all their lives in its circle, either as subjects
rather the two complementary parts of one social or- or as heads. Only in the family can the individual be
ganism, in which their material, moral, and spiritual properly reared, educated, and given that formation
needs receive mutual satisfaction, a primary requisite of character which will make him a good man and a
of their union is mutual love. This includes not good citizen.
merely the love of the senses; which is essentially Inasmuch as the average man will not put forth his
selfish, not necessarily that sentimental love which full productive energies except under the stimulus of
anthropologists call romantic, but above all that ra- its responsibilities, the family is indispensable from
tional love or affection, which springs from an appre- the purely economic viewpoint. Now tne family can-
ciation of qualities of mind and heart, and which im- not rightly discharge its functions unless the parents
n
FAMILY 784 FAMILY
have full control over the rearing and education of causes are the diminished influence of religion, tneab-
the children, subject only to such State supervision as sence of religious and moral training in the schools,
is needed to prevent grave neglect of their welfare, and the seemingly feebler emphasis laid upon the
Hence it follows that, generally sneaking, and with heinousness of the sin of unchastity by those whose
due allowance for particular conditions, the State ex- moral training has not been under Catholic auspices,
ceeds its authority when it provides for the material Its chief effects are disinclination to marry, marital in-
wants of the child, removes him from parental influ- fidelity, and the contraction of diseases which produce
ence, or specifies the school that he must attend. As a domestic unhappiness and sterile families,
consequence of these concepts and ideals, the Chris- The idle and frivolous lives of the women, both
tian family in history has proved itself immeasurably wives and daughters, in many wealthy families is also
superior to the non-Christian family. It has exhib- a menace. In the position which they hold, the mode
ited greater fidelity between husband and wife, greater ©f life which they lead, and the ideals which they
reverence for the parents by the children, greater pro- cherish, many of these women remind us somewhat
tection of the weaker members by the stronger, and in of the hetcerce of classical Athens. For they enjoy
general a more thorough recognition of the dignity great freedom, and exercise great influence over the
and rights of all within its circle. Its chief glory is husband and father, and their chief function seems to
undoubtedly its effect upon the position of woman, be to entertain him, to enhance his social prestige, to
Notwithstanding the disabilities — for the most part minister to his vanity, to dress well, and to reign as
with regard to property, education, and a practically social queens. They have emancipated themselves
recognized double standard of morals — under which from any serious self-sacrifice on behalf of the husband
the Christian woman has suffered, she has attained to or the family, while the husband has likewise declared
a height of dignity, respect, and authority for which his independence of any strict construction of the
we shall look in vain in the conjugal society outside of duty of conjugal fidelity. The bond between them is
Christianity. The chief factor m this improvement not sufficiently moral and spiritual, and is excessively
has been the Christian teaching on chastity, conjugal sensual, social, and aesthetic. And the evil example
equality, the sacredness of motherhood, and the super- of this conception of family life extends far beyond
natural end of the family, together with the Christian those who are able to put it into practice. Still an-
model and ideal of family life, the Holy Family at other danger is the decline of family authority among
Nazareth. all classes, the diminished obedience and respect im-
The contention of some writers that the Church's posed upon and exhibited by children. Its conse-
teaching and practice concerning virginity and celi- quences are imperfect discipline in the family, defec-
bacy, make for the degradation and deterioration of tive moral character in the children, and manifold
the family, not only springs from a false and perverse unhappiness among all.
view of these practices, but contradicts the facts of Finally, there is the danger, physical and moral,
history. Although she has always held virginity in threatening the family owing to the widespread ana
higher honour than marriage, the Church has never steadily increasing presence of women in industry,
sanctioned the extreme view, attributed to some as- In 1900 the number of females sixteen years of age
cetical writers, that marriage is a mere concession to and over engaged in gainful occupations in the United
the flesh, a sort of tolerated carnal indulgence. In her States, was 4,833,630, which was more than double
eyes the marriage rite has ever been a sacrament, the the number so occupied in 1880, and which constituted
married state a holy state, the family a Divine institu- 20 per cent of the whole number of females above
tion, and family life the normal condition for the great sixteen years in the country, whereas the num-
majority of mankind. Indeed, her teaching on vir- ber at work in 1880 formed only 16 per cent of the
gimty, and the spectacle of thousands of her sons and same division of the female population. In the cities
daughters exemplifying that teaching, have in every of America two women out of every seven are bread-
age constituted a most effective exaltation of chastity winners (see Special Report of the U. S. Census,
in general, and therefore of chastity within as well as "Women at Work"). This condition implies an in-
without the family. Teaching and example have creased proportion of married women at work as wage
combined to convince the wedded, not less than the earners, an increased proportion of women who are
un wedded, that purity and restraint are at once de- less capable physically of undertaking the burdens of
sirable ana practically possible. To-day, as always, it family life, a smaller proportion of marriages, an in-
is precisely in those communities where virginity is crease in the proportion of women who, owing to a
most honoured that the ideal of the family is highest, delusive idea of independence, are disinclined to marry,
and its relations purest. and a weakening of family bonds and domestic au-
D angers for the Family. — Among these are the thority. "In 1890, 1 married woman in 22 was a
exaltation of the individual by the State at the ex- bread-winner; in 1900, 1 in 18" (ibid.). Perhaps the
pense of the family, which has been going on since the most striking evil result of married women in mdus-
Reformation (cf.flhe Rev. Dr. Th wing, in Bliss, "Ency- try is the' high death-rate among infants. For in-
clopedia of Social Reform"), and the modern facility fants under one year the rate in 1900 over the whole
of divorce (see Divorce), which may be traced to the United States, was 165 per 1000, but it was 305 in
same source. The greatest offender in the latter re- Fall River, where the proportion of married women at
spect is the United States, but the tendency seems to work is greatest. As the supreme causes of all these
be towards easier methods in most of the other coun- dangers to the family are the decay of religion and the
tries in which divorce is allowed. Legal authoriza- growth of materialistic views of life, so the future of
tion and popular approval of the dissolution of the the family will depend upon the extent to which these
marriage bond, not only breaks up existing families, forces can be checked. And experience seems to
but encourages rash marriages, and produces a laxer show that there can be no permanent middle ground
view of the obligation of conjugal fidelity. Another between the materialistic ideal of divorce, so easy
danger is the deliberate limitation of the number of that the marital union will be terminable at the will
children in a family. This practice tempts parents to of the parties, and the Catholic ideal of marriage
overlook the chief end of the family, and to regard absolutely indissoluble.'
their union as a mere means of mutual gratification. , In addition to the authorities cited in the text, the following
Furthermore, it levels to a lessening of the capacity of feSZtfSSftSSffii lESE £i&2Jffitt£
self-sacrifice mall the members of the family. Closely igoe); Coulanqm, The Ancient City, tr. Small (Boston,
connected with these two evils of divorce and arti- IR01*: Bosanqubt, The Family (London, 1906); thwdw.
ficial restriction of births, is the general laxity of opin- Jfo^&JtgS?^* s£S£ teTg3Cl!UL?S
X>n With regard to sexual immorality. Among its grand* encyclopedia; Pebbonk, De Matrimonii Christian*
FAN
785
FARFA
(Liege, 1862); Wbstbkmarck's work contains a vary large bib-
liography on the anthropological and sociological aspects of the
subject. How abo, History of Matrimonial Institution* (Chi-
cago, 1904). John A. Ryan.
Fan, Ecclesiastical. See Flabellum.
Fano, Diocksb or (Fantensis). — Fano, the an-
cient Fanum Fortunse, a city of the Marches in the
province of Pesaro, Italy, took its name from a cele-
brated temple of Fortune, which also served as a
lighthouse, on the site now occupied by the church of
Santa Lucia. Nearthiscity, in 207 B.C., Claudius Nero
defeated Hasdrubal; Augustus founded a colony there
called Julia Fanensis; and, in 271, Aurelian anni-
hilated there the Alamanni. Ruins of the Temple of
Fortune are still visible, also of a temple of Jupiter,
the basilica designed and described by Vitruvius
(De «dif ., V, i), and a triumphal arch of Augustus, en-
larged by Constantine II in 340. Fano was part of
the Pentapolis and with it passed in the eighth century
under the domination of the Holy See. The Alber-
ghetti governed it as magistrates during the thirteenth
century. From 1306 the Malatesta ruled over it, but
in 1463 Federigo di Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino, aft^r
having almost destroyed the city, expelled Sigis-
mondo Malatesta. Later the Comneni held almost
independent sway.
St. Paternianus is venerated as the first Bishop of
Fano and is supposed to have been appointed by Pope
Sylvester I. St. Vitalis flourished in the time of Pope
Symmachus (498-514). Eusebius accompanied Pope
John I to Constantinople (526). Leo and St. Fortu-
natus belong to the period of St. Gregory the Great.
Hie date of St. Orsus is uncertain. Among the later
bishops, were Riccardo (1214), persecuted by the
magistrate Alberghetti; and the Dominican Pietro
Bertano (1537), a distinguished orator and advocate
at the Council of Trent. Fano is an exempt diocese
(see Diocese) and has 55,275 inhabitants, 45 par-
ishes, 1 educational institution for girls, 6 religious
houses of men, and 8 of women.
Cappblletti, Le Chieae cf Italia (Venice, 1844), VII, 821-43;
Amani, Memorie ietoriche di Fano (Fano, 1751).
U. Benigni.
Fanon, a shoulder-cape worn by the pope alone,
consisting of two pieces of white silk ornamented with
narrow woven stripes of red and gold ; the pieces are
nearly circular in shape but somewhat unequal in size
and the smaller is laid on and fastened to the larger
one. To allow the head to pass through there is made
in the middle a round opening with a vertical slit run-
ning down farther. Tne front part of the fanon is
ornamented with a small cross embroidered in gold.
The fanon is like an amice; it is, however, put on
not under but above the alb. The pope wears it only
when celebrating a solemn pontifical Mass, that is,
only when all the pontifical vestments are used. The
manner of putting on the fanon recalls the method of
assuming tne amice universal in the Middle Ages and
still observed by some of the older orders (see Amice).
After the deacon has vested the pope with the usual
amice, alb, the cingulum and sub-cinctorium, and the
pectoral cross, he draws on, by means of the opening,
the fanon ana then turns the half of the upper piece
towards the back over the pope's head. He now vests
the pope with the stole, tunicle, dalmatic, and chasu-
ble, then turns down that part of the fanon which had
been placed over the head of the pope, draws the front
half of the upper piece above tne tunicle, dalmatic,
and chasuble, and finally arranges the whole upper
piece of the fanon so that it covers the shoulders of the
pope like a collar.
The fanon is mentioned in the oldest known Roman
Ordinal, consequently its use in the eighth century can
be proved. It was then called anabolagium (anagola-
gium), yet it was not at that period a vestment re-
served for the use of the pope. This limitation of its
use did not appear until the other ecclesiastics at
V.— 50
Rome began to put the vestment on under the alb
instead of over it, that is, when it became customary
among the clergy to use the fanon as an ordinary
amice. This happened, apparently in imitation of the
usage outside of Rome, between the tenth and twelfth
centuries; however, the exact date cannot be given.
But it is certain that as early as the end of the twelfth
century the fanon was worn solely by the pope, as is
evident from the express statement of Innocent III
(1198-1216). The vestment was then called anorak; the
name of fanon, from the late Latin fano, derived from
pannus, r^rot, cloth, woven fabric, was not used until
a subsequent age. Even as early as the eighth century
the pope wore the fanon only at solemn high Mass. The
present usage, according to which the pope is vested,
m addition to the fanon, with an amice under the alb,
did not appear, at the earliest, until the close of the
Middle Aces.
As to tne form of the fanon and the material from
which it was made in early times no positive informa-
tion exists. Late in the Middle Ages it was made of
white silk, as is shown by the inventory of the year
1295 of the papal treasure, as well as by numerous
works of art; the favourite ornamentation was one of
narrow stripes of gold and of some colour, especially
red, woven into the silk. Up into the fifteenth century
the fanon was square in shape ; the present collar-like
form seems to have appeared about the sixteenth cen-
tury or even later.
Gioboi, Liturgia Romani Pontifieie (Rome, 1731), T; Braun,
Die pontifikalen Qewander dee Abendlandee (Freiburg im Br.,
1898); Idem. Die liturpieche Chwandung im Occident und Orient
(Frefyuri im Br., 1907). JOSEPH BRAUN.
Faraud, Henri, titular Bishop of Anemour and
first Vicar Apostolic of Athabasca-Mackenzie, Canada;
b. 17 March, 1823, at Gigondas, France; d. at St. Boni-
face, Manitoba, 26 September, 1890. After admis-
sion to the juniorate of the Oblates of Mary Immacu-
late, and while still in minor orders, he was sent to the
missions of Northern America, and ordained priest, 8
May, 1847, at St. Boniface, Manitoba. Then he re-
E laced Father (afterwards Bishop) Lafleche at Ile-a-
b-Crosse, and in 1849 he proceeded further North, es-
tablishing the mission of Lake Athabasca, which he
inaugurated 8 September, 1851. The following year,
he visited Great Slave Lake, where no missionary had
ever been, and ministered to the Indians of Peace
River (1858-59). On the 13th of May, 1862, he was
made titulary of the newly created Vicariate Apostolic
of Athabasca-Mackenzie; but such was his isolation
from the civilized world, that he did not know of it be-
fore July of the following year.
Mgr. Guibert, of Tours, consecrated him Bishop of
Anemour, 30 Nov., 1864, a title he bore for twenty-
five years, during which he evidenced considerable ad-
ministrative abilities, founding missionary posts as far
as the Frozen Ocean, on the one side, and the Peace
and Liard Rivers, on the other. In 1835 he repaired
to France, for the General Chapter of his Congregation.
In 1889 he was one of the Fathers of the Provincial
Council of St. Boniface, at the termination of which
his growing infirmities prevented him from returning
to his distant missions in the North.
Le Manitoba (2 October, 1890), files; Fbknand Michsl, Di&
huit one ehez Ue Sauvogee (Paris, 1866). A. G. MoRICE.
Farfa, Abbey of, situated about 26 miles from
Rome, not far from the Farfa Sabina Railway station.
A legend in the "Chronicon Farfense" relates the
foundation of a monastery at Farfa in the time of the
Emperors Julian, or Gratian, by the Syrian St. Lau-
rentius, who had come to Rome with his sister, Susan-
nah, and had been made Bishop of Spoleto. The
legend goes on to say that he afterwards beeame en-
amoured of the monastic life? and chose a wooded hill
near the Farfa stream, a tributary of the Tiber, on
which he built a church to Our Lady, and a monastery.
FAROO
786
TABOO
Aroheological discoveries in 1888 seem to prove that
the first monastic establishment was built on the ruins
of a pagan temple. This first monastery was devas-
tated by the Vandals in the fifth century, doubtless
about the year 457.
In the seventh century, a wave of monasticism from
the North spread over Italy. , The foundation of Bob-
bio by St. Columbanus, and the foundation of Farfa
by monks from Gaul, about 681, heralded a revival of
the great Benedictine tradition in Italy. The " Con-
structio Monasterii Farfensis", a writing which dates
probably from 857. relates at length the story of its
principal founder Thomas de Maunenne; he had made
a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and spent three years there.
While in prayer before the Holy Sepulchre, Our Lady
in a vision warned him to return to Italy, and restore
Farfa; and the Duke of Spoleto. Faroald, who had
also had a vision, was commanded to aid in this work.
At a very early date we find traces of this legend in
connexion with the foundation by three nobles from
Beneventum of the monastery of St. Vincent on the
Volturno, over which Farfa claimed jurisdiction.
Thomas died in 720; and for more than a century
Frankish abbots ruled at Farfa.
The Lombard chiefs, and later the Carlovingians,
succeeded in withdrawing Farfa from obedience to the
Bishops of Rieti, and in securing many immunities and
privileges for the monastery. If we may credit the
"Chronicon Farfense", Farfa was at this period the
most important monastery in Italy both from the
point of view of worldly possession and ecclesiastical
dignity, with the exception of Nonantula. It had one
large basilican church and five smaller ones, rich in
masterpieces of religious orfeverie. The greed of the
Saracens was excited: and about 890, during the
government of Abbot Peter, they swooped down on
the place. Peter held out against them for seven
years, and then resolved to abandon the monastery.
He divided his monks into three sections and shared
the abbey's wealth among them— one section he sent
towards Home, one towards Rieti, and one towards
the county of Fermo. The Saracens preserved Farfa
as a stronghold, but some Christian robbers set fire
to it by mistake.
Between 930 and 936, it was rebuilt by Abbot Rat-
fredus, who was afterwards poisoned by two wicked
monks, Campo and Hildebrand, who divided the
wealth of the abbey between them, and ruled over it
until Alberic, Prince of the Romans, called in Odo of
Cluny to reform Farfa and other monasteries. Campo
was driven out; and a holy monk named Dagibert
took his place. At the end of five years, he also died
by poison — and the moral condition of Farfa was once
more deplorable. The monks robbed the altars of
their ornaments, and led lives of unbridled vice.
Abbot John III, consecrated, about 967, by the
pope, succeeded, owing to the protection of the Em-
Ssror Otho, in re-establishing a semblance of order,
ut the great reformer of Farfa was Hugues (998-
1010). His nomination as abbot was not secured
without simony — but the success of his government
palliates the vice of his election. At his instance,
Odilo, Abbot of Cluny, and William, Abbot of Dijon,
visited Farfa, and re-established there the love of
piety and of study.
The "Consuetudines Farfenses" drawn up about
1010 under the supervision Of Guido, successor to
Hugues, and recently published by Alters, bear wit-
ness to the care with which Hugues organised the
monastic life at Farfa. Under the title " Destructio
Monasterii", Hugues himself wrote a history of the
sad period previous to his rule; and again under the
title "Dimmutio Monasterii", and " Querimonium "
he relates the temporal difficulties that encompassed
Farfa owing to the ambition of petty Roman lords.
These works are very important for the historian of
the period.
One of Hugues'8 successors, Berard, Abbot from
1049 to 1089, made the abbey a great seat of intellec-
tual activity. The monk, Gregory of Catino (b. 1060)
arranged the archives. To substantiate Farfa's
claims, and the rights of its monks, he edited the
"Regesto di Farfa ; or "Liber Gemniagraphus awe
Cleronomialis ecclesueFarfensis" composed of 1324
documents, all very important for the history of
Italian society in the eleventh century. Ugo Babani
praised the accuracy and exactness of this work
"planned", he says, "along lines quite in harmony
with the best critical efforts of our own times".
In 1 1 03, Gregory wrote the * ' Largkorium ", or " Liber
Notarius sive emphiteuticus", a lengthy list of all the
concessions, or grants, made by the monastery to its
tenants. Having collected all this detailed informa-
tion, he set to work on a history of the monastery, the
"Chronicon Farfense"; and when he was 70 years
old, in order to facilitate reference to his earlier works,
he compiled a sort of index which he styled ''Li-
ber Floriger Chartarum cenobii Farfensis". Gregory
was a man of real learning, remarkable in that, as early
as the eleventh century, he wrote history with accuracy
of view-point, and a great wealth of information.
The monks of Farfa owned 683 churches or convents ;
two towns, Centumcells (Civitavecchia) and Alatri;
132 castles; 16 strongholds; 7 sea-ports; 8 salt-
mines; 14 villages; 82 mills; 315 hamlets. All this
wealth was a hindrance to the religious life once more,
between 1119 and 1125. And Farfa was troubled by
the rivalries between Abbdt Guido. and the monk
Berard who aimed at being abbot. During the Inves-
titure conflict, Farfa was. more or less, on the. side of
the Ghibellines. The Orthodoxa defensio impe-
rialis"; written in support of the GhibeUine party, is.
according to Bethmann, the work of Gregory, and of
one of his disciples, according to Balsam. The collec-
tion of canonical texts contained in the "Regesto",
which has been studied by Paul Fournier, seems to
omit purposely any mention of the canonical texts of
the reforming popes of the eleventh century. But
when, in 1262, the victory of the popes over the last of
the Hohenstaufen put an end to Germanic sway in
Italy, Farfa sought the protection of Urban IV, as we
learn from a privilege granted on 23 Feb., 1262, and
published by Jean Guiraud. At the end of the four-
teenth century the Abbey of Farfa became a cardinala-
tial in commendam (q. v.), and since 1842 the Cardinal
Bishop of Sabina, a suburbicarian bishop, bears also
the title of Abbot of Farfa.
Gbboorio di Catino, // Regmlo di Farfa, published by the R.
8ocieta romana di storia patria, under the direction of Gioaoi
and Balxani (Rome, 1879-1802), 4 vols.; II Chronicon Far-
fenee di Oregorio di Catino; precedono la ' Construct™ Far-
feneie*' e gli ecriUi di Ugo di Farfa: published by Bauawi
(Rome, 1003), 2 vols.; Atti delta R. Accademia dei Lincey
Notizie degji Scavi (1888), 202; Mabillon, Acta eanetorum Ord.
Ben., I, 231-233; Bruno Albbrs, Coneuetudinee monastic*,
vol. I of bis Coneuetudinee Farfeneee (Stuttgart, 1900); Fooa-
Niaa, La cottetione canoniea ad regeeto di Farfa in Arekivio
della R. Society romana di Storia patria, xvii, 285 sqq.; Gui-
raud, La badia di Farfa alia fine del eecolo xiii in Arekivio
della R. Societa romana di Storia patria, XV, 275-288; Majuni,
Serie Cronologica degli Abbati del monaetero di Farfa (Rome,
1836); Anqbli, Paeaegpiate Sabine: Farfa in Rivieta Modem*
Politica e leUeraria (1 Nov., 1002). GEORGES GOYAU.
Fargo (Fargus), Diocese of (Fargensis), suffra-
gan of St. Paul, U. S. A., embracing the whole of the
State of North Dakota, an area of 70,195 square
miles. It was established in 1889..
The first Mass, in the territory now comprised in the
Diocese of Fargo, was celebrated in Pembina, Septem-
ber, 1818, by Rev. Severe Joseph Norbert Dumoulin,
one of the two missionaries sent to the Selkirk colony
by Bishop Plessis of Quebec. Father Dumoulin was
born in Montreal, 5 Dec., 1793, ordained priest in the
Nicolet Seminary, 23 Feb., 1817, left Quebec for the
Selkirk colony, 19 May, 1818, and arrived at Fort
Douglas (now St. Boniface, Manitoba), 16 July, 1818.
In August, 1823, Father Dumoulin returned to Can-
FARIBAULT 787 FARINATO
•
ada, where he died in 1853. The name of the diocese 1774, at Berthier, Lower Canada ; d. at Faribault, Min-
was originally Jamestown, which title was suppressed nesota, 20 August, 1860. His father Barthelemy
by the Holy See, 6 April, 1897, and changed to Fargo Faribault, a lawyer of Paris, France, settled in Can-
in accordance with the bishop's request. At its for- ada towards the middle of the eighteenth century, and
mation the diocese contained a population of 19,000, served as military secretary to the French army in
of whom nearly 8000 were Indians and half-breeds. Canada. After the occupation of the country by the
The population (1908) is about 70,000. English he retired to private life in Berthier and held
With the creation of the diocese the Rev. John the office of notary public. Young Jean-Baptiste re-
Shanley was named its first bishop. He was born at ceived a good school education, and after several years
Albion, New York, 4 Jan., 1862, and ordained priest of mercantile employment at Quebec, entered: the
30 May, 1874, at Rome. His consecration as bishop service of the Northwest Fur Company. In May,
took place at St. Paul, 27 Dec., 1889. There were 1798, he went with others to the island of Michili-
then in the diocese 30 priests, 40 churches, an academy mackinac or Mackinac, one of the depots of this com-
for girls, a hospital, and 3 parochial schools. There pany. For over ten years he traded with the Potto-
are now (1909) in the diocese a mitred abbot, 110 watomie Indians at Kankakee, with the Dakota or the
priests, 215 churches, 15 parochial schools, 4 Indian Sioux Indians at Redwood, on the Des Moines river,
-flchools) 5 hospitals, an orphanage, a college for boys, and at Little Rapids, on the St. Peter or Minnesota
and 6 academies for girls. In eighteen years the num- river. During his residence at Little Rapids, in 1805,
ber of priests quadrupled and the number of churches he was married to Pelagia Hanse, a half-breed daugh-
more tnan quintupled. ter of Major Hanse. In 1809, he settled in the small
The Benedictine Fathers have an abbey at Richard- village of Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin, and commenced
ton, and a priory at Devil's Lake, from which points trading, on his own account, with the Indian tribes
they attend several missions. Connected with the of the Winnebagoes, Foxes, and Sioux. In addition
Richardton Abbey is a college for boys. The Bene- to that he conducted an exchange of lead with Julien
dictine Sisters are in charge of several schools, and the Dubuque, at the point now occupied by the city of
Presentation Nuns in charge of schools and orphans, that name. During the war with England (1812-14)
Other communities are: Sisters of Mercy (hospital and Faribault refused to enlist in the English army, and
schools); Sisters of St. Joseph (hospitals and school); suffered imprisonment and the loss of all his goods in
Sisters of Charity, or Grey Nuns (Indian school); consequence. After the conclusion of the war, in
Sisters of Mary of the Presentation (schools). 1815, ne became a citizen of the United States, and
Diocesan records; Catholic Directory, 1909; Reubb, Biog. recommenced his trade at Prairie du Chien. In 1819,
Encyd, Oath. Hierarchy U. S. (Milwaukee 18»8). he removed ^ p^e hUmd in the Mississippi River,
john shanley. &Qd ^ 1826 to the yft^ of st peter, or Mendota,
Faribault, Gkorge-Barthelemy, archaeologist, b. Minnesota, opposite the military post of Fort Snelling.
at Quebec, Canada, 3 Dec., 1789 ;d. 22 Dec., 18G6. He There )ie remained until the last years of his life,
was a first cousin of Jean-Baptiste, founder of the city which were spent 'with his children in the town of
of Faribault, Minn., U. S. A. After attending a school Faribault, Minnesota. A county in southern Minne-
taught by a Scotch veteran of Wolfe's array, he com- sota was named after Kim, and the city of that name
pleted by personal efforts the course .preparatory to after his eldest son. Faribault was always kind and
the study of law and was admitted to the Bar in 1811. generous to the Indians, and tried to elevate them by
In 1812 he served as a militiaman during the invasion teaching them the useful arts of life, and by instilling
of Canada by the Americans. In 1822 he entered the into them the principles of Christianity. He was
civil service, attaining in 1832 the rank of assistant much attached to the Catholic faith of his childhood
clerk of the Legislative Assembly, an office he con- and presented a house for a chapel to Father Lucien
tinued to hold after the union of the Canadas (1841) Galtier, the first resident missionary in Minnesota
until 1855. when ill-health forced him to resign. Pas- (1840).
aionately lond of his country and of its past glories, he Siblbt, Memoir of Jean Baptists Faribault in Collection* of
spent all his leisure in collecting documents and booka ft* MJP,w,?a,%l,'0?f2f S<Z*( ^q^t1, i^\nl^A*?'a ^"
*il • • a »*""*•*« "* *~ p^« "& v»vx,«*«*w*i«, »*»vt i^y«w Canadtens de VOuest (Montreal, 1878), I; Encyclopedia of Btog-
pertaining to Canadian history. His fine collection rophy tf Minnesota (Chicago, 1900), i; Kibster, The History
(1700) of rare books and original manuscripts perished °f Faribault County, Minnesota (Minneapolis, 1896).
at the burning of the Parliament House in Montreal Francis J. Schjsfer.
(1849). He courageously began a second collection,
which he bequeathed to Laval University. Faribault Farina to, Paolo, an Italian painter, b. at Verona,
published no original works, merely reproducing and 1524: d. there, 1606. He belonged to the old Floren-
annotating a series of rare historical papers in the tine family of Farinata degli' Uberti, the famous head
transaction of the Quebec Literary and Historical of the Ghibelline party, whom Dante placed in his In-
Society, of which he was one of the chief promoters ferno. When the Guelfs triumphed, the Uberti were
and benefactors. His principal publication is the expelled and part of the family settled at Verona; it
" Catalogue of Works ' ' relating to the history of Amer- was to this branch that the painter belonged. In his
ica, with bibliographical, critical, and literary notes native town Paolo was a pupil of Giolfino, who was car-
(Quebec, 1837), which, although superseded by a few rying on there the artistic tradition of Liberale, the
later catalogues, ranks among the best. In 1850 he greatest perhaps of Italian miniaturists, whose won-
reaiized the long-postponed plan, conceived in 1761 by derful illustrations in the choir books of the Libreria
Montcalm's companions in arms, of erecting a memo- of Siena (1470-1476), his blustering Boreas, his Mass
rial tablet over the soldier's grave. The epitaph, in which the celebrant is a turbaned priest with a head
written by the French Academy at the time the sub- like Klingsor the magician, his startling view of the
ject was first brought up and approved by William Castle of Sant' Angelo, are well known.
Pitt, was duly inscribed. In private life Faribault It thus came about that in Verona, a town without
was the type of the Christian gentleman, modest, hos- any great artistic past, a really original school was
pitable, and charitable. He counted none but friends, being formed, untrammelled by traditions and there-
and left the record of a blameless career, devoted to fore all the more free to indulge in those novel colour*
the service of God and country. schemes in painting which had already found startling
Morgan, BMiot^Cana^ru,u (Ottawa, 1867); Casqrain, expression in the mausoleums of Cane Grande della
(Euvres completes (Quebec, 1873). «-*k «»««• *»» «»*« .m.^^.™*^ » vy»uv^««uu» "«"~
^^ Lionel Lindsay. Scala, and the barons of his family. Towards the1
close of the fifteenth century, in the neighbourhood of
Faribault, Jean-Baptiste, trader with the Indians Verona, the Venetian masters, Giovanni Bellini, Gior-
and early settler in Minnesota, U. S. A.; b. 19 October, gione,and Titian, had just brought about a great artis-
FARLATI 788 FARNS8S
tie revolution. They had invented colouring as an Padua, to assist Father Filippo Riceputi in the tatter's
essential branch of the painter's art. But great mas- historical labours. Riceputi intended to write a com-
ters that they were, they were also men of intellectual plete ecclesiastical history of Illyria, and in 1720 had
genius and cared too much for the idea and its expres- issued, at Padua, a prospectus of this monumental en-
sion to give themselves up utterly to the purely sen- terprise. During twenty years they both searched
sual ideal they had discovered. with unwearied industry, m all the libraries and ar-
The Veronese School, on the contrary, less con- chives of ancient Illyria, for the material for their
cerned with the higher walks of art, and untrained in the work; the matter they collected filled three hundred
quest of lofty ideals, seised straightway on colouring MS. volumes. In 174$2, just as two of the larger di-
as the language best suited to express its own tern- visions, the martyrology of Illyria and the life of San
perament. Colouring soon became its unique preoo- Pietro Orseolo, were about completed, Riceputi died,
cupation; and it was from this school the greatest col- Thus Farlati was left alone to work into presentable
ourist and painter of all time was to come forth, if the shape the prodigious amount of material collected,
measure of greatness among painters is their ability to As co-labourer he chose Father Jacopo Coleti. The
speak in colouring, Paolo Caliari, of Verona, known first volume of "Ilryricum Sacrum" appeared at Ven-
ae Veronese. It is on this account that Giolfino and ice, in 1751 ; it contained the history of the Church of
his pupils, Brusasorci and Farinato, are of such inter- Salona up to the fourth century. Three further vol-
est m the history of art. It is in their works that we umes appeared in rapid succession; while the fifth was
note the blending of the two styles, and the use of in press Farlati died. His assistant Coleti finished the
colouring as an exclusive source of pleasure in paint- fifth volume, which appeared in 1775, and issued three
ing: they were the heralds of Veronese and his mime- more, the last being completed in 1818. The whole
diate precursors. More than one sketch by Brusa- work fills eight well-executed folio volumes.
SOrci is even now masquerading as a Veronese. V*a P. Dan. Farlati, ,in murieumSa<r^(ymdoe, 1775), Y;
Moreover, in the haods of theee agste painting grad- #*£JS" fe fa&k «* * h **''
uallv loses its moral purpose and becomes merely one J. p. Kirsch.
of the decorative arts, giving promise already of that _ , _ _ _ _ >T __ k
gaudy evolution that was to end in Tiepolo. Farley, John M. See New York, Archdiocese op.
In this transformation Farinato played a very im- Farmer, Ferdinand. See Steenmeyer, Fer-
portant part. He had a decided talent for fresco, and dinand.
like liberate, he was largely occupied on the decora- Farnese, Alessandro, the name of two cardinals,
tions of the facades of the houses in Verona, which pQr the elder see Paul III, Pope. The younger,
give that town and its famous Piassa dell' Erbe so Alessandro Farnese, eldest son of Pier Luigi Farnese,
winsome and engaging an appearance. Unfortu- first Duke of Parma and brother of Pope Paul III, was
nately, Farinato did not remain faithful to his native born 7 Oct., 1520, and died at Rome, Feb., 1589.
genius. At Mantua he fell under the influence of While yet a student at Bologna, in 1534, Clement VII
Giulio Romano, who. with his own captivating though appointed him administrator of the Diocese of Parma;
vulgar faults, had inherited all the prestige of the di- Qn 18 Dec. of the same year, his uncle, Paul III, cre-
vine Raphael. It was under this influence that Paolo ated him Cardinal-Deacon of the Title of Sant' Angelo,
executed his " St. Martin " in the Blessed Sacrament and conferred on him numerous offices and benefices.
Chapel of the cathedral at Mantua: and from this Thus, he was Vice-Chancellor of the Holy Roman
time onward his works betray for the most part a hy- Church, Governor of Tivoli, Archpriest of St. Mary
brid compromise between the corrupt Roman style Major's, Archpriest of St. Peter's, Administrator of
and the light impressionist colouring of Veronese. In Jaen, Spain, of Viseu, Portugal, of WOraburg, Ger-
Mantua also his principal works are preserved. In many, and of Avignon, France. In 1536 he was made
Santa Maria in Organo, a " Massacre of the Innocents " Bishop of Monreale, Sicily, where, in 1 552, he founded a
(1556), and a <rChnst Walking on the Waters" Jesuit College, and, in 1559, convoked a synod. Hewas
(1558) : in San Tommaso, a " Glorification of the B. also Bishop of Massa (1538), and Archbishop of Tours
Virgin*' (1569): in Sant' Anastasia, a "Pentecost' (1553), later exchanging this see for that of Cahors,
(1598). and in San Giorgio in Braida, a "Multipiica- from which he resimedin 1557; Bishop of Benevento
tion of the Loaves" (1603). (1556); of Montefiascone (1571); finally Cardinal-
ugh four years older than Veronese. Farinato Bishop of Ostia and Velletri (1580). He was papal
ed him by nearly twenty years, and was over iegate for the province of the Patrimony, and af ter-
Thoi
survive _ w _ __o r y
eighty when he 'died. "He was'a most prolific painter waVds of the county of Avignon, where ne displayed
and many of his works have found their way to other great administrative ability, especially during the
lands. ' In the United States there are two or three, plague of 1541.
one at Cleveland, in the Holden Collection, an allegory He was very zealous in behalf of the poor. ' Farnese
of "Autumn"; one at New Haven in the Jarves Col- wa8 employed by the popes on various legations and
lection, "Christ Appearing to Some Saints"; and one embassies. In 1539. he was legatus a latere of Paul
at the Historical Society m New York, an "Abraham m at the court of Charles V, to make peace between
Driving away Hagar". The famous painting in the the emperor and the King of France, and to sever the
Louvre, representing" The Council of Trent", and j^n- alliance with England, also to arrange for a general
erally attributed to Titian, has been assigned to Fari- council. In 154*3 he went again to the court of
nato by Berenson. Charles V, and later to that of Francis I, and was pres-
» VHS? .f* MonJ&rj •*• XI. 135, 139, 249; XIII. 109; Blanc, ent at the meeting of the two sovereigns in Paris, re-
Bcole VfnUtenne (Pari*, s. d.); Wobrmann and Woltmann, ™* v . «"« .««*"*"» *» » rn ~,wweuo;" *•*», io-
Qezchichte der MalerH (Leipsi*. 1888): Bubckhabot, Le Cic+ turning with Charles to Flanders. In the war be-
rone. French tr. (Paris. 1892), pp. 203, 762: Mor»lli, Italian tween his brother Ottavio, Duke of Parma, and Pope
^aKw(Y^?k°r907)93 )>ll'72'>***™™»X°rthItalianPair*- Julius III, he prudently held aloof, first at Florence
er* ' Louis Gillkt. anc^ tnen at Avignon. In 1545 he went on a second
embassy to Charles V in reference to the council, and
Farlati, Daniels, ecclesiastical historian, b. at in 1546 he accompanied the pontifical troops sent to
San Daniele del Friuli in the present Italian province the aid of Charles V against the Smalkald League. In
of Udine, 22 February, 1690; d. 25 April, 1773. After 1580, he was one of the candidates for the papacy,
having studied at Gdrs he entered, in 1707, the Society Charles V greatly admired his virtues and sagacity.
of Jesus at Bologna. He was for five years teacher of Farnese was an ardent promoter of the Tridentine re-
classics at the Jesuit college in Padua, and then went forms. Above all he was a lover and natron of litera-
to Rome, where he completed his theological studies, ture, science, and art, especially ecclesiastical. He
was ordained priest, in 1722, and was again sent to used to say that " there is nothing more despicable
FARO
789
FAST
than a cowardly soldier or an ignorant priest". He
patronised the architect Vignolo, to whom he en-
trusted the construction both of the church of the
Gesu in Rome, of which he laid the corner-stone in
1568, and of the superb Farnese palace of Caprarola
near Lago Bracciano. He restored the monastery of
Tre Fontane, where he had the chapel of Santa Maria
Scala Coeli erected; and he had the ceiling of San
Lorenzo in Damaso magnificently decorated. He was
buried in front of the nigh altar in the church of the
Gesu.
Ciaconius, Vita Pontiflcum. Ill, 558 sqq.; Ehseb. Concilium
> Tridmtinum, Diaria, He. (Freiburg, 1901), I; (1904), IV.
IT. Bbnigni.
Faro, Diocese of (Pharensis), suffragan of Evora,
Portugal, and extending over the province of Algarve.
The see was founded at Ossonoba in 306, which place
falling into the hands of the Moors, in 688, the see was
suppressed. It was re-established in 1188 at Siloes,
and in 1218 was made suffragan to Braga, then to
Seville, in 1393 to Lisbon and finally, in 1540, to
Evora. The title was transferred to Faro, 30 March,
1577. Faro is the chief seaport town of the province,
and is located on the Rio Fermoso, > near its mouth.
The cathedral, an imposing structure, with nave-
vaulting springing from lofty cylindrical columns, is
apparently a Roman basilica altered by the Moors.
Several convents, a hospital, and charitable institu-
tions are well appointed. There are 66 parishes, 214
churches, 112 priests and 228,384 Catholics in the dio-
cese.
Werner, Orbit Terrarum (Freiburg fan Br., 1890); Buch-
bbbgbb, Kirchliches Handler. (Munich, 1907).
Thomas F. Meehan.
Faroe Islands. — Geography and Statistics. — A
croup of Danish islands rising from the sea some four
hundred miles west of Norway and almost as far
south of Iceland. It embraces fourteen inhabited and
several uninhabited islands with an area of 500 square
miles. Of this one-third belongs to Stromd. This
archipelago is divided by a number of small sounds
and consists of dark grey rocks which form plateaux
usually about 300 yards high. These plateaux slope
towards the sea, are fissured by streams and are here
and there surmounted by lofty peaks (Slattaretinden,
over 2400 ft.). The sky is usually clouded, showers
and storms are frequent. The surging waters make
navigation dangerous especially in winter. The climate
is oceanic, but as the summer neat rarely rises above
10° and the soil is poor, agriculture is possible only
in sheltered spots. Trees are few in number, but
shrubs flourish in more abundance. The chief wealth
and attraction of the islands are found in their flowery
pastures, while the herds of sheep which graze upon
them have given their name to the archipelago. Up-
wards of 100,000 of these animals live always in the
open air and are famous for the superior quality of
their wool. A few small, raw-boned horses are em-
ployed solely as beasts of burden, for roads are un-
known, nor is any shelter provided for them. More
attention is paid to the horned cattle, which number
about 5000. Besides the above-mentioned quadrupeds,
rats and mice are the only land animals or mammals
to be found. Many species of birds and in great num-
bers haunt the islands. The surrounding waters
abound in delicious fish and whales and dolphins rich
in blubber. The yearly catch of the round-headed dol-
phin alone (the Grind) amounts to a thousand. Rep-
tiles and frogs are unknown, and there are but few
insects.
The 16,000 inhabitants of the Faroe Islands are all
Lutherans. They speak a dialect akin to the Old
Norse, but Danish is used in public life, the schools, and
the churches. The fisheries, cattle-breeding, and
the more perilous bird-catching are the chief sources
of income. The few local industries scarcely suffice
for the needs of the natives. Turf is used for fires,
there being no coal. There is considerable commerce.
The exports are fish, blubber, meat, wool, feathers,
and down; the imports are wood, coal, and large quan-
tities of cereals and fruit. Thorshavn on Str6md is.
the capital and seat of government, and has a Real-
9ch\Ue, or technical school. Throughout the rest of this
island there are only wooden huts covered with turf.
Political and Religious History. — From the
work of Dicuil, an Irish monk, "De Mensura orbis
terra?" (ed. Parthey, Berlin, 1872), written in the
ninth century, we learn that the islands were discov-
ered by Irish monks. Not long after this they were
colonised by Normans. Harold Schdnhaar (872-030)
united them with the Kingdom of Norway and this
was their political condition until 1814. Olaf Trygg-
vason converted the people to Christianity; as early
as 1076 they had a bishop of their own. Tne bishops
of the Faroe Islands were usually chosen from the
canons of Bergen, and were originally suffragans of
Hamburg-Bremen, later of Lund (1104), finally (since
1152) of the Primate of Norway in Trondhjem.
There were in all twenty-three Catholic bishops, from
Gudmund to Amund Olafson. The latter was forced
to yield to the Lutheran superintendent Jens Riber,
who also took over the episcopal title. Later on only
"provosts" were elected. The Catholic clergy re-
mained steadfast in their faith, but were unable to re-
sist the advance of Protestantism. By the end of the
sixteenth century the Catholic Faith had disappeared ;
all later attempts to revive it proved vain. Tne mis-
sion founded some years ago in Thorshavn was aban-
doned and the few (mostly transient) Catholics on the
islands were attended once a year from Copenhagen.
In the Catholic epoch, at least, no little attention was
paid to the construction and adornment of churches,
as may be seen from the ruins of the unfinished cathe-
dral of Kirkebo. The thick basaltic walls broken by
high, massive windows are evidence that the original
builders meant to erect a noble Gothic church. It re-
mained unfinished because under the "new Gospel"
the generosity of the faithful was soon extinguished.
A small stone church of the twelfth century serves yet
for Protestant worship. It contains sculpture belong-
ing to pre-Reformation times.
LdfTLBR, Donemark'e Natur und Volk (Copenhagen, 1905);
Schweitzer, Oeech. der Skand. Literatur (Leipxig, 1885);
Stttte, Skandinavien under Unionstiden (Stockholm, 1880):
Storm, Hist. top. ekrifter itn Norae op nortke LondedeU (Chris
1895); Baumqabtneb, Nordieche
FahrUn (Freiburg,
1889), I; Katholieche Miuionen (Freiburg, July-Dec., 1873);
Peroer in KirehenVex. s. v. Farder; Jbaffrebon, The Faroe
Ielande (London, 1897).
Pius Wittman.
Fast, in general abstinence from food or drink, a
term common to the various Teutonic tongues. Some
derive the word from a root whose primary significa-
tion means to hold, to keep, to observe or to restrain
one's self. The Latin term jejunium denotes an ani-
mal intestine which is always empty. Such absti-
nence varies according to the measure of restriction
circumscribing the use of food and drink. Hence it
may denote abstinence from all kinds of food and
drink for a given period. Such is the nature of the
fast prescribed by tne Church before Holy Communion
(natural fast). It may also mean such abstinence
from food and drink as is dictated by the bodily or
mental dispositions peculiar to each individual, and is
then known as moral or philosophical fast. In like
manner the term comprehends penitential practices
common to various religious communities in the
Church. Finally, in the strict acceptation of the
term, fasting denotes abstinence from food, and as
such is an act of temperance finding its ration d'Hre
in the dictates of natural law and its full perfection
in the requirements of positive ecclesiastical legisla-
tion.
In Christian antiquity the Eustathians (Sozomen,
I
FAST
790
FAST
Hist. Eccl. II, 33) denied the obligation, for the more
perfect Christians, of the Church fasts ; they were con-
demned (380) by the Synod of Gangra (can. xiy),
which also asserted incidentally the traditional antiq-
uity of the ecclesiastical fasts (Hefele-Leclercq, Hist,
des Conciles. French tr. Paris, 1908, 1, p. 1041). Con-
trary to the groundless assertions of these sectaries,
moralists are one in maintaining that a natural law in-
culcates the necessity of fasting because every ra-
tional creature is bound to labour intelligently for the
subjugation of concupiscence. As a consequence, ra-
tional creatures are logically obliged to adopt means
commensurate with the attainment of this end (see
Mortification). Amongst the means naturally sub-
serving this purpose fasting lays claim to a place of
primary importance. The function of positive law is
to intervene in designating days whereon this obliga-
tion must be observed, as well as the manner in which
the same obligation is to be discharged on days authori-
tatively appointed.
What pertains to the origin as well as to the his-
torical development of this obligation in the Church
may be gleaned easily from the articles on Absti-
nence and Black Fast. The law of fasting, eccle-
siastical in its genius, is unwritten in its origin, and
consequently must be understood and applied with
due regard for the customs of various times and
places. See the corresponding historico-archeological
articles in the various modern dictionaries and ency-
clopedias of Christian Archaeology, e. g. Martigny,
Kraus, Smith and Cheetham, Cabrol and Leclercq.
Details will be found under Advent; Lent; Friday,
Saturday; Vigil; Ember Days.
In the United States of America all the days of Lent ;
the Fridays of Advent (generally); the Ember Days;
the vigils of Christmas and Pentecost, as well as those
(14 Aug.) of the Assumption; (31 Oct.) of All Saints,
are now fasting days. In Great Britain, Ireland, Aus-
tralia and Canada, the days just indicated, together
with the Wednesdays of Advent and (28 June) the
vigil of Saints Peter and Paul, are fasting days.
Fasting essentially consists in eating but one full meal
in twenty-four hours and that about midday. It also
implies the obligation of abstaining from flesh meat
during the same period, unless legitimate authority
grants permission to eat meat. The quantity of food
allowed at this meal has never been made the subject
of positive legislation. Whosoever therefore eats a
hearty or sumptuous meal in order to bear the burden
of fasting satisfies the obligation of .fasting. Any ex-
cess during the meal militates against the virtue of
temperance, without jeopardizing the obligation of
fasting.
According to general usage, noon is the proper time
for this meal. For good reasons this hour may be
legitimately anticipated. Grievous sin is not com-
mitted even though this meal is taken a full hour be-
fore noon without sufficient reason, because the sub-
stance of fasting, which consists in taking but one full
meal a day, is not imperilled. In like manner, the
hour for the midday meal and the collation, may for
good reasons be conscientiously inverted . In many of
our larger cities this practice now prevails. Accord-
ing to D'Annibale (Summula Theologize Moral is, 4 ed.,
Ill, 134) and Noldin (Summa Theologiae Moral is, n;
674) good reasons justify one in taking a collation in
the morning, dinner at noon, and the morning allow-
ance in the evening, because the substance of fasting
still remains intact. Nothing like a noteworthy inter-
ruption should be admitted during the course of the
midday meal, because such a break virtually forms
two meals instead of one. Common sense, taking into
consideration individual intention and the duration of
the interruption, must finally determine whether a
given interruption is noteworthy or not. Ordinarily
an interruption of one half hour is considered slight.
Nevertheless, an individual, after having commenced
the midday meal and meeting with a bona fide inter-
ruption lasting for an hour or more is fully justified in
resuming and finishingthe meal after the termination
of an interruption. Finally, unless special reasons
suggest the contrary, it is not allowed to give immod-
erate length to the time of this meal. Ordinarily, a
duration of more than two hours is considered im-
moderate in this matter.
Besides a complete meal, the Church now permits a
collation usually taken m the evening. In consider-
ing this point proper allowance must be made for what
custom nas introduced regarding both the quantity
and the quality of viands allowed at this repast. In
the first place, about eight ounces of food are per-
mitted at the collation even though this amount of
food would fully satisfy the appetites of some persons.
Moreover,* due attention must be paid to each per-
son's temperament, duties, length of fast, etc. Hence,
much more food is allowed in cold than in warm cli-
mates, more to those working during the day than to
those at ease, more to the weak and hungry than to
the strong and well fed. As a general rule whatever
is deemed necessary in order to enable people to give
proper attention to their duties may be taken at the
collation. Moreover, since custom first introduced
the collation, the usage of each country must be con-
sidered in determining the quality of viands permitted
thereat. In some places eggs, milk, butter, cheese
and fish are prohibited, whilst bread, cake, frtut, herbs
and vegetables are allowed. In other places, milk,
eggs, cheese, butter and fish are permitted, owing
either to custom or to Indult. This is the case in the
United States. However, in order to form judgments
perfectly safe concerning this point, the Lenten regu-
lations of each diocese should be carefully read. Fi-
nally, a little tea, coffee, chocolate or such like bever-
age together with a morsel of bread or a cracker is now
allowed in the morning. Strictly speaking, whatever
may be classified under the head of liquids may be
taken as drink or medicine at any time of the day or
night on fasting days. Hence, water, lemonade, soda
water, ginger ale, wine, beer and similar drinks may be
taken on lasting days outside meal time even though
such beverages may, to some extent, prove nutritious.
Coffee, tea, diluted chocolate, electuaries made of
sugar, juniper berries, and citron may be taken on
fasting days, outside meal time, as medicine by thoss
who find them conducive to health. Honey, milk*
soup, broth, oil or anything else having the nature of
food, is not allowed under either of the two categories
already specified. It is impossible to decide mathe-
matically how much food is necessary to involve a
serious violation of this law. Moralists as well a*
canonists concur in holding that an excess of four
ounces would seriously militate against the obligation
of fasting, whether that much food was consumed at
once or at various intervals during the day, because
Alexander VII (18 March, 1666) condemned the teach'
ing of those who claimed that food so taken was not
to be regarded as equalling or exceeding the amount al-
lowed (Denzinger, Enchiridion Symbolorum et Defini-
tion um, tenth ed. Freiburg im Br., 1908, No. 1129).
Though Benedict XIV (Constitutions, Non Am*
biginius, 31 May, 1741; In superna, 22 Aug., 1741),
granted permission to eat meat on fasting days, he
distinctly prohibited the use of fish and flesh at the
same meal on all fasting days during the year as well
as on Sundays during Lent. (Letter to the Arch-
bishop of Compostella, 10 June, 1745, in Bucceroni,
Enchiridion Morale, No. 147). This prohibition binds
all exempted from fasting either because they are com-
pelled to labour or because they are not twenty-one
years old. Furthermore this prohibition extends to
those allowed meat on fasting days either by dispensa-
tion or by Indult. Sin is committed each time the
prohibited action takes place.
The ecclesiastical law of fasting enibodies a serious
J
FAST
791
FATALISM
obligation incumbent on all baptized individuals ca-
pable of assuming obligations provided they have com-
pleted their twenty-first year and are not otherwise
excused. This doctrine is merely a practical applica-
tion of a universally accepted principle of moralists
and canonists whereby the character of obligation in
human legislation is deemed serious or light in so far as
the material element involved in the law bears or does
not bear a close and intimate relation to the attain-
ment of a prescribed! end. Inasmuch as fasting con-
sidered as a function of the virtue of temperance bears
such a relation to the promotion of man's spiritual
well-being (see Lenten Preface in the Roman Missal),
it certainly embodies an obligation generally serious.
To this a priori reason may be added what Church his-
tory unfolds concerning the grave penalties attached
to transgressions of this law. The sixty-ninth of the
Apostolie Canons (see Canons, Apostolic) decrees the
degradation of bishops, priests, deacons, lectors or
chanters, failing to fast during Lent, and the excom-
munication of laymen, who fail in this way. The
fifty-sixth canon of the Trullan Synod (692) contains
similar regulations. Finally Alexander VII (24 Sept.,
1665) condemned a proposition formulated in the fol-
lowing terms: Whoso violates the ecclesiastical law of
fasting to which he is bound does not sin mortally un-
less he acts through contempt or disobedience (Denz-
inger, op. cit., no. 1123). Though this obligation is
generally serious, not every infraction of the law is
mortally sinful. Whenever transgressions of the law
fail to cfo substantial violence to the law, venial sins are
committed. Inability to keep the law of fasting and
incompatibility of fasting with the duties of one's
state in life suffice by then* very nature, to extinguish
the obligation because as often as the obligation of
positive Taws proves extremely burdensome or irksome
the obligation is forthwith lifted. Hence, the sick, the
infirm, convalescents, delicate women, persons sixty
years old and over, families whose members cannot
have the necessaries for a full meal at the same time,
or who have nothing but bread, vegetables or such like
viands, those to whom fasting brings loss of sleep or
severe headaches, wives whose fasting incurs their
husbands' indignation, children whose tasting arouses
their parents' wrath; in a word, all who cannot com-
ply with the obligation of fasting without undergoing
more than ordinary hardship are excused on account
of their inability to fulfil the obligation. In like man-
ner unusual fatigue or bodily weakness experienced in
discharging one s duty and superinduced by fasting
lifts the obligation of fasting. However, not every sort
of labour, but only such as is hard and protracted,
excuses from the obligation of fasting. These two
conditions are not confined to manual labour, but
may be equally verified with regard to brain work.
Hence bookkeepers, stenographers, telegraph opera-
tors, legal advisers and many others whose occupa-
tions are largely mental are entitled to exemption on
this score, quite as well as day-labourers or tradesmen.
When these two causes begetting exemption by their
very nature, do not exist, lawfully constituted supe-
riors may dispense their subjects from the obligation
of fasting. Accordingly the Sovereign Pontiff may
always and everywhere grant valid dispensations from
this obligation. His dispensations will be licit when
sufficient reasons underlie the grant. In particular
cases and for good reasons, bishops may grant dispen-
sations in their respective dioceses. Unless empow-
ered by Indult they are not at liberty to dispense all
their subjects simultaneously. It is to be noted that
usually bishops issue just before Lent circulars or pas-
torals, which are read to the faithful or otherwise
made public, and in which they make known, on the
authority of the Apostolic See, the actual status of ob-
ligation, dispensations, etc. Priests charged with the
care of souls may dispense individuals for good reason.
Superiors of religious communities may dispense indi-
vidual members of their respective communities pro-
vided sufficient reason exists. Confessors are not
qualified to grant these dispensations unless they have
been explicitly delegated thereunto. They may,
however, decide whether sufficient reason exists to lift
the obligation.
Those who have permission from the Holy See to
eat meat on prohibited days, may avail themselves of
this concession at their full meal, not only on days of
abstinence but also on fasting days. When age, in-
firmity or labour releases Christians from fasting, they
are at liberty to eat meat as often as they are justified
in taking food, provided the use of meat is allowed by
a general indult of their bishop (Sacred Penitentiaria,
16 Jan., 1834). Finally, the Holy See has repeatedly
declared that the use of lard allowed by Indult com-
prehends butter or the fat of any animal.
No student of ecclesiastical discipline can fail to
perceive that the obligation of fasting is rarely ob-
served in its integrity nowadays. Conscious of the
conditions of our age, the Church is ever shaping the
requirements of this obligation to meet the best inter-
ests of her children. At the same time, no measure of
leniency in this respect can eliminate the natural and
divine positive law imposing mortification and pen-
ance on man on account of sin and its consequences.
(Council of Trent, Sees. VI, can. xx.)
Duchkbne, Christian Worship, Its Origin and Evolution (tr.
London, 1904); Slater, Manual of Moral Theology (New York,
1908); bpiraqo-Claru, The Catechism Explained (New York,
1900); Hetblb, A History of the Councils (tr. Edinburg, 1896);
St. Thomas. Summa 2a 2m. Q., CXLVII; Thomassin, Trait*
des Jeunes as VEgtise (Paris, 1080); Latmann, Theologia Mo-
ralis (Padua, 1733); Noldin, Summa Theologia) Moralts (Inns-
bruck, 1902); Billuart, Summa Sahcti Thama V, Dissert. II.
For exhaustive studies on the antiquities of ecclesiastical fast-
ins; (nature, motives, times, etc.) see Linsbnmatr, Entwicke-
lungder kirchlichen Fastendisciplin (Munich, 1877); and Von
Funk, Die Entunckelung des Oslerfastens, in his Kircheng. Ab-
handhmoen, I, 241-78; also, for the first three Christian cen-
turies Probst, Kirchliche Disciplin in den Erstm christlichen
Jahrhunderten (Tubingen, 1873); for medieval items, Thurs-
ton, Lent and Holy Week (Ixradon, 1906), also R. T. Hampson,
Medii Aevi Kolendarium (London, 1841), I, 180; II, 214-15.
324, 326, 387.
J. D. O'Neill.
Fast among Mohammedans. See Ramadan.
Fasti Siculi. See Chronicon Paschale.
Fatalism is in general the view which holds that all
events in the history of the world, and, in particular,
the actions and incidents which make up the story
of each individual life, are determined by fate. The
theory takes many forms, or, rather, its essential feat-
ure of an antecedent force rigidly predetermining all
occurrences enters in one shape or another into many
theories of the universe. Sometimes in the ancient
world fate was conceived as an iron necessity in the
nature of things, overruling and controlling the will
and power of the gods themselves. Sometimes it was
explained as the inexorable decree of the gods direct-
ing the course of the universe; sometimes it was per-
sonified as a particular divinity, the goddess or god-
desses of destiny. Their function was to secure that
each man's lot, " share ", or part should infallibly come
to him.
Ancient Classical Fatalism. — The Greek tragedians
frequently depict man as a helpless creature borne
along by destiny. At times this destiny is a Nemesis
which pursues him on account of some crime commit-
ted by his ancestors or himself; at other times it is to
compensate for his excessive good fortune in order to
educate and humble him. With iEschylus it is of the
nature of an unpi tying destiny; with Sophocles, that
of an overruling personal will. Still, the most im-
portant feature is that the future life of each individ-
ual is so rigorously predetermined in all its details by
an antecedent external agency that his own volitions
or desires have no power to after the course of events.
The action of fate is blind, arbitrary, relentless. It
moves inexorably onwards, effecting the most terrible
FATALISM
792
FATALISM
catastrophes, impressing us with a feeling of helpless
consternation, and harrowing our moral sense2 if we
venture upon a moral judgment at all. Fatalism in
general has been inclined to overlook immediate ante-
cedents and to dwell rather upon remote and exter-
nal causes as the agency whicn somehow moulds the
course of events. Socrates and Plato held that the
human will was necessarily determined by the intel-
lect. Though this view Beems incompatible with the
doctrine of free will, it is not necessarily fatalism. The
mechanical theory of Democritus, which explains the
universe as the outcome of the collision of material
atoms, logically imposes a fatalism upon human voli-
tion. The cUnamerif or aptitude for fortuitous devia-
tion which Epicurus introduced into the atomic theory,
though essentially a chance factor, seems to have been
conceived by some as acting not unlike a form of fate.
The Stoics, who were both pantheists and materialists,
present us with a very thorough-going form of fatal-
ism. For them the course of the universe is an iron-
bound necessity. There is no room anywhere for
chance or contingency. All changes are but the ex-
pression of unchanging law. There is an eternally
established providence overruling the world, but it is
in every respect immutable. Nature is an unbreaka-
ble chain of cause and effect. Providence is the hid-
den reason contained in the chain. Destiny or fate is
the external expression of this providence, or the
instrumentality by which it is carried out. It is owing
to this that the prevision of the future is possible to
the gods. Cicero, who had written at length on the
art of divining the future, insists that if there are gods
there must be beings who can foresee the future.
Therefore the future must be certain, and, if certain,
necessary. But the difficulty then presents itself:
what is the use of divination if expiatory sacrifices and
prayers cannot prevent the predestined evils? The full
force of the logical difficulty was felt by Cicero, and
although he observes that the prayers and sacrifices
might also have been foreseen by the gods and in-
cluded as essential conditions of their decrees, he is not
quite decided as to the true solution. The importance
ascribed to this problem of fatalism in the ancient
world is evinced by the large number of authors who
wrote treatises "De Fato", e. g. Chrysippus, Cicero,
Plutarch, Alexander of Aphrodisias, and sundry Chris-
tian writers down to the Middle Ages.
Fatalism and Christianity. — With the rise of Chris-
tianity the question of fatalism necessarily adopted a
new form. The pagan view of an external, inevita-
ble force coercing and controlling all action, whether
human or divine, found itself in conflict with the con-
ception of a free, personal, infinite God. Consequently
several of the early Christian writers Trere concerned
to oppose and refute the theory of fate. But, on the
other hand, the doctrine of a personal God possessing
an infallible foreknowledge of the future and an omnip-
otence regulating all events of the universe intensified
some phases of the difficulty. A main feature, more-
over, of 'the new religion was the importance of the
Srinciple of man's moral freedom ana responsibility,
[orahty is no longer presented to us merely as a desir-
able good to be sought. It comes to us in an impera-
tive form as a code of laws proceeding from the Sover-
eign of the universe and exacting obedience under the
most serious sanctions. Sin is the gravest of all evils.
Man is bound to obey the moral law; and he will
receive merited punishment or reward according as he
violates or observes that law. But if so. man must
have it in his power to break or keep the law. More-
over, sin cannot be ascribed to an all-holy God. Con-
sequently, free will is a central fact in the Christian
conception of human life; and whatever seems to con-
flict with this must be somehow reconciled to it. The
pagan problem of fatalism thus becomes in Christian
theology the problem of Divine predestination and the
harmonizing of Divine prescience and providence with
human liberty. (See Free Will; Predestination;
Providence.)
Mohammedan Fatalism. — The Mohammedan con-
ception of God and His government of the world, the
insistence on His unity and the absoluteness of the
method of His rule, as well as the Oriental tendency to
belittle the individuality of man, were all favourable
to the development of a theory of predestination ap-
proximating towards fatalism. Consequently, though
there have been defenders of free will among Moham-
medan teachers, yet the orthodox view which has pre-
vailed most widely among the followers of the Prophet
has been that all good and evil actions and events take
place by the eternal decrees of God, which have been
written from all eternity on the prescribed table. The
faith of the believer and all his good actions have all
been decreed and approved, whilst the bad actions of
the wicked though similarly decreed have not been ap-
proved. Some of the Moslem doctors sought to har-
monize this fatalistic theory with man's responsibil-
ity, but the Oriental temper generally accepted with
facility the fatalistic presentation of the creed; and
some of their writers have appealed to this long past
predestination and privation of free choice as a justifi-
cation for the denial of personal responsibility. Whilst
the belief in predestined lot has tended to make the
Moslem nations lethargic and indolent in respect to
the ordinary industries of life, it has developed a reck-
lessness in danger which has proved a valuable element
in the military character of the people.
Modern Fatalism. — The reformers of the sixteenth
century taught a doctrine of predestination little, if at
all, less rigid than the Mohammedan fatalism. (See
Calvin; Luther; Free Will.) With the new de-
parture in philosophy and its separation from theology
since the tune of Descartes, the ancient pagan notion
of an external fate, which had grown obsolete, was suc-
ceeded by or transformed into the theory of Necessa-
rianism. The study of physics, the increasing knowl-
edge of the reign of uniform law in the world, as well as
the reversion to naturalism initiated by the extreme
representatives of the Renaissance, stimulated the
growth of rationalism in the seventeenth and eigh-
teenth centuries and resulted in the popularization of
the old objections to free will. Certain elements in
the mechanical philosophy of Descartes and in the
occasionalism of his system, which his followers Male-
branche and Geulincx developed, confining all real
action to God, obviously tend towards a fatalistic
view of the universe.
Modern Pantheistic Fatalism. — Spinoza's pantheis-
tic necessarianism is, however, perhaps the frankest
and most rigid form of fatalism advocated by any
leading modern philosopher. Starting from the idea
of substance, which he so defines that there can be but
one, he deduces in geometrical fashion all forms of
being in the universe from this notion. This sub-
stance must be infinite. It evolves necessarily through
an infinite number of attributes into an infinity of
modes. The seemingly individual and independent
beings of the world, minds and bodies, are merely
these modes of the infinite substance. The whole
world-process of actions and events is rigidly neces-
sary in every detail; the notions of contingence, of
possible beings other than those which exist, are purely
illusory. Nothing is possible except what actually is.
There is free will in neither God nor man. Human
volitions and decisions flow with the same inexorable
necessity from man's nature as geometrical properties
from the concept of a triangle. Spinoza's critics were
quick to point out that in this view man is no longer
responsible if he commits a crime nor deserving of
praise in recompense for his good deeds, and that God
is the author of sin. Spinoza's only answer was that
rewards and punishments still have their use as
motives, that evil is merely limitation and therefore
not real, and that whatever is real is good. Vice,
FATE
793
FATE
however, he holds, is as objectionable as pain or physi-
cal corruption. The same fatalistic consequences to
morality are logically involved in the various forms of
recent pantheistic monism.
Modern Materialistic Fatalism. — Modern material-
ism, starting from the notion of matter as the sole
original cause of all things, endeavours to elaborate a
purely mechanical theory of the universe, in which its
contents and the course of its evolution are all the
necessary outcome of the original collocation of the
material particles together with their chemical and
physical properties and the laws of their action. The
more thoroughgoing advocates of the mechanical
theory, such as Clifford and Huxley, frankly accept
the logical consequences of this doctrine that mind
cannot act upon matter, and teach that man is " a con-
scious automaton", and that thoughts and volitions
exercise no real influence on the movements of mate-
rial objects in the present world. Mental states are
merely by-products of material changes, but in no way
modify the latter. They are also described as sub-
jective aspects of nervous processes, and aaepiphenom-
ena, but however conceived they are necessarily held
by the disciples of the materialistic school to be in-
capable of interfering with the movements of matter
or of entering in any way as efficient causes into the
chain of events which constitute the physical history
of the world. The position is in some ways more ex-
treme than the ancient pagan fatalism. For, while
the earlier writers taught that the incidents of man's
life and fortune were inexorably regulated by an over-
whelming power against which it was useless as well as
impossible to strive, they generally held the common-
sense view that our volitions do direct our immediate
actions, though our destiny would in any case be
realized. But the materialistic scientist is logically
committed to the conclusion that while the whole
series of our mental states are rigidly bound up with
the nervous changes of the organism, which were all
inexorably predetermined in tne original collocation
of the material particles of the universe, these mental
states themselves can in no way alter the course of
events or affect the movements of a single molecule of
matter.
The Refutation of Fatalism of all types lies in the
absurd and incredible consequences which they all
entail. (1) Ancient fatalism implied that events were
determined independently of their immediate causes.
It denied free will, or that free will could affect the
course of our lives. Logically it destroyed the basis
of morality. (2) The fatalism resting on the Divine
decrees (a) made man irresponsible for his acts, and
(b) made God the author of sin. (3) The fatalism of
materialistic science not only annihilates morality but,
logically reasoned out, it demands belief in the incredi-
ble proposition that the thoughts and feelings of man-
kind have had no real influence on human history.
Mill distinguished: (a) Pure or Oriental fatalism,
which, he says, holds that our actions are not de-
pendent on our desires, but are overruled by a superior
power; (b) modified fatalism, which teaches that our
actions are determined by our will, and our will by our
character and the motives acting on us — our charac-
ter, however, having been given to us; (c) finally
determinism, which, according to him, maintains that
not only our conduct, but our character, is amenable
to our will: and that we can improve our character.
In both forms of fatalism, he concludes, man is not
responsible for his actions. But logically, in the de-
terminist theory, if we reason the matter out, we are
driven to precisely the same conclusion. For the voli-
tion to improve our character cannot arise unless as
the necessary outcome of previous character and pres-
ent motives. Practically there may be a difference
between the conduct of the professed fatalist, who will
be inclined to say that as his future is always inflexibly
predetermined there is no use in trying to alter it, and
the determinist, who may advocate the strengthening
of good motives. In strict consistency, however, since
determinism denies real initiative causality to the
individual human mind, the consistent view of life and
morality should be precisely the same for the determin-
ist and the most extreme fatalist (see Determinism).
For bibliography see Free Will.
Michael Maher.
Fate (Lat. fatum, from {ari. to teU or predict). This
word is almost redundant m tne vocabulary of a Cath-
olic as such, for its meaning as the prime cause of
events is better expressed by the term Divine Provi-
dence, while, as a constant force at work in the physi-
cal universe, it is nothing more nor less than natural
law. Hence St. Augustine says (De Civit. Dei, c. i) :
" If anyone calls the influence or the power of God
by the name of Fate, let him keep his opinion, but
mend his speech." Fate,, in its popular meaning, is
something opposed to chance, in so far as the latter
term implies a cause acting according to no fixed laws.
The unseen power that rules the destinies of men was
personified by the ancient Greeks under the name of
Aioira, or, more generally, as three sister Moirai, or
Fates, whose names were Clotho, Lachesis, and Apro-
pos. Sometimes fate is described as having unlimited
sway over jgods and men, while at other times the
gods, especially Zeus, are described as the rulers of
human destiny, or as having the power to change the
course of fate. With the Moirai the Romans identi-
fied their own Parcce or Fata.
The idea of fate as a power in the world came, as St.
Thomas tells us (C. G., Ill, xciii), from the attempt
to find a cause for events which appeared to follow no
definite law and to be the result of mere chance. Many,
who were not satisfied with the explanation of poets
and mythologists, turned their thoughts to the heav-
enly bodies, which, acting according to definite and
unchanging laws themselves, were supposed to im-
press their influence upon events in the lower world
(see Astrology) . St. Thomas, who was no believer in
astrology, evidently supposes that, while Providence
acts according to fixed laws in the sidereal system,
there is no sucn uniformity in the case of natural phe-
nomena on earth. These latter are therefore often
the result of chance, as far as secondary causes are
concerned, though not so in their relation to God's
Providence.
Early Speculations. — The Greek Philosopher
Diodorus of Iasus tried to prove the universality of
fate by an argument from the truth of possibles (wtpl
SvwtQv). Tne contention was that no event can
happen unless it was eternally true that it was going to
happen. The truth of such a proposition cannot be
changed, and therefore the event to which it refers
must necessarily take place. It is something like the
argument which St. Augustine employs to demon-
strate the eternal intellect of God; but the fallacy of it
as regards Fate is pointed out by Cicero (De Fato IX
18, 19), who shows that the truth of the proposition
depends on the actuality of the event. The definition
which Cicero puts into the mouth of his brother Quin-
tus identifies Fate with the necessity of natural law
(De Divinatione I, 55, par. 125). His words are:
"Fatum autem id appello quod Gneci elftapfUtnip, id
est, ordinem seriemque causarum, quum causa causa
nexa rem ex se gignat", or, as we should say, fate
is the result of natural law in the physical world.
Cicero himself, however, says further on (ibid., II, 3,
par. 6), " What is the use of maintaining the existence
of Fate when, without Fate, an explanation of every-
thing may be found in Nature or Fortune? " '
The doctrine of fate held an important position in
the monistic system of the Stoics. Its universal ex-
istence was a logical consequence of their assumptions
with regard to the physical universe, for they recog-
nised nothing that was not ultimately reducible to
fl
FATHERS
794
matter and natural law. In their ethical system,
however, the problem of determinism presented
greater difficulties; for their favourite commandment,
of living according to nature, seemed to imply that
" men at some time are masters of their fates ", at least
as regards the shaping of their souls to that conformity
with Nature in which virtue was supposed to consist.
The Epicureans stoutly denied the existence of fate,
and the unaccountable "swerve" of the atoms, as
postulated by the founder of their sect, was intended
to preclude the law of necessity, not only in the case of
the human will, but even in the elementary move-
ments of primordial matter.
Fate in the Koran. — The idea of fate among or-
thodox Mohammedans is founded on the doctrine of
God's absolute decree, and of predestination both for
good and for evil. The prophet encouraged his fol-
lowers to fight without fear, and even with despera-
tion, by assuring them that no timidity or caution
could save their fives in battle or avert their inevitable
destiny. Disputes about this doctrine have given rise
to various sects among the Mohammedans, some ex-
plaining away and others denying the absolute nature
of the Divine Will. The Koran itself does not convey
the impression that Mohammed's own views on the
subject were either clear or consistent.
Buddhism. — Though Free Will is not entirely ig-
nored in Buddhism (q. v.), it is, at any rate, practi-
cally suppressed. According to this system, "Man
acts", says St-Hilaire, " during the whole of his life
under the weight, not precisely of fatality, but of an
incalculable series of former existences "(Tne Buddha
and his Religion, v, 126).
Materialism. — In the theory of those who provide
a purely materialistic explanation of the universe, and
maintain that the human will is just as much subject
to unchanging and necessary laws as are all other
phenomena, the universal sovereignty of fate is im-
plied in the absolute reign of physical law.
Catholic Teaching. — According to Catholic teach-
ing, Cod, who is the Author of the universe, has made
it subject to fixed and necessary laws, so that, where
our knowledge of these laws is complete, we are able to
predict physical events with certainty. Moreover,
God's absolute decree is irrevocable, but, as He cannot
will that which is evil, the abuse of free will is in no
case predetermined by Him. The physical accom-
paniments of the free act of the will, as well as its con-
sequences, are willed by Cod conditionally upon the
positing of the act itself, and all alike are the object of
His eternal foreknowledge. The nature of this fore-
knowledge is a matter still in dispute between the op-
posing schools of Bafiez and Molina. Hence, though
God knows from all eternity everything that is going
to happen, He does not will everything. Sin He does
not will in any sense; He only permits it. Certain
things He wills absolutely and others conditionally,
and His general supervision, whereby these decrees are
carried out, is called Divine Providence. As Cod is a
free agent, the order of nature is not necessary in the
sense that it could not have been otherwise than it is.
It is only necessary in so far as it works according to
definite uniform laws, and is predetermined by a de-
cree which, though absolute, was nevertheless free.
Moreover, in the case of miracles, Cod interferes
with the ordinary course of nature; and the supposi-
tion that, at certain periods of the world's evolution,
such, for instance, as when man first appeared on the
earth, there have been other providential interposi-
tions involving new departures in the world-process,
provides for certain facts in the region of organic life
an explanation not less scientific than the opposite
assumptions of the materialists. St. Thomas distin-
guishes fate from Providence, and calls it the order or
disposition of secondary causes according to which
they act in obedience to the First Cause.
It follows from what has been said that, in the
Catholic view, the idea of fate— St. Thomas dislikes
the word — must lack the note of absolute necessity,
since God's decrees are free, while it preserves the
character of relative necessity inasmuch as such de-
crees, when once passed, cannot be gainsaid. More-
over, God knows what is going to happen because it is
going to happen, and not vice versa. Hence the fu-
turity of an event is a logical, but not a physical, conse-
Suence of God's foreknowledge. See Free Will,
iod, Miracles, Providence.
St. Thomas, C. Q., Ill, xciii; Summa, Q. cxvi; Rickabt,
God and Hie Creatures (London, 1905), III, 03; Boddbb,
Natural Theology (London, 1801); Sbyfpskt. Did. of Clot*.
Antiq.,B. v. Motrai (London, 1006); The Koran, tr. (London,
1802); St-Hilairh, The Buddha and hie Religion, tr. (Lon-
don, 1805).
James Kendal.
Fathers, Apostolic. See Apostolic Fathers.
Fathers of Mercy, The. a congregation of mis-
sionary priests first established at Lyons, France, in
1808, and later at Paris, in 1814, and finally approved
by Pope Gregory XVI, 18 February, 1834. The
founder, Very Rev. Jean-Baptiste Rauzan, was born
at Bordeaux, 5 December, 1757, and died in Paris, 5
September, 1847. After completing his ecclesiastical
studies, he taught theology and sacred eloquence, and
later was chosen Vicar-General of Bordeaux. Here he
inaugurated a missionary movement to save the Faith
to France. On the recommendation of Cardinal
d'Aviau, Archbishop of Bordeaux, Cardinal Fesch,
Archbishop of Lyons, who was especially interested in
the project, invited Father Rauzan to Lyons, where,
in 1808, he gathered around him a number of zealous
and noted preachers. So effective was their preaching
in the Diocese of Troyes, that they won the favour of
Napoleon I, and received from the Government, unso-
licited, subsidies to defray the expenses of then* mis-
sions. This favour, however, was short-lived, for,
owing to Napoleon's quarrel with Pius VII, the society,
which was called the Missionaries of France, was sup-
pressed. In 1814, at the suggestion of Cardinal Fesch,
Father Rauzan rallied his co-labourers, adding others,
among whom were the young Vicar-General of Cham-
bery, de Forbin-Janson, afterwards Bishop of Nancy,
the Abb6s Frayssinous, who founded St. Stanislaus's
College and instructed the young missionaries in sacred
eloquence, Legris Duval, the St. Vincent de Paul of
his day, Le Vasseur, Bach, Caillau, Carboy, and others.
Starting with renewed zeal, the Missionaries of
France not only evangelized the cities of Orleans.
Poitiers, Tours, Kennes, Marseilles, Toulon, Paris, and
many other places, but established the works of St
Genevieve and the Association of the Ladies of Provi-
dence, who still exist in many parts of France, render-
ing valuable services to the pastors. Father Rauzan
founded the Congregation of the Sisters of St. Clotilde
for the education of young ladies. He was befriended
by the royal family, who not only assisted him finan-
cially, but gave him the celebrated Mount Valerian,
at that time the centre of piety, and later one of the
principal forts protecting tne capital.
In 1830 during the second Revolution the Mission-
aries of France were dispersed and exiled, and their
house in Paris sacked. Father Rauzan went to Rome,
where he received a paternal reception from Gregory
XVI, who encouraged and authorized him to found a
new society, to be known as the Fathers of Mercy. The
Brief of approbation, which also contains the constitu-
tions, was given 18 February, 1834, and on the 15th
of March of the same year a second Brief, affiliating
the new society to the Propaganda, and the former
Missionaries of France accepted these constitutions on
the 8th of December following. Among its members
have been such influential and eloquent preachers as
Mgr. Faillet, Bishop of Orleans, Mgr. Duquesnay,
Archbishop of Cambrai, Mgr. Bernadon, Archbishop
of Sens, who later became a cardinal The Fathers «
FATHERS
795
7ATHIBS
Mercy resumed their missionary labours in France,
only to meet again the disasters which befell all reli-
S'ous societies through the decree of expulsion in 1880.
owever, through the influence of their many friends
in Paris, and claiming the enforcement of the authori-
zation given to the society by Louis XVIII in 1816,
the Fathers of Mercy retained their mother-house in
Paris until the separation of Church and State in 1905,
when they moved to Belgium.
In 1839, at the suggestion of Bishop Hughes, of New
York, Mgr. Fo&m-Janson introduced the Fathers of
Mercy into the United States, their first field of labour
being in the Diocese of New Orleans. Bishop Potiers.
of Mobile, Alabama, then invited them to take charge of
Spring Hill College. Two years later, Fathers Latont
and Aubril were sent to look after -the increasing
French population in New York City, where the
Fathers of Mercy now have charge of the parishes of
St. Vincent de Paul, Manhattan, and of Our Lady of
Lourdes and St. Frances de Chantal, Brooklyn. They
also have a house of studies in Rome, houses in Bel-
gium, France, and other places. By a decree of Prop-
aganda (August, 1906), the Very Rev. Theophile
Wucher was named Vicar General of the Institute for
three years and took up his residence in New York.
In their activities the Fathers of Mercy embrace all
works of apostolic seal. One of their chief character-
istics is, that they must at all times consider them-
selves auxiliaries of the secular clergy, and in every
way conform to the will of the bishop m whose diocese
they may labour. The end and mode of life the con-
gregation imposes upon its members differs little from
that of every good secular priest.
James Donohue.
Fathers of the Christian Doctrine. See Bus,
Cesar de; Christian Doctrine, Confraternity of.
IX
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